RITUAL AND DRAMA IN THE WORSHIP OF THE GODDESS DRAUPADI

Author(s): Alleyn Diesel

Source: Journal for the Study of Religion , MARCH 1994, Vol. 7, No. 1 (MARCH 1994),
pp. 65-94
Published by: Association for the Study of Religion in Southern Africa (ASRSA)

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24764051

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 RITUAL AND DRAMA IN THE WORSHIP
OF THE GODDESS DRAUPADI

Alleyn Diesel

The South Indian Draupadi cult, which is very popular among

Hindus in ihe province of Natal, South Africa, incorporates an
ancient and extremely complex mythology and ritual. Alf
Hiltebeitel, who has done extensive research in this area,
comments that until recently almost all writing on the Draupadi
festival, whether in India or in Hindu diaspora communities, has
tended to concentrate solely on the firewalking ritual, as this is
high drama which quite naturally attracts the attention of
outsiders. However, Hiltebeitel's own fieldwork and research on
all the Draupadi ceremonies within the context of the whole
festival, now allow us to recognise and appreciate their richness
and complexity, while still recognising that the firewalk is the
climax of the festival (Hiltebeitel 1991:440). This article
compares the details of the Natal Draupadi festivals with those
described by Hiltebeitel in India, showing that while the local
communities have preserved much of the ritual meticulously, they
have largely lost touch with the accompanying mythology.

Introduction

The Draupadi festival in South Africa has until very recently

been held only in the province of Natal, largely because this is the
area in which the original Hindu immigrants settled, and it still
contains by far the greatest concentration of Hindus. During the last
two or three years two Transvaal temples, one in Pretoria and the
other in Johannesburg, have started holding Draupadi festivals,
which is evidence of growing interest and participation in the festival
(Diesel 1990:30). There are, to my knowledge, seven temples in
Natal which currently hold annual Draupadi festivals.1 These local
festivals appear to follow a pattern remarkably similar to those in

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66 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

South India, although considerably simplified and abbreviated

Umbilo Shree Draupadiamman Alayam in Cato Manor, Dur
holds the most elaborate festival, adhering most closely to the d
of some of those celebrated in India at present. It seems signif
that this is the only temple in South Africa specifically dedicat
Draupadi (Draupadiamman). Other firewalking (Draupadi) fest
are usually held at Mariamman temples in which the image o
Goddess Draupadi is usually housed. (Mariamman temples
dedicated to the South Indian folk Goddess Mariamman, who,
interestingly, has firewalking rituals of her own in India.)

The mythology of Draupadi has its origins in the Mahabharata

where she is the daughter of King Drupada, born from the sacrificial
fire. Later she becomes the faithful and much tried wife of all five
Pandava brothers, accompanying them on their odyssey which leads
to the great battle of Kurukshetra, and on to the accession of
Yudhishthira (also known as Dharmaraja) to the throne, with
Draupadi as his queen.

In the original Sanskrit version of this epic Draupadi is not

regarded as a Goddess, and it does not contain any episode in which
she walks on fire. The elevation and worship of Draupadi as a
Goddess in South India, according to Hiltebeitel, probably dates back
to about 1400 CE and is based mainly on a Tamil version of the
Mahabharata compiled by Villiputtur Alvar at this time. This version
contains a number of additions which support Draupadi cult interests.
These, together with various popular street dramas (Terukkuttu),
which weave additional stories heightening the fire imagery
associated with Draupadi as well as her various humiliations and
attempted defilements, finally culminate in a South Indian folk
(village) tradition which regards her as the fierce Mother Goddess of
Fire (Hiltebeitel 1988:17).

This is why the Draupadi festival contains several stories which

tell of Draupadi walking through fire, either to demonstrate her
chastity, or to purity herself after the various attempts to defile her.
These stories place this firewalk either before or immediately after

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 DRAUPADI 67

the battle of Kurukshetra. Before the battle, her entering

confirmed her chastity and purity after each of her marr
demonstrated her chastity after Kichaka's attempt at def
After the battle, her fire walking is seen as the final demonst
her sexual purity. The first of these versions is the only o
has epic confirmation, in the Tamil Mahabharata, but it is
popular (Hiltebeitel 1988:438). It is the last that appears to
most favoured account.

Draupadi has during this complex evolution been transformed,

and incorporated into the tradition of the fierce, vengeful and
potentially destructive South Indian folk Goddesses. Draupadi
worship is particularly interesting in that it combines classical
mythology (from the 'great' tradition of the Mahabharata) with many
of the characteristics of South Indian folk traditions (the 'little'
tradition) (Hiltebeitel 1988:135). The 'core area' for the Draupadi
cult, according to Hiltebeitel, is centred in northern Tamilnadu,
extending into the neighbouring states of Karnataka and Andhra
Pradesh.

Many of the indentured immigrants who came to South Africa

from 1860 onwards were Tamils from the area round Madras in
Tamilnadu. These people were obviously familiar with much of the
mythology and ritual of Draupadi worship, and, as far as can be
ascertained, instituted a firewaiking festival in Pietermaritzburg
during the 1890s. This festival has continued to the present, observed
mainly by the Tamil community, although it is no longer confined to
this group.

Main Ceremonies of Draupadi Festivals in India

Hiltebeitel reports that traditionally most Draupadi festivals have

the number eighteen as part of their structure as this is the all
pervasive number of the Mahabharata, and is, particularly, a
reminder of the length of the great battle of Kurukshetra. Many

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68 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

festival cycles in India last for eighteen days, although some

considerably longer (the Tindivanam festival lasting for 55 d
whereas others are only ten days long (1988:143-144). All fest
culminate with a firewalk in which a number of devotees of the
Goddess walk barefoot across a pit of burning coals.

