Reimund Leicht

The Reception of Astrology in Medieval Ashkenazi Culture

The various contexts in which astrological knowledge found its way into
Ashkenazi Jewish culture are identified, in an attempt to understand
how these contexts influenced the study of astrology and shaped the
associated modes of literary activity. A number of astrological doctrines
gained a permanent place in the rabbinic batei midrash and yeshivot,
where they played an important though ancillary function in the
traditional curriculum. There were also tendencies to accord astrology
a place as a socially approved practice, as documented in liturgical
manuscripts and calendar texts. Finally, from the twelfth century on
there was an increasing trend of separate literary works devoted to
scientific and para-scientific issues. Although these works often appear
in a mystical or esoteric guise, astrological concepts were among the
most important issues discussed. It remains significant, however, that
none of these historical phenomena in medieval Ashkenazi culture
generated a systematic study of astrology or produced full expositions
of astrology as an independent branch of human knowledge.
 Reimund Leicht

The Reception of Astrology in

Medieval Ashkenazi Culture*

Throughout history, astrology was one of the most influential systems

of human knowledge. Most people believed in the influence of the
stars on events in the sublunary world and were deeply convinced
that human beings can predict future events through the observation
and interpretation of the movements of the stars. They thought it was
possible to avoid dangers and to choose propitious moments for certain
actions. Some people even assumed that the celestial influences could be
exploited for magical and medical purposes. But none of this was easy.
Astrologers spent enormous intellectual energy on developing detailed
doctrines to synthesize their professional experience and ensure
the reliability of astrology. From its ancient beginnings to the most
sophisticated elaborations in the Middle Ages, astrology developed
a constantly growing and ever-more complex system of professional
knowledge. The ignorant were never good astrologers.
Judaism was no exception in this respect. Literary and archaeological
evidence shows that Jews generally believed in the reliability of

* This paper is dedicated to Ruth Glasner, as a token of deep gratitude for the constant
support, encouragement, and advice she has given me, as well as innumerable other
students and colleagues.

© Al e p h 1 3 . 2 (2 0 1 3 ) p p . 2 0 1 - 2 3 4 201

astrological predictions no less than other people did; many of them
acquired the knowledge that was necessary to practice it.1 Astrology
was part and parcel of Jewish culture in medieval Europe. But what
kind of knowledge of astrology reached medieval Ashkenaz? Were
Ashkenazi Jews proficient astrologers? Was astrology important to
them? Although there is abundant evidence for the practice of astrology
among medieval Ashkenazi Jews, we would not get very far by
identifying all the different sources from which we learn that Ashkenazi
Jews possessed some kind of astrological knowledge. The results of
such an analysis are predictable: We would soon come to the conclusion
that Jews in medieval France and Germany had a certain notion of
astrology, but that in this field of knowledge—as in so many others,
apart from talmudic learning—scientific education in Ashkenaz lagged
behind that of their coreligionists in Spain and the Orient. The bottom
line would probably be that Ashkenazi Judaism was an astrology-
practicing culture but produced rather bad astrologers.
This argument, however, would not do justice to the specific
character of Jewish culture in northern and western Europe in the
eleventh to fourteenth centuries. Accordingly, I would like to suggest
a different approach here. Although we can state that almost every
medieval Jew had certain knowledge of astrology, not all of them were
versed in astrology as an independent science. In other words, I will
try to show that there were different types of astrology in the Jewish
Middle Ages, and that their reception in medieval Ashkenaz was a
complex and manifold process that can be properly understood only
if we take into consideration the cultural contexts that conditioned,
stimulated, or hampered its development.2
Within traditional Jewish culture, knowledge of almost any kind
that went beyond the boundaries of religious law (halakhah) was
transmitted within the framework of rabbinic aggadah. In the Orient,
the literary differentiation of aggadah into separate branches of literature
started in the Geonic period, under the influence of Islamic sciences.3
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Reimund Leicht
Ashkenazi Jews, by contrast, were reluctant to adjust themselves to
such new developments. In Ashkenazi Judaism, there was no systematic
emancipation of different branches of science from talmudic learning.
It would be mistaken, however, to argue that medieval Ashkenazi Jews
simply were insufficiently interested in nonrabbinic, “secular” sciences
and consequently did not discover the concept of independent sciences,
because this would lead us to a circular argument: It would mean
that medieval Ashkenazi Jews were not interested in specific sciences
because they did not consider them to be fields of study independent
of talmudic learning; but also that they did not consider them to be
1 For the role of astrology in Jewish culture in general, see, for example, Alexander
Altmann, “Astrology,” Encyclopaedia Judaica 3:788–95; Ron Barkai, “L’astrologie
juive médiévale: aspects théorétiques et pratiques,” Le Moyen Age 93 (1987): 323–48;
Jacques Halbronn, Le Monde juif et l’astrologie. Histoire d’un vieux couple (Milan:
Archè, 1985); Kocku von Stuckrad, Das Ringen um die Astrologie. Jüdische und
christliche Beiträge zum antiken Zeitverständnis (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter,
2000); Reimund Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
astrologischen Literatur der Juden (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006); idem, “Towards
a History of Hebrew Astrological Literature: A Bibliographical Survey,” in Gad
Freudenthal, ed., Science in Medieval Jewish Cultures (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2012), pp. 255–291.
2 In order to avoid misunderstandings, I would like to stress that by distinguishing
knowledge of astrology from the science of astrology, I do not intend to investigate the
philosophical discussions about the scientific status of astrology and the dichotomy
of demonstrative and empirical sciences. What I want to do here is to discuss the
reception of astrology in medieval Ashkenaz from the perspective of the cultural
history of knowledge.
3 On the process of differentiation in the literary production of medieval Judaism, see
Joseph Dan, The Esoteric Theology of Ashkenazi Hasidism (Hebrew) (Jerusalem:
Mossad Bialik, 1968), pp. 9–13.
203

independent branches of science because they were not sufficiently
interested in them.
Moreover, the category of a “lack of interest” in a specific science
as a reason for the absence of an independent development of different
branches of sciences is insufficient. Astrology is a case in point. There
can be little doubt that Jews in medieval Ashkenaz were in fact very
much interested in astrology, and, as we shall see, to an increasing
degree as time passed. They also had some access to scientific
astrological literature. Nevertheless, they did not develop astrology
as an independent science, and, accordingly, did not write astrological
literature in the strict sense of the word. This tension is the crux
interpretationis of the history of the reception of astrology in Jewish
culture in medieval Ashkenaz.
The present paper does not pretend to provide ultimate answers
to why Spanish Jews adopted and developed a complex system
of independent sciences—among them astrology—whereas their
Ashkenazi brethren did not. On the other hand, we would also fall
short of our target if we simply reassemble the disiecta membra of
astrological teachings in literary sources from medieval northern and
western Europe—whether with the apologetic intention of showing
that Ashkenazi Jews did have a kind of astrological science, or with
the critical perspective of stressing the Ashkenazi backwardness in
comparison to their contemporaries in Spain. What we will do instead
is to describe and analyze the modes of reception of astrology in Jewish
culture in medieval Ashkenaz and try to carry out a case study of the
reception of a branch of human knowledge that did not develop into an
independent science, although Jews in medieval Germany and France
were quite interested in it.
Accordingly, in the following pages I will first attempt to locate
different contexts where astrological knowledge found its way into
Ashkenazi Jewish culture. Then I will try to understand how these
contexts influenced the study of astrology and how they shaped the
Reimund Leicht
associated modes of literary production. Our investigations will show
that a number of astrological doctrines gained a permanent place
in the rabbinic batei midrash and yeshivot, where they fulfilled an
important though ancillary function in the traditional curriculum. In
addition, we will observe that there were tendencies to give astrology
a regular place as a socially approved practice, as documented in
liturgical manuscripts and calendar texts. Finally, we will see that from
the twelfth century on there was an increasing tendency to dedicate
separate literary works to scientific and para-scientific issues. Although
these works often appear in a mystical or esoteric guise, it will become
clear that astrological concepts were among the most important issues
discussed there. It remains quite significant, however, that none of
these historical phenomena generated a systematic study of astrology
or produced full expositions of astrology as an independent branch of
human knowledge. In other words, despite the numerous attempts by
Ashkenazi Jews to give astrology a more comprehensive treatment, it
never gained the status of an independent science in medieval Jewish
culture in Ashkenaz.
Astrology in Medieval Ashkenazi Yeshivot
It might sound surprising, but astrology was taught in medieval
Ashkenazi yeshivot, for the simple reason that some basic knowledge
of astrological tenets is indispensable for the study of the rabbinic texts
that were part of the traditional curriculum.4 The Talmud, the backbone
of institutionalized Jewish learning in Ashkenaz in the High Middle
4 For a general survey of the curricula of the Jewish yeshivot, see Mordechai Breuer,
Oholei Torah (Tents of Torah). The Yeshiva, Its Structure and History (Hebrew)
(Jerusalem: Shazar Center, 2003), pp. 83–165.
205

