National and RacialEthnic Identification: What It Means To Be American Among Early Adolescents

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JEAXXX10.1177/0272431615589348Journal of Early AdolescenceRodriguez et al.
Article
Journal of Early Adolescence
1–33
National and Racial- © The Author(s) 2015
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DOI: 10.1177/0272431615589348
What It Means to Be jea.sagepub.com
American Among Early

Adolescents
Victoria C. Rodriguez1, Cari Gillen-O’Neel2,

Rashmita S. Mistry1, Christia Spears Brown3,
Kirby A. Chow4, and Elizabeth S. White5
Abstract
This mixed-methods study explored early adolescents’ national American
identification, and meanings attached to being American. Participants
(N = 102; 51% female; ages 10-12, X = 11.45, SD = .70) were racially
and ethnically diverse from primarily middle- to upper-middle class families
(median household income = US$150,000-US$199,999; 75% had a college
degree or higher). Youth attended a private, secular elementary school with
practices designed to celebrate diversity. Participants associated Americans
with positive trait stereotypes, symbols (e.g., American flag), nativity status,
and particular racial-ethnic groups (e.g., White). Youth who self-identified as
American (n = 51) frequently asserted that being American, defined by their
birthplace and residence in the United States, was important. Results suggest
that early adolescence is an optimal developmental period to examine the
emergence of an American identity, and validate the benefits of using mixed
1University of California, Los Angeles, USA

2Macalester College, Saint Paul, MN, USA
3University of Kentucky, Lexington, USA
4Society for Research in Child Development, Washington, DC, USA
5Illinois State University, Normal, USA
Corresponding Author:
Victoria C. Rodriguez, Department of Education, University of California, Los Angeles, 3302A
Moore Hall, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1521, USA.
Email: vcrodrig@ucla.edu
Downloaded from jea.sagepub.com at UNIV OF TENNESSEE on June 4, 2016

2 Journal of Early Adolescence
methods in the study of youths’ national and racial-ethnic identification and

the accompanying meaning-making process.
Keywords
national identification, American identity, racial-ethnic identification, early
adolescence
The U.S. is often referred to as a cultural melting-pot—a nation of individuals

from different racial-ethnic groups who bring with them a variety of different
customs and cultural practices. However, the current sociopolitical landscape
serves as an important reminder of the ongoing tensions that exist in our
nation’s conceptualizations of what it means to be American. For example, how
we define what it means to be American and who fits within this definition are
at the center of current political debates about immigration reform and path-
ways to citizenship for undocumented immigrants in the United States. This
debate is exemplified by the Define American campaign, led by journalist and
undocumented immigrant Jose Antonio Vargas, who has called on Americans
across the United States to define what it means to be American beyond citizen-
ship (Vargas, 2012). As another example, the strong negative reactions to the
Miss America 2014 crowning of Nina Davuluri, an American of South Asian
descent, draws attention to the “perpetual foreigner” stereotype that many indi-
viduals of color, especially those of Asian and Latino backgrounds are forced
to confront within the U.S. context (Cheryan & Monin, 2005; Stapleton, 2013).
As the U.S. population has become more diverse in terms of racial-ethnic
and immigrant origin background, do ideas of what it means to be American
reflect this diversity? With about one fourth of our nation’s youth coming
from immigrant families (i.e., first and second generation) and rising rates of
immigration (Passel, 2011), exploring early adolescents’ emerging notions of
American identity is essential. Moreover, the demonstrated importance of
bicultural identity development (i.e., cohesive ethnic and national identities;
Marks, Godoy, & Garcia Coll, 2013; Rodriguez, Schwartz, & Whitbourne,
2010; Schwartz, Zamboanga, Rodriguez, & Wang, 2007) for better psycho-
logical adjustment (Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001) and aca-
demic outcomes (e.g., higher educational achievement; Portes & Schauffler,
1994) necessitates a better understanding of early adolescents’ racial-ethnic
and national American identification. In light of the benefits of having a
strong sense of both racial-ethnic and national identities (Phinney et al., 2001;
Portes & Schauffler, 1994; Rodriguez et al., 2010; Schwartz et al., 2007) and
demographic shifts in U.S. society which may challenge perceptions of what

Rodriguez et al. 3
it means to be American, a primary goal of the current study was to add to the
literature on national American identity development among early adoles-
cents of varying racial-ethnic and immigrant backgrounds using a mixed-
methods approach. As youth in the United States, especially those from
immigrant households, often hold multiple identities (e.g., Phinney et al.,
2001), emerging national American identities are complex. These youth are
culturally American in that they live and go to school in the United States, but
their American identities are likely to also be informed by their familial and
cultural heritage, including generational status and race/ethnicity.
Early Adolescence: Emerging National, Ethnic, and

Racial Identities
Conceptual Issues: Nationality, Ethnicity, and Race
Before delving into the literature on American identity in particular, the pres-
ent study’s focus on the American identification of early adolescents warrants
discussion of important conceptual issues, including nationality, ethnicity, and
race, as these terms often overlap. As this study was conducted among youth
in the United States, references to nationality throughout this article refer to
participants’ American national identification, and what it means to identify as
such. Phinney and colleagues (2001) assert that a national American identity
encompasses one’s self-identification as American as well as one’s attitudes
toward Americans and their sense of belonging to U.S. American society
(Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997). National identity often intersects with
ethnic and racial identities (Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997), but is more
complicated in the U.S. context given the size of the immigrant population and
related racial-ethnic diversity. In this study, we adopt the metaconstruct of
ethnic and racial identity (ERI; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Ethnic and racial
processes are closely intertwined in society, and are often conflated empiri-
cally in the way that researchers study these social identities. Racialized expe-
riences often elicit the development of ethnic identities (Pahl & Way, 2006),
and racial identities are commonly tied to ethnic and cultural practices (Cokley,
2005). As youths’ notions of race and ethnicity often reflect this overlap,
researchers caution against making distinctions between race and ethnicity
when working with children and adolescents (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014).
Emerging American Identities During Early Adolescence

Our study on national American identification focused on a sample of youth
during early adolescence (i.e., ages 10-14), the developmental period

during which children transition from middle childhood into adolescence.

Applying theories of personal identity development (e.g., Erikson, 1968;
Marcia, 1994), Phinney’s seminal work on the ethnic identity development
of youth (Phinney, 1992; Phinney et al., 2001) highlights early adolescence
as a critical developmental phase during which individuals are actively
exploring their identities, and establishing a sense of self and what it means
to be members of different social groups (American Psychological
Association [APA], 2002; Huang & Stormshak, 2011; Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2014). For example, during early and middle childhood (up to age 10),
children typically attach concrete, observable meanings to ethnic and racial
group membership, associating race and ethnicity with skin color (Quintana,
2008), biological factors (e.g., family heritage), or language and food pref-
erences (Rogers et al., 2012). In early adolescence, however, increasing
social and cognitive capacities, such as the advancement of social categori-
zation and comparison skills, allow youth to cultivate more comprehensive
and abstract understandings of ethnic and racial group membership (Aboud
& Ruble, 1987; Brown & Bigler, 2005; Quintana, 2008; Syed & Azmitia,
2008). In addition to concrete meanings (e.g., skin color, family heritage,
cultural practices), early adolescents increasingly ascribe personal and col-
lective meanings (e.g., a sense of belonging) to their emerging racial-ethnic
identities.
Although considerable work has examined ERI development among older
adolescents, less research is available regarding early adolescents’ sense of
national identity. Extant research among British youth has shown that chil-
dren are capable of applying nationality labels to themselves by age 5 (Barrett,
Lyons, & del Valle, 2004). The transition from middle childhood to early
adolescence, however, marks a time when nationality becomes increasingly
important (Barrett et al., 2004). Youth increasingly identify with and develop
a preference for their national in-group (e.g., associating it with positive ste-
reotypes; Barrett et al., 2004), a tendency that increases during adolescence
and adulthood.
In terms of national American identities in particular, researchers have
taken different approaches to studying the development of both national
American and racial-ethnic identities. For example, using the Acculturation
Rating Scale for Mexican Americans-II, researchers have examined the
bicultural orientations of Mexican-heritage and White undergraduate stu-
dents who differed by generational status (Cuéllar, Arnold, & Maldonado,
1995), and the bicultural identification patterns of Mexican American and
African American adolescents in high school (Phinney & Devich-Navarro,
1997). Recent studies have shed light on American identity among diverse
samples of college students by examining the relationships between national

Rodriguez et al. 5
American, ethnic, and personal identity (Rodriguez et al., 2010), and by

validating measures of American identity to be used among those varying in
ethnicity and immigrant generational status (Schwartz et al., 2012). In terms
of emerging American identities earlier in development, researchers have
studied European American children’s (5-11 years old) American identity
(“How American do you feel?”), and asked them to rate the extent to which
different criteria were benchmarks of being a “true American” (e.g., being
born in America, speaking English, etc.; Brown, 2011). Far fewer studies,
however, have explored national identification and the meanings associated
with being American among early adolescents from diverse racial-ethnic
and immigrant backgrounds. Because early adolescence is a time during
which youth are still actively developing and experimenting with their iden-
tities, the current study centers on their emerging identities as Americans
including self-identification and the subjective meanings associated with
being American.
Self-Identification as American: Labels and

Meanings
National and racial-ethnic identification labels convey specific meanings
regarding one’s country of birth, family heritage, cultural background, and
values, allowing individuals to characterize their own identities within soci-
ety (Gillen-O’Neel et al., 2015; Kiang, Perreira, & Fuligni, 2011). Children
develop an understanding of national and racial-ethnic identification labels in
early childhood and begin to attach nuanced meanings to those labels as they
move from middle childhood into adolescence and adulthood (Umaña-Taylor
et al., 2014). Self-identification through the use of labels is indicative of one’s
understandings of the social groups to which they belong, and is an important
aspect of social identity development among youth (Kiang, 2008; Kiang
et al., 2011).
Self-Identification Label Types

To understand early adolescents’ self-identification as American, we draw
upon the findings from previous research examining national and racial-ethnic
self-identification patterns among adults and older adolescents. Adults and
adolescents in the United States tend to self-identify using four main types of
labels: (a) ethnic labels (e.g., German, Vietnamese), (b) panethnic labels
(e.g., Asian, Latino/a), (c) ethnic American labels (e.g., German American,
Vietnamese American), and (d) panethnic-American labels (e.g., Asian
American, Latin American; Kiang, 2008; Kiang et al., 2011).

Research points to individual differences in the ways in which people self-

identify as American, based on immigrant status. Namely, U.S.-born adults
and adolescents are more likely than foreign-born adults and adolescents to
self-identify as American by using hyphenated American labels, including
both ethnic (e.g., Chinese American) and panethnic (e.g., Asian American)
American labels (Kiang, 2008; Kiang et al., 2011). Note that although these
labels are called “hyphenated American labels,” they may or may not include
a literal hyphen. In contrast, recent immigrants to the United States are less
likely to use any form of American when self-labeling; instead, foreign-born
adults and adolescents are more likely to employ ethnic (e.g., Chinese,
Mexican) or panethnic labels (e.g., Asian, Latino; Kiang et al., 2011). Our
study assessed whether early adolescents from native-born and immigrant
families similarly self-identify as American. Based on previous research, we
hypothesized that youth from immigrant families would be less likely than
their later generation peers to self-identify as American.
Self-Identification Labels and Subjective Meanings

The meanings that individuals attach to identification labels are an important
aspect of identity development among early adolescents (Gillen-O’Neel
et al., 2015; Kiang et al., 2011; Rogers et al., 2012). Thus, our study also
qualitatively examined the subjective meanings that early adolescents attach
to their self-identification as American. Although identification labels may
connote specific meanings in broader society (e.g., social status, personality
or physical traits, etc.), children and adolescents are still developing nuanced
understandings of what those identification labels mean (Rogers et al., 2012;
Ruble et al., 2004). Youth often associate self-identification labels with overt,
physical characteristics (e.g., skin color, eye color), as well as behavioral
characteristics (e.g., language) and abstract components (e.g., family heri-
tage) that are associated with particular social groups (Quintana, 1994).
During early adolescence, youth are actively engaged in this meaning-mak-
ing process as they begin to form their own social identities (Rogers et al.,
2012).
What It Means to Be American

Empirical evidence suggests that there are common themes when assessing
the meanings associated with Americans (Park-Taylor et al., 2008). For
example, European American children (Brown, 2011) and undergraduate stu-
dents of diverse racial-ethnic backgrounds (Devos & Banaji, 2005) frequently
indicated that, to be an American, one must love America and abide by its

Rodriguez et al. 7
laws. In rating the criteria for a “true American,” loving America and living
by its rules was rated significantly higher than speaking English, being born
in America, and living in America for a long time Brown, 2011; Devos &
Banaji, 2005). Research has also shown that among college students of dif-
fering ethnic backgrounds, being American is strongly linked to speaking
English, American symbols or emblems (e.g., American flag, bald eagle,
apple pie) and respecting U.S. holidays (e.g., Independence Day; Bush,
2005).
Beyond the themes discussed above, there is also some evidence that
being American is associated with a particular racial-ethnic heritage. For
example, in studies with both children and adults, White Americans were
rated as more prototypically American than those from other racial-ethnic
groups (e.g., African Americans, Asian Americans, Latino Americans;
Brown, 2011; Devos & Banaji, 2005), suggesting that the notion of American
may often be synonymous with being White. In contrast, when assessed qual-
itatively through open-ended prompts such as “When you think of the word
American, what characteristics or traits do you think of?” some undergradu-
ate students suggested that racial-ethnic diversity was an essential aspect of
being American considering the growing immigrant population and changing
demographics of the United States (Rodriguez et al., 2010).
Because previous research has indicated similarities between children’s
(Brown, 2011) and young adults’ (Bush, 2005; Devos & Banaji, 2005) beliefs
about Americans, we predicted that early adolescents’ spontaneous associa-
tions with the word “American” would yield similar results to previous stud-
ies (i.e., participants would mention things like symbols, holidays, speaking
English, and embracing American ideology). Given the racial-ethnic and
immigrant status diversity of our sample, we were especially interested in
whether our participants associated being American with any particular
racial-ethnic heritage. We qualitatively evaluated early adolescents’ notions
of what it means to be American in two ways. First, among all participants
who self-identified as American, we investigated the meanings that they per-
sonally associate with their national American identification. Second, we
asked all youth in our sample to describe their spontaneous associations upon
hearing the word “American” in general.
To supplement our qualitative findings and further understand early ado-
lescents’ conceptualizations of what it means to be American, we quantita-
tively assessed their stereotypic beliefs about Americans. Researchers have
documented that adults in the United States endorse both positive (e.g.,
assertive) and negative (e.g., disagreeable) stereotypes about Americans
(Terracciano et al., 2005). Still, young adults from multiple racial-ethnic
backgrounds (i.e., White/European American, African American and Asian

American) generally tend to be positive in their evaluations of Americans

(Devos & Banaji, 2005), although there is some research indicating slightly
less positive perceptions of Americans among African American and Latino
emerging adults (Rodriguez et al., 2010). Endorsement of positive stereo-
types about one’s national in-group may result from in-group bias as sug-
gested by social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 2004), or from exposure to
favorable information about their national group from an early age (Bennett,
Lyons, Sani, & Barrett, 1998). Considering these findings, we hypothesized
that early adolescents in our sample would similarly favor positive stereo-
types about Americans.
The Current Study

The primary research aims for the current study informed the concurrent
mixed-methods design (Mertens, 2010), with equal priority given to the
quantitative and qualitative data collected (Creswell, 2009). The central goal
of the current study was to understand early adolescents’ conceptions of what
it means to be American by addressing two research aims. The first aim was
to examine the extent to which a sample of early adolescents from diverse
racial-ethnic backgrounds, and of varying immigrant generational statuses,
self-identified as American. The study’s second aim was to investigate,
among early adolescents who identify as American, the meanings that they
personally associate with being American, and to more generally explore the
meanings associated with and stereotypic beliefs about Americans. Inclusion
of the meanings associated with and stereotypes about Americans in general
allowed us to ascertain conceptualizations of Americans across all partici-
pants (including those who did not spontaneously self-identify as American),
and afforded the opportunity to understand whether decontextualized asso-
ciations with Americans were different from or similar to the meanings that
early adolescents personally attach to being American.
Method
Research Site
The study was conducted at a secular private elementary school in Los
Angeles County, California. The school is tuition-based, with scholarships
available on a sliding scale to students whose families demonstrate financial
need (approximately 25% of the student body). This particular school was
chosen as the primary research site because of its commitment to diversity.
The school’s approach to celebrating diversity is essential when considering

Rodriguez et al. 9
the present study findings. The school’s mission states that it strives to pro-
vide a learning environment that honors diversity across multiple domains
including race, ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic status (SES), language, and
nationality. School programs are designed to create an environment where
students learn to value and respect the cultural heritage of their classmates.
Such school programs include a dual language (i.e., Spanish and English)
track, and regular opportunities for students to share their family’s racial-
ethnic heritage and cultural practices (e.g., inviting parents to share cultural
or religious celebrations such as Diwali or the Persian and Chinese New Year
with the classroom community). In addition to celebrating the diversity of all
students’ cultural backgrounds, the school also embodies school-wide prac-
tices designed to promote an appreciation of more global connections and
awareness. To illustrate, issues of social justice and diversity are integrated
throughout the curriculum, including a civil rights unit taught across multiple
grade levels that encourages students to write biographies about civil rights
leaders from around the world. Students in the early grades participate in a
self-discovery unit that involves exploration of the personal self through art
based projects about the self, including skin color, as well as the social self
through discussions about heritage. For example, each student’s family is
invited to participate in a “Family of the Week” activity in which parents and
grandparents are invited to come and discuss their families’ cultural practices
and heritage. In addition, each spring the school hosts a “Together in Music
and Dance” celebration wherein every class in the school performs a dance
celebrating a cultural community, in the United States and from around the
world.
Students at this school are of diverse racial-ethnic backgrounds (n =
450): 32% of students are European American, 23% Latin American, 10%
African American, 10% Asian American, 4% Native American, 18%
Multiethnic, and 3% Other. Parental education levels range from less than
a high school degree to professional degrees, with a majority of parents
(75%) report having a college degree or higher. The median household
income for students at this school is between US$150,000 and US$199,999
annually, with family household incomes ranging from less than US$10,000
to more than US$1,000,000. While school-level median household incomes
appear to be relatively high, Los Angeles County is 1 of the 10 most expen-
sive counties in the nation (DeSenne, 2013), and these figures are compa-
rable with median household incomes in nearby neighborhoods (range =
US$74,830-US$141,527; Zip Atlas, 2014). These family background charac-
teristics are important to bear in mind as the findings presented may be spe-
cific to a population of immigrant youth who come from well-educated and
financially well-off families.

Participants
The sample for the current study included 102 students (51% female) and
their parents. Signed parental consent and child verbal assent was obtained
for all participants. Students were in the upper elementary school grades (4th,
5th, and 6th) and ranged in age from 10.03 to 12.61 years ( X = 11.45, SD =
.70). Participant reports indicated a racially and ethnically diverse sample:
Multiracial (38%), European American (25%), Latin American (17%), Asian
American (8%), African American (3%), and Other (9%). Because only a few
participants themselves were foreign-born (n = 3), generational status was
classified based on parents’ birthplace: 51 youth had at least one parent who
was foreign-born (first and second generation), 38 youth had two parents
who were U.S.-born (third and fourth generation), and 13 adolescents did not
have enough information to classify their generational status (Table 1).
Procedures
The data presented here were collected as part of a larger study examining
early adolescents’ social identities. Students completed (a) a survey covering
topics such as self-concept and trait-stereotypic beliefs and (b) an open-ended
interview regarding racial-ethnic identification, family background, and
friendships. All measures were administered to participants individually in a
private room at the school. Participants responded orally to all open-ended
questions and completed survey items on their own. Interviews were audio-
recorded and transcribed by members of the research team. In all instances,
participants were asked social group identification questions first (i.e., How
would you describe yourself in terms of your race or ethnicity?), and then
open-ended questions about spontaneous associations with particular social
groups (e.g., Americans). Trait-stereotypic beliefs questions were adminis-
tered to participants in a latter portion of the interview protocol.
Measures
Self-identification of race, ethnicity, and nationality
Open-ended labels. The following prompt was presented to determine the

extent to which early adolescents identify as American:
Now, I’d like to know a little bit more about your ethnic group. In this country
people come from a lot of different places and there are many different words
to describe the different backgrounds, or ethnic groups that people come from.
So, when I say ethnic group or race, do you know what I mean by that?

Rodriguez et al. 11
Table 1. Sample Participants by Race/Ethnicity and Parental Birthplace.
Early adolescents
from immigrant Early adolescents from
familiesa native-born familiesa
Early adolescent’s First Second Third Fourth

race/ethnicity generation generation generation generation Total (%)
Multiracial 2 16 8 9 35 (39)
White or European 1 6 5 10 22 (25)
American
Latin American 0 12 1 1 14 (16)
Asian American 0 5 1 1 7 (8)
Black or African 0 2 0 1 3 (3)
American
Other 0 7 0 1 8 (9)
Total (%) 3 (3) 48 (54) 15 (17) 23 (26) N = 89
Note. Racial-ethnic backgrounds are based on participants’ responses to the open-ended

interview question which asked youth to describe their racial or ethnic group.
aSome early adolescents of foreign-born (3.9%) and U.S.-born (2.6%) parents could not be
categorized by race or ethnicity based on participant reports (e.g., participant self-identified as

Jewish, Christian, Atheist, or American only).
Researchers provided detailed explanations of the terms “ethnic group or

race,” and provided participants with examples to ensure that they under-
stood the prompt. Researchers then asked: How would you describe yourself
in terms of your ethnic group or race? Drawing upon previous research
regarding self-identification (Kiang, 2008; Kiang et al., 2011), two indepen-
dent coders documented all instances in which participants identified as
American (100% agreement). We also coded the different ways in which
youth self-identified as American (i.e., American and hyphenated American
self-identification labels; 92% agreement). Youth with multiple racial-ethnic
self-identification labels were asked: Is there one that is more important to
you than others? Two researchers independently coded their responses to
gauge the importance of American identity among youth (99% agreement).
What it means to be American: Subjective meanings and general conceptualizations
Meaning of labels: Focus on American label. After participants provided

self-identification labels, they were asked: What does it mean to be [insert
self-identification label]? The current study focused on participants whose self-
identification label(s) included the term American, either using the term on its own

(i.e., American) or in combination with a racial-ethnic label (e.g., hyphenated

American labels such as Korean American). To highlight the meanings that youth
attach to being American, we used an open-coding procedure and relied on previ-
ous research on American identity (Brown, 2011; Bush, 2005; Devos & Banaji,
2005; Rodriguez et al., 2010) to inform our coding scheme. Two researchers
independently coded participant responses and identified all relevant themes after
the final coding scheme was developed. We allowed coding for as many themes
as were present in participants’ responses. Two independent coders agreed on
93% of the codes, and resolved the remaining disagreements by consensus.
General perceptions of Americans: Spontaneous associations and trait stereotypes
Open-ended associations. Participants were asked, “What do you think of

when you hear the word/phrase “American”?” An open-coding procedure
was used (Strauss & Corbin, 1998), and previous research on American iden-
tity (e.g., Rodriguez et al., 2010) was used to develop the coding scheme. Two
researchers independently coded participant responses, identifying all relevant
themes. Themes were not applied exclusively; we coded for as many themes
as were present in participants’ responses. Two independent coders agreed on
87% of the codes and resolved the remaining disagreements by consensus.
Stereotypes about Americans. A trait-stereotypic beliefs measure, compara-

ble with the Multiresponse Racial Attitude measure (MRA; Doyle & Aboud,
1995) and the Preschool Racial Attitude Measure (PRAM II; Williams, Best,
Boswell, Mattson, & Graves, 1975), used in studies with school-age youth
and adolescents, measured youths’ stereotypes about Americans. The mea-
sure included 12 counterbalanced attributes: 6 positive (smart, hardwork-
ing, clean, good, honest, polite) and 6 negative (dumb, lazy, dirty, bad, liars,
rude). For each of the attributes, participants were asked to rate the state-
ment: How many Americans are [insert attribute]? Responses were based on
a Likert-type scale (1 = none to 5 = almost all). Consistent with prior studies
and based on results from exploratory factor analyses using principal axis
factoring with Promax rotations, two trait stereotype scores were created by
averaging responses for each of the positive (α = .79) and negative attributes
(α = .81), separately.
Results
Aim 1: Early Adolescents’ Self-Identification as American
A considerable number of participants (n = 51) described themselves as
American. Youth in this subsample identified as American in two distinct ways:

Rodriguez et al. 13
by using separated American labels (n = 29; i.e., American) and by using

hyphenated American labels (n = 16; for example, Mexican American, African
American, Korean American; Table 2). A few participants (n = 6) identified as
American using both label types (i.e., Korean American and also American).
We assessed group-related differences in the ways in which early adoles-
cents identified as American using chi-square analyses. Results indicated
racial-ethnic differences in the frequency of using an American label.
Compared with youth of European American descent, those from racial-eth-
nic minority backgrounds were more likely to use an American label, χ2(1, N =
102) = 4.21, p = .04. Whereas 58% of racial-ethnic minority youth self-iden-
tified as American, only 35% of European American youth did so. It is impor-
tant to note that youth who self-identified using the term American on its
own, and those who used a hyphenated American label were included within
this category.
There were no significant differences by generational status in the fre-
quency with which participants identified as American, χ2(1, N = 89) = 0.16,
p = .69. Youth from immigrant families were just as likely as youth from
native-born families to use an American label to identify their racial-ethnic
heritage. There was, however, a difference in the type of American label (i.e.,
hyphenated or separated American label) used by early adolescents depend-
ing on their generational status: χ2(1, N = 89) = 4.35, p = .04 (Table 2). Youth
from native-born families tended to use hyphenated American labels, whereas
youth from immigrant families frequently used separated American labels
(e.g., Latina and American).
Importance of an American and/or hyphenated American identity. Among early

adolescents who identified as American (n = 51), the importance of being
American did not differ by generational status, χ2(4, N = 51) = 5.02, p = .29,
or race/ethnicity, χ2(2, N = 51) = 2.26, p = .32. Many participants in this sub-
sample (47%) asserted that either their American or hyphenated American
(e.g., “African American”) identity was most important. A self-identified
Lebanese and American student said,
If I could I would go more with I think American because I just kind of feel a
little more comfortable cuz it’s a little bit harder to be Lebanese cuz you have
to learn this whole new language and you have to like get used to how it is like
there and I’m more used to America.
Another similarly asserted, “I might say that I was European if um, my

mom and dad were born in Europe, but I would say American because they’ve
been in this country for so long.”

14
Table 2. American Label Types: Early Adolescents From Immigrant Families Versus Early Adolescents From Native-Born Families.
Early adolescents Early adolescents

American label from immigrant from native-born
type Definition Example response families (n = 51) families (n = 38) Total (N = 89)
Hyphenated A label which combines the “I’m a mixture—I’m 11 (40.7%) 16a (59.3%) 27 (50.9%)
American term American with an ethnic African American
label or panethnic label and I’m Latina.”
Separated A label which includes the term “[I’m] Latino, and I’m 17 (65.4%) 9 (34.6%) 26 (49.1%)
American American used on its own to a little bit American
label identify where one lives and/ ’cause I was born
or where one was born here in California.”
None Participant did not 25 (49.0%) 17 (44.7%) 42 (47.2%)
use any variant of
American.
Note. The above table does not include the full sample, as information regarding generational status was not available for all participants. In addition,
youth who used both label types were counted in both categories (i.e., Hyphenated and Separated American label).

aChi-square analyses indicated a significant difference between early adolescents from immigrant families and early adolescents from native-born
families in the type of American label (i.e., Hyphenated or Separated American label) used, χ2(1, N = 89) = 4.35, p = .04.
Rodriguez et al. 15
Another cluster of participants (39%) who identified as American

expressed that no single part of their identity was most important. For some
in this category (65%), all aspects of identity were equally important in
describing their racial-ethnic heritage. A girl explained, “I’m both, Latina and
American. Because I’m not really one . . . I’m happy to be from two places
and not just one.” Others in this category (35%) stated that no aspect of their
identity was more important than others. One participant asserted, “I’m a
mixture- I’m African American and I’m Latina. I was born here which makes
me American too. [Is there one that you identify most strongly with?] No.”
The remaining participants who self-identified as American (14%) indi-
cated that some other aspect of their racial-ethnic and national identification
was most important. When asked about her self-identification, a 12-year-old
girl said, “I would call myself Hispanic . . . and American. [And which do you
see yourself more as?] Hispanic.” Early adolescents who acknowledged
another aspect of their racial-ethnic and national identification as most impor-
tant often described cultural practices (e.g., language, religion) as critical
components of their racial-ethnic group membership. While these youth
identified as American, other aspects of their emerging racial-ethnic identi-
ties were clearly more important.
Aim 2: What It Means to Be American Among Early

Adolescents
Our second research aim explored what it means to be American. First, we
focused on the subsample of early adolescents who self-identified as
American, and we examined what being American means to them. For this
section, we start by presenting results for youth who used a separated
American label to identify as American (n = 35), and then we present findings
for youth who identified as American using a hyphenated American label
(e.g., African American; n = 22). Participants (n = 6) who used both national
and hyphenated American labels were included in both sets of analyses.
Second, after focusing on the participants who identified as American, we
turned our attention to all participants’ spontaneous associations with and
stereotypes about Americans to shed light on what it means to be American
among early adolescents more generally.
Meanings for youth identifying as American (n = 35). Youth who used a sepa-
rated American label most often associated being American with (a) country
of birth or residence, (b) belonging/pride in American goodness, (c) personal-
ity traits related to American ideals, and (d) cultural behaviors (Table 3).

Table 3. What It Means to Be American Among Early Adolescents.
Meaning Definition Example response Total (n = 29)

Country of birth or To be from a “I live in the United 21 (72.4%)
residence country States and I was
born here.”
Belonging/pride Proud to be from “In the United States 8 (27.6%)
in American America, or to . . . we’re a good
goodness feel a sense of group of states and
belonging among . . . I feel good to
Americans be an American.”
Personality traits To exhibit particular “I like being like a 5 (17.2%)
related to traits; often free person.”
American ideals stereotypes linked
to American ideals
Cultural behaviors Engaging in cultural “I like American 4 (13.8%)
behaviors of the music I guess. Um.
United States I have an American
including speaking accent I guess
English, eating . . . I do American
American foods, sports. And I like
and possessions play American
things.”
Note. Because codes were not exclusively applied, percentages do not add to 100%.
Some were unable to articulate what it means to be American (i.e., “I don’t

know”; 14%).
Country of birth or residence. Participants in this category overwhelm-

ingly identified themselves as American because they were born and/or live
in the United States (e.g., “I live in the United States and I was born here”;
72%). Chi-square analyses revealed that attributing one’s identification as
American to country of birth or residence did not significantly differ accord-
ing to generational status, χ2(1, N = 31) = 0.04, p = .84, or race/ethnicity, χ2(1,
N = 34) = 0.99, p = .32.
Belonging/pride in American goodness. Several participants who identi-

fied as American indicated that being American triggered a sense of pride or
belonging (28%). Youth in this category declared that they were proud to be
American, or felt a sense of belonging among Americans (e.g., “ . . . to be
part of a country”). One participant who only identified herself as American
explained, “ . . . we’re a good group of states and . . . I feel good to be an

Rodriguez et al. 17
American.” Assessing group differences, children of U.S.- and foreign-born

parents were equally likely to discuss American pride, χ2(1, N = 31) = 1.78,
p = .18. In contrast, racial-ethnic minority youth were slightly more likely
than their European American peers to associate being American with a
sense of pride and belonging, χ2(1, N = 34) = 3.22, p = .07. While 44% of
racial-ethnic minority youth who identified as American expressed a sense of
American pride, no European American youth who identified as American
conveyed feelings of pride related to their American identity.
Personality traits related to American ideals. For some early adoles-

cents, being American was tied to specific traits (e.g., “everyone’s nice here,”
“strong and fair”; 17%). These traits were often linked to what researchers
have termed “American ideology” (Rodriguez et al., 2010). For example,
participants mentioned, “I like being like a free person,” and being American
meant, “ . . . to be free.” Responses related to specific traits and American ide-
ology were similarly mentioned regardless of participant generational status,
χ2(1, N = 31) = 0.05, p = .82, and race/ethnicity χ2(1, N = 34) = 1.80, p = .18.
Cultural behaviors. A few participants referenced cultural behaviors

when communicating their ideas about what it means to be American (e.g.,
“speaking English” and “eating American foods”; 14%). A 10-year-old boy
shared that being American involved “[doing] American things.” He said, “
. . . I like American music . . . I have an American accent . . . I do American
sports. And I like play American things . . . I just do some American things
. . . like soccer.” Of those who related specific cultural behaviors to being
American, all but one participant specifically mentioned speaking English
as an important aspect of being American. Chi-square analyses demonstrated
that links between being American and specific cultural behaviors did not
systematically differ as a function of generational status, χ2(1, N = 31) = 1.83,
p = .18, or race/ethnicity, χ2(1, N = 34) = 1.40, p = .18.
Meanings for youth identifying as American using a hyphen (n = 22). Of the

participants who used a hyphenated American label, two were not able to
communicate the meanings that they attached to their respective labels (e.g.,
“I don’t know”). All others associated their hyphenated American identities
with (a) family heritage, (b) pride/belonging, and (c) country of birth or
residence.
Family heritage. Most early adolescents communicated that their hyphen-

ated American identity was tied to family heritage (81%), regardless of
immigrant, χ2(1, N = 19) = 0.05, p = .83, or racial-ethnic background, χ2(1,

N = 22) = 0.73, p = .39. While these youth associated their hyphenated

American identities with concepts such as country of birth or residence,
their hyphenated American identity was largely connected to family heri-
tage, and the birthplace of family members (i.e., parents and/or grandparents’
birthplace(s)). When asked to describe what it means to be African American,
a girl stated, “Nothing really, that’s just the culture my father is from.” Another
participant similarly articulated, “I’m like Mexican American because my par-
ents were born here but my grandma was born from Chilala, Mexico and my
other grandma was also born in Mexico and my grandpa’s also Spaniard.”
Belonging/pride. A number of participants expressed a sense of pride, or

belonging among peers who share their hyphenated American identity (56%).
Youth responded with phrases such as, “I’m kind of proud of being Mexican
American,” or “I’m proud of it, because it’s like I’m also a Native American
princess, because my grandpa is a chief, so I’m proud of it. I like to learn
about my heritage because it’s like interesting.” Although these racial-ethnic
identification labels incorporate the term American (i.e., hyphenated Ameri-
can labels), the youth captured in this category expressed pride with regard to
their specific racial-ethnic backgrounds. This sense of pride or belonging was
not necessarily tied to their identification with the nation as a whole (i.e., all
Americans in the United States). Pride in one’s hyphenated American identity
did not systematically vary as a function of one’s generational status, χ2(1, N =
19) = 0.01, p = .91, or racial-ethnic background, χ2(1, N = 22) = 0.60, p = .44.
Country of birth or residence. Another common meaning attached to

hyphenated American identities, irrespective of immigrant status, χ2(1, N =
19) = 1.38, p = .24, or race/ethnicity, χ2(1, N = 22) = 1.83, p = .18, was country
of birth or residence (50%). Youth under this category communicated ideas
such as, “I just consider myself partially American because I was born here,”
or “Like, my parents are from Korea, but I was born here, so it just makes
me feel like I’m part of two groups.” These youth frequently associated their
hyphenated American identities with being born or living in the United States.
Early adolescents’ general perceptions of Americans
Associations with Americans in general. To further understand ideas about

what it means to be American among all early adolescents in our sample, we
assessed their spontaneous associations with and stereotypes about Ameri-
cans (i.e., What do you think of when you hear the word/phrase “Ameri-
can”?). Although a few participants could not articulate their spontaneous
associations with the word American (4%), a majority of the responses

Rodriguez et al. 19
converged around several common ideas. Youth most often associated Amer-
icans with (a) symbols/emblems, (b) country of birth or residence, (c) race/
ethnicity, (d) personality traits related to American ideals, (e) cultural behav-
iors, and (f) belonging/pride in American goodness (Table 4).
Symbols and emblems. Many of the study participants (48%) spontane-

ously associated the word American with specific symbols, emblems, places,
and historical events, regardless of generational status, χ2(1, N = 87) = 0.18,
p = .67, or racial-ethnic background, χ2(1, N = 100) = 0.34, p = .56. For
example, a boy who identified as White and Jewish with family from Russia
and Poland responded, “President. American Revolution. I can go on, and
on . . . Civil War. Valley Forge. Constitution. Declaration of Independence.
Liberty Bell. And Independence Hall in Philadelphia.” A number of partici-
pants also mentioned that hearing the word American, led them to think of
the American flag.
Country of birth or residence. Another common theme was country of

birth or residence (33%). This theme captured all responses that described
Americans as people who are born and/or live in the United States. A girl of
Mexican and Columbian heritage said, “[Americans are] people who were
born in America or have lived most of their lives in America.” Similarly, a
boy who identified as Spanish Armenian, European, and American stated,
“People who live in the United States are Americans. American citizens and
people [who] live in the United States.” Country of birth or residence was
similarly discussed among youth in our sample irrespective of race and eth-
nicity, χ2(1, N = 100) = 0.83, p = .36, and immigrant status, χ2(1, N = 87) =
2.08, p = .15.
Race/ethnicity and diversity. The third most common theme was race/

ethnicity (22%). Youth who expressed the belief that Americans are of a par-
ticular race or ethnicity were assigned this code. A multiracial girl, who iden-
tified as, “really mixed, Swedish, Polish, Cuban, Costa Rican and German,”
explained, “I think of White people probably. I think that’s it.” For a few youth
(3%), hearing the word American spurred thoughts about Native Americans,
“Well, actually that kind of makes me think of Native Americans compared
to present Americans like us.” Other participants (9%) expressed the idea that
Americans are people from many different racial, ethnic and cultural back-
grounds. A Mexican American child illustrated this belief about Americans,
“I just think of everybody from different backgrounds. I think of Japanese,
Mexican, African American. It’s not all like Caucasian and stuff. It’s mixed
around.” This theme was not significantly related to immigrant/generational

Table 4. Spontaneous Associations With Americans in General.
Meaning Definition Example response Total (n = 102)

Symbol/ Evoking symbols, “President. American 49 (48%)
emblems emblems, places, Revolution. I can go
and historical on, and on, and on . . .
events Civil War. Valley Forge.
Constitution. Declaration
of Independence.
Um, Liberty Bell. And
Independence Hall in
Philadelphia.”
Country of To be from a “To be from America and 34 (33.3%)
birth or country live in America.”
residence
Race/ethnicity To be of a certain “I think of White people 22 (21.6%)
race or ethnicity probably. I think that’s it.”
Personality To exhibit “ . . . like some of them are 21 (20.6%)
traits related particular trait bad people- they steal
to American characteristics; things and stuff but also a
ideals often related to lot of Americans are really
American ideology good people so it kind of
varies.”
Cultural Enjoying in cultural “ . . . eating hamburgers . . . 14 (13.7%)
behaviors behaviors of the English.”
United States
including speaking
English, eating
American foods,
and possessions
Diversity Americans come “I just think of everybody 9 (8.82%)
from many from different
different racial backgrounds. I think of
and cultural Japanese, Mexican, African
backgrounds American. It’s not all like
Caucasian and stuff. It’s
mixed around.”
Belonging/ Proud to be from “You get to make a lot 4 (3.9%)
pride in America, or to of friends and well I’m
American feel a sense of proud to be an American
goodness belonging among because we have a good
Americans country here. It’s strong
and it’s fair.”
Note. Because codes were not exclusively applied, percentages do not add to 100%.

Rodriguez et al. 21
status, χ2(1, N = 87) = 0.00, p = .99. However, associations between Ameri-

cans and race/ethnicity were marginally related to participants’ racial-ethnic
backgrounds, χ2(1, N = 100) = 3.44, p = .06. Whereas some racial-ethnic
minority youth in our sample (26%) explained that hearing the word “Ameri-
can” elicited thoughts of particular racial-ethnic groups, very few European
American youth (8%) communicated these ideas.
Personality traits related to American ideals. A number of participants

also described Americans as exhibiting particular traits or characteristics
(21%). Among these youth, most described positive traits (e.g., “proud . . .
freedom”; n = 8), often similar to what previous researchers have termed
“American ideology” (Rodriguez et al., 2010). Some early adolescents
described negative traits (e.g., “lazy . . . aren’t really focusing on some of
the bigger problems we have,” “think about material things”; n = 5). Oth-
ers identified Americans as exhibiting both positive and negative traits (n
= 5). A child who identified as Muslim, half Lebanese, and half American
articulated, “ . . . like some of them are bad people—they steal things and
stuff. But also a lot of Americans are really good people, so it kind of var-
ies.” Though youth did not commonly describe specific traits, those who
were assigned this code expressed that Americans exhibit either positive or
negative traits or both. Few early adolescents described neutral trait stereo-
types (e.g., “Average or normal”; n = 3). This theme was not significantly
related to generational status, χ2(1, N = 87) = 2.87, p = .09, or race/ethnicity,
χ2(1, N = 100) = 0.31, p = .58.
Cultural behaviors. Some participants communicated that being Ameri-

can means engaging in the cultural behaviors of the United States (e.g.,
“speaking English” and “eating American foods”; 14%). A youth who identi-
fied as Latina and American with parents from the United States. and Mex-
ico said that hearing the word “American” elicited thoughts about: “[being]
White, social, eating hamburgers, um . . . English.” Similar to other asso-
ciations with Americans in general, mentioning cultural behaviors was not
significantly related to one’s nativity status, χ2(1, N = 87) = 0.37, p = .54, or
racial-ethnic heritage, χ2(1, N = 100) = 0.84, p = .36.
Belonging/pride in American goodness. A few youth indicated that the

word “American,” elicited a sense of pride and belonging (4%). For example,
a boy who identified as half American and half Mexican, explained: “You get
to make a lot of friends and well I’m proud to be an American because we
have a good country here. It’s strong and it’s fair.” Feelings of pride were not
related to participants’ generational status, χ2(1, N = 87) = 0.06, p = .80, or

race/ethnicity, χ2(1, N = 100) = 0, p = .96.
Stereotypes about Americans. For our last analysis, we explored the extent to
which early adolescents endorsed positive and negative stereotypes about
Americans. We conducted a repeated-measures analysis of covariance
(ANCOVA) with one within-subject factor: the valence of the attribute
(positive and negative) and two covariates (participants’ gender and parent
education level), to control for factors other than race/ethnicity or genera-
tional status that may be associated with systematic differences in youths’
American stereotypes. Overall, participants associated more positive than
negative traits with Americans, t (98) = 10.70, p < .001. On average, youth
indicated that some to most ( X = 3.61, SD = 0.50, range = 2.33-5.00)
Americans exhibit positive attributes (i.e., smart, hardworking, clean, good,
honest, polite), while few to some ( X = 2.67, SD = 0.55, range = 1.50-
4.17) Americans embody negative attributes (i.e., dumb, lazy, dirty, bad,
liars, rude).
To examine whether early adolescents’ stereotypes of Americans vary as a
function of generational status and race or ethnicity, we conducted two sepa-
rate mixed-factorial ANCOVAs. The model investigating differences by gen-
erational status included one within-subject factor: the valence of the attribute
(positive and negative), one between-subject factor with two levels: youth
from immigrant families (i.e., at least one foreign-born parent) and youth
from native-born families (i.e., both parents were born in the United States),
and two covariates: participant’s gender and parent’s education level. The
model testing differences by racial-ethnic background included one within-
subject factor: the valence of the attribute (positive and negative), one
between-subject factor with two levels: youth from racial-ethnic minority
groups (i.e., Latino, Asian American, African American, other) and racial-
ethnic majority groups (i.e., European American), and two covariates: par-
ticipant’s gender and parent’s education level. Youths’ endorsement of
positive and negative stereotypes about Americans did not differ as a function
of racial-ethnic background, F(1, 99) = 1.079, p = .30, or generational status,
F(1, 87) = .926, p = .34.
Discussion
The aim of this mixed-methods study was to examine early adolescents’
racial-ethnic and national American identification and emerging notions
about what it means to be American. Our results replicated and extended
findings from previous studies on American identity which have included

Rodriguez et al. 23
samples of European American children (Brown, 2011), adolescents in high

school (Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997), and young adults in college
(Rodriguez et al., 2010; Schwartz et al., 2012). We also observed important
differences based on participants’ generational status and racial-ethnic back-
ground. These findings provide new insights on the emerging racial-ethnic
and national American identities of early adolescents from diverse racial-
ethnic and immigrant backgrounds.
Early Adolescents’ Self-Identification as American

Consistent with prior studies, the current study suggests that early adoles-
cents from racially and ethnically diverse backgrounds are thinking about the
multiple social groups to which they belong, particularly with regard to
nationality and race/ethnicity. These results have important implications for
bicultural identity development (i.e., cohesive national and racial-ethnic
identities), and may in turn have implications for well-being among youth, as
biculturalism is often linked to positive health and academic outcomes (e.g.,
Marks et al., 2013). Many of the youth in our sample spontaneously self-
identified as American while simultaneously invoking their racial-ethnic
heritage, suggesting that early adolescence is an ideal developmental period
to systematically examine the emergence of bicultural identities.
Differing patterns of American self-identification. Our results also revealed

important differences in the self-identification patterns of youth based on
sociodemographic characteristics. In our sample, early adolescents from
immigrant families were more likely to use separated American labels,
whereas youth from native-born families were more likely to use hyphenated
American labels. These results are somewhat consistent with previous
research demonstrating that immigrant youth and adults frequently use ethnic
heritage (e.g., Chinese, Mexican) or panethnic (e.g., Asian, Latino) labels,
whereas U.S.-born adolescents more often self-identify using hyphenated
American labels (e.g., Asian American, Mexican American; Kiang et al.,
2011). Our study provides a unique contribution to the literature by establish-
ing that youth from immigrant families do identify as American in addition to
identifying with other aspects of their racial-ethnic heritage. However, unlike
U.S.-born adolescents who tended to identify as American using hyphenated
American labels, youth of foreign-born parents seemed to distinguish being
American from other aspects of their racial-ethnic identification. Extending
the work of Kiang and her colleagues (2011), our findings suggest that invok-
ing hyphenated American labels (i.e., combining racial-ethnic and national
American identification labels) may be indicative of bicultural identification

(Berry, 2003) among later generation youth in our sample (i.e., third and
fourth generation). On the other hand, the distinct use of the term American
among youth from immigrant families (i.e., separating national identification
from racial-ethnic labels) may be an artifact of the immigrant experience
making one’s country of origin a more salient aspect of youths’ identities
(Kiang et al., 2011; Phinney, 2003). It is worth noting, however, that the
youth from immigrant families in our sample consisted primarily of immi-
grants from higher-SES backgrounds who attend a secular private school.
Thus, results may not be generalizable to all immigrants.
In addition to differences by generational status, we found that youth from
ethnic-minority backgrounds were more likely than their European American
peers to identify as American, and to associate their American identities with
a sense of American pride and belonging. Though European American youth
in our sample were less likely to spontaneously identify as American using
either the term American on its own or in combination with a racial-ethnic
label (i.e., hyphenated American label), this may be because they tended to
self-identify as White. Drawing on previous research demonstrating that
racial-ethnic identity is less salient among White adolescents (Charmaraman
& Grossman, 2008; French, Seidman, Allen, & Aber, 2000), European
American youth may identify as White instead of identifying with a particu-
lar ethnic group and/or being American, because they see themselves as the
norm. This is plausible given that European American participants in our
study were less likely than other youth to associate being American with race/
ethnicity (e.g., being White, Native American). Alternatively, it may be that
early adolescents from ethnic minority backgrounds differentiate between
what they think about Americans in general and what it means to personally
identify as American. In other words, their spontaneous associations with
Americans reflect their stereotypic beliefs about prototypical Americans
(e.g., symbols/emblems, race/ethnicity), whereas the personal meanings that
they attach to being American are related to being born in or living in the
U.S., and a sense of American pride. This result is similar to past research
which revealed that general beliefs about Americans were related to physical
or racial characteristics (e.g., White, blonde hair, blue eyes) and symbols
(e.g., McDonald’s, baseball, etc.), whereas personal beliefs about being
American were attributed to being born in the United States among White,
Black, and Latino emerging adults (Rodriguez et al., 2010). Our observation
of these differences in early adolescents’ conceptualizations of what it means
to be American, as a function of both generational status and racial-ethnic
heritage, are significant contributions to the study of American identity.
Perhaps being in a context which explicitly taught youth to value their own
cultural heritage, as well as the cultural heritage of others, provided improved

Rodriguez et al. 25
opportunities for youth from diverse racial-ethnic and immigrant back-

grounds to develop a positive sense of self in terms of both their racial-ethnic
and national identities. Amid the changing demographics in the United States,
it is important for researchers to understand how youth make sense of what it
means to be both American and members of their respective racial-ethnic
group(s) as this may help us understand how to better support the develop-
ment of positive social identities among early adolescents.
What It Means to Be American Among Early Adolescents

Overall, results from the present study point to early adolescence as an impor-
tant developmental period during which individuals are beginning to express
complex understandings about what it means to be American. In line with
previous research on the meanings attached to ethnic and racial identities
throughout development (Brown & Bigler, 2005; Gillen-O’Neel et al., 2015;
Quintana, 2008; Rogers et al., 2012; Syed & Azmitia, 2008; Umaña-Taylor et
al., 2014), the meanings attached to being American spanned both concrete
(e.g., speaking English, being born in the United States), and abstract mean-
ings (e.g., pride, personality traits/American ideology). Comparing their
beliefs about Americans in general and the personal meanings that they
attached to being American, there are some similarities and differences.
Country of birth or residence in the United States, pride, American ideology,
and cultural behaviors were similarly mentioned in terms of youths’ general
associations with Americans, and the personal meanings that they attached to
their identification as American. However, country of birth or residence in
the United States and a sense of American pride were mentioned more often
when they talked about the personal meanings that they attached to being
American. This finding is consistent with research among emerging adults in
college who indicated that being born and/or raised in the United States was
an essential part of being American (Rodriguez et al., 2010). As expected,
youth in this study also overwhelmingly endorsed positive stereotypes about
Americans. This replicated findings from previous research that demon-
strated that young adults tend to have favorable perceptions of Americans
(e.g., Devos & Banaji, 2005) often as a result of long-term exposure to posi-
tive stereotypes about their national in-group (Bennett et al., 1998).
Study Limitations, Strengths, Implications, and Future Directions

As with all research, it is important to acknowledge the limitations of the cur-
rent study. While this study was conducted in a diverse school setting with
students from a broad range of racial, ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds,

the findings are based on early adolescents living in a southern California

metropolis who are overwhelmingly second-generation immigrants or later.
Thus, our results regarding youth from immigrant families may not hold true
for youth who are foreign-born. First-generation youth who have spent less
time in the United States, and have more direct experience living and being
socialized in a country other than the United States, may not have identified
as American in the same ways as our current study participants did.
In addition to the youths’ generational status, a majority of the participants
in our study are from middle to upper-middle class families (i.e., high levels
of parental education and household incomes), potentially limiting the gener-
alizability of the study findings. While less research has investigated social
class differences in youths’ identification as American, some have found that
middle and upper-middle class African American and Mexican American
high school students adopt bicultural identification patterns which acknowl-
edge aspects of both racial-ethnic heritage and national American identities
(Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997). More recent work has also revealed that
social status is related to the identification patterns of multiracial adults—
those from working class backgrounds were more likely to adopt a singular
ethnic minority self-identification label, whereas those from middle class
backgrounds were more likely to identify as biracial (Townsend, Fryberg,
Wilkins, & Markus, 2012). A study among multiracial early adolescents
yielded similar results with more than one third of participants identifying
with all aspects of their racial-ethnic heritage (Gillen-O’Neel et al., 2015).
Given the multiracial backgrounds of many of the youth in our sample, per-
haps they were embracing similar patterns of identification that were inclu-
sive of all parts of their racial-ethnic and national American identification.
Despite limitations in the potential generalizability of our results, this
study has several strengths that help to advance understanding of early ado-
lescents’ emerging social identities. First, our sample of youth represent a
broad range of sociodemographic characteristics who attended a sociodemo-
graphically diverse school that actively promoted racial, ethnic, and cultural
diversity. Because the student diversity at this school mirrors the increasingly
diverse population of school-age youth in California, this is a particularly
interesting context to explore self-identification and what it means to be
American among early adolescents. Though similar to that of older adoles-
cents and emerging adults, the meanings that early adolescents attach to their
emerging American identities were beginning to reflect the idea that
Americans can come from a range of different racial, ethnic, and cultural
backgrounds. That these ideas about diversity are already surfacing among
such a young sample has implications for the importance of school settings,
which provide explicit support for students from all walks of life.

Rodriguez et al. 27
The school’s socialization practices around acceptance and celebrating eth-

nic diversity (e.g., explicit discussions about family heritage and cultural prac-
tices) likely influenced participants’ responses, and may have prompted youth to
feel positively about identifying with multiple parts of their identity (e.g., racial-
ethnic and American identities). A previous study among Mexican-heritage chil-
dren showed evidence of positive ethnic identities among immigrant youth in
schools and classrooms that valued their diverse backgrounds and allowed them
opportunities to discuss their cultural heritages (Brown & Chu, 2012). Further
research is warranted to understand how meaningful and relevant these various
cultural activities are to children in the school and how effective the school is in
their efforts to incorporate culturally responsive pedagogy. Some researchers
suggest that approaches to multicultural education (Banks, 1993) and culturally
relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 1995) can inadvertently encourage only
surface-level understandings of cultural differences and may potentially pro-
mote positive stereotypes about Americans. It is important that future research
systematically explores the role of schools and classrooms in the racial-ethnic
and national identity development of youth to more fully understand the devel-
opment of an American identity (Marks et al., 2013).
A second strength of the study was the use of a mixed-methods design.
While quantitative measures showed that youth were overwhelmingly posi-
tive toward Americans, qualitative measures revealed that these youth were
more neutral in their candid responses and personal attachments to being
American. Using qualitative methods allowed youth to spontaneously
describe their race and ethnicity in their own words, without imposing par-
ticular self-identification labels or meanings typically associated with racial-
ethnic and national identities. We found that being American is an important
aspect of early adolescents’ developing social identities. Even though they
were not prompted to discuss their nationality or birthplace, this was an
important aspect of their racial-ethnic identification, particularly among
those from ethnic minority backgrounds.
Results from this study also suggest a number of directions for future
research. First, because our sample of immigrant youth were primarily second-
generation immigrants, a critical next step is to investigate whether our find-
ings about early adolescents’ patterns of American identification hold true for
first-generation immigrants, and how this changes with the length of time in the
United States and across successive generations. Second, given that a number
of youth described Americans as being of racially and ethnically diverse back-
grounds, future research should extend the findings from existing research
(e.g., Devos & Banaji, 2005) to explore whether youth from diverse back-
grounds more readily associate being American with particular racial-ethnic
groups (e.g., White, or European American). To further understand

early adolescents’ stereotypes about Americans, future research should also

investigate whether stereotypes differ depending on the particular group of
Americans they are asked to rate. For example, youths’ stereotypic beliefs
about Americans may differ from their beliefs about Asian Americans, African
Americans, Mexican Americans or other racial-ethnic groups in the United
States. Finally, although the present study provides insight into emerging
American identities during early adolescence, longitudinal research is needed
to systematically investigate how these complex social identities develop over
time, as well as what predicts American identity development and how it relates
to other aspects of well-being for youth across a variety of domains (e.g., aca-
demic and psychosocial outcomes). Future research which examines early pre-
dictors of and outcomes associated with American identity may inform our
understandings about this complex process, and may have implications for how
we can best support positive identity development among youth learning to
navigate a social world in which they hold multiple social identities.
Conclusion
The findings from the current mixed-methods study suggest that early ado-
lescents from diverse racial-ethnic and immigrant backgrounds have budding
ideas of what it means to be American and an emerging sense of their own
American identity. This is a significant contribution to the literature on
American identity which has previously focused on perceptions about what it
means to be American among adults, older adolescents, and European
American children only (Brown, 2011; Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997;
Rodriguez et al., 2010; Schwartz et al., 2012). In line with previous research,
the youth in this study stated that being American invoked notions of nativity
status, cultural behaviors (e.g., speaking English), and a sense of American
pride. However, youth also demonstrated differences in how they self-identi-
fied as American—some opted for a separated American label over and above
their racial-ethnic label while others favored use of a hyphenated American
label which incorporated both their racial-ethnic and American self-identifi-
cation labels. That these results differed as a function of generational status
suggests that, in comparison with those from native families, forming an
American identity may be a distinct process for youth from immigrant fami-
lies. Moreover, our finding that racial-ethnic minority youth were signifi-
cantly more likely than their European American peers to self-identify as
American serves as an important reminder that the definition of what it means
to be American and who gets included in this group is a multifaceted and
constantly evolving concept. In efforts to reduce prejudice targeted at immi-
grants in the United States, broadening our definitions of what it means to be

Rodriguez et al. 29
American to be more inclusive of those from varying demographic back-

grounds is especially important (APA, 2002).
Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publi-
cation of this article.
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Rodriguez et al. 33
Author Biographies
Victoria C. Rodriguez, MA, is a doctoral student in education (Human Development
& Psychology Division) at the University of California, Los Angeles. Her research
interests center on youths’ social identity development, specifically as it relates to
race, ethnicity, nationality, and social class. She is also interested in understanding the
relationship between youths’ social identity and educational outcomes, particularly
among ethnic minority youth.
Cari Gillen-O’Neel, PhD, is assistant professor of psychology at Macalester College.
Her research focuses on how children develop their social identities and how they
come to understand the stereotypes or stigmas that may be associated with these iden-
tities. She is also interested in the role that social identities play in academic achieve-
ment and the factors that contribute to the academic success of children from aca-
demically stigmatized groups.
Rashmita S. Mistry, PhD, is associate professor of education (Human Development
& Psychology Division) at the University of California, Los Angeles. Her researches
focuses on understanding the consequences of family socioeconomic resources and
disadvantage (i.e., poverty) on children’s development, children’s reasoning about
socioeconomic stratification, and assessing the implications of school-level socioeco-
nomic diversity on teaching, learning, and children’s social development.
Christia Spears Brown, PhD, is an associate professor of psychology at the
University of Kentucky in the Children at Risk Research Cluster. Her research exam-
ines how children’s perceptions of discrimination and social identities influence their
academic outcomes and social development. Her work also examines children’s ste-
reotype development and their perceptions of social inequality and immigration.
Kirby A. Chow, PhD, is a Society for Research in Child Development/American
Association for the Advancement of Science (SRCD/AAAS) Policy Fellow. She
received her doctorate in Education (Human Development & Psychology Division) at
the University of California, Los Angeles. Her research interests are in the areas of
family homelessness and children’s educational outcomes, youth homelessness, chil-
dren’s reasoning about socioeconomic stratification, and human services policy.
Elizabeth S. White, PhD, is an assistant professor of child development in the
College of Education, School of Teaching and Learning, at Illinois State University.
Her research interests include children’s civic engagement and sense of social respon-
sibility, teacher practices in diverse classroom contexts, and children’s understanding
and experience of poverty and inequality.

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589348

American Among Early

Victoria C. Rodriguez1, Cari Gillen-O’Neel2,

1University of California, Los Angeles, USA

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methods in the study of youths’ national and racial-ethnic identification and

The U.S. is often referred to as a cultural melting-pot—a nation of individuals

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Early Adolescence: Emerging National, Ethnic, and

Emerging American Identities During Early Adolescence

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during which children transition from middle childhood into adolescence.

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American, ethnic, and personal identity (Rodriguez et al., 2010), and by

Self-Identification as American: Labels and

Self-Identification Label Types

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Research points to individual differences in the ways in which people self-

Self-Identification Labels and Subjective Meanings

What It Means to Be American

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American) generally tend to be positive in their evaluations of Americans

The Current Study

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Open-ended labels. The following prompt was presented to determine the

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Table 1. Sample Participants by Race/Ethnicity and Parental Birthplace.

Early adolescent’s First Second Third Fourth

Note. Racial-ethnic backgrounds are based on participants’ responses to the open-ended

categorized by race or ethnicity based on participant reports (e.g., participant self-identified as

Researchers provided detailed explanations of the terms “ethnic group or

What it means to be American: Subjective meanings and general conceptualizations

Meaning of labels: Focus on American label. After participants provided

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(i.e., American) or in combination with a racial-ethnic label (e.g., hyphenated

General perceptions of Americans: Spontaneous associations and trait stereotypes

Open-ended associations. Participants were asked, “What do you think of

Stereotypes about Americans. A trait-stereotypic beliefs measure, compara-

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by using separated American labels (n = 29; i.e., American) and by using

Importance of an American and/or hyphenated American identity. Among early

Another similarly asserted, “I might say that I was European if um, my

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Early adolescents Early adolescents

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Another cluster of participants (39%) who identified as American

Aim 2: What It Means to Be American Among Early

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Table 3. What It Means to Be American Among Early Adolescents.

Meaning Definition Example response Total (n = 29)

Some were unable to articulate what it means to be American (i.e., “I don’t

Country of birth or residence. Participants in this category overwhelm-

Belonging/pride in American goodness. Several participants who identi-

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American.” Assessing group differences, children of U.S.- and foreign-born