In India a typical 'full' festival involves the presentation of the

Mahabharata story on three levels; namely, narrative, drama and
ritual. The narrative element consists of the recitation of parts of the
epic in Tamil by a special Mahabharata reciter; the drama is the
presentation of various plays in the Terukkuttu cycle; and there are
also a variety of rituals performed throughout the festival. These
components will usually be spread out over the entire festival period.
There are considerable variations in how different temples choose to
present these features of the festival, and many temples do not
present Terukkuttu (Hiltebeitel 1988:135ff).

At its most elaborate, an Indian Draupadi festival includes most

of the following features, with some temples adding even more
ceremonies (Hiltebeitel 1991:36-39):

* Flag-hoisting.
* The sowing of the 'nine grains'.
* The beginning of the narration of parts of the Mahabharata.
* The Birth of Draupadi (a day time drama).
* The arrival of the Terukkuttu troupe of players to embark on
their eighteen night cycle of dramas.
* The Terukkuttu drama 'The Marriage of Draupadi' (to Arjuna)
on about the third night of dramas.
* The tying of kappu wristlets (turmeric-dyed amulets) on temple
officiants and images of deities (sometimes combined with flag
hoisting).
* The dressing of Draupadi's processional image, with its hair
loose.

* The Firewalking, usually on a Sunday morning after the

completion of the eighteenth Terukkuttu drama 'Eighteenth (sic)

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 DRAUPAD1 69

Day Battle', which incorporates the death of Duryodhan

the same day, the following rituals occur:
- The tying of kappus to all festival participants
- The retying of Draupadi's hair
- The disposal of the sprouts.
* The Coronation of Dharma (symbolic of the restoratio
order).
* Flag-lowering, often two days after the firewalking, after
which kappu wristlets are removed from the main officiants.

Hiltebeitel points out that some of the opening ceremonies of the

Draupadi festival are not connected with the Mahabharata. These
rites begin within the temple, and gradually, as the festival develops,
move outwards from the temple to the high drama which culminates
in the firewalk.

The chief opening and closing rites are, in fact,

symmetrical: flag-hoisting and flag-lowering,
donning and removing kappu wristlets, and sowing
and dispersing sprouts. Although susceptible to
considerable variation, depending above all on a
festival's length and complexity, they are
nonetheless quite standard at Draupadi festivals.
(1991:54)

However, all three of these rituals do feature at other festivals as

well.

Flag-hoisting

Most temples begin their festival with a ceremony where the flag
of the Goddess depicting her vehicle, the lion, is hoisted outside her
temple. Many Draupadi temples in India do not have permanent flag
poles, so that new ones have to be cut and erected each year
(Hiltebeitel 1991:81).

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70 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

This is the first time that the Goddess is brought out of h

sanctuary in the temple to embark on the round of activities invol
in her annual festival. Hiltebeitel links this ceremony with t
activities which mark the beginning of a battle and an army se
out to conquer. He suggests that the flag-hoisting sets the scen
a successful festival (1991:93).

Sowing of the 'Nine Grains'

Often the sowing of the nine grains, known as 'navadhanya

India, is done at the festival's opening ceremony (flag-hoisting
that the grain can sprout and grow over the entire period of
festival. At other temples it coincides with the drama depict
Draupadi's wedding. So, at some temples, flag-hoisting, navadh
and kappu tying all coincide at the beginning of the festival. S
temples sow each of the nine grains in a small separate pot, wh
others simply sow them in a pile of damp soil. They are u
placed in the temple, either in the sanctuary itself or immedi
outside it. At the end of the festival (usually on firewalking da
sprouts are discarded or otherwise disposed of (Hiltebeit
1991:64,66).

Hiltebeitel explains that the Draupadi festival links the 'ni

grains' ritual to the incident from the Mahabharata, whe
Pandavas and Draupadi lived in hiding in the forest and were w
food. Their enemy, Duryodhana, in order to ensure that they w
be unable to get fresh grain to sow for food, instructed that a
begging for grain should be given only roasted seeds. Disguis
a gypsy, Draupadi managed to acquire some roasted grain, wh
Krishna miraculously caused to grow. In this way the Pandavas
able successfully to survive their period of concealment. This e
is preserved in the Draupadi cult in the Terukkuttu drama kno
'Draupadi the Gypsy' (Hiltebeitel 1991:76).

Today the healthy sprouting of the grains promises a succes

festival, and a good and prosperous year for everyone inv

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 DRAUPADI 71

(Hiltebeitel 1991:64). Hiltebeitel also sees connections in the

the grains are sprouted either inside or just outside the sanc
garbhagriha (which literally means wombhouse) of Draupa
coinciding with the drama celebrating her marriage. T
therefore represent the conception and growth of her children
like the sprouts, grew and died prematurely, on the ba
(Hiltebeitel 1991:67).

Similar 'nine grains' rituals are associated with oth

Goddess cults in India, and Hiltebeitel believes they have
significance in representing the consecration of royalty and the
quickening of the powers of the Goddess (1991:57).

In India, some temples also have nine other pots, or kalasa, in

which are placed water, milk and rice, which on the final day are
used for the ceremony of the consecration and washing of the deities
('apisekam') (Hiltebeitel 1991:60).

Terukkuttu

Hiltebeitel supplies much informative background on the origin

and purpose of the Terukkuttu ('street drama') cycle as part of the
Draupadi festival. These dramas are based on the Tamil version of
the Mahabharata, but because they are orientated towards popular
tastes they tend to take considerable liberties with the text.

The earliest beginnings of these dramas, Hiltebeitel believes, can

be traced to approximately 1600 CE when '...a repertoire of
Mahabharata plays began to crystallize... for use at Draupadi
festivals' (1988:147). But the earliest authentic Terukkuttu cycle of
dramas is recorded in connection with the eighteen day Draupadi
festival at Dindigal, in southern Tamilnadu, in the early nineteenth
century, where eighteen separate dramas were performed as part of
street processions. Some of the first versions of printed texts for
these plays date from the latter half of the nineteenth century.