Ages, contains passages that require at least a minimal familiarity
with certain astrological concepts. I have dealt with talmudic texts
about astrology in greater detail elsewhere;5 here I need only mention
that between the end of the second century and the fourth century
CE—i.e., the period when the fixed Jewish calendar was developed6—
we find unambiguous expressions of high esteem for the study of the
calendar and astronomy.7 The borders between calendric computations,
astronomy, and astrology, however, were notoriously fuzzy, and the
Talmud repeatedly slides from calendar issues to astrology.
An example is the tacit transition from questions related to calendar
reckoning to astrology that can be observed in the field of planetary
astrology: Theoretically, it would have been possible to designate the
days and hours simply by ordinal numbers, as is customary today (yom
riʾšon, šaʿah šeš, etc.). Quite surprisingly, though, many sources indicate
that the rabbis preferred to adopt the system of planetary rulers for the
days of the week and for the hours of each day (Sun-day, Mon-day
etc.). Although the origin of this “planetary week” remains covered
in darkness,8 there can be little doubt that this system was adopted by
Jews at a very early stage.9 And this paved the way for the adoption of
certain astrological practices.
One of the first pieces of evidence for this can be found in a passage
in the Babylonian Talmud (B Eruvin 56a), where the amora Samuel
expounds astronomical theories about the tequfot and the length of
the solar year, and this provides a brilliant occasion to slip into the
field of astrology. After presentation of the astronomical issues, the
redactors of the sugya inserted a dictum of Samuel’s dealing with
astro-meteorological predictions that the occurrence of the tequfot
(the equinoxes and solstices) in the hour of Jupiter will produce strong
winds (the vernal equinox in the month of Nisan) or hot winds (the
winter solstice in the month of Tevet).10
In a slightly later period we find that the concept of the solar
cycle of 28 years and the association of the hours of the tequfot with
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Reimund Leicht
5 Reimund Leicht, “The Planets, the Jews and the Beginnings of ‘Jewish Astrology’,” in
Sh. Shaked, G. Bohak, and Y. Harari, eds., Continuity and Innovation in the History
of Magic (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2011), pp. 271–288.
6 On the development of the Jewish calendar, see: Adolf Schwarz, Der jüdische
Kalender historisch und astronomisch untersucht (Breslau: Schletter, 1872); Ludwig
Basnizki, Der jüdische Kalender. Entstehung und Aufbau (Frankfurt am Main,
Jüdischer Verlag, 1998 [1938]); Sacha Stern, Calendar and Community. A History
of the Jewish Calendar, Second Century BCE–Tenth Century CE (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2001); Elisheva Carlebach, Palaces of Time: Jewish Calendar and
Culture in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011).
7 This was the case with Bar Qappara, a tanna of the fifth generation, who is reported
to have said that “everyone who knows how to calculate the tequfot and mazzalot
and does not calculate [them]—of him Scripture says (Isa. 5:12): ‘they do not regard
the deeds of the Lord, or see the work of his hands’” (B Shabbat 75a). Other
versions of the same dictum circulated in the name of Rav, a Babylonian amora of
the first generation (“Whoever knows how to calculate the tequfot and mazzalot and
does not calculate [them]—it is forbidden to converse with him” (ibid.); and of R.
Yohanan, a Palestinian amora of the second generation (“How do we know that it is a
commandment for man to calculate the tequfot and mazzalot? Because it is said [Deut
4:6]: ‘Keep them and do them; for that will be your wisdom and your understanding
in the sight of the peoples’—this means: the calculation of tequfot and mazzalot”
(ibid.). As I have shown elsewhere, in this and most other talmudic texts mazzalot
means the “planetary rulers” of the days and the hours; see Leicht, “The Planets, the
Jews and the Beginnings of ‘Jewish Astrology.’”
8 See Franz Boll, s.v. “Hebdomas,” Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft, vol. 14 (Munich: Decker, 1912), cols. 2547–2578, in col.
2556. See also: A. Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque (Paris: E. Leroux, 1899),
pp. 476–486; Wilhelm Gundel, Sternglaube, Sternreligion und Sternorakel, 2nd ed.
(Heidelberg: Quelle & Meyer, 1959), pp. 104–110.
9 It has been repeatedly argued that the whole system of planetary rulers of the
days and hours must have Jewish origins, but this remains highly hypothetical.
See Salomon Gandz, “The Origin of the Planetary Week or the Planetary Week in
207

the astrological concept of ruling planets appears even in halakhic
discussions. According to a baraita in B Berakhot 59b, “Our rabbis
taught: He who sees the sun in its tequfah, the moon in its strength,
and the stars in their paths and the mazzalot in their order says: Blessed
be He, Who made the creation.” In all likelihood the saying originally
meant only that one is obliged to recite a benediction when one sees the
sun on the days of the equinoxes and solstices, the full moon, the stars,
and the mazzalot. This, the talmudic redactors may have observed,
could happen quite often, so the subsequent discussion tries to limit
the practice to much rarer occasions. “When does this happen?” (‫ואימת‬
‫)הוי‬, they ask, and give an answer based on a dictum of a Babylonian
amora of the fourth generation (ca. 280–339 CE): “Abbaye said: Every
28 years, when the cycle repeats itself and the tequfah of Nisan falls in
[the hour of] Saturn on Tuesday evening before Wednesday morning.”
Here the planetary rulers of the hours and days are of immediate
halakhic relevance.
The most important rabbinic text about astrology is the discussion
(B Shabbat 156) of Israel’s subordination to the mazzal.11 This sugya
begins with a long quotation from a pinqas attributed to R. Joshua ben
Levi, a Palestinian amora of the first generation, which contains simple
genethlialogical prognostications based on the day of the week on
which a person was born. The prognostications are interspersed with
discussions and interpretations attributed to later amoraim, including
R. Ashi and R. Naḥ man Bar Isaac.
Additional evidence of planetary astrology from the same period of
time is preserved in B Shabbat 129b, which deals with several issues related
to bloodletting. Here again, Samuel proves to be a competent astrologer:
“Samuel said: Bloodletting [should be done] on Sunday, Wednesday, and
Friday. […] Why not Tuesday? Because Mars rules an even-numbered
hour. But on Friday, too, it rules an even-numbered hour?! Seeing that
the majority of the people are in the habit of doing it [on Friday, we
say:]—‘The Lord preserves the simple-minded’ (Ps. 116:6).”
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This brief (and incomplete) survey of talmudic texts shows that,
starting from halakhic questions such as calendar reckoning, the
Talmud found various ways to incorporate elements of astrology.
As a consequence, astrology became part and parcel of the cultural
world of the yeshivot. Because most of the talmudic sugyot do not
explain the underlying astrological doctrines, students of these texts
must rely on commentaries and explanations. So it is no surprise that
Rashi, the Ashkenazi Talmud commentator par excellence, provides
all the astrological background needed to understand the allusions
to astrological teachings in the Talmud. His commentaries on these
passages (B Berakhot 59b, Shabbat 129b and 156, and others) evince
a perfect competence in the theories connected with the planetary
rulers of hours and days. The most remarkable commentary, however,
may be that on B Eruvin 56a, where Rashi adds that the system of
planetary rulers has been explained in detail in Shabbetai Donnolo’s
Sefer Ḥ aḵ moni.12 This statement is important for two reasons. First,
it is probably the earliest evidence for the Ashkenazi reception of
Hebrew Literature,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 18
(1948/49): 213–254.
10 “… and Samuel said: There is no tequfah of Nisan that falls in [the hour of] Jupiter
and does not fell the trees, and there is no tequfah of Tevet that falls in [the hour of]
Jupiter that does not dry the seeds” (B Eruvin 56a).
11 For discussions of this passage, see Kocku von Stuckrad, Das Ringen um die
Astrologie. Jüdische und christliche Beiträge zum antiken Zeitverständnis (Berlin
and New York: De Gruyter, 2000), pp. 460–480; Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, pp.
90–94; Gregg Gardner, “Astrology in the Talmud: An Analysis of Bavli Shabbat
156,” in Eduard Iricinschi and Holger Zellenthin, eds., Heresy and Identity in Late
Antiquity (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), pp. 314–338.
12 “… and R. Shabbetai Datlo [sic!] the physician, blessed be the memory of the just,
explained very well in his Sefer Ḥ aḵ moni why the stars are ordered in this way.”
209

