ABSTRACT

Domestic violence continues to be a global epidemic that kills, tortures, and maims – physically,
sexually, psychologically and economically. It is one of the most pervasive of human rights
violations, denying women and girls’ equality, security, dignity, self-worth, and their right to
enjoy fundamental freedoms and equal opportunities in society.

This study investigated the phenomenon of domestic violence and girl-child education in
Nigeria. It also examined how violence impacts on equal opportunities for women in society.
Using the secondary method of data collection and analysis, the study further adopted the social
Learning Theory as a framework of analysis. It concluded that domestic violence is present in
every country, cutting across boundaries of gender, race, culture, class, education, income,
ethnicity and age. Even though most societies proscribe violence against women, the reality is
that violations against women’s human rights are often sanctioned under the garb of cultural
practices and norms, or through misinterpretation of religious tenets. Moreover, when the
violation takes place within the home, as is very often the case, the abuse is effectively condoned
by the tacit silence and the passivity displayed by the state and the law-enforcing machinery. The
study recommended a re-orientation for all to ensure gender equality and equal opportunities for
women. It also recommended, among others that there should strict enforcement of laws against
gender-based violence in Edo State.
 CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Globally, domestic violence is a significant problem and one of the most pervasive
human rights challenges especially for the most parts of African societies where issues relating to
partners violence are largely treated as hidden phenomena (Izugbara et al., 2018). While some
intimate relationships can be pleasurable and fulfilling, others may be characterized by assaultive
and coercive behaviours including physical, sexual, psychological attacks, and economic
coercion which are hazardous to the individual’s physical and emotional well-being.

Domestic violence is a worldwide phenomenon, whose reports and incidence have been
on the rise. Generally, women, children and other vulnerable people are often in great danger in
the place where they should be safest – within their families. For many, ‘home’ is where they
face a regime of terror and violence at the hands of somebody close to them – somebody they
should be able to trust. Those victimized suffer physically, sexually, psychologically and
economically. They are unable to make their own decisions, voice their own opinions or protect
themselves and their children for fear of further repercussions. Their human rights are denied and
their lives are stolen from them by the ever-present threat of violence.

In Nigeria, as in many other countries, domestic violence is sanctioned and widely

accepted as s form of discipline (UNICEF, 2010). For instance, the beating of wives and children
is widely sanctioned as a form of discipline and in beating their children, parents believe they are
instilling discipline in them, much the same way as in husbands beating their wives, who are
regarded like children to be prone to indiscipline which must be curbed. According to Oluremi
(2015), cases of domestic violence have been on the increase in Nigeria.

Furthermore, girl-child education has become a major global concern, particularly, as it

obtains in most developing countries. It is a catch-all term for a complex set of issues and
debates surrounding (primary education, secondary, and tertiary and health education in
particular) for girls and women. Despite dramatic improvements over the past years, progress
towards achieving education for all has stagnated. In total, 263 million children, adolescents and
youth were out of school for the school year ending in 2016. As such, Nigeria is at the top of the
list of countries with the highest number of children out of school. As Nextier (2019, p. 1)
submits, Nigeria has about 13.2 million out-of- school children.

Meanwhile, education is one of the most critical areas of empowerment for women. It is a
powerful ‘equalizer’, opening doors to all to lift themselves out of poverty (Omede & Agahiu,
2016). Consequently, educating a girl is one of the best investments her family, community, and
country can make. It means that girl-child education is central to development and improvement
of the nation’s welfare. Thus, denying the girl-child access to education implies making her a
dysfunctional member of the society. This study interrogates the phenomenon of domestic
violence and how it affects girl-child education and its consequent implication equal
opportunities for women in Nigeria.

Ganley (1989) states that domestic violence includes: physical violence, sexual violence,
emotional abuse and abuse of property and pets. According to him, exposure to these forms of
violence has considerable potential to be perceived as a threat to the lives of victims and can
make them feel vulnerable, helpless and, in extreme cases, horrified. Dutton (1992) defines
physical violence as any behavior that involves the intentional use of force against the body of
another person and that may cause physical injury, injury and / or pain. This includes pushing,
hitting, slapping, suffocating, using an object to hit, twisting a part of the body, forcing the
ingestion of an unwanted substance and using a weapon. Dutton (1994) defines sexual abuse as
any unwanted sexual intimacy imposed on an individual by another.

This may include oral stimulation or anal or vaginal penetration, forced nudity, forced
exposure to material or explicit sexual activity. Compliance can be achieved by actual physical
force or threat or other forms of coercion. Psychological abuse may include derogatory
statements or the threat of loss of life by another person. It can also involve isolation, economic
threats and emotional abuse.