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72 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

Hiltebeitel has found thirty two plays that have recently b

performed as part of Draupadi festivals in his 'core area'. Of th
'Eighteenth Day War' is the most often performed, along with oth
almost as popular such as 'Draupadi's Marriage', 'Dice Match
Disrobing', 'Arjuna's Tapas', 'Aravan's Sacrifice' and 'Ka
Salvation' (1988:164-168).

The material in a typical cycle usually covers the story from

marriage of Draupadi to the death of Duryodhana, but there are of
considerable variations in the material performed. A numb
temples in India try to provide a cycle of eighteen plays
eighteen nights which lead up to the climax of the fire walking on
final morning. The last night's play is almost always 'Eighteent
War', which incorporates the death of Duryodhana.

The centrepiece of the whole cycle is 'Dice Match a

Disrobing', dealing with the incident of Draupadi's humiliation
attempted seduction when she was dragged before Duryodhan
her hair, and he tried to remove her saree. She then vowed n
retie her hair until she could dress it with her enemy's blood
'stand on the chest of the man who has done this disgra
touching my hair and sarees' (1988:237).

Terukkuttu are always performed at night, usually outdoor

the temple precincts, with each separate drama lasting throughout
entire night, and ending at about daybreak.

Hiltebeitel points out that printed versions of the plays con

only the bare skeleton of what is actually performed. He comm

Clearly, when dramas that last all night are reduced

to forty to a hundred pages, much will be lost. One
misses the impact of the music, the alternations
between lull and intensity, the interactions with the
audience, and the role of improvisation at every
level... More particularly, one gets little sense of

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 DRAUPADI 73

the Kattiyankaran, the irrepressible comic

interlocutor... (1988:163)

Also, the printed plays provide no stage directions or guidance on.

the use of props.

In India these dramas are very popular and well attended, with
considerable audience involvement at the most intense moments.

Tying of Kappu Wristlets

These wristlets consist of a yellow string with a lump of turmeric

attached to it, which is tied round the right wrist of all participants
in the festival. The tying of kappu to the temple officiants usually
precedes that of the larger group of participants, and is often done
at flag-hoisting. Wristlets are first tied to all the deities in the
temple, then to the officiants, and finally to the binding cords of the
main drum to be used in the festival (Hiltebeitel 1991:84,85). Those
in the larger group of firewalkers often do not put on kappus until
the morning of the firewalk.

Hiltebeitel offers three meanings of kappu tying: firstly, it

initiates all of the participants into very intimate contact with the
deity; secondly, it commits those who intend to participate in the
festival, and particularly the firewalk, to a state of sexual and general
ritual purity; and lastly, it assures the participants of the Goddess's
protection (1991:88).

(The actual firewalking ceremony is dealt with below in the

section on Natal.)

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74 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

Main Ceremonies of Draupadi Festivals in Natal

In South Africa most temples observe only the last of the t

levels which Hiltebeitel identifies as part of Draupadi festival
India, namely ritual. Only two temples hold Terukkuttu performan
(drama). It appears to be more usual in this country to observe
day preparation period before the firewalking, with flag-lowe
taking place two days after that. However, at least two temples
Manor and the Jacobs Road Mariamman temple in Durban) ke
eighteen day preparation period, with two farther days to
lowering.

In the treatment below of the chronology of the various rituals

which are part of Draupadi festivals, I follow the order observed at
the Draupadiamman temple in Cato Manor, and compare and
contrast this with similar practices which Hiltebeitel describes in
India, as well as noting some variations in the practices of other
Natal temples.

Kalsam and the Sowing of the 'Nine Grains'

The Draupadiamman temple in Cato Manor starts the eighteen

day period with what they call 'Kalsam' (from 'Kalasam' - pots), an
evening devoted to constructing eighteen pots (kalsa), each of which
is topped with a coconut, and to the sowing of the 'nine grains'.
Kalsam, which is always on a Thursday at this temple, marks the
first day of the festival which reaches its climax on the eighteenth
day, the Sunday of the firewalking. This is the only temple I know
of in Natal which does not start the festival with the flag-hoisting
ceremony.

At this temple the nine grains (which include lentils, sesame,

gram and mung, broad and sugar beans) are sown in a tray, and
placed just outside the sanctuary near the north-western corner of the
temple where they are often placed in Indian temples. These sprouts
are abandoned at the flag-lowering ceremony.

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 DRAUPADI 75

This Cato Manor Temple has eighteen kalsa, rather than

pots usually found in India, and the coconut from one of
broken each evening as a countdown to the final day. T
from these is not used to bathe the deities, but for bathing th
(one of Draupadi's ritual weapons) each evening.

At this temple one of the kalsa represents Vishnu, and is th

to be carried across the fire. Other temples, for example
Pietermaritzburg, construct a slightly different kind of decorated pot
known as a 'karakam'2 representing the Goddess herself, and this is
taken first across the fire. At Cato Manor the Vishnu kalsam is
followed by a pot representing Ganesha, then the 'Draupadi
Karakam' and the trident.

In Natal, by contrast with India, the performance and

understanding of the 'nine grains' ritual has much diminished.
Although it is performed at the Cato Manor temple (and sprouts are
also grown at the Jacobs Road temple), my informant there knew
nothing of the symbolism. At the Pietermaritzburg temple the
Kurukkal priest agreed that it would be correct to plant nine 'beans'
on the night of flag-hoisting, but this is not done.

The Pietermaritzburg temple conducts a Kalsam ceremony on the

morning of the firewalking, when a single kalsam pot, representing
the Goddess, is prepared. This is then taken to the firepit, where,
after a ha van ceremony, a small grid of firewood is lit with camphor
from the priest's tray. Then the coconut from the top of the kalsam
is thrown into the fire, and the milk and kumkum from the pot
poured round the fire. So the Goddess herself symbolically enters the
fire as it is lit.

Flag-hoisting

On the second Friday, just over a week after Kalsam, the

Draupadiamman temple holds its flag-hoisting ceremony, ten days
before the firewalking. The permanent flag pole in front of this

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76 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

temple is typical of many of those described by Hiltebeit

standing outside 'core area' Draupadi temples in India, at the to
which three horizontal cross planks are connected by two ver
rods. At Cato Manor this upper structure is constructed of metal,
this roughly F-shaped pole faces towards the temple. This ty
flag pole (or kodi maram, as they are locally called) is commo
many Natal temples. The Draupadiamman flag pole is
interesting in that it stands on a fairly large square concrete pedes
(balipitha) which has a lion's head (the vehicle of the Godd
modelled in relief on each side.

Details of the flag-hoisting ceremony, which I have witnessed

only at the Pietermaritzburg Marriamen (their spelling) Temple, are
apparently fairly typical of all local Draupadi festivals. This marks
the first occasion on which the Goddess, with her ritual weapons,
emerges from her temple to begin her participation in her festival.
Firstly, a procession led by the priest and various assistants, carrying
the sword and trident (the weapons associated with Draupadi),
circumambulate the temple and the firepit. At the Pietermarizburg
temple the weapons undergo an 'apisekam' (washing and
consecration) to prepare them for their use in the festival. Later
Draupadi herself is carried out of the temple, taken round the temple
and firepit, and is then placed facing the flag pole. The priest unrolls
the flag which is about five metres long with the lion painted against
a white background. It is tied to the ropes of the pole and raised to
the accompaniment of loud drumming and chanting by the crowd of
devotees. The lower end of the flag is then wound three times round
the base of the flag pole and tied with a plaited rope, which is also
commonly done in India (Hiltebeitel 1991:85). At different points in
the evening's proceedings individual devotees go into trances,
swaying and dancing as they are possessed by one or other deity
(Diesel 1990:20-22).

At this flag-hoisting ceremony at the Pietermaritzburg temple,

kappu wristlets are tied to all the deities in the Mariamman temple,
to the flag and to the flag pole, as well as to the main drum to be
used throughout the festival. This is all remarkably similar to

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 DRAUPADI 77

practices described by Hiltebeitel (1991:85). The tying o

to Mariamman in the main sanctuary was (in 1992) the
considerable excitement, with three people entering a state

Some Natal temple congregations go in procession, ac

by the processional image of Draupadi, round various In
during the weekend before the end of the festival.
reminiscent of royalty setting out on a campaign. One
that in this battle imagery, there is also a reminder o
vindication wrought by the victory of the Pandavas at
Kurukshetra, acted out in various ways through the ritu
of her festival.

Kappu Tying

At the Cato Manor temple kappu tying for festival participants

is not done until early on the morning of the firewalking, as is also
the case in Pietermaritzburg. This is the practice followed at the
Tindivanam temple in India (Hiltebeitel 1991:64,65).

In Natal, kappu wristlets are worn not only by those who intend
to cross the fire, but also by those who attend the various ceremonies
of the festival and perhaps simply circle the firepit as part of the
procession on firewalking day. The priest at the Pietermaritzburg
temple sees the kappu as a device for focusing the devotees' minds
on their commitment to participate in the festival.

The flag-hoisting and kappu tying can be seen as the beginning

of this commitment on the part of the participating devotees to spend
the ten day period leading up to the firewalking in fasting and
preparation. They avoid eating meat or drinking alcohol, and observe
sexual abstinence, thus attaining a state of ritual purity (Hiltebeitel
1991:441).

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78 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

Terukkuttu

At the Draupadiamman temple the Terukkuttu drama 'Eighte

Day Battle' is performed throughout the final Saturday nig
culminating just before dawn on the morning of the firewalking wi
the 'Fulfilment of a Queen's Vow'. (This is, apparently, the same
the drama 'Eighteenth Day War' which is performed in India, but
climax depicting the vindication of Draupadi is somewhat differ
from anything described by Hiltebeitel.)

This performance coincides at midnight with the bathing a

dressing of the deities (apisekam). There are three deities in the
sanctuary: Draupadi in the centre, with Mariamman on her left,
Sati on her right. These three Goddesses are also represented b
three metal images outside the sanctuary, to the observer's left.
central deity in this group is the processional image of Draupa
After the dressing of the deities, this image of Draupadi was gi
a wig of hair, which hung down at the front on either side of
shoulders. (The processional image of Draupadi at the templ
Pietermaritzburg also has hair added to its head for the festiv
Hiltebeitel records that her images in Indian temples often have
(1991:49).

In Natal at present, the Cato Manor Draupadiamman temple

the only old temple which still incorporates Terukkuttu in
Draupadi festival. Other temples which used to include the dra
have given up, possibly because of the expense involved, as we
diminishing interest. Recently a new temple (The Siva Alayam
Chatsworth, near Durban, has started holding a Draupadi festi
with 'Eighteen Day Battle' performed on the night before
firewalk. Locally the drama is sometimes called Six Foot D
(Kuper 1960:218), although no-one appears to know why, except
it might be because the actors jump so high, or because their
head-dresses make them look six feet tall.)

Apparently the only group left in South Africa able to perfo

Terukkuttu is that known as the 'Thiru Muga Villasa Nadaga S

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 DRAUPADI 79

(dedicated to Muruga/Subramanya), established in 1935 by t

of its present manager, Moon Naidoo. Moon inherited an
much used Tamil script from his father, and says he
involved in the group since its inception when he was nine
There are seven actors in the group now, all well over six
old, and no-one is apparently willing to take over when t
unable to continue. It thus appears that the perform
Terukkuttu in South Africa will die out in the near future, w
mean the loss of an old and valuable tradition. Like the 'miracle
plays' of medieval England which helped to teach biblical stories to
a largely illiterate populace, the Terukkuttu have passed on the
Draupadi cult mythology to generations of Hindus.

In 1992 the drama at the Cato Manor temple was performed on

the Saturday night of 21 March, the night before the annual
firewalking. The evening started with a procession where the
processional image of Draupadi was carried round the temple, and
offerings were made to her image inside the temple. Supper was
served to everyone present, and then the drama began at about 9:00
p.m. It was held in a large marquee which had been erected for the
purpose on the south side of the temple, with an audience of about
130 people at the beginning of the performance. Although, like all
Hindu enterprises, the drama began with prayers to Ganesha (the
remover of obstacles), in this case there is the additional reason that
he is regarded as the transcriber of the Great Epic (Hiltebeitel
1988:141).

A small sheet-like banner with the group's name on it served as

a stage curtain, and the first figure to appear from behind it was the
clown or jester (called the Kattiyankaran in Hiltebeitel 1988:163).
His is a traditional role, not written into the scripts. He provides
explanations and continuity, introduces characters, and quite
frequently joins in with, and even interrupts, the action with his
improvised and, at times, scatological humour. At the Cato Manor
performance he often interrupted at the most dramatic and even
tragic moments, upstaging the actors and breaking the atmosphere,
but in general the audience enjoyed him tremendously, and the

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80 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

players cooperated in the fun. As the whole drama was perform

Tamil, which I do not understand, I was dependent for explana
on members of the audience, and my main informant from t
temple committee. With some knowledge of the basic Mahabh
story one is able to identify most characters and follow a fair amo
of the action, but sometimes long conversations and songs
difficult to follow. Musical accompaniment was provided by o
drummer and four people with finger cymbals.

The first characters on the stage, which was a carpet at the fro
of the marquee, were Dharmaraja and one of the other Pan
brothers (Arjuna, or possibly Nakula, the youngest son) carry
large bow. Krishna then appeared, with his face its character
blue colour, and was asked by the Pandavas for his help, whic
promised. Duryodhana and two other members of the Kaurava fam
entered, and also asked for Krishna's help. Duryodhana soon b
to argue with Dharmaraja who was (after the years in ex
attempting to reclaim the Pandavas' kingdom. This argument
presented in stylised fashion, with Dharmaraja and Duryod
dancing round each other as they sang. Duryodhana denied
Pandava claim so war was now inevitable.

At about 1:15 a.m. Bhima appeared, adding a new sense of

drama and expectation. He was almost immediately escorted to the
temple to pay homage to Draupadi, after which he circumambulated
the temple with drummers leading the way, and with much chanting
from those accompanying this procession. One now knows that the
action is leading up to the defeat and death of Duryodhana, but at
least two more hours were to elapse before this happened.

Eventually Duryodhana hid in the water (represented by a basin

of water placed next to the kneeling figure) where Bhima found him.
Bhima, reminded by Krishna that Duryodhana's weak spot is his
thigh, felled the villain with a blow to this spot. (This emphasis on
Duryodhana's thigh is, of course, a reminder that one of Draupadi's
many humiliations was when Duryodhana revealed his thigh to her,
inviting her to sit on his lap, after his attempt to disrobe her. At this

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 DRAUPADI 81

point Bhima swore that he would finally take revenge by s

Duryodhana's thigh in battle.)

At 3:20 a.m. Draupadi made her appearance, when, rathe

there were only about twenty people left in the audience. S
Krishna, was depicted with a blue face. Considerable d
tension was built up before this very late entrance of the
Goddess. Like Helen of Troy, she is a woman for whom a
disastrous war has been waged. Her vow of revenge, taken
years earlier, is finally to be fulfilled, and she will be able
her hair by which she was ignominiously dragged before
Duryodhana, and become queen of the victorious Pandavas. A well
known Draupadi cult version of this vow, repeated to me by local
Hindus is: 'I will comb my hair with your ribs; I will wear your guts
as a garland'.

Draupadi and Krishna conversed in song for some time before

the two of them, who were now the only remaining characters in the
drama, made their way to the temple, escorted by all the other
players as well as the small audience. Inside the temple everyone
stood before the sanctuary facing the image of the Goddess.
Camphor was lit, and everyone began to chant. After a few minutes
a man and a woman who were part of the group went into trances,
and then Draupadi began to tremble and sway as she too became
possessed. She was given a large iron trident, and the whole
procession of people then made its way outside to a spot in front of
the temple, not far from the firepit, where the final powerful and
dramatic scene of revenge was to be performed.

A large effigy of Duryodhana, about ten feet long, had been

constructed on the ground from soil, with red kumkum powder on
the thigh to represent blood. As is the custom in India, the head of
the effigy was towards the south, the inauspicious direction of Yama,
the god of death (Hiltebeitel 1991:321). Camphor was lit at each of
the four corners, and the three people in trances danced and swayed
as they circled the body. Then Draupadi knelt down next to the
figure and fiercely lunged the trident into its chest. She dug

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82 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

frantically in the sand and dragged out a white garland, represe

his guts, which she hung round her neck. Further digging prod
a comb, his ribs, with which she combed her hair. As she kne
upright, she was assisted in tying up her hair into a kuntal (kn
bun). At this point a signal was given for the women in the te
to knot the hair of Draupadi's processional image (Hilteb
1991:38). Still in a trance, the Draupadi character threw hersel
length on the ground at the feet of Krishna and lay still for s
moments. When she was helped to her feet all signs of the trance
disappeared. A few men were now instructed to destroy compl
the effigy of Duryodhana so that nothing remained. This, I was
was because 'he is cursed in all the world'. At 4:10 a.m. the
procession returned to the temple for the final prayers.

Thus was enacted the revenge of Draupadi, the queen, who is

also the fierce and protective Goddess and Mother of fire. Hiltebeitel
points to some extremely interesting symbolism which emphasises
her connections with other fierce Goddesses in the Hindu pantheon.
In the action of garlanding herself with the intestines of Duryodhana,
Draupadi is performing actions most usually associated with Kali, the
black, dishevelled Goddess of graveyards who, garlanded with skulls
and adorned with blood, dances on the prone body of Shiva. This
reminds us that both Draupadi and her sister folk Goddess
Ankalamman, who is also described as devouring intestines, are
forms of Kali (Hiltebeitel 1988:307). (In Natal Draupadi is often
regarded as a form of 'Angalamman'.)

Hiltebeitel also draws attention to parallels between Draupadi's

victory and that of Durga, the Goddess of Victory (Vijaya), as she
stands on the body of the slain demon, Mahisa. So, too, Draupadi's
victory is reminiscent of that over the buffalo demon (1988:432).
The use, by Draupadi, of the trident to extract Duryodhana's guts is
yet another connection with Durga's victory, as in the Devi
Mahatmayam Durga was given the trident by Shiva, and used it to
impale the buffalo demon. Like Durga and Kali, Draupadi, too, can
be seen as assisting her devotees against the dark, chaotic forces of
destruction.

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 DRAUPADI 83

Another very interesting observation made by Hiltebeite

when Draupadi was dragged by the hair before Duryodhana
menstruating, and her hair was untied as a sign of he
impurity. At the end of her period she would have washed
and retied it, but she vowed that she would not retie her h
she had obtained revenge for this attempted sexual violat
she remains in an unpurified, angry, or overheated state u
finally 'washes' her hair in Duryodhana's blood. The Maha
says that Duryodhana's thigh was his vital spot, and H
explains that men's right thighs are often regarded as their vi
spots, a sexual connection with fertility. In the light
Draupadi's revenge takes on a deeper sexual dimension
defeats her demon enemy, not only physically, but also se
retying her hair she is seen as finally cleansed from all def
(1991:396-398).

It is also significant that in her mythology and symbol

Goddess Draupadi has close parallels with many of the typi
Indian folk Goddesses, who are associated with stories of
women, unjustly violated (sometimes sexually) by men, w
express their outrage in revenge (Kinsley 1986:200-20
applies to both Ankalamman and Mariamman, two folk G
closely associated with Draupadi.) In this connection Hiltebe

Indeed, the recurrent imagery of the goddess's

sufferings - her marital humiliations, sexual
violations, and encounters with defilement and
impurity - find countless variations in the myths of
village, caste, and lineage goddesses and point to
some of the most fundamental and determinative
themes in their cults. (1988:265)

For Draupadi this vindication finds its fitting climax in the

firewalking ritual, which follows within hours of her revenge.

The attempted sexual violation of the Goddess

produced in her a heated state, which was finally

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84 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

cooled with her vindication, and the ritual worship

of her devotees, so that in her newly acquired cool
state she precedes them across the firepit, cooling
the coals for them, so that those with faith will
emerge unscathed, and the new healthy, cool state
will pervade the entire community. (Diesel 1992:17)

Firexvalking

For details of the procedure of the firewalking ceremony,

Hiltebeitel (1988, 1991) on India, and Diesel (1990, 1991) on Sou
Africa.

In South Africa the firewalking ceremony itself is most usu

called Theemeri ('firewalk'), and occasionally Pookulithal ('walk
on a bed of flowers'). This latter name preserves the belief
'...Draupadi is sometimes said to make the coals fresh and coo
flowers or to drape her hair or her sarees over the coals' (Hilte
1988:437). I have not come across anyone who is familiar with
term Timiti which Hiltebeitel uses for firewalks in India, but it se
likely that Theemeri is a local variation of this.

There are certain features of the firewalking ceremony th

appear to be observed by almost all temples, both in India and
Natal.

...it is possible to recognise four phases in the

firewalking rites at most Draupadi festivals: a
ceremony at the bank of a tank or reservoir (or
alternatively a riverbank or seacoast), a procession
from the water to the temple, rites within the
temple, and the firewalk itself. (Hiltebeitel
1991:443)

At the water, the ritual washings and other preparations by

participants are performed. (These can involve smearing their bodies

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 DRAUPADI 85

with turmeric or kumkum, donning predominantly yellow

garments, and constructing karakams.) Later in the after
procession sets off for the temple, with drummers le
devotees along the route.

In both India and Natal most temples appear to place

more guardian posts at some point on the edge of the fir
Pietermaritzburg two wooden posts are put in the ground t
and right of the entrance to the firepit: 'Aravan' on the
'Agnibhavan' (Aknibhavan) on the right. Aravan (Iravan) is
son, a deified hero, who plays a prominent role in the Sou
Draupadi cult. His pre-war sacrifice to Kali is believed
secured victory for the Pandavas3 (Hiltebeitel 1988, chapter
Agnibhavan post is the 'fire post' or 'Akkinikampan' w
believed to hold or absorb the heat of the fire for the devotees.4
Draupadi is said to have emerged from the fire at her birth with this
in her hand (Hiltebeitel 1991:107,462). This temple also places a
'Gengasulom' stake in the corner of the milk pit at the end of the
firepit. This represents Ganga, the water Goddess of the Ganges,
who is also believed to protect devotees from burning. This could be
an allusion to the great salvific properties of the Ganges; and the new
life gained from crossing the sacrificial fire (Hiltebeitel 1991:474).

Hiltebeitel reports that just before the procession arrives at some

temples another rite of 'thermostatic regulation' is performed,
involving the placing of some of the coals from the firepit into a
cloth to see whether or not they burn it (1991:461). I have been told
that the Pietermaritzburg temple follows a procedure in which coals
from the pit are placed in the saree of Draupadi's processional
image, which by this time has been set at the far end of the firepit
facing her devotees as they cross. If the coals do not burn the
garment this is taken as an indication that the fire is ready, but if the
cloth burns, the firewalk has to be delayed or postponed. Apparently
this has seldom happened.5

Hiltebeitel says:

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86 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

The firepit is an object not only of seeing, or

darsan, but also, I would have to say, of longing;
and not only for the firewalkers but also for the
crowd, which swells toward it and then recedes in
a kind of tidal rhythm. (1991:459)

I have ceftainly felt this to be so as I have been part of the

crush of people at the edge of the firepit.

The actual firewalking generally takes place late in the after

The firewalkers are usually led across the coals by some
official or pujari who carries the Sakti6 karakam pot which rep
the Goddess herself. He also wears a sash containing a b
syringa leaves, which are associated with the Goddess. Her
weapons, the sword and trident, are both carried across th
Both in India and South Africa the firepits are almost always si
from east to west (which is the general positioning of the t
so that devotees cross in a westward direction, making the
towards the Goddess and her temple. Finally, the devotees
to the temple where all karakams are placed, and kapp
removed, the vows which they represented now havin
fulfilled.

In Natal the number of firewalkers varies from between about

sixty at each of the two Durban temples, to upwards of one hundred
and thirty in Pietermaritzburg. In India, Hiltebeitel reports numbers
of approximately thirty at the smaller rural temples, to an enormous
crowd of about eight hundred at Tindivanam which holds the longest
and most popular festival.

Pietermaritzburg is the only Natal temple that does not allow

women to cross the fire, and a number of women have expressed
disappointment, saying that they believe this Goddess festival should
be seen as primarily concerned with women. In India, most temples
do allow women to participate in the firewalk, while a few exclude
them. Interestingly, the chief trustee of the Tindivanam temple

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 DRAUPADI 87

claimed that firewalking is really a women's rite (

1991:441,444,446).

The remarkably close correlation of the details in th

between Indian and South African Hindu communities is evidence of
how faithfully local groups have preserved their heritage in the one
hundred and thirty years during which they have been separated from
their motherland. This is interesting in confirming Hiltebeitel's
observation:

Of all Draupadi festival rituals, the firewalk clearly

has the greatest homogeneity from place to place...
it remains basically the same ceremony, and not
only as one moves out from the core area into
surrounding districts, but also in the Draupadi cult
diaspora as well. (1991:468)

However, an apparently indispensable part of the actual

firewalking ritual at all South African temples is the inserting of
needles and hooks into the bodies of many of those who participate
in the procession to the firepit. Needles are pushed through cheeks
and tongues, while hooks, often with marigolds, limes, or even
coconuts suspended from them, are hung in rows across their chests,
backs and arms. Some men jump on sandals with nails pointing
upward from the soles. Chariots containing the images of the deities
are pulled from the place where the bathing and final preparations
for the firewalk take place to the temple by men with ropes attached
to large hooks stuck into their backs (Diesel 1990; Kuper
1960:221-222). These austerities are generally regarded as evidence
of devotion to the Goddess. It is possible that these acts of self
torture are residual reminders of the sacrificial deaths of victims
offered to the Goddess. The firewalk, itself, is a type of self-sacrifice
(Hiltebeitel 1991:474). It is interesting that Hiltebeitel nowhere
mentions that similiar practices occur in the 'core area' of the
Draupadi cult in India.

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88 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

Almost all those who 'take' needles or hooks as part of

festival, are in what are locally referred to as 'trances' when
happens. These trances are believed to be brought on by the pe
being possessed or overshadowed by a particular deity, and they
often act in ways typically associated with that deity (K
1960:217,222-224). Hiltebeitel reports that 'possession' plays a f
prominent part in Draupadi festivals in India. There the state
possession appears to be particularly connected to the Terukk
dramas, with possession occuring at points of high intensity in
action. Hiltebeitel explains that Draupadi is, in fact, associated
possession herself. When she was being reviled by Duhsasana
Duryodhana she is described as growing hot and beginnin
tremble and shake (typical initial actions of those entering into a s
of possession). This point in the drama is, understandably, one o
triggers for members of the audience to become possessed. I di
witness any signs of possession at the Terukkuttu performan
Cato Manor, except for the final intensely dramatic scene whe
actor playing Draupadi, and two devotees, became possessed
there are many points during the various rituals of the festival wh
local participants enter into trance states. Many people are in tr
when they cross the firepit, although it is not necessary to be in t
state in order to come through the fire unharmed. Of the ac
firewalk in India, Hiltebeitel says, '...possession is common th
not required...' (1988:444).

Flag-lowering

This final ceremony of most of the local festivals takes place tw

days after the firewalking. This procedure is followed in
Pietermaritzburg, where the ceremony includes the tying of
Draupadi's hair as well as a 'porridge prayer'. Many Natal temples
hold so-called porridge prayers for various folk Goddesses where
sour porridge, or 'Kulu', is prepared and offered, largely to 'cool'
and placate these fierce deities. (This further emphasises Draupadi's
sharing of the characteristics of the South Indian folk Goddesses.)
One explanation given for this unusual placing of the hair-tying ritual

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 DRAUPADI 89

is that it was only after Draupadi had re-entered the fire o

that she was finally revealed as her 'real' divine self. Th
retying, marking her final vindication, cannot be done unt
firewalking. While the retying ritual took place, the el
pujari led the proceedings by singing Draupadi cult song
of her original vow, her vindication, and the fact that she
to retie her kuntal.

Conclusion

In spite of meticulous preservation of the ritual details of this

festival in Natal, the Hindu community here appears to be losing
contact with the related mythology. For example, the 'nine grains'
ritual is observed only at Cato Manor and at Jacobs Road without
much, if any, understanding of its context in the Draupadi cult, and
the Terukkuttu dramas appear to be almost a thing of the past. One
wonders how long ritual can persist without the support of the
mythology upon which it depends. Will the South African Draupadi
festivals in the future be reduced to the bare minimum of ritual such
as the flag-hoisting ceremony and the firewalk? This appears to be
quite possible in the light of Hiltebeitel's contention that the

...integrity of the firewalk by itself raises the

possibility of viewing it as detachable from the rest
of the Draupadi festival. The myths of Draupadi's
firewalk are themselves independent of the
Mahabharata... the stories of Draupadi's firewalk
are rooted in the ritual, which has no textual basis.
(1991:469)

And one can only speculate how long, in the more egalitarian,
integrated community of the 'new' South Africa, a strange ritual
such as firewalking will be able to survive. However, its growing
popularity at present suggests that it still has considerable power to
remind a community, far from its spiritual home, of its roots. It is

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90 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

therefore very possible that its apparently powerful ability to

a strong sense of cohesion and identity to certain sectors
minority community, as well as its salvific healing and empow
potential,7 will enable it to endure and to continue play
significant role in Natal Hindu society.

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 DRAUPADI 91

NOTES

1. Four of these temples have held Draupadi festivals for many

years: the Marriamen (sic) Temple in Pietermaritzburg; the
Umbilo Shree Draupadiamman Temple in Cato Manor, Durban;
the Mariamman Temple in Jacobs Road, Durban; and the Glencoe
Hindu Temple in northern Natal. Three new temples in
Chatsworth, Durban, have started holding Draupadi festivals fairly
recently. The Marieamman (sic) Temple in the grounds of the
Clairwood Shree Siva Soobramoniar Temple, Durban, held an
eighteen day Draupadi festival from 1942 until 1964, when they
decided to abandon the firewalking ceremony. This festival
included Terukkuttu drama and readings from the Mahabharata.
They now observe 'Dropathy Ammen Yagum Prayers' during the
month of March.

2. A Karakam (also spelt karagam, garagam, goron gon) is a pot,

filled with water, sealed with a coconut, which then has a conical
frame constructed above this which is decorated with syringa
leaves and orange marigold flowers. It usually has a lime fruit
placed at the top. It is believed to be a representation of the
Goddess herself, and some devotees carry these tall structures on
their heads at Goddess festivals.

3. Aravan's severed head is believed to have observed the eighteen

day progress of the war. Hiltebeitel reports that 'Aravan's severed
head is a common icon at Draupadi temples' (1988:327). It is
interesting that the Cato Manor Draupadiamman temple is the only
Natal temple which has Aravan's head set up in a shrine outside as
one of Draupadi's guardians. (At the Pietermaritzburg Marriamen
Temple the Goddess's guardians are Madurai Veeran and
Kattavarayan.)

4. Agni is the Vedic god of fire and sacrifices.

5. In the temple, immediately prior to the firewalking, Hiltebeitel

records the placing of some of the karakam pots in the sanctuary,

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92 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

and a ceremony of getting a sword to stand on the edge of on

these, which I have not come across at local festivals.

6. Sakti (or Shakti) literally means 'power', and is a generic n

for the Goddess.

7. Both in India and South Africa, the vows that firewalkers make
to the Goddess before the festival are usually to do with healing.
('The most frequent impulse behind a firewalking vow is illness or
disablement' - Hiltebeitel 1991:440.) Hiltebeitel also quotes
Lawrence Babb who claims that many young men are attracted to
the ordeal of firewalking because they are 'blocked' economically,
and thus 'seek an alternate mode of empowerment' (1991:466).

REFERENCES

Beck, Brenda E.F. 1969. 'Color and heat in South Indian ritu
Man, vol. 4.

Diesel, Alleyn. 1990. 'Hindu firewalking in Natal', Journal fo

the Study of Religion, vol. 3, no. 1.

Diesel, Alleyn. 1991. 'The tradition of Hindu firewalking in

Natal', Natalia, no. 21.

Diesel, Alleyn. 1992. 'The worship and iconography of the

Hindu folk goddesses in Natal', Journal for the Study of Religio
vol. 5, no. 2.

Diesel, Alleyn & Maxwell Patrick. 1993. Hinduism in Natal: a

brief guide. Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press.

Gunn, Barbara. 1962. 'A fire-walking ceremony', Blackwood'

Magazine, vol. 291, no. 1757.

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Hiltebeitel, Alf. 1982. 'Sexuality and sacrifice: conver

subcurrents in the firewalking cult of Draupadi', in Fre
Clothey (ed.), Images of man: religion and historical pr
South Asia. Madras: New Era Publications.

Hiltebeitel, Alf. 1988. The cult of Draupadi. Volume 1:

Mythologies: from Gingee to Kuruksetra. University of Chicago
Press.

Hiltebeitel, Alf (ed.). 1990. Criminal gods and demon devotees.

Manohar.

Hiltebeitel, Alf. 1991. The cult of Draupadi. Volume 2: On

Hindu ritual and the Goddess. University of Chicago Press.

Kinsley, David. 1986. Hindu Goddesses. University of

California Press.

Kuper, Hilda. 1960. Indian People in Natal. University of Natal

Press.

Kuppusami, C. 1983. Religious practices and customs of South

African Indians. Durban: Sunray.

Mikula, P. et al. 1982. Traditional Hindu temples in South

Africa. Durban: Hindu Temple Publications.

Nowbath, Ranji S. et al (eds). 1960. The Hindu heritage in

South Africa. S.A. Hindu Maha Sabha.

Sayce, R.U. 1933. 'An Indian firewalking ceremony in Natal",

Man, vol. 33.

Whitehead, Henry. 1988. The village gods of South India. 2nd

edition. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services.

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94 JSR 7:1 MARCH 1994

Alleyn Diesel lectures in the Department of Religious Stud

University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg.

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