Donnolo’s scientific works. Second, it is striking that Rashi does not
base his explanation of a rabbinic text on an oral tradition, but on an
“external,” scientific source, a text written by the “physician” (‫)רופא‬
Shabbetai Donnolo. As early as Rashi’s time, then, the study of Talmud
led—even if only occasionally—to the reception of non-talmudic
scientific literature on astrology. On the other hand, there is no
evidence that Rashi’s astrological interests ever went beyond his duty
as a faithful commentator on the text. Teaching astrology was there, but
for Rashi it fulfilled only an ancillary function.
Although the study of the Talmud was undoubtedly the backbone
of Jewish learning in medieval Germany and France, the enormous
volume of biblical commentaries written during this period provides
ample evidence that the study of Scripture, too, assumed an important
place in them. One might expect that the Bible would provide fewer
opportunities to slip into astrology than the Talmud does, but in fact
the opposite is true. There are numerous places where explanation of
the sacred text triggered the insertion of astrological issues. It would
lead us too far afield to offer a full discussion of medieval Ashkenazi
Bible commentaries with references to astrological issues, but a few
examples may be in order to afford a glimpse into the sources for
medieval Ashkenazi Bible commentators’ astrological knowledge.
To start with Rashi once again, we find him displaying his familiarity
with Hebrew texts on astrology in his Bible commentary, too. Writing
on Isaiah 9:13, he refers the reader to the Baraita di-Shemuʾel (although
he may in fact have drawn his information from Shabbetai Donnolo’s
commentary on that work) for basic information on astronomical
issues.13
More explicit and greater details on astrological issues are provided
by Rashi’s student-colleague Joseph Qara,14 who inserted lengthy
astronomical/astrological explanations from the Baraita di-Shemuʾel,
the Baraita de-Mazzalot, and Donnolo’s Sefer Ḥ aḵ moni in his
commentary on Job (9:9; 26:7, 13, 14 (end); 37:9; and 38:31–32).15 What
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distinguishes Qara’s approach from Rashi’s is that Qara’s commentary
goes far beyond a simple explanation of the literal meaning of the text.
His exegetical duty served him rather as an “excuse” to expound certain
astronomical/astrological doctrines that he obviously considered
important enough to be made public. Much more than Rashi, Qara
seems to have been interested in “scientific” issues for their own sake,
although he too did not dare leave the traditional framework of Bible
commentaries.
A similar phenomenon can be observed in the works of the
twelfth-century commentator Joseph Bekhor Shor of Orléans.16 In
his commentary on Genesis 2:2, he uses the astrological theory of the
planetary rulers to explain an exegetical difficulty in this verse, which
states that God completed the creation on the seventh day, although He
obviously rested on that day.17 To settle this apparent contradiction,
13 “ … and in the Baraita di-Shemu’el we have found that there are ruling mazzalot in
the firmament, and these are their names. … ”
14 On Joseph Qara’s biography and his relations with Rashi, see Avraham Grossman,
The Early Sages of France (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2001), pp. 254–261.
15 For a detailed discussion of these passages, see Moshe Arend, Rabbi Joseph Qara’s
Commentary on Job (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Mossad ha-Rav Kook, 1988), pp. 133–144.
16 See E. E. Urbach, The Tosaphists: Their History, Writing and Methods (Hebrew), 5th
ed. (Jerusalem: Mossad Bialik, 1986), pp. 132–142.
17 Bekhor Shor on Gen. 2:2 (ed. Yehoshafat Nevo [Jerusalem: Mossad ha-Rav Kook,
1994], pp. 8–9):
“‫ שהרי כל זמן שלא נעשה יום השביעי‬,‫ בריאת יום השביעי כילה מעשיו‬:‫ויכל אלהים ביום השביעי” כלומר‬
‫ וכל אחד בא על משמרת‬,‫ שהימים סידר הקב”ה על שבעת ככבים והם שצ”ם חנכ”ל‬,‫לא כילה סדר בראשית‬
‫ ומסמנינן על‬,‫ חל”ם כצנ”ש בימים‬,‫ כדאמרינן במסכת שבת כצנ”ש חל”ם בלילות‬,‫תחילת יום ותחלת לילה‬
‫ כוכב תחילת הלילות וחמה תחילת‬:‫ כלומר‬,”‫ ועל זה מודים כל החכמים זה “כי היא היתה אם כל חי‬,‫הימים‬
,’‫ כוכב בתלת ליל־א‬.‫ וכל אחד עשה משמרתו בתחילת־היום ובתחילת־הלילה כשנגברו ז’ הימים‬,‫וכל האומות‬
‫ שבתאי בראש ליל ד‬,’‫ נוגה בתחילת ליל־ג’ ובתחילת יום ו‬,’‫ צדק בתחילת־ליל־ב ובתחלת יום־ה‬,’‫’ובראש יום ד‬
211

Bekhor Shor asserts that the planets complete their “service” in a
weekly cycle, and bases this explanation on the same astrological theory
that was endorsed by the talmudic sages. This piece of astrological lore
obviously was so close to Bekhor Shor’s mind that he freely employed
it in order to solve an intricate exegetical problem.
It should also be noted that Bekhor Shor was one of the first
Ashkenazi authors to display a closer familiarity with Abraham Bar
Ḥ iyya’s Sefer Megillat ha-megalleh. Bar Ḥ iyya’s book contains an
entire chapter on mundane astrology.18 Bekhor Shor refers to it in his
commentary on Exodus 1:21,19 where he quotes a messianic calculation
(it is also mentioned in Bekhor Shor’s commentary on Deuteronomy
28:63).20 Bekhor Shor can thus be seen as an example of the tendency
among Jewish scholars in the Ashkenazi tradition to give astrological
issues more space in their thought and their writings, without trying to
transcend the literary boundaries of scholastic commentary-traditions.
Practical Astrology in Liturgical Manuscripts and
Calendar Texts (Sifrei ʿEvronot)
Astrology of a slightly different kind can be found in Ashkenazi
calendar treatises (sifrei ʿevronot) and liturgical manuscripts.21 The
history of the literary genre of calendar treatises has yet to be written.
The fact, however, that independent works were written on this subject
indicates that the intricate problems of calendar reckoning generated
a new and separate specific branch of knowledge within rabbinic
learning. There was no good place for calendar reckoning in the other
educational categories so it had to be given its own literary genre. As a
result, calendar treatises were either copied independently or added to
liturgical manuscripts. Their main subject was, of course, mathematical
and astronomical, but they are relevant for our purpose, because they
often contain appendices with astrological texts, too.
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Reimund Leicht
For example, two of the earliest manuscripts of the so-called
Maḥ zor Vitry contain calendar appendices with collections of practical
astrological texts, such as weather prognostications for the moladot,
lists of planetary rulers of the hours and days, astrological dream
interpretations, and little treatises on the astrological interpretation
’‫ מאדים בראש ליל ז‬,’‫ ובראש יום ב‬,’‫ לבנה בראש ליל ו‬,’‫ חמה בראש ליל ה’ ובראש יום־א‬,’‫ובתחילת יום־ז‬
‫ ואחר‬,‫ ופעם אחת ביום‬,‫ פעם אחת בראש לילה‬,‫ובראש יום־ג’; נמצא בסוף שבעת ימים עשו כולם משמרתם‬
,‫ ולפיכך ז’ הימים הוי השבוע‬,‫ וחוזרין לעולם חלילה‬,‫ וחמה לראש־היום‬,‫ לכוכב בראש הלילה‬,‫כך חוזרין לראש‬
‫ וכל זמן שלא כילו משמרתם פעם אחד ביום ופעם אחד בלילה לא‬,‫שאז כילו משמרתם וחוזרין לעולם לראש‬
‫ ולכך נאמר “ויכל‬,‫ אלא כשנעשה יום השביעי אז כילה סדר בראשית וכילו המשמרות‬,‫כילה סדר בראשית‬
‫ כמו‬,‫ כי זה ממילא בא‬,‫ ואין זו מלאכה‬,‫ בביאת יום השביעי אז כילו סדר המשמרות‬:‫ כלומר‬,”‫ביום השביעי‬
‫ משל לאדם שבונה ביתו ונוטע אילן לסתום אחד מן‬,‫ ואין זה מלאכה‬,‫שגדלים האילנות והעשבים דרך הילוכם‬
‫ וגידול־האילן‬,‫ וכל זמן שלא גדל האילן אין הבית נגמר‬,‫ ובשעת הנטיעה האילן קטן ודק אינו סותם‬,‫הכתלים‬
‫גומר הבית בלא מעשה ובלא מלאכה‬.
18 See Adolf Poznanski and Julius Guttmann, eds. Sefer Megillat ha-Megalle von
Abraham bar Chija (Berlin: Itzkowski, 1924), pp. xxii–xxiii. The references given
there are partly incorrect.
19 Bekhor Shor on Ex. 1:21: ‫וראיתי בדברי החכם צ”ח [צאחב אלשורטה] כי ראו אצטגניני פרעה כי‬
‫ וסברו להפוך על ישראל‬,‫( עם מצרים עתידים לטבוע כמו שעשו בים‬ed. Nevo, p. 98 - footnote).
Y. Nevo, the editor of the commentary, considers this to be a later gloss, as did Y.
Gellis, Sefer Tosafot Hashalem. Commentary on the Bible (Jerusalem: Mifal Tosafot
Hashalem, 1982ff.), 6:30 (Hebrew). In view of Bekhor Shor’s second quotation from
this book, however, this is not necessarily the case.
20 Bekhor Shor on Deut 28:63: ‫ ומשם‬,‫ולפי מניין הגלות יבא משיח בשנת ה’ אלפים קי”ח לבריאת־עולם‬
‫ ושבת־עולם יכנס בין שני קיצין‬.‫ יהיה בשנת ה’ אלפים קס”ג‬,‫למ”ה [שנים] שיכבש העולם תחת יד ישראל‬
‫ שפירש כי מה שאמרו רבותינו‬,‫הללו לפי דבריו צח והשרט הוא המנוח ר’ אברהם בר חייא מברזלונא זצ”ל‬
‫ בדכתיב “כי אלף שנים בעיניך ביום אתמול כי יעבור‬,‫ ליומו של הקב”ה‬,‫ הם ו’ ימים‬,‫שיתא אלפי שני הוי עלמא‬
‫ הרי אלף שנים יומו של הקב”ה‬,”‫ואשמורה בלילה‬. (ed. Nevo, pp. 374–375).
21 For the following discussion see Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, pp. 109–119.
22 For a more detailed description of the astrological material in MS Sassoon 535 (now
213

of thunder and earthquakes.22 A liturgical manuscript from late
thirteenth-century Germany contains an even more extensive collection
of astrological and divinatory texts.23 The most fascinating example is
perhaps an independently transmitted calendar treatise, entitled Sod
ha-ʿibbur, written around 1300, which preserves about a dozen short
astrological texts at its end.24
In spite of these important early examples of the inclusion of
practical astrological texts in liturgical manuscripts, there are strikingly
few examples of this practice in late medieval Germany and France.
Only in Italy, in the fourteenth and fifteenth century, did collections
of astrological texts become a standard component of prayerbooks
(maḥ zorim and siddurim), although a comparison of these manuscripts
reveals that these texts were heavily dependent on earlier Ashkenazi
traditions.25 In later medieval Germany, separate calendar treatises
(sifrei ʿevronot) regularly contained a rather standardized collection
of practical astrologumena. These calendar handbooks seem to have
become the main literary medium for the transmission of practical
astrology.26
In contrast to the reception of astrology in the scholastic
commentary literature, the appearance of short texts of popular
astrology in liturgical manuscripts and calendar handbooks was not
inspired by exegetical considerations but prompted by practical needs.
Both liturgical manuscripts and calendar handbooks fulfilled practical
functions in the life of Jewish communities, not scholastic purposes. It
is interesting to note that most of the popular astrology texts included
in liturgical and calendar manuscripts are well attested in fragments
found in the Cairo Geniza. This means that they were of oriental—
many presumably Palestinian—origin and are much more ancient than
their first attestation in the Ashkenazi context might indicate.27 On the
other hand, because there is no evidence that astrological texts were
ever appended to liturgical or calendar manuscripts in the East, we
can assume that the creation of this literary form for the transmission
214
Reimund Leicht
of practical astrology was an Ashkenazi innovation. Through these
channels, a domesticated form of practical astrology, based on much
older, inherited traditions, became an integral part of the daily life of
medieval Ashkenazi communities.
Astrology in Jewish Theoretical and Esoteric Literature
In addition to the two previous contexts for the reception of astrology,
medieval Ashkenazi Judaism also created several independent literary
forms for transmitting knowledge outside the scholastic tradition. As
mentioned above, it would be unfair to say that talmudic-era Judaism
shunned astrology, but we possess no evidence that the rabbis ever
devoted systematic treatises to astrology. In the East, this seems to
have changed during the first centuries after the Arabic conquest. Here
we should mention the Pirqe de-Rabbi Eliezer, which—in spite of its
being a midrash—contain three extensive chapters (6–8) dealing with
astronomy and several astrological topics.28 The dating of the text,
which was well known to many Ashkenazi Jews, has been a matter of
Klagsbald) and Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Opp. 59 (Neubauer 1100), see ibid., p.
111.
23 See the description of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Mich. 569 (Neubauer 1098) in
ibid., pp. 112–113.
24 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Or. oct. 352 (Steinschneider 221), fols. 25b–28a; see ibid.,
pp. 115–116.
25 See ibid., pp. 119–130.
26 See ibid., pp. 139–147.
27 See ibid., pp. 116–118.
28 See ibid., pp. 82–89.
29 Moritz Steinschneider, Die Mathematik bei den Juden (Hildesheim: Olms, 1964
215

debate, but Moritz Steinschneider justly pointed out that the scientific
digressions in a midrashic work are an indication that the teaching of
astrology could not continue earlier traditions but “crept” into Jewish
theological works in a period when astrology had long become an
independent science in the Arabic schools.29
Two other important texts were the Baraita di-Shemuʾel and the
Baraita de-Mazzalot.30 The earlier of the two is undoubtedly the
Baraita di-Shemuʾel, first printed in the nineteenth century from
a single, defective manuscript that is now lost.31 Little can be said
about the actual diffusion of this highly enigmatic text, which owes its
survival in the Middle Ages to Shabbetai Donnolo’s commentary on
it,32 and its occasional confusion with the later Baraita de-Mazzalot by
later authors.33 The latter text, assigned this name by its modern editor
only, may be by Shabbetai Donnolo,34 although this remains doubtful
and recent studies suggest that it could well be the work of some other
anonymous Jewish author of the second half of the first millennium.
Parts of it were translated into Latin no later than the end of the tenth
century.35
In any case, when the Jewish physician Shabbetai Donnolo wrote
his scientific works in southern Italy in the tenth century,36 he already
had access to a number of Jewish works on astrology and kindred
matters. Donnolo’s own works, most importantly his commentary
on Sefer Yeṣ irah37 and his largely lost commentary on the Baraita
di-Shemuʾel, are replete with digressions on astrology. They are thus to
be seen as one of the timid beginnings of the Jewish scientific literature
accessible to Jews in medieval Ashkenaz and as one of the main
inspirations for the later attempts to create a broader scientific literature
in medieval Ashkenaz.
Lastly, mention should also be made in this context of Sefer
Yeṣ irah,38 which is not an astrological book but contains sufficient
material to trigger an interest in astrology39—and it in fact did so in
numerous commentaries on it.40 Because it was well known to many
216
Reimund Leicht
[1893–99], p. 46: “Wir haben bei dieser astronomisch-astrologischen Einschaltung in
ein homiletisches Buch [i.e., Pirqei de-Rabbi Eliʿezer] länger verweilt, als seine eigene
Bedeutung verdient hätte; es galt nachzuweisen, dass die Astrologie bei den Juden nicht
an alte Traditionen knüpfen und hebräische Monographien hervorrufen konnte, vielmehr
aus den Schulen der Araber auf die Juden überging und schon in namhaften arabischen
Werken vertreten war, als sie sich in die theologischen hebräischen einschlich.”
30 See Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, pp. 82–89.
31 Baraita di-Shemu’el ha-Qaṭ an, ed. Nathan Amram (Saloniki, 1861). The most
popular edition is in J. D. Eisenstein, Oṣ ar Midrashim (Hebrew) (New York:
Grossmann, 1928), 2:542–47.
32 See below.
33 This confusion has also affected the textual transmission of the Baraita di-Shemu’el.
As Gad Ben-Ami Sarfatti has shown (“Mavoʾ la-Baraita de-Mazzalot,” Annual of
Bar-Ilan University. Studies in Judaism and the Humanities 3 (1965): 56–82, on
pp. 73–75 [Hebrew]), large parts of the printed version originate in the Baraita
de-Mazzalot; see also Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, pp. 82–84.
34 Sarfatti, “Mavoʾ la-Baraita de-Mazzalot,” pp. 78–82; Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica,
pp. 85–88.
35 See David Juste, Les Alchandreana primitifs. Étude sur les plus anciens traités
astrologiques latins d’origine arabe (Xe siècle) (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp. 41 and 112.
36 On Shabbetai Donnolo, see also: Andrew Sharf, The Universe of Shabbetai Donnolo
(Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1976); Piergabriele Mancuso, “Shabbatai Donnolo’s
Sefer Ḥ akmoni: A Critical Edition and English Translation,” Ph.D. dissertation,
University College, London, 2006, and his book Shabtai Donolo’s Sefer hakhmoni:
Introduction, Critical Text and English Translation (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010);
see also Sacha Stern and Piergabriele Mancuso, “An Astrological Table by Shabbetai
Donnolo and the Jewish Calendar in Tenth-Century Italy,” Aleph 7 (2007): 13–41.
37 See the classic edition of David Castelli, Il Commento di Sabbatai Donnolo sul Libro
della Creazione (Florence: Le Monnier, 1880; all references below are to this edition,
cited as Peruš Sefer Yeṣ irah), and the new one by Mancuso, Shabbatai Donnolo’s Sefer
ḥ akhmoni.
38 Important recent editions, translations, and studies of the Sefer Yeṣ irah include: A.
217

Ashkenazi Jews in the Middle Ages,41 any survey of the reception of
astrology in medieval Ashkenaz that omits it would be incomplete.
As should be clear, Spanish sources, most notably the scientific
works of Abraham Bar Ḥ iyya and Abraham Ibn Ezra, exerted some
influence on the literary activities related to astrology of medieval
Ashkenazi Jews. Their influence, however, was very limited.
An example is the so-called Sefer Alqoshi.42 As far as can be judged
from the largest fragment of it, preserved in a manuscript at the Bodleian
Library,43 this book was written in 1123/1124 by Jacob ben Samson,44 a
student of Rashi’s. He relied heavily on the calendar treatises of Saadia
and perhaps of Abraham Bar Ḥ iyya. Additional fragments collected by
Avraham Grossmann indicate, however, that Jacob ben Samson dealt
with a much wider range of scientific topics, including astrology.45 He
knew about Sefer Yeṣ irah and the Baraita di-Shemuʾel.46 Whether this
knowledge was acquired directly or through the mediation of Shabbetai
Donnolo’s works is of little importance for us here. The crucial point
is that the existence of Sefer Alqoshi demonstrates that as early as the
third decade of the twelfth century Jewish scholars in France indulged
in the composition of an independent literary work on scientific issues.
Thus Sefer Alqoshi corroborates the observation of a growing interest
in astrological issues among Jews in northern and western Europe,
starting in the early twelfth century.
The tendencies in medieval Ashkenaz to create new forms for
the presentation of scientific issues in Jewish literature undoubtedly
reached a climax in the esoteric literature of the German Pietists (ḥ asidei
Ashkenaz). In his path-breaking studies, Joseph Dan has shown that
one must distinguish not only different generations of this intellectual
movement, but also different circles, which did not necessarily know
about one other.47 The most prolific circle within this movement was
the “Qalonymus School,” which centered on Judah he-Ḥ asid and his
student Eleazar of Worms. Their literary works reveal that astrology
was an issue of tremendous importance for them. One of the early
218
Reimund Leicht
products of this circle, Sefer Ḥ asidim, deals predominantly with ethical
and halakhic questions, with little room left for speculative theology
and questions related to the natural sciences. But even there we find
references to astrology.48
Peter Hayman, Sefer Yesira. Edition, Translation and Text-Critical Commentary
(Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004); Klaus Herrmann, Sefer Yezira. Buch der Schöpfung
(Frankfurt: Verlag der Weltreligionen, 2008); Yehuda Liebes, Ars Poetica in Sefer
Yetsira (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Schocken, 2000), based on a very early dating of the text.
39 Especially in chapters 4–5 of the traditional editions.
40 See Joseph Dan, “Three Phases in the History of the Sefer Yezira”, in idem, Jewish
Mysticism (Northvale, NJ: Aronson, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 155–187, based on a paper
originally published in Frankfurter Judaistische Beiträge 21 (1994): 7–29; Herrmann,
Sefer Yezira, pp. 138–152; Raphael Jospe, “Early Philosophical Commentaries in the
Sefer Yezirah: Some Comments,” Revue des études juives 149 (1990): 369–415.
41 Rashi’s acquaintance with Sefer Yeşirah as it is known today is a matter of dispute; see
Nicolas Sèd, “Rashi et le Pseudo-Sepher Yĕsirah,” in Gabrielle Sèd-Rajna, ed., Rashi
1040–1990. Hommage à Ephraim E. Urbach (Paris: Le Cerf, 1993), pp. 237–250.
42 See Grossman, The Early Sages of France, pp. 418–423.
43 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Opp. 317 (Neubauer 692), fols. 88a–99b.
44 On Jacob b. Samson, see Grossman, The Early Sages of France, pp. 411–426.
45 See ibid., p. 421.
46 Additional fragments are found in the following manuscripts: Oxford, Bodleian
Library, MS Opp. 469 (Neubauer 1102), fol. 192b; Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS
Opp. 614 (Neubauer 2775), fols. 49b–50a; and the liturgical manuscript Sassoon 535
(now Klagsbald).
47 See Dan, The Esoteric Theology of Ashkenazi Hasidism; idem, Ashkenazi Hasidism in
the History of Jewish Thought (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Open University, 1990–1991), and
numerous other studies.
48 Sefer Hasidim, ed. J. Wistinetzki, 2nd ed. (Frankfurt am Main: M. A. Wahrmann,
1924), §§33, 880, 989, 1447, 1453, 1516.
219

Eleazar of Worms was the Qalonymus School author who dealt most
intensively with astrology. Like his fellow Jews in medieval Ashkenaz, he
did not compose a systematic treatise on astrology, but most of his works
reveal a strong interest in this topic.49 Sefer Yeṣ irah was an important
catalyst for Eleazar’s literary activities in this field. In the introduction to
his commentary on that work, Eleazar borrows a passage from Shabbetai
Donnolo’s commentary that describes God as a demiurge who not only
combines letters, but also calculates the movements of the stars, the
zodiacal signs, the seasons, and the cycles of the stars in order to know
the fate of the coming generations and to understand men’s deeds and
qualities.50 For Eleazar, just as for Shabbetai Donnolo, then, the Creator
Himself may be seen as something like a practicing arch-astrologer.
The prominent place of astrology in the introduction to Eleazar’s
commentary recurs in later parts of this work. Large sections of the
commentary reproduce astrological ideas that are literal borrowings
from Shabbetai Donnolo.51 They are therefore perhaps less indicative
of Eleazar’s own interest in astrology than of that of his Italian
predecessor’s. What is perhaps more telling, however, is that Eleazar
adds various shorter astrological texts that are not taken from Donnolo’s
commentary, such as calculations of the position of the Dragon,52 the
association of planets with angels, their periods of government in world
history,53 and a brief tract with predictions about harvests.54 Moreover,
his work includes various diagrams that contain information about
astrological geography.55 Finally, he appends a long astrological tract,
called Shimmush Ḥ aNKaL ŠaṢ aM, on the propitious and unpropitious
hours of the seven days of the week and horoscopes for the newborn in
these hours,56 horoscopes for children born on each day of the week,57
and a hemerologion for travelers.58 Since none of these passages can be
traced back to Shabbetai Donnolo’s works, they were probably literary
traditions that were current in Judah and Eleazar’s circle.
A similar image can be drawn from Eleazar’s presentation of
astrological material in his Sodei razzaya. Eleazar again relies heavily on
220
Reimund Leicht
49 On Eleazar’s use of astrological material, see also Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, pp.
147–149.
50 Ha-R. Mi-Garmayza ʿal Sefer Yeṣ irah (Przemysl, 1883), fol. 1a–b:
‫ התחיל לחשב חשבון ככבים‬.‫ואחרי כלות אלקים צירוף האותיו’ וגלגול הדבורי’ וחשבונם ומניינם ומספרם‬
‫ומזלות וחשבון תקופות ומחזורות של ככבים ושל תלי ושל מזלות שהי’ עתיד לסדר לבראות והי’ עורך את‬
‫החשבון ככבים ומזלות וחשבון כולו לפניו כדי לראות ולידע כל בדורות העתידים להיבראו’ מראש ועד סוף‬
‫ וכדי להבין מעשה כל אדם וצדקותו ורעשו‬.‫ככתוב מי פעל ועשה קורא הדורות מראש קודם בריאת העולם‬
‫ולגזור על כ”א וא’ לפי מעשיו העתיד לעשות בין טוב בין רע כך ערך ומינה את מזלו וככבו שיזרח בשעת‬
‫זריחתו ובשעת מולדו בין טוב ובין רע כל זה עשה האלקים בחכמתו ובתבונתו בטרם שיברא בעולם שנא’ י”י‬
‫החכמה יסד ארץ ואעפ”י שערך ומינה את ככבו ואת מזלו של כל אדם טרם בריאת העולם לפי מעשיו של אדם‬
‫לעשות לא נתן הקב”ה רשיון לככבים ולמזלות להרע ולהיטיב לתיכלה על שראה כי האדם העתיד להבראות‬
‫לא יהי’ נכון להיות בלא יצר ככתוב כי יצר לב האדם רע מנעוריו‬.
51 Eleazar himself writes in the postscript to his commentary that he based his work
on Shabbetai Donnolo’s work and on traditions he received from his father and
his teachers: ‫ספר יצירה ופירושו שבתי ברבי אברהם הרופא והמומחה והחכם וכאשר קבלתי מאבא‬
‫ וגם קבלתיו ממורי הרב ר’ יהודא חסיד בן רבנא רבי שמואל הוספתי‬.‫מארי הרב ר’ יהודה ברבי קלונימוס‬
‫בו לפרש אני אלעזר הקטן‬:. Passages dealing with astrology directly adopted from
Shabbetai Donnolo’s commentary are: Eleazar, fols. 7c–8b = Donnolo, pp. 56–61;
Eleazar, fols. 8c–9d = Donnolo, pp. 62–72; Eleazar, fols. 9d–11c = Donnolo, pp.
72–83. Several other passages, such fols. 8b–8c (‫ אבל דברי אלו ואלו שוים‬... ‫)אלה מעונתם‬
go back at least partly to Donnolo’s commentary on the Baraia di-Shemu’el, as
can be seen from a parallel passage quoted in Sodei razzaya (ed. Shalom Weiss,
Sefer Sodei razzaya [Jerusalem: Shaarei Ziv Institute, 1991], p. 62), where Eleazar
explicitly says that the material is taken from Shabbetai’s commentary on the
Baraita.
52 Eleazar of Worms, Perush Sefer Yeṣ irah, fol. 11c–d.
53 Ibid., fol. 12a.
54 Ibid., fol. 12a.
55 Ibid., fols. 12a–14a.
56 Ibid., fols. 20c–21d.
57 Ibid., fol. 21d.
58 Ibid.
221

direct quotations from earlier works (in this case, much less on Donnolo59
and more on the Baraita de-Mazzalot60), and once again adds a number
of short anonymous texts on practical popular astrology, such as weather
forecasts for the tequfot61 and other astro-meteorological predictions.62
What distinguishes the presentation of the material in Eleazar’s “original”
works, like the Sodei razzaya, from his commentary on Sefer Yeṣ irah
is the fact that in the former he tried to integrate older traditions into
an independent work that expounds Eleazar’s own cosmological and
theological system. In Sodei razzaya, Eleazar abandons the literary form
of the commentary in favor of a new paradigm for presenting assembled
bits of traditional scientific knowledge.
In sum, so far as their “microstructure” is concerned, Eleazar’s
works adhere to tradition. He never intended to be an innovative author
in the field of astrological literature but rather worked as a compiler of
older traditions. His main innovation in Sodei razzaya lies on different
level: Eleazar made a conscious attempt to reorganize knowledge
within a new literary concept, and astrology played a central role in this
“esoteric system of knowledge.”
He used two types of astrological sources. On the one hand, he
reproduced with great fidelity the theoretical doctrines handed down
by his father and his teachers, most notably the two baraitot and
Shabbetai Donnolo. On the other hand, he incorporated numerous
short texts of practical astrology, many of them identical with those
found in medieval Ashkenazi calendar handbooks and in liturgical
manuscripts. It is difficult to tell whether the addition of texts of
practical astrology reflects Eleazar’s practical interest in astrology or
rather his speculative inclinations and conservative attempt to rescue
the traditions of Jewish esoteric lore from oblivion by inserting them
into a speculative cosmological system. On the other hand, Eleazar’s
project in astrology is devoid of any traces of the influence of Spanish
authors such as Bar Ḥ iyya and Ibn Ezra. Thus his work reflects a
conscious attempt to reorganize traditional scientific knowledge that
222
Reimund Leicht
was not triggered by the need to absorb new astrological sources from
outside. In spite of the innovative tendencies, the reception of astrology
in Eleazar of Worm’s project was conservative in fullest sense of the
word, both with respect to his sources and his aim.63
Although no other author of the Qalonymus Circle of the German
Pietists (Ḥ asidei Ashkenaz) was as prolific as Eleazar, others, too,
left behind works with important astrological material. Most of these
authors remain anonymous, such as that of the Sefer Gimaṭ riyyot
attributed to Judah he-Ḥ asid, which contains a collection of practical
astrological texts that largely overlap the material used by Eleazar.64
Although it is impossible to say whether the intention behind the
inclusion of these texts was practical or theoretical, once again the
interest in astrology is indisputable. Many other medieval Ashkenazi
manuscripts from the German Pietist circles contain texts of practical
astrology and deserve a detailed source critical study.65 Finally, there are
59 See, e.g., Sefer Sodei Razzaya, ed. Weiss, pp. 62 and 70.
60 See, e.g., ibid., pp. 31–32; 55–56; 61–62.
61 Ibid., p. 71 and 73.
62 Ibid., p. 71–75.
63 This does not mean that this circle refused to accept external influence as a matter of
principle: Abraham Ibn Ezra’s theological work Yesod Moraʾ was among their major
sources of inspiration.
64 See Sefer Gematriot of R. Judah the Pious. Facsimile Edition of a Unique Manuscript,
ed. D. Abrams and I. Ta-Shema (Los Angeles: Cherub Press, 1998), fols. 25r–29v;
and the non-critical edition, Sefer Gemaṭ riyyot le-ḥ ad qama’i ʿir we-qaddiš Rabbenu
Yehudah he-Ḥ asid, ed. Y. Y. Stal (Jerusalem: n.p., 2005), pp. 250–268.
65 Cf. Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, pp. 150–152: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Opp.
697 (Neubauer 2079), fols. 22b–26b and 38b–46a; Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS
Mich. 9 (Neubauer 1531), fols. 108a–114b; Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Mich. 175
(Neubauer 2257), fols. 76a–76b.
223

also works dealing with astrology from a more theological perspective,
such as the ʾImrot ṭ ehorot ḥ iṣ oniyyot u-fnimiyyot attributed to Judah
he-Ḥ asid, which openly endorse astrology and integrate it into a
coherent theological worldview.66
An interesting further development within the Qalonymus Circle
took place in the work of Abraham ben ʿAzriʾel, a student of Eleazar’s.
This author explicitly endorses the doctrine in astrological determinism
in one of the piyyut-commentaries contained in his Sefer ʿArugat
ha-bos´em.67 He employs other references to the planets and signs of
the zodiac to expound symbolic interpretations rather than astrological
questions,68 but in some places he provides detailed descriptions of more
specific astrological concepts, such as the theory of the planetary rulers
of the hours and days,69 which was current not only among the German
Pietists but also in medieval Germany and France in general. The most
striking aspect of this author’s attitude towards astrology, however, is
the fact that he uses Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah as an additional source
for astronomical/astrological knowledge.70 In view of this openness to
Maimonides, the absence of references to the scientific works of Ibn Ezra
and Bar Ḥ iyya is telling, because it can be taken as a sign of Abraham
ben ʿAzriʾel’s limited familiarity with the scientific astrological literature
in general. Thus his work is yet another indication that traditional
“Jewish” astrology played a pivotal role in the intellectual world of the
Qalonymus School of the German Pietists, although its members, too,
failed to develop astrology as an independent branch of science.
A second branch of the German Pietists is the so-called Unique
Cherub Circle,71 named for its predilection for the figure of the keruv
ha-meyuḥ ad. Apart from Elḥ anan ben Yaqar, who lived in England
and northern France in the first half of the thirteenth century, almost
nothing is known about its geography and chronology.72 Its literary
products leave little doubt that it developed independently of the other
German Pietist schools, most notably the Qalonymus School and the
Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim, which will be discussed below.
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Reimund Leicht
Sefer Yeṣ irah played a central role in the thinking of the Unique
Cherub Circle. It comes as no surprise that this book prompted a vivid
interest in astrological issues, too. One of the earliest works of this
circle is a commentary on Sefer Yeṣ irah, pseudepigraphically attributed
to Saadia Gaon.73 The astrological material in this book is concentrated
66 The text was first published by Y. Y. Stal (Jerusalem: n.p., 2006). The relevant passages
can be found there on pp. 33–35, 67–75, 96–116 and 158–161.
67 Abraham ben ʿAzriʾel, Sefer ʿArugat ha-bos´em, ed. E. E. Urbach (Jerusalem: Mekize
Nirdamim, 1939–1963), 2:112: “I say that repentance is effective only for one who
was born under a sign (mazzal) that will lengthen his years and due to transgressions
it was decreed that he has to die. But one who was born under a sign that will not
lengthen his years, neither repentance nor prayer nor charity will be effective [for
him] to live”—‫אומר אני שאין תשובה מועלת אלא במי שנולד במזל שיאריך שנים ובעבור עונות נגזר‬
‫ אבל מי שנולד במזל שלא יאריך שנים לא תשובה ולא תפילה ולא צדקה מועילות לחיות‬,‫עליו למות‬.
68 See, e.g., ibid., 1:283ff.
69 Ibid., 1:209–211.
70 Ibid., 1:211, 282; 3:128.
71 For a comprehensive description of this circle, see Joseph Dan, The ‘Unique Cherub’
Circle. A School of Mystics and Esoterics in Medieval Germany (Tübingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 1999), and the earlier study in idem, Studies in Ashkenazi-Hasidic Literature
(Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Massada, 1975), pp. 89–111.
72 See Dan, The ‘Unique Cherub’ Circle, pp. 46–52.
73 See ibid., pp. 124–141. The text that has been printed in an abbreviated form in most
of the traditional editions is based on the Mantua 1562 printing. Here I have used
an undated reprint of the popular Warsaw 1884 edition and Munich, Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, MS heb. 40, fols. 43a–77a. After this study was completed, the
pseudo-Saadia commentary was subject to a comprehensive textual analysis in
Na’ama Ben-Shachar, “The Commentary on Sefer Yeṣ irah Attributed to Saadia Gaon:
Text, Doctrines, and Role in the History of Jewish Thought (doctoral dissertation,
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2011 [in Hebrew]). Ben-Shachar shows that the
225

in the commentary on chapter 4, which contains among other things
a brief explanation of the astrological concept of the influence of the
stars on terrestrial events and on the destinies of individual human
beings.74 A few pages later, in a passage that may be a later addition and
influenced by the Qalonymus Circle,75 the text provides more details
about the elementary qualities of the seven planets, their influence on
the character and fate of those born under their sign, the planets’ ruling
hours, and—perhaps most interestingly—their association with central
protagonists of Jewish history.76
Some of the astrological information found in this part of pseudo-
Saadia’s commentary is a remake of material taken from Shabbetai
Donnolo.77 The same holds true for a later passage on the zodiacal rulers
of the tequfot.78 But the commentary also reproduces an anonymous
list of the elementary qualities of the signs of the zodiac and the planets
and their influence,79 arithmetical rules for calculating the zodiacal
sign and planet of a person according to his name,80 simple astrological
prognostications for marriages,81 and information about the qualities
of the planets82—none of which can be traced back to Donnolo. It
is interesting to see that apart from a brief reference to Abraham Ibn
Ezra’s opinion about the movement of the Dragon, which probably
stems from an apocryphal commentary on Sefer Yeṣ irah,83 there is no
evident influence of any of the Spanish astrological authors in pseudo-
Saadia.84
Another author belonging to a later period of the Unique Cherub
Circle is Elḥ anan ben Yaqar.85 His two commentaries on Sefer Yeṣ irah86
are the most important sources for his stance towards astrology. In a
detailed study of Elḥ anan’s works, Joseph Dan pointed out that both of
them have a distinctly scientific character. This characteristic becomes
very clear if we compare them to the much more theological outlook
of the pseudo-Saadia commentary.87 Within this scientific outlook,
astrological issues appear in various contexts. In the earlier, so-called
first commentary, written in London under direct influence of the
226
Reimund Leicht
manuscript tradition can be divided into two families, of which Moscow, Russian
State Library, MS Guenzburg 737, and Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, heb. 40,
are the best representatives. A critical edition of both recensions is provided on pp.
241–380. As the synoptic table on pp. 227–231 clearly indicates, the recension in MS
Munich contains numerous additions that are not in MS Moscow and were probably
secondary additions from a material originating with the Qalonymus Circle of the
German Pietists. In the following analysis, references to the “more complete” Munich
recension are retained, but instances where an astrological tradition is found only in
MS Munich 40 and not in MS Moscow 737 are indicated in parentheses.
74 MS Munich 40, fols. 60b–61a = ed. Warsaw, fols. 48b–49b; on this text see Dan, The
‘Unique Cherub’ Circle, pp. 139–140.
75 MS Munich 40, fols. 65a–66a = not in ed. Warsaw (not in MS Moscow 737).
76 The following attributions can be found: Saturn—Moses; Jupiter—Aaron; Mars—
David; Mercury—kings of Israel; Venus—Levi; Sun—Solomon; Moon—no
attribution. A similar association of Saturn with Moses and of Jupiter with Aaron is
reported by Abraham ben ʿAzriʾel, ʿArugat ha-bos´em, 1:290.
77 See the information on the planetary horoscopes culled from Shabbetai Donnolo,
Peruš Sefer Yeṣ irah, pp. 59–61.
78 MS Munich 40, fol. 68b = ed. Warsaw 58b–59a is attributed to “pseudo-Saadia” (‫ופיד”ס‬
‫ ואע”פ שיצר טלה‬...), although it is in fact based upon Shabbetai Donnolo, Peruš Sefer
Yeṣ irah, p. 77. It is followed by an additional explanation, which the commentator
reports as an anonymous tradition (‫)בידינו הוא וקבלה‬.
79 MS Munich 40, fols. 68b–69a = ed. Warsaw 60a.
80 MS Munich 40, fol. 69a = ed. Warsaw 60a.
81 MS Munich 40, fol. 71b = not in ed. Warsaw (not in MS Moscow 737).
82 MS Munich 40, fol. 72b = not in ed. Warsaw.
83 MS Munich 40, fol. 69a = ed. Warsaw fol. 60b. On the problem of Abraham Ibn Ezra’s
“lost” commentary on Sefer Yeṣ irah, see Paul Fenton’s comments in his edition of
Georges Vajda, Le Commentaire sur le Livre de la Création de Dûnaš ben Tâmîm de
Kairouan (Xe siècle) (Paris and Louvain: Peeters, 2002), pp. 159–175.
84 Thus the statement by Dan, The ‘Unique Cherub’ Circle, p. 140, that “this treatise is
an expression of the dominance of astrology in several areas of Jewish thought in the
227

teachings of Isaac the Elder,88 Elḥ anan time and again underlines his
intention to deal with the stars, but repeatedly delays a full treatment
of this issue.89 Nevertheless, he does discuss en passant various
related issues, such as the cosmological, astrological, medical, and
meteorological roles of the twelve signs of the zodiac and the planets.90
The astrological concepts that Elḥ anan expounds in his first
commentary on Sefer Yeṣ irah are extremely difficult to interpret and
would deserve a systematic source critical treatment. It is striking,
however, that along with the well-known Ashkenazi sources for
information on astrology (such as the Baraita de-Mazzalot),91 Elḥ anan
also mentions other authorities, such as Abraham Bar Ḥ iyya, to whom
he attributes a hitherto unidentified notion about the origin of the
names of the zodiacal signs.92
As Joseph Dan points out, Elḥ anan’s second commentary on
Sefer Yeṣ irah93 is “evidently the result of a detailed study of the
book along with several written sources, mainly the commentaries
of Saadia and Donnolo.”94 It reveals many points of contact with the
first commentary, but, despite the persistence of the general scientific
outlook, the second commentary emphasizes several aspects that are
extremely significant for the role of astrology in Elḥ anan’s thought.
In his explanation of the phrase “depth of good and depth of evil”
(‫ )עומק טוב ועומק רע‬in the first chapter of Sefer Yeṣ irah, he discusses the
fear of God and concludes with a statement about involvement with
the sciences, medicine, philosophy, and astrology. Surprisingly, here he
considers them to be a departure from the naïve fear of God.95 The same
author, who gave so much space to scientific issues in his commentaries,
suddenly shies away from the independent study of these sciences,
including astrology. In a similar vein, he declares a few pages later that
astrology should not be studied for practical purposes but only in
order to comprehend God’s greatness and power.96 These restrictions
notwithstanding, Elḥ anan did incorporate astrological concepts in his
second commentary, too, most of them adapted from the commentaries
228
Reimund Leicht
twelfth century; other examples of this attitude include Rabbi Abraham bar Hijja and
Rabbi Abraham Ibn Ezra, the two great writers who are among the sources of this
treatise,” needs to be restricted in the sense that it does not directly apply to pseudo-
Saadia’s astrological sources.
85 See ibid., pp. 142–209.
86 On Elḥ anan ben Yaqar’s two commentaries, see ibid., pp. 187–209.
87 See ibid., pp. 187, 190, 209.
88 See Elḥ anan’s postscript in the edition by Georges Vajda, “Perušo ha-riʾšon šel Rabbi
ʾElḥ anan Yiṣ ḥ aq ben Yaqar mi-London le-Sefer Yeṣ irah”, in Koveṣ ʿal Yad 6 (16)
(1966): 145–197, on p. 184: ‫אני אלחנן יצחק בר יקר למדתי זה הספר לפני אדם שלמדו לפני רבינו יצחק‬
‫זלה”ה ופירשיתיו [!] בעיר לונדרש‬.
89 Ibid., p. 162, lines 138 and 140; p. 168, line 254.
90 Ibid., p. 168, lines 243–254; pp. 173–175, lines 337–379; pp. 176–179, lines 400–467.
91 Ibid., p. 169, lines 263–273
92 Ibid., p. 168, line 246: “And the signs of the zodiac are regions of stars, and each part is
called by a name, and the name is the meaning of the power and effect of the part; for
instance, one, who was born in the hour of Aries’ rule, which is the power of blood,
his judgment is to be pleasant and sweet like a lamb, as it is explained in the book
of the nasi our Rabbi Abraham bar Hiyya”—‫והמזלות המה נפות של כוכבים ונקרא כל מחלק‬
‫ומחלק בשם והשם הוא טעם כח המחלק ומעשהו כמו הנולד בשעת ממשלת הטלה הוא כח הדם משפטו‬
‫להיות נעים ומתוק כטלה כאשר מפורש בספר רבי’ הנשיא אברהם בר חייא‬.
93 A preliminary edition of this text, based on the manuscript (New York, Jewish
Theological Seminary Library, mic. 8118, fols. 62–78a), was published by Joseph
Dan, Ṭ eqsṭ im be-torat ha-ʾelohut šel ḥ asidut ʾaškenaz (Jerusalem: Aqademon, 1977),
pp. 31–59.
94 Dan, The ‘Unique Cherub’ Circle, p. 188.
95 New York 8118, fol. 70a–b (ed. Dan, p. 43); for the text and interpretation, see also
Dan, The ‘Unique Cherub’ Circle, pp. 197–200.
96 New York 8118, fol. 74a (ed. Dan, p. 51): “And although these things are true they
are not written in the book in order to practice them, because Israel is forbidden to
do this, because it falls into the category of diviners and soothsayers, but it is good to
study them in order to understand the sciences and the greatness of the Creator, His
229

by Donnolo and pseudo-Saadia.97 There are no references to scientific
astrological literature here.
The picture that emerges from a synoptic view of his commentaries
reveals a strong inner tension in Elḥ anan’s attitude towards the study
of the sciences: On the one hand, he is well aware of the existence of
different branches of science (medicine, philosophy, astrology) and is
enormously curious about them. On the other hand, he deliberately
imposes theological restrictions on their study. It is no surprise that
such an attitude did not produce scientific astrological literature.
A third circle within the German Pietists is represented by a single
work only, the anonymous Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim.98 This book, probably
written around the year 1200 in northern France (Paris),99 is a peculiar
work in many respects. One of them is its methodological concept,
which distinguishes it from all other books written in medieval
Ashkenaz: In the opening paragraph, the author tries to develop a
scientific program for his book, which probably was meant to cover
all important issues related to theology, philosophy, and the natural
sciences.100 This highly unusual introduction also reveals the heavy
terminological influence of Abraham Ibn Ezra; it is no exaggeration
to state that the introduction as a whole is much more reminiscent of
Spanish or Oriental scientific works than of any literary product of
the German Pietists. On the other hand, students of Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim
are repeatedly struck by the fact that its author was unable to realize
his program. Because some of the topics mentioned in the opening
paragraph reappear only in a very vague manner in the body of the
book, the authenticity of the introduction has been disputed. This
problem cannot be solved here.101 What counts for the present purpose
is that the introduction of Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim reflects a literary form that
has a surprising openness to scientific thinking, unparalleled in the
other products of medieval Ashkenazi culture.
Astrological motifs play a central position in many sections of the
book.102 The author unequivocally endorses the belief in the power of
230
Reimund Leicht
the stars, which he considers to mediate between God’s will and the
earthly realm.103 Moreover, the impression of an exceptional open-
mindedness is corroborated by the fact that Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim is the only
Jewish book written in medieval France and Germany that displays
some acquaintance with Abraham Ibn Ezra’s astrological works. Ibn
Ezra’s astrological terminology is employed in several sections of the
book104 and an entire passage is based on information drawn from his
introduction to astrology, entitled Reʾshit Ḥ okmah.105
A closer reading of this paragraph of Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim reveals,
however, that one must not overestimate the impact of this new
spirit on its author’s religious thinking. Like all the other leading
members of the Pietist movement, he was much more interested in
theological speculations than in astrological doctrines for their own
sake. Accordingly, Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim shows how a medieval French
Jew, who was interested in astrology and who had direct access to
name be blessed”—‫ואף כי הדברים האלה אמת לא נכתבו בספר לעסוק במעשה כי ישר’ הוזהרו על זה‬
‫ אבל טוב ללמוד להבין חכמות גבורות הבורא י”ש‬,‫כי הוא מעונן וקוסם קסמים‬.
97 Ibid., fol. 72a–75a (ed. Dan, pp. 47–53).
98 A critical edition with a partial translation and introductory studies was published by
Gerold Necker, Das Buch des Lebens. ‫( ספר החיים‬Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001).
99 Ibid., pp. 16–28.
100 Ibid., §1.
101 Ibid., pp. 163–180.
102 See ibid., §§15, 30, 34, 39, 46, 50, 55, 56, 91, and 97.
103 See ibid., §§6, 50, and 56.
104 See ibid., §39 (‫ יתידות‬,‫ מבטים‬,‫ )מזל צומח‬and §91 (‫)כוכב הצומח‬.
105 The description of the firmament in Sefer ha-ḥ ayyim §6 is based on Abraham Ibn
Ezra’s Reʾšit Ḥ okmah, as edited by R. Levy and F. Cantera, The Beginning of Wisdom:
An Astrological Treatise by Abraham Ibn Ezra (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1939), pp. VI–VIII. On the theological interpretation of this motif, see also §98.
231

scientific astrological literature, did not use it as a systematic exposition
of astrology. Instead, he rather broke down Ibn Ezra’s systematic
exposition of astrology into small nuggets of astrological knowledge,
which he then integrated into his theological arguments. In other
words, the author of Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim, who was more open towards
new ideas and concepts than any other medieval Ashkenazi scholar, did
not make the step towards an independent scientific engagement with
astrology. He deliberately transformed scientific astrology into items
of knowledge, which play an ancillary function within his theological
speculations. Once again, the author of Sefer ha-Ḥ ayyim can be seen
as a telling example of all those Ashkenazi scholars who combined
innovative tendencies with a basic conservative outlook.
Conclusions
In the preceding survey, we have identified three different cultural
contexts for the reception of astrological knowledge by Jews in medieval
Ashkenaz: (1) astrology in the commentary literature produced by
medieval Ashkenazi yeshivot; (2) astrology in liturgical manuscripts
and calendar handbooks; and (3) astrology in theoretical and esoteric
literature. Each of these branches of medieval Jewish culture has its own
characteristics. In all of them, however, we have found that astrology
was an object of vivid theoretical and sometimes practical interest. The
traditional scholastic world, the realm of daily practice of the Jewish
communities, and the different esoteric circles of Ashkenazi Judaism,
all endorsed astrology in one way or another. Moreover, we have
seen that not only were these scholars active in cultural contexts that
were receptive to astrological notions, their own specific needs also
generated an active interest in astrology. They were catalysts for the
study of astrology.
On the other hand, these cultural contexts also determined and
232
Reimund Leicht
limited the free development and propagation of astrology. Accordingly,
it is often difficult to draw a clear distinction between innovative and
conservative tendencies in this field. Both aspects were so closely
interwoven in medieval Ashkenazi culture that the interest in astrology,
which often appears to be a manifestation of a vivid curiosity about
various phenomena in the natural world, often found its literary
expression in collections whose purpose was preservation of much
older traditions rather than original literary creativity. In other cases,
the interest in the reception of new scientific knowledge was tempered
by theological considerations and domesticated by incorporation into
traditional literary formats.
In sum, there can be no doubt that astrology became an increasingly
important factor in the intellectual climate of German and French
Jewry in the twelfth, thirteenth, and early fourteenth centuries, but
this phenomenon was of a paradoxical character. Even though Moses
Taku, the most conservative opponent of all innovations and a critic
of the spreading philosophical thinking and teachings of the German
Pietists, repeatedly attacks astrology, he was one of the very few who
were sensitive to the growing influence of astrology and grasped that
it was part of the new cultural climate.106 On the other hand, we must
not overlook that Moses Taku’s adversaries were themselves much
106 In one passage in his famous Ketav Tamim, Moses Taku directly juxtaposes astrology
with traditional Torah studying: “there are people, who do not have the spirit of the
Torah in them and occupy themselves with astrology, who believe in [the astrologers’]
statements and make it a main tenet. And they do harm to others, and perhaps
redemption is being delayed because they do not know who it is who works miracles
for them”; cf. J. Dan (ed.), Ketav Tamim. 13th Century Controversy over Saadian
Theology (Jerusalem: Dinur Center, 1984), p. 60 (= MS Paris 711, fol. 30b): ‫ויש בני‬
‫ וגורמים‬.‫אדם שאין בהם רוח התורה ומתעסקים בחכמת המזלות שמאמינים בדבריהם ועושים אותו עיקר‬
‫ ומי יודע שגאולה מעכבת בעבור זה שאינם יודעים מי הוא זה העושה להם ניסים‬.‫לאחרים רעה‬.
233
more reluctant to adopt astrology and the other secular sciences than
his polemic viewpoint would lead us to believe. I have not identified a
single educated German or French Jew who was clearly able or willing
to study Abraham Ibn Ezra’s or Abraham Bar Ḥ iyya’s astrological
teachings seriously. Not a single Jew in medieval Germany or France
ever broke the fetters of traditional learning and moved towards the
study of astrology as an independent science. Even those who were
interested in astrology stopped long before achieving the ability to
produce systematic expositions of astrology and its scientific principles.
It is characteristic of Ashkenazi Jewish culture that even the German
Pietists—the circles that were the most intellectually innovative segment
of Jewish society and who revealed by far the strongest interest in
the sciences in general and astrology in particular—never made a
serious attempt to overcome the limitations dictated by their religious
conservatism. The religious outlook of the German Pietists hampered
the development of independent sciences even within those circles that
could have become the pioneers of such a movement. It might be seen
as the “tragedy” of the history of science in Jewish culture in medieval
Ashkenaz that scientific knowledge appealed most to those people
who were also, and predominantly, interested in a different project—
the creation of a conservative ethical and religious Weltanschauung
ornamented with fragments of scientific knowledge.

234