Straus and Gelles (1990), domestic violence is widespread and affects all social and
economic groups. A national survey of more than 6,000 American families found that between
53% and 70% of violent men also abuse their children. Domestic violence is one of the least
reported crimes in the United States, and the Department of Justice estimated in 1998 that there
were between 960000 and four million domestic incidents each year.
 In 1994, statistics from the justice office estimated that around 92% of domestic violence
cases involved women. Wopadovi (women against domestic violence) 2014, domestic violence
threatens many Nigerian families and, unfortunately, increases in our society. Many people,
including the vast majority of women, have been injured, disabled and killed as a result of
domestic violence. After recent events in which domestic violence has become commonplace
and every day the death of spouses and lovers of domestic violence is reported, it has become a
high priority to make domestic violence a threat that must be addressed. Face as soon as possible.
All the seriousness that you deserve. Wopadovi also points out that domestic violence does not
recognize the standards of class or social education. Domestic violence according to Wikipedia
(2004) is a problem as in many parts of Africa. In Nigeria, there is a deep cultural belief that it is
socially acceptable to beat a woman to discipline her spouse.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Although domestic violence has been recognized today as one of the most entrenched and
widespread forms of violence in Nigeria, its influence on schoolchildren has not yet received the
same level of attention (Tony, 2002). Child victims or witnesses of domestic violence may
develop physical, psychological and behavioral problems as a result of physical, verbal,
psychological and other forms of violence. This can affect their participation in school because
they can go to school when they are too afraid to learn and many of them may fall behind in class
or in life because of exposure to domestic violence (Wathen, 2003). The short- and long-term
emotional and physical sequelae of domestic violence can affect school attendance, student
achievement, and behavioral patterns of students in school and participation in the classroom. It
is not known how the types and extent of domestic violence affect student achievement and
school participation.

1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The objective of this study is to examine the domestic violence on children and its effect on
academic performance, using the Edo State as a case study. Specifically the study:

a. Establish the extent of various forms of domestic violence among households of different
socio economic characteristics in Edo state.
 b. Determine the influence of domestic violence on the female child’s school attendance in
Edo state.
c. Determine the influence of domestic violence on academic performance of female child
at schools in Edo state.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTION

The following research questions were raised to guide the study:

a. What are the various forms of domestic violence among households of different socio
economic characteristics in Edo State?
b. What are the influence of domestic violence on the female child’s school attendance in
Edo State.
c. What are the influence of domestic violence on academic performance of the female
child at school in Edo State.

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

Policy makers, school administrators and teachers in the education sector can use the findings of
this study to formulate strategies for implementing PFH that promote the participation of
children from vulnerable families in violence. Local government and social workers, as well as
non-governmental organizations (NGOs), can use these findings to identify these abused families
and children, develop strategies to combat domestic violence, and encourage socially inclusive
intervention mechanisms. In poor neighborhoods.

The study can also benefit the legal or legislative framework by providing the necessary
information to incorporate the laws of protection against domestic violence and school
participation, the basic rights of education and regulations.

The findings can also contribute to the national debate on domestic violence and its control, as
well as ideas for future research on the causes, impacts and relationships of domestic violence
with other elements of social and economic well-being. the society.

1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The study of the impact of intimate partner violence on female child will cover the whole of Edo
state.
1.7 LIMITATION OF STUDY

• FINANCIAL CONSTRAINST: financial constraints tend to impede the speed of the

research in moving round the to gather resources. But the researcher was able to get
meaningful information concerning the research topic.

• TIME CONSTRAINTS: the research being a student will be involved in other

departmental activities like submission of assignments, presentation of seminars and
attendance to lecture will limit the time to arrive at the completion of the research work
but however the researcher was able to meet up with the time allocated for the
completion of the research work.
 CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 INTRODUCTION
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is defined by the World Health Organization as “behavior
by an intimate partner or ex-partner that causes physical, sexual, or psychological harm,
including physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse or controlling behaviors” (p.
1). An important addition to this definition is that IPV can occur “between those aged 16 or over
who are or have been intimate partners or family members, regardless of gender or sexuality” (p.
1). Despite the acceptance that IPV occurs regardless of gender, women are still predominantly
targeted, with estimates varying greatly across the world. One study of particular significance
reached a sample of over 24,000 women in 15 different countries. The authors of this study
documented the lifetime prevalence of physical or sexual violence as ranging vastly, from 15%
in Japan to 71% in Ethiopia. There is comparatively less knowledge regarding the number of
men who experience IPV, ranging from: 11.5% in a study of more than 4600 in Sweden; 15.9%
in a sample of over 15,000 in the United States; to 22% in a sample of 1700 in Hong Kong. This
disparity may be a result of many factors including cultural norms, the quality of reporting
processes, defined terminology or under-reporting of such crimes, but it underlines the still ever-
present risk for women to experience violence in intimate relationships. It is this risk of a
woman’s potential exposure to IPV and her typical role as primary caregiver, that means it is
highly likely her experiences may indirectly extend to her children, who become secondary
victims (we use the term secondary victims in this article to highlight the real situation where
children are not the direct receiver of violence but experience its effects indirectly (see also Jaffe,
Crooks and Wolfe). The mother in this example is the primary victim of violence under the
circumstances of IPV, and her child is experiencing the impact of IPV on their mother and thus
in her parenting).

For children who do not experience violence directly in the home, the distinction between
witnessing IPV and being exposed to it is an important one. Exposure is used more recently to
encapsulate the idea that children are known to experience IPV through their awareness of
violence between their parents, even if they do not (always) directly witness any violent acts.
The number of adults who report having been exposed to IPV during childhood can range
anywhere from 8% to 25%. In the United Kingdom, approximately 1 million children report
having been exposed to IPV, but of course, children do still witness violence in the home. In the
United States around 80% of children living in violent homes personally observed IPV towards
their mother.

The effects of IPV on mothers and children can manifest in multiple ways. Very often,
mothers and children do not acknowledge or discuss violence in the home once it ends, and
exposure to it can impact the individual functioning of both the mother and the child, as well as
affecting their dyadic relationship. For women who directly experience IPV, outcomes are well-
documented. As well as physical injury, Graham-Bermann and Miller highlight the increased
risk of long-term health concerns such as asthma, stroke and heart disease that impact women
who experience violence. Psychologically, women are also at great risk of predominantly post-
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety and depression, but also suicidal behavior, sleep and
eating disorders, social dysfunction, and an increased likelihood of substance abuse. With regard
to children, some may personally observe violent acts in the family home, or witness controlling
or coercive behavior towards their mother. In situations of violence, research has shown that
children as young as one can display heightened distress in response to even verbal conflict
between parents. Moreover, witnessing severe IPV has been associated with trauma symptoms,
behavioral problems, as well as increased risk of alcoholism, illicit drug use and depressed affect
in later life. It has also be linked in one study to perpetration of violence, as a result of social
learning. Exposure to violence in the home may also impact the likelihood of adverse psycho-
social outcomes.This can include: poor emotion regulation, anxiety, depression, low self-esteem,
attention difficulties, disturbances in interpersonal relationships and reduced overall adaptive
functioning, as well as mal-adaptive cognition regarding the causes of IPV; i.e., blaming the
mother or themselves. As a result, children can be observed to have reduced problem solving
abilities later on within both interpersonal and environmental situations.

As well as witnessing violence, growing up with a mother who is impacted by violence

herself can reflect in the behavioral functioning of a child. Symptoms of depression observed in
women experiencing IPV have been linked to a poorer overall quality of parenting, which in
turn, is believed to increase the likelihood of distress and internalizing behaviors in children.
Furthermore, Jouriles et al. note a lack of parental warmth and affection as associated with
greater dysfunctional behavior in children exposed to violence in the home. Moreover, mothers
may also be more punitive with their children, an act that is further linked to internalizing and
externalizing displays of child behavior, with high co-occurrence of both types of problems in
children who are more regularly and harshly punished. One reason mothers may employ such
parenting strategies is to ensure their children are well-behaved, thus avoiding aggravating the
abuser. Though the experience of IPV on the dyadic mother-child relationship often results in
poor functioning, this is not always the case. In times of stress, parents can act as ‘emotional
anchors’, and demonstrate adaptive coping mechanisms to ensure their child’s optimal well-
being, thus buffering against poor socio-emotional outcomes. Mothers affected by IPV have been
observed to be more responsive and warm towards their children, which may act as a protective
factor against the negative impact of being exposed to IPV in the family home, and play a key
role in mediating the distress of chaotic family situations.

As a result of the range of outcomes for mothers and children affected by IPV, treatment
and support that addresses their individual needs can be successful in targeting their functioning
and improving outcomes. Equally, improvements in this domain may have the added benefit of
also improving the relationship overall. Interventions that focus on children commonly aim to
address the most severe outcomes (e.g., attachment disorders, PTSD, anxiety and conduct
problems), usually taking place in shelters or in community-based centers. In addition,
McWhirter stresses the importance of allowing space for children to gain understanding and
perspective about the event, appraise the safety issues involved, identify and learn to approach
the safe people in their life, and master confidence in themselves and their environment. Other
important goals for child interventions have been to enhance coping skills; improve
communication skills; explore conflict resolution and problem-solving skills; expressing
feelings; and changing maladaptive behavior. Age is important for children as secondary
witnesses. In households with IPV, younger children are the most likely to witness violent acts,
yet they have also shown to be more receptive to their mothers’ improved well-being after
receiving treatment, compared with older children. One study found youth and adolescent
children (aged 6–18 years) as having the least improvement on internalizing behaviors following
treatment of their mothers, with many remaining within clinical range after two years. This was
compared to children between ages 18 months and 5 years who were more receptive to their
mothers’ treatment. Interventions that encompass a wide age-range actually inhibit the ability to
identify effects or processes more unique to a particular developmental period. Often
interventions for improving mothers’ functioning mirror those for their children (e.g., enhancing
problem-solving and communication, as well as how to express one’s feeling), but they also
include aspects of developing parenting skills and decreasing parenting stress, how to develop
safety plans for their family and how to connect with the community.

While interventions of individual sessions allow the space for mothers and children to
explore their own issues and receive age-appropriate support, time spent together in joint
sessions is believed to help sustain any positive changes within the family unit. A combination of
both likely brings about the most long-lasting impact on relationships and well-being [13].
However, research over the past two decades has tended to explain mother-child relationships by
exclusively examining a mother’s parenting.

Given the range of evidence on the interaction of individual experiences of IPV (directly
as a mother, and indirectly as a child) and the subsequent impact on behavior and functioning–as
well as the impact of these on relationships–this review has a primary focus of distinguishing
how different types of interventions in psycho-social care settings adapt to meet the needs of
mothers and children, both separately and in joint sessions. We aim to do this by mapping
existing interventions for women who are directly affected by IPV, and their children who are
secondary victims; and to build on similar existing work by further exploring how the structure
and content of intervention programs can bring about change (be it improvements in individual
functioning or in dyadic relationships). We strongly feel that understanding the mechanisms
underpinning the interventions themselves is useful for guiding future research/clinical practice
that seeks to support mother-child dyads affected by IPV.

2.2. Percentage of Women Experiencing Violence

Data presented by Women UN (2019) indicates that approximately 35 percent of women

worldwide have experienced some form of violence in their lifetime [3]. One-third of women
worldwide who have ever been involved in a relationship have experienced physical or sexual
violence inflicted by an intimate partner [4].

With a focus on the Americas, the percentage of women who have experienced physical or
sexual IPV in the past 12 months progressively increases as one examines data from North,
Central and South America (1.1% in Canada, 6.6% in the United States, 7.8% in Costa Rica, and
27.1% in Bolivia). Compared to countries in Central and South America, Bolivia reports the
highest percentage (52.3%) of women ever experiencing physical violence by an intimate
partner. However, the percentage of women reporting ever experiencing sexual violence by an
intimate partner was similar across nations (i.e., Bolivia 15.2%, Nicaragua 13.1%, Guatemala
12.3%, Colombia 11.8%, Ecuador 11.5%, El Salvador 11.5%, Haiti 10.8%, and Peru 9.4%).
Moreover, the percentage of women who reported ever experiencing IPV in the form of
emotional abuse (insults, humiliation, intimidation, and threats of harm) also occurred relatively
equally across nations (e.g., Nicaragua 47.8%, El Salvador 44.2%, Guatemala 42.2%, Colombia,
41.5%, Ecuador 40.7%), with a few exceptions (Haiti 17.0%, Dominican Republic 26.1%).

Data from Colombia indicates that 31.1% of women in that country reported experiencing
economic or patrimonial violence from an intimate partner, 7.6% experienced IPV in the form of
sexual violence, and 64% experienced psychological violence from a partner. Similar numbers
have been recorded in Ecuador. The National Institute of Statistics and Censuses (INEC 2019)
notes that 43 out of 100 women in the country have experienced some form of IPV. Of this
group, 40.8% of women reported experiencing psychological violence (e.g., humiliation, insults,
being threatened with a weapon), 25% said they were victims of physical violence and 8.3%
were victims of sexual violence.

2.3. Social Norms and Socio-demographic Factors

Women must contend with societal norms related to domestic violence. For example, in
some countries, male dominance or patriarchal systems in which the wife is considered a
possession or property of the husband are considered the societal norm. Some studies have
shown that social attitudes justifying and or accepting IPV in some developing nations or
specific localities increase the incidence of this problem in those areas. Women in these places
are likely more tolerant of this problem if it were to happen to them and are less likely to leave a
violent relationship. Likewise, exposure to violence perpetrated by political groups (e.g., police,
armed forces) also seems to increase the prevalence of IPV in nations.

Socio-demographic factors also appear to affect the prevalence of IPV. Studies around
the globe indicate that a low level of education in women may put them at a higher risk for IPV.
This low level of educational attainment could be related to existent socioeconomic
disadvantages, a culturally upheld belief that women do not need education because their
assigned role is to stay at home and take care of household duties, including the raising of
children, and a lack of a network of support that could potentially encourage their educational
advancement. For example, a recent study suggested that Latinas who experience IPV “tend to
be younger, have more socioeconomic disadvantage, and are fearful of seeking help from
authorities”.

The marital status of female victims of IPV has been extensively studied, with common
findings of IPV appearing to happen less often to married women in comparison to divorced or
separated women in most countries. However, the findings must be considered within cultural
contexts. As previously stated, in some countries, married women are viewed as property of the
husband, and physical aggression or violence towards the wife is tolerated or accepted within the
culture. In general, cohabitating couples worldwide report higher rates of IPV. The higher rates
could be related to socioeconomic status or to the perception that the relationship is less
permanent. More studies need to address the contributing factors as to why cohabitating women
tend to have a higher rate of IPV compared to married women, as well as examine the norms by
varying cultures and their effect on IPV. Single women typically report less rates of IPV in
comparison to married, divorced or separated women. However, this trend appears to vary by
country. Single women in Canada and Australia, for example, report higher rates of IPV in
comparison to married women in these two nations. Possible contributing factors for the increase
in IPV among single women in Canada and Australia could be related to age or to lifestyle
choices. Riskier lifestyles could potentially expose younger women to a greater chance of
experiencing intimate partner violence. Latin American and Caribbean nations, data indicate that
IPV typically occurs more often among urban women in comparison to rural women.
Nonetheless, some studies in the United States suggest that IPV typically occurs more often in
rural settings and small towns. Further studies are needed to address the underlying causes of the
link between socio-demographic factors and IPV.

2.3.1 Childhood Victimization

In addition to possible social factors influencing the rates of IPV, women impacted by childhood
victimization can experience long term negative effects, and data suggest that “childhood
victimization and domestic violence are highly correlated”. For example, women who witnessed
IPV during their childhood are more prone to experiencing IPV as adults. Similarly, studies
suggest that women who have been physically abused or sexually abused in childhood also are
more likely to experience IPV in adulthood.

2.3.2 Mental Health

Research has shown that women who experienced IPV report increased levels of mental health
symptomatology. For example, women who were abused by an intimate partner reported
increased symptoms of depression, anxiety, and obsessive-compulsive characteristics. Similarly,
women exposed to IPV and who present depressive symptoms exhibit significant weight gain.
Low-income post-partum women in Brazil who experienced IPV are at a greater risk of
presenting suicidal ideation, and women living in poverty in Nicaragua who were victims of IPV
and perceived they did not receive social support from their families were more likely to indicate
they had attempted suicide at some point in their lives. There appears to be a bidirectional
relationship between IPV and mental health problems. More specifically, at least one study has
shown that women who experienced child abuse and subsequently developed mental health
illnesses (i.e., Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, symptoms of depression, binge drinking) were
more likely to experience IPV during adulthood.

2.3.3 Health Complains and Illnesses

In addition to mental health ailments, women victims of intimate partner violence (IPV), in its
many forms, have self-reported having frequent health complaints and illnesses. Because of the
complexity of physical ailments and symptoms, research studies are limited in addressing the
specific correlations of physical health and IVP. For example, Onur et al. (2020) wrote that
women diagnosed with Fibromyalgia Syndrome (characterized by chronic musculoskeletal pain)
also reported being victims of partner violence (physical, social, economic, and emotional). Raya
et al. (2004) observed that Andalusian women victims of IPV perpetration were more likely to
suffer from hypertension and asthma. More recently, Soleimania et al. (2017) observed that
Iranian women who had experienced IPV in the form of psychological abuse had a greater
incidence of somatic symptoms than women who had not experienced any form of abuse. There
appears to be an additive effect on the body when it comes to experiencing abuse. Women who
have experienced various forms of abuse in their life (e.g., child abuse, past IPV, present IPV,
and financial problems) have reported higher levels of somatic complaints in comparison to
women who had only experienced IPV. At least one study noticed that there was a greater
incidence of type 2 diabetes in women who reported experiencing physical intimate partner
violence.

2.3.4 Utilization of Health Care Providers

Aside from the various somatic complaints that are being described by women who have
experienced IVP, Lo Fo Wong, et al. (2007), observed that women who had been physically and
psychologically abused by their partners used healthcare providers more often and were also
prescribed pain medication more frequently. Also, Comeau, et al. (2012) noticed that women
who had been abused by their intimate partners used antidepressants to deal with symptoms of
depression. Lastly, higher use of anxiolytics and antidepressants also has been observed in
women who had suffered intimate partner violence.

2.3.5 Use of Cigarettes

Aside from using various types of medications, Sullivan et al. (2015) noticed that women who
had been victims of IPV tend to smoke greater quantities of cigarettes in comparison to women
who have not experienced violence. Furthermore, it has also been observed that women who
experienced perinatal IPV were twice as likely to smoke cigarettes in comparison to women
without a history of IPV. It is worth noting that smoking during pregnancy is a strong predictor
of low birth weight and preterm birth. Children born under these circumstances are more prone
to being described as having more social problems, attention problems, as well as anxiety and
depression by age 7 and low birth weight adolescents show increased levels of mental health
problems (emotional symptoms, social problems, and attention deficit).

2.4. Current Scenario

Many contributing factors impact women suffering from intimate partner violence. These
influences could be cultural, socioeconomic, political, and educational, to name a few. Major
findings support the notion that women, who are less educated, socioeconomically
disadvantaged, reside in patriarchal societies, or cohabitate are at greater risk of IPV. Another
contributing factor is mental health symptom-ology. Further analysis is needed to better
understand the correlation between mental health issues and IPV. Is poor mental health a
precursor to IPV, or is IPV a potential cause for poor mental health? Various cultures have
differing views pertaining to the topic of mental health and address this problem differently.
Without proper treatment and proper advocacy for mental health, some women may feel caught
in a cycle of hopelessness, stay in abusive relationships, and contribute to the social perception
that IPV is an acceptable way of life.

With the current global crisis of COVID-19 and governments issuing stay-at-home orders,
psychologists predict an increase in intimate partner violence. The Secretary-General of the
United Nations stated the orders have led to a “horrifying global surge” in IPV. Because of the
difficulty to flee from the abusers, women may be at an even higher risk of “IPV-related health
issues”. The global pandemic is a major contributing factor to job loss, economic stress, and
evictions. Economic crisis can potentially negatively impact relationships, regardless of marital
status. With the looming effects of the pandemic, the World Health Organization will need to
consider the level of depression, anxiety, stress, marital status, and socioeconomic status in
women across varying cultures, and how the pandemic may have contributed to an increase in
IPV.

2.5. Interventions

Empirically validated interventions aimed to address IPV are scarce. One study observed
positive results through the implementation of a culturally relevant program with immigrants of
Mexican origin. Specifically, the study observed that Latino men benefited from attending group
sessions aimed to address, among others, their histories of childhood maltreatment, their
challenges encountering different gender roles as they moved to the United States, their sense of
control over their wives, and the development of “unequal but non-abusive relationships”. The
program included teaching men non-aggressive strategies and problem-solving skills through
role-plays. Through these interventions, men became more understanding of their wives’
experiences, as they transition to the United States, learned the impact of their aggressive
behavior, and also learned to cooperate more within the home. In addition to this report, another
study focused on the empowerment of Latino women through the Moms’ Empowerment
Program. This intervention included providing advocacy services and social support to women. It
targeted women’s self-blame for experiencing IPV and helped women set forth goals to promote
change in their lives while focusing on preserving their children’s safety. Overall, the program
appeared to be successful in helping reduce women’s exposure to mild violence and physical
assaults. Another recent study carried out in Brazil observed positive results with the
implementation of cognitive-behavioral interventions in women victims of IPV. Thirteen
sessions with a weekly frequency, which included, among others, psycho-education, problem-
solving, and cognitive restructuring, showed effectiveness in reducing women's anxiety and
depression and increasing their life satisfaction. Aside from individual or group interventions,
one study carried in Ghana examined the utilization of community-based structures (i.e., police,
health and welfare organizations, and religious leaders) to raise awareness to the problem of
violence against women, to guide talks about gender equality, challenge social norms that
endorse violence, provide counseling services to couples experiencing IPV, and create referral
structures to help victims.. The prevalence of IPV in the communities that received these types of
interventions was lower than that of those areas that did not receive these services

The United Nations defines violence against women as "any act of gender-based violence that
results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or mental harm or suffering to women,
including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in
public or in private life."

Intimate partner violence refers to behaviour by an intimate partner or ex-partner that causes
physical, sexual or psychological harm, including physical aggression, sexual coercion,
psychological abuse and controlling behaviors.

Sexual violence is "any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, or other act directed against a
person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in
any setting. It includes rape, defined as the physically forced or otherwise coerced penetration of
the vulva or anus with a penis, other body part or object, attempted rape, unwanted sexual
touching and other non-contact forms".

2.6 World report on violence and health

Scope of the problem

Population-level surveys based on reports from survivors provide the most accurate estimates of
the prevalence of intimate partner violence and sexual violence. A 2018 analysis of prevalence
data from 2000-2018 across 161 countries and areas, conducted by WHO on behalf of the UN
Inter-agency working group on violence against women, found that worldwide, nearly 1 in 3, or
30%, of women have been subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner or
non-partner sexual violence or both.

2.7 Global and regional estimates of violence against women

Over a quarter of women aged15-49 years who have been in a relationship have been subjected
to physical and/or sexual violence by their intimate partner at least once in their lifetime (since
age 15). The prevalence estimates of lifetime intimate partner violence range from 20% in the
Western Pacific, 22% in high-income countries and Europe and 25% in the WHO Regions of
the Americas to 33% in the WHO African region, 31% in the WHO Eastern Mediterranean
region, and 33% in the WHO South-East Asia region.

Globally as many as 38% of all murders of women are committed by intimate partners. In
addition to intimate partner violence, globally 6% of women report having been sexually
assaulted by someone other than a partner, although data for non-partner sexual violence are
more limited. Intimate partner and sexual violence are mostly perpetrated by men against
women.

Lock-downs during the COVID-19 pandemic and its social and economic impacts have
increased the exposure of women to abusive partners and known risk factors, while limiting their
access to services. Situations of humanitarian crises and displacement may exacerbate existing
violence, such as by intimate partners, as well as non-partner sexual violence, and may also lead
to new forms of violence against women.

2.8 Factors associated with intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women

Intimate partner and sexual violence is the result of factors occurring at individual, family,
community and wider society levels that interact with each other to increase or reduce risk
(protective). Some are associated with being a perpetrator of violence, some are associated with
experiencing violence and some are associated with both.

2.8.1 Risk factors for both intimate partner and sexual violence include:

 lower levels of education (perpetration of sexual violence and experience of sexual violence)

 a history of exposure to child maltreatment (perpetration and experience)

 witnessing family violence (perpetration and experience)

 antisocial personality disorder (perpetration)

 harmful use of alcohol (perpetration and experience)

 harmful masculine behaviors, including having multiple partners or attitudes that condone
violence (perpetration)

 community norms that privilege or ascribe higher status to men and lower status to women

 low levels of women’s access to paid employment

 low level of gender equality (discriminatory laws, etc.).

2.8.2 Factors specifically associated with intimate partner violence include:

 past history of exposure to violence

 marital discord and dissatisfaction

 difficulties in communicating between partners

 male controlling behaviours towards their partners.

2.8.3 Factors specifically associated with sexual violence perpetration include:

 beliefs in family honour and sexual purity.

 ideologies of male sexual entitlement.

 weak legal sanctions for sexual violence.

 Gender inequality and norms on the acceptability of violence against women are a root cause
of violence against women.

2.9 Health consequences

Intimate partner (physical, sexual and psychological) and sexual violence cause serious short-
and long-term physical, mental, sexual and reproductive health problems for women. They also
affect their children’s health and wellbeing. This violence leads to high social and economic
costs for women, their families and societies. Such violence can:
Have fatal outcomes like homicide or suicide.

Lead to injuries, with 42% of women who experience intimate partner violence reporting an
injury as a consequence of this violence.

Lead to unintended pregnancies, induced abortions, gynecological problems, and sexually

transmitted infections, including HIV. WHO's 2013 study on the health burden associated with
violence against women found that women who had been physically or sexually abused were 1.5
times more likely to have a sexually transmitted infection and, in some regions, HIV, compared
to women who had not experienced partner violence. They are also twice as likely to have an
abortion.

Intimate partner violence in pregnancy also increases the likelihood of miscarriage, stillbirth,
preterm delivery and low birth weight babies. The same 2013 study showed that women who
experienced intimate partner violence were 16% more likely to suffer a miscarriage and 41%
more likely to have a preterm birth.

These forms of violence can lead to depression, post-traumatic stress and other anxiety disorders,
sleep difficulties, eating disorders, and suicide attempts. The 2013 analysis found that women
who have experienced intimate partner violence were almost twice as likely to experience
depression and problem drinking.

Health effects can also include headaches, pain syndromes (back pain, abdominal pain, chronic
pelvic pain) gastrointestinal disorders, limited mobility and poor overall health.

Sexual violence, particularly during childhood, can lead to increased smoking, substance use,
and risky sexual behaviors. It is also associated with perpetration of violence (for males) and
being a victim of violence (for females).

2.10 Impact on children

Children who grow up in families where there is violence may suffer a range of behavioral and
emotional disturbances. These can also be associated with perpetrating or experiencing violence
later in life.
Intimate partner violence has also been associated with higher rates of infant and child mortality
and morbidity (through, for example diarrhoea disease or malnutrition and lower immunization
rates).

2.11 Social and economic costs

The social and economic costs of intimate partner and sexual violence are enormous and have
ripple effects throughout society. Women may suffer isolation, inability to work, loss of wages,
lack of participation in regular activities and limited ability to care for themselves and their
children.

2.12 Prevention and response

There is growing evidence on what works to prevent violence against women, based on
well-designed evaluations. In 2019, WHO and UN Women with endorsement from 12 other UN
and bilateral agencies published RESPECT women – a framework for preventing violence
against women aimed at policy makers.

Each letter of RESPECT stands for one of seven strategies: Relationship skills
strengthening; Empowerment of women; Services ensured; Poverty reduced; Enabling
environments (schools, work places, public spaces) created; Child and adolescent abuse
prevented; and Transformed attitudes, beliefs and norms.

For each of these seven strategies there are a range of interventions in low and high
resource settings with varying degree of evidence of effectiveness. Examples of promising
interventions include psycho-social support and psychological interventions for survivors of
intimate partner violence; combined economic and social empowerment programme; cash
transfers; working with couples to improve communication and relationship skills; community
mobilization interventions to change unequal gender norms; school programme that enhance
safety in schools and reduce/eliminate harsh punishment and include curricula that challenges
gender stereotypes and promotes relationships based on equality and consent; and group-based
participatory education with women and men to generate critical reflections about unequal
gender power relationships.
 RESPECT also highlights that successful interventions are those that prioritize safety of
women; whose core elements involve challenging unequal gender power relationships; that are
participatory; address multiple risk factors through combined programming and that start early in
the life course.

To achieve lasting change, it is important to enact and enforce legislation and develop
and implement policies that promote gender equality; allocate resources to prevention and
response; and invest in women’s rights organizations.

Role of the health sector

 While preventing and responding to violence against women requires a multi-sectoral

approach, the health sector has an important role to play. The health sector can:

 Advocate to make violence against women unacceptable and for such violence to be
addressed as a public health problem.

 Provide comprehensive services, sensitize and train health care providers in responding to
the needs of survivors holistically and em-pathetically.

 Prevent recurrence of violence through early identification of women and children who are
experiencing violence and providing appropriate referral and support

 Promote egalitarian gender norms as part of life skills and comprehensive sexuality
education curricula taught to young people.

 Generate evidence on what works and on the magnitude of the problem by carrying out
population-based surveys, or including violence against women in population-based
demographic and health surveys, as well as in surveillance and health information systems.

WHO response

At the World Health Assembly in May 2016, Member States endorsed a global plan of action on
strengthening the role of the health systems in addressing interpersonal violence, in particular
against women and girls and against children.
Global plan of action to strengthen the role of the health system within a national multi-sectoral
response to address interpersonal violence, in particular against women and girls, and against
children

WHO, in collaboration with partners, is:

 Building the evidence base on the size and nature of violence against women in different
settings and supporting countries' efforts to document and measure this violence and its
consequences, including improving the methods for measuring violence against women in
the context of monitoring for the Sustainable Development Goals. This is central to
understanding the magnitude and nature of the problem and to initiating action in countries
and globally.

 Strengthening research and capacity to assess interventions to prevent and respond to

violence against women.

 Undertaking interventions research to test and identify effective health sector interventions
to address violence against women.

 Developing guidelines and implementation tools for strengthening the health sector response
to intimate partner and sexual violence and synthesizing evidence on what works to prevent
such violence.

 Supporting countries and partners to implement the global plan of action on violence and
monitoring progress including through documentation of lessons learned.

 Collaborating with international agencies and organizations to reduce and eliminate violence
globally through initiatives such as the Sexual Violence Research Initiative, Together for
Girls, the UN Women-WHO Joint Programme on Strengthening Violence against Women
measurement and data Collection and use, the UN Joint Programme on Essential Services
Package for Women Subject to Violence, and the Secretary General’s political strategy to
address violence against women and COVID-19.

 WHO and UN Women, along with other partners, co-lead the Action Coalition on Gender-
based Violence, an innovative partnership of governments, civil society, youth leaders,
 private sector and philanthropies to develop a bold agenda of catalytic actions and leverage
funding to eradicate violence against women. These bold actions and investments will be
announced at the Generation Equality Forum in Mexico (March 29-31) and in France (June),
along with those of other five Generation Equality Action Coalitions.

2.13 DEFINITION OF TERMS

Intimate Partner: A close personal relationship between individuals who identify as a couple
that is characterized by some of the following dimensions: emotional connection, regular contact,
and ongoing physical contact that need not be sexual.

Violence against women (VAW) is any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely
to result in, physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such
acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.
(UN General Assembly, 1993)

Gender-based violence (GBV) is violence that is directed against a person on the basis of
gender. It constitutes a breach of the fundamental right to life, liberty, security, dignity, equality
between women and men, non-discrimination and physical and mental integrity. (Council of
Europe, 2012)

Intimate partner violence (IPV) refers to behavior by an intimate partner or ex-partner that
causes physical, sexual or psychological harm, including physical aggression, sexual coercion,
psychological abuse, and controlling behaviors. (WHO 2013)

Sexual violence/sexual assault is any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, or other act
directed against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their
relationship to the victim, in any setting. It includes rape, defined as the physically forced or
otherwise coerced penetration of the vulva or anus with a penis, other body part, or object.
(WHO, 2012)
Sexual exploitation means any actual or attempted abuse of a position of vulnerability,
differential power, or trust, for sexual purposes, including, but not limited to, profiting
monetarily, socially, or politically from the sexual exploitation of another.

Sexual harassment is unwelcomed sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal
or physical conduct of a sexual nature. (UN Secretary General, 2008)

Female genital mutilation/cutting: all procedures that involve partial or total removal of the
external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons.
(WHO 2013)

Child marriage: a formal marriage or informal union before age 18.

2.14 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

A theory is a rational type of abstract thinking about a phenomenon, or the results of such
thinking. The process of contemplative and rational thinking is often associated with such
processes as observational study or research. In this study we will examine the “Feminist theory
and the Conflict theory”.

Feminist Theory and Feminist Intersectionality

Articulated most eloquently by Dobash and Dobash (1979; 1993; 1998), Pence, Paymar,
Ritmeester, and Shepard(1993), and Stark (2007), feminist theories of IPV emphasize the
underlying premises of the need for power and control on the part of batterers and the societal
arrangements of patriarchy and tolerance (not support for) of violence against women that
support individual abusers in seeing this behavior as tolerable. These theories also incorporate
aspects of social learning theory, with the premise that perpetrating abusive behavior is a choice
to use a set of learned behaviors. Although it is difficult to prove individual abuser’s beliefs in
these abstract premises, the continuing gender differences in perceptions about IPV (Klein et al.,
1997), historical and international records of violence against women associated with cultural
norms of male ownership of women, and lack of equal power relationships within homes are
evidence in support of this theoretical framework (e.g., Counts, Brown, & Campbell, 1999;
Levinson, 1989). Several international studies from South Africa, India, and China associate
male justification for men hitting women and beliefs in male domination of household affairs
associated with reported wife beating (Abrahams, 2002; Martin, Tsui, Maitra, & Marinshaw,
1999; Wood & Jewkes, 2001; Xu, Campbell, & Zhu, 2001). Feminist theory has evolved to
account for additional factors and complexities that intersect with gender to place women and
other vulnerable groups at a disadvantage in establishing equitable power relationships with their
partners and society in general. Much of this theoretical development has been led by social
scientists, domestic violence advocates, and minority women who have conceptualized violence
against women as much more than just a gender issue. For example, Black feminist theory
emerged in re-Theories of Intimate Partner Violence sponse to the predominately white women’s
movement and predominately male black civil rights movement, neither of which completely
represented the experience of both being black and a woman. In Black feminist theory, the
interaction between gender, race, and class are conceptualized as being part of an overarching
structure of domination (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1991). Similarly, Chicanas and Latinas felt
that their concerns were not being adequately represented by either the Chicano movement or the
women’s movement. Chicana feminist theory describes the dynamics between race/ethnicity,
social class, linguistics, and nationalism. Chicana feminists also focused on approaches they felt
were unique to their culture, such as the need to challenge traditional and exaggerated gender
roles that were present in Latino households, while still preserving strong family structures and
the important role of women in the home (Anzaldua, 1990; Ortega, 2006; Roth, 2004). Native
American and other indigenous feminists find that postcolonial frameworks that emphasize the
role of historical trauma, as well as the many different tribal traditions in male–female
relationships are important in understanding the often high rates of IPV among aboriginal
peoples worldwide (Bohn, 1993; Hamby, 2006). Feminist theorists and other social scientists
have recommended the use of feminist intersectionality as a means of not only obtaining a more
comprehensive understanding of the multiplicative effects of social inequalities experienced by
vulnerable and marginalized groups, but also of conducting research and developing
interventions that address health disparities (Kelly, 2009a). Feminist intersectionality is a body of
knowledge that is driven by the pursuit of social justice and seeks to explain the processes in
which various social positions, such as gender, race, ethnicity, class, age, sexual orientation,
disability status, and religion, shape the health of individuals, families, communities, and society
as a whole (Chavis & Hill, 2009; Weber, 2006). Feminist intersectionality is built upon the
assumptions that every social group has unique qualities and can therefore not be considered
homogeneous to one another; that individuals are positioned within social structures that
influence power relationships; and that there are interactions between different social identities,
for example, race, gender, and immigrant status, that have multiplicative effects on health and
well-being.

Critical Theory

Critical theory, also known as critical theory of society or critical social theory (CST), has
several meanings across philosophy and the social sciences. Critical theory is described as “a
whole range of theories which take a critical view of society and the human sciences or which
seek to explain the emergence of their objects of knowledge” (Macey, 2001, p. 74). The
intellectual underpinnings of the theory are often credited to the works of Horkheimer (1972,
1982, 1987, 1993) and Habermas (1971, 1973, 1975, 1979, 1984, 1985, 1987) as well as several
others. Today, CST continues to emerge and is expressed by a variety of domestic and
international/transnational scholars. In particular, social theories articulated by diverse groups of
women demonstrate the complexity of life experiences within intersecting oppressions that
include (but are not limited to) race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nation, and religion (see,
e.g., Collins, 2000; Denzin, Lincoln, & Smith, 2008; Mohanty, 2003; Riley, Mohanty, & Pratt,
2008). One of the many organizing principles of CST is the idea that individuals and groups have
different political, social, and historic contexts, which are characterized by injustice. Although
people seek to alter their social and economic situations, often they are constrained by multiple
forms of social, cultural, and political domination. A second principle is that social critique of the
status quo is essential so that constraining conditions can be exposed. Additionally, critical social
theorists advocate for empowerment, liberation, and emancipation from alienation and
domination. Collins (2000) succinctly summarized the goal of CST when she stated, “What
makes critical social theory ‘critical’ is its commitment to justice, for one’s own group and/or for
that of other groups” (p. 298).

2.15 HYPOTHESIS OF THE STUDY

The following are the hypotheses in relation to the study:

a. There is no relationship between intimate partner violence on the female child in Edo
State. (Ho)
 b. There is a relationship between intimate partner violence on the female child in Edo
State. (H¹)

Chapter 3

Research Methodology

3.0 Introduction

This section discusses the various methods that will be employed in both collections and

analysis of data in this study: Research Design, Area of Study, Population, Sