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Mapping Urban Change and Changing GIS: Other views of economic

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Gender, Place and Culture, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 281–289, 2002

VIEWPOINTS

Mapping Urban Change and Changing GIS:

other views of economic restructuring

MARIANNA E. PAVLOVSKAYA, Hunter College, City University of New York, USA

Introduction
For positivist researchers, geographic information systems (GIS) emerged in the 1990s as
a unique tool to further legitimize geography as a science and profession. Those on the
critical side tended to see GIS as a tool producing knowledge that supports the status
quo, including class, gender, and ‘race’ hierarchies. Alternatively, other geographers
considered GIS as a socially constructed technology and practice; they articulated a
range of positions for GIS and examined the relationship of GIS with and potential for
critical geographies (Sheppard, 1993; Pickles, 1995; Curry 1997; Harvey & Chrisman
1998; Harris & Weiner, 1998). Not only the software design, its production, and
hegemonic uses but the whole range of social and academic contexts in which it is or can
be used shapes the nature of GIS. As long as alternative uses exist and expand, GIS is
being transformed and ‘redescribed’ (Barnes, 2001). This transformation echoes earlier
redescription of quantitative methods by feminist geographers in the Focus issue, ‘Should
Women Count?’ of the Professional Geographer (Mattingly & Falconer-Al-Hindi, 1995;
McLafferty, 1995; Lawson, 1995) and, more generally, stems from feminist critiques of
science and critical considerations of the production of knowledge as a social practice.
This article discusses the use of GIS for an alternative analysis of the transition to
capitalism in Moscow, Russia in the 1990s. Following the argument for incorporating
quantitative methods into feminist research agendas (McLafferty, 1995), the article
illustrates how GIS can be part of a critical and feminist analysis of economic transition.
Such an approach helps to diversify the types of knowledge that can be produced with
GIS and, in the context of this research, also questions the sufŽ ciency of mainstream
representations of the transition in Russia.
It was expected that an aggressive privatization of housing, buildings, and urban
enterprises in Moscow in the early 1990s would end shortages of consumer goods and
services that plagued the state-controlled Soviet economy. The presumed expansion of
the underdeveloped tertiary sector would improve the daily lives of women speciŽ cally,
because shortages magniŽ ed the amount of domestic work typically performed by
women (Rimashevskaya et al., 1999). The tertiary sector in Moscow did grow after
privatization but it did not provide a market alternative to domestic tasks and it did not
lower the amount of domestic work (Pavlovskaya & Hanson, 2001). In this article, I

Correspondence: Marianna E. Pavlovskaya, Department of Geography, Hunter College, City University of New York,
New York, NY 21001, USA; e-mail: mpavlov@geo.hunter.cuny.edu

ISSN 0966-369 X print/ISSN 1360-052 4 online/02/030281-09 Ó 2002 Taylor & Francis Ltd 281
DOI 10.1080/096636902200000389 7
282 M. E. Pavlovskaya

demonstrate the use of GIS to create alternative representations of urban transformation

that reveal these otherwise invisible social changes.

Feminist Analysis, GIS, and Understanding Everyday Life

Linking urban restructuring to household experiences is difŽ cult within traditional
paradigms because they typically separate private and public spheres/spaces. Policies
of privatization, for example, are implemented in the public sphere/space and are
conceptually detached from the private spaces of households. Feminist geo-
graphers, however, have long emphasized the crucial connections between home
and work (McLafferty & Preston, 1991; Hanson & Pratt, 1995; Gibson-Graham,
1996; Kwan, 1999a). My research also links the transformation of public urban space
in Moscow to class and gender processes occurring within private spaces of house-
holds.
Transformation in Russia is unfolding at many geographic scales but its analyses
are typically dominated by macro-economic or national-level approaches. The every-
day lives of households, however, occur at the scale of small neighborhoods and
escape the conceptual lens of ‘macro’ approaches. Furthermore, many daily house-
hold activities are informal and non-monetized; they are not captured by statistical
data. My research shows that even in modern Moscow, households are embed-
ded in many economic activities or ‘multiple economies’ that include paid work,
informal work for cash, unpaid domestic labor, and constant help in kind, labor, and
cash from networks of extended family, relatives, friends, and neighbors (Pavlovskaya,
1998). Many of these informal economies and related class and gender processes are
fundamental for the daily functioning of households. But they escape adequate empirical
and theoretical consideration because most analyses of transition focus on the formal
economy.
Therefore, understanding daily experiences during the transition requires a shift in
focus toward households themselves, toward the micro-geographies of neighborhoods,
and toward qualitative interview methods that uncover the undertheorized social
processes. It is at these Ž ner analytical scales that we can reveal the trajectories of urban
change in relation to the daily lives of households. Based upon these considerations, a
small portion of downtown Moscow that underwent a rapid transformation after
privatization was selected as the study area. I used Ž ne-scale GIS data in combination
with in-depth interviews with households residing in this neighborhood to analyze this
transformation.
The use of GIS was fundamental for this project. First, analyzing urban change
at a Ž ne geographic scale and using detailed data sets would be technically impossible
without computer-based GIS. Second, GIS was used to map underprivileged eco-
nomic spaces and related elements of urban neighborhoods. Informed by feminist
and post-structuralist thought, this research task beneŽ ted very much from digital
data handling and the representational power of GIS. In other words, GIS was
employed simultaneously as a transformative mapping strategy and a technology capable
of handling data in speciŽ c ways. To discuss the implications of using GIS for
representing social phenomena and incorporating qualitative interview data into GIS, I
turned to the insights offered by feminist and post-structuralist critiques of science and
geography. The results of this fruitful combination of GIS and feminist theory are
illustrated below.
 Viewpoints 283

Independent Data and GIS

GIS might help to produce alternative knowledge if used with data sets speciŽ cally
created for a particular research project instead of using standard or commercially
available data (e.g. census and other statistical information). As feminist and post-struc-
turalist theorists have shown, production of all knowledge and information, including
standard data sets, is inherently biased and in uences research questions and outcomes
(also see the section on categories). In addition, these data sets rarely provide enough
detail for describing phenomena at neighborhood level. In the case of Moscow, such data
are not available at all. While creating data using independent Ž eld methods is a difŽ cult
and time-consuming task, integrating such data into a GIS represents another challenge.
As a commercial technology emerging from spatial analysis tradition, GIS is tailored to
work with the pre-made data sets and quantiŽ able information (Sheppard, 1993; Curry,
1995). In this research, I collected alternative data sets capable of representing detailed
urban change and interviewed local residents to construct their accounts of transition.
To map urban change, I integrated GIS data from three different sources. They
included a digital map of building footprints in the study area (donated by a mapping
company), a list of all urban establishments located there before privatization (manually
compiled using the 1989 telephone book) and a list of urban establishments after
privatization (1995 data donated in digital form by a telephone book publisher). Urban
establishments were mapped (linked to the digital map of the study area) based on their
street address and grouped by type using NAICS categories.[1] This customized GIS
database enabled me to map urban transformation at the building level and work with
very Ž ne classiŽ cations of establishments that, if needed, could then be aggregated into
broader categories or disaggregated to single establishments.
At the same time, using these data in a GIS presented serious conceptual and technical
problems. Telephone book directories and digital maps are not always reliable and
quickly become outdated, especially in the rapidly changing post-Soviet Moscow. Even
a large-scale digital map of the densely built downtown included many instances when
a single polygon represented several adjacent buildings and, consequently, was described
by several addresses. Each address often included more than one establishment. Thus,
the typical assumption of a one-to-one relationship between polygons, addresses, and
attributes was not possible and I had to develop special techniques for calculating and
displaying the number and types of urban establishments per location. Finally, the two
telephone books classiŽ ed their entries in different but equally inconsistent ways. These
problems required thorough ground-truthing and veriŽ cation. In the end, the data
reliably represented new urban trends and could be meaningfully compared with the
interview data.
I conducted 45 in-depth interviews with parents in 30 families with young children
(school grade from 1 to 3) [2] living in the study area and whose children attend nearby
schools. These households experience great pressure to raise income, do domestic work,
and take care of the children under very difŽ cult economic circumstances. Using a
grounded theory approach (Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Strauss, 1995; Miles & Huberman,
1994), respondents’ work histories, domestic chores, and their views of urban change
were analyzed and new theoretical frameworks were developed. In 2000, I conducted
follow-up telephone interviews with the selected households.
This qualitative methodology enabled me to construct a household perspective on
urban change and compare it to the results of the GIS analysis, to identify speciŽ c
categories of urban establishments that were important for household reproduction, and
284 M. E. Pavlovskaya

to develop a conceptual framework of multiple economies that I used to theorize class

and gender processes in transition. Finally, the interview data provided a basis for
mapping multiple economies in order to make visible their role during the transition.

Local Geographic Scale

As critical geographers have argued, the socially constructed nature of a ‘nested
hierarchy of spatial scales’ in uences the ways in which people understand the world and
change its realities (Harvey, 2000, p. 75; see also Herod, 1991; Smith, 1992; Cox, 1997;
Delaney & Leitner, 1997). Although national policies of transition to a market economy
triggered changes in people’s daily lives, the analyses conducted at national scale do not
capture local experiences of transition and the theorization of everyday life at this scale
remains inadequate. Choosing a local analytical scale, a methodological step congruent
with the feminist and post-structuralist epistemological position (Probyn, 1990) would
enable a researcher to introduce the mechanisms of daily household reproduction into
the scientiŽ c knowledge about transition. With households as the subjects of research
instead of regions, sectors of the economy, or ethnic groups, the neighborhood represents
not only the location where people make transportation decisions, choose daycare and
schools for their children, and do their daily shopping [3], but a valid scale of analysis
to examine the implications of economic transition for their lives.
Issues of scale are also related to the use of GIS for interactive data querying and
mapping social phenomena. GIS enhances our ability to create maps at different scales,
including detail-rich Ž ne-scale maps. Such maps would be very time-consuming (or
impossible) to create and analyze manually. The study area, for example, included over
a thousand buildings and thousands of urban establishments. After setting up the
database, I created dozens of maps depicting urban change in a relatively short time.
Furthermore, digital databases can be easily remapped, rescaled, and regraphed and thus
analyzed in a variety of ways. While such ease of data exploration has proven extremely
useful, the rhetorical power of GIS to produce visual images of places and processes in
the form of maps should not be underestimated (see Kwan and McLafferty in this issue).
GIS-produced maps give a persuasive advantage to the research that is concerned with
reconceptualizing the underrepresented social practices.

Questioning Standardized Categories

The need to problematize categories found in prevailing discourses and contained in
standardized data sets is at the core of feminist critiques of science and geography
(Haraway, 1989; Harding, 1990; Rose, 1993; Lawson, 1995; McLafferty, 1995). These
categories assume an objectivity that masks their socially constructed nature. Employing
‘scientiŽ c’ and visually powerful technologies such as GIS to analyze these data further
enhances this seeming objectivity (Kwan, 1999b; Hoeschele, 2000; Robbins & Maddock,
2000; St. Martin, 2001). The socially constructed categories structure our thinking about
the world and in uence both research questions and the results. Similar to how large
spatial units obscure Ž ne scale transformations pertinent to everyday life, the commonly
used categories of urban establishments (e.g. manufacturing, wholesale/retail, and
services) mask differences that might be prominent at the level of subcategories. In
addition, numerically prominent changes (that researchers often focus on) detected using
such categories might also hide changes that are important qualitatively.
 Viewpoints 285

In the case of my research in Moscow, I needed street-level data that would enable
me to identify those urban establishments that households regularly use (e.g. laundry, dry
cleaning, different types of food services and stores, etc.) Most statistical information on
Moscow, however, is organized by large city districts, and urban establishments are
aggregated into broad categories, the exact nature of which is often not clear. For
example, many new private sector urban establishments are classiŽ ed as ‘activities
supporting the market’ without any further differentiation between them (Gritsai, 1997a,
1997b). Thus, the spatial resolution of the statistical data and its broad inconsistent
classiŽ cation categories effectively obscure the complexities of urban change since
privatization.
Similarly, understanding the daily social and economic arrangements that underpin
households’ survival strategies requires looking beyond the standard data on household
income or unemployment. In today’s Moscow, households survive because of the
informal sources of income, increased inputs of labor into domestic economies, and help
from networks of extended family, friends, and neighbors. Not described by statistics and
theories, these informal economies effectively do not exist in the eyes of scholars and
policy-makers. To address this problem, I developed a theoretical framework of multiple
economies of the daily lives of Moscow residents (Pavlovskaya, 1998) and attempted to
reveal the presence of these economies by creating maps. By articulating these new
categories I hope to include informal and non-monetized economies into discourses and
policies of transition.

Mapping as a Transformative Practice

Embedded in different social practices and epistemological traditions, mapping fulŽ lls
different tasks, from very conservative to liberating. Its role in supporting hierarchies and
productions of hegemonic knowledge has been exposed by feminist and post-structuralist
critics of science, colonialism, and cartographic practice (Harley, 1988; Godlewska &
Smith, 1994; Rocheleau, 1995; Edney, 1997; Lewis, 1998; Sparke, 1998). Although most
critiques have been directed at manual cartography for selective and oppressive represen-
tations of people, places, and social processes, they also apply to GIS-based mapping. At
the same time, mapping has been increasingly used to construct alternative representa-
tions. While my research intended to map urban change in a non-hegemonic way, I felt
that without drawing on knowledge of households, my maps of urban establishments,
however detailed and localized, would remain an artifact of the data collection proce-
dures, mapping techniques, and my conceptual categorizing. Stepping beyond construct-
ing a researcher’s vision of a place (Deutsche, 1991) necessitated the inclusion of the
respondents’ visions of urban change, constructed with regard to their work histories,
domestic responsibilities, and speciŽ c uses of urban establishments before and after
privatization. Not surprisingly, the subjects’ perspective on urban change differed
signiŽ cantly from what GIS analysis alone could suggest.

Mapping Urban Change

Mapping change in urban establishments conŽ rmed that privatization indeed triggered
an enormous growth overall, with the largest growth in the tertiary sector (wholesale/re-
tail, services, and FIRE [4]). At Ž rst glance, this growth signiŽ es a successful transform-
ation to a post-industrial, service-based, capitalist economy (Gritsai, 1997c; O’Loughlin
et al., 1997; Vendina, 1997), which should also provide a market alternative to
286 M. E. Pavlovskaya

domestic work and eliminate shortages of consumer goods beneŽ ting Moscow house-
holds. But does this growing tertiary sector indeed respond to the daily needs of
households?
A focus on the Ž ner categories of urban establishments combined with the interview
data creates a different vision of the evolving tertiary sector [5]. The respondents, for
example, reported that they do not use any of the rapidly growing retail stores, travel
agencies, Ž nancial, professional, and business support services because they are too
expensive or irrelevant to their daily lives. Instead, many residents purchased cheaper
food and clothes away from their neighborhoods at food markets and goods markets (i.e.
 ea markets); some opted for making clothes and Ž xing shoes at home, and many use
their extended family networks to get food from the countryside. In addition, mapping
the services that directly support households (laundry and dry cleaning, food and repair
services, health and childcare institutions) shows that they have not become more
accessible; these services, useful to households with children, did not expand despite their
past shortages. As a result, the private service sector has grown dramatically but the
production of goods and services within households has also grown, which, in turn,
affects women in terms of domestic labor and their position in the labor market. These
overlooked contradictions of the transition to capitalism can be revealed and articulated
based on feminist perspectives and alternative methodologies in conjunction with GIS.

Mapping Multiple Economies

Mapping the informal and non-monetized economies in order to make them visible is
another transformative moment in GIS practice. Using the interview data, I identiŽ ed a
speciŽ c combination of multiple economies in each household, including the formal and
the informal, and monetized and non-monetized economies. Then, at each household
location, I showed the number and type of economies relevant to that household (see Fig.
1 as an example). While the mapping technique itself is traditional in a cartographic
sense, these maps are innovative in their content. Mapping multiple economies in this
case is similar to the process of discursive construction: one cannot ignore economies and
economic spaces that are now visible, even if they are not described by standard statistics.
Using GIS for mapping these unprivileged economies constitutes a moment of transform-
ation of the technology itself and it suddenly becomes a tool for creating alternative
knowledges and subverting the status quo.

Conclusion
This article addressed the research opportunities that arise from combining feminist and
post-structuralist methodologies with GIS technology using an example of recent re-
search on urban transformation in Moscow. Previously, such opportunities were hard to
imagine due to the perceived epistemological incongruencies between feminism/post-
structuralism and GIS. GIS, however, is neither a neutral computer-based technology
nor a given tool for positivist and conservative agendas. Instead, similar to computers
themselves, GIS and other information technologies can be seen ‘as “things” that
materialize for people as diverse social practices and that may vary as much as the
contexts in which they are used’ (Valentine & Holloway, 2001, p. 75).
Incorporating critical, feminist and post-structuralist thought with GIS involves asking
non-traditional research questions and assembling data that can address these questions.
In the case of urban change in Moscow, this approach produced Ž ndings about the
 Viewpoints 287

FIG. 1. Multiple economies at household locations in 1995.

effects of privatization that differed from those derived using standard analytical
techniques. Indeed, GIS is a useful tool that can be employed within non-positivist
epistemologies.

Acknowledgements
I thank Kevin St. Martin, Mei-Po Kwan, and the reviewers for their comments on the
earlier draft of this article.

NOTES
[1] NAICS is the North American Industry ClassiŽ cation System, which is a 1997 revision of SIC (Standard
Industrial ClassiŽ cation).
[2] The fact that interviews took place in respondents’ homes greatly facilitated the communication between
myself and the respondents (see Elwood & Martin [2000] for a discussion of the implications of interview
locations).
[3] In Moscow, a city the size of New York, most people use public transportation for commuting and walk
around their neighborhoods to visit stores and childcare-related establishments.
288 M. E. Pavlovskaya

[4] FIRE stands for Ž nances, insurance, and real estate classiŽ cation categories of SIC and NAICS.
[5] See Pavlovskaya & Hanson [2001] for detailed analysis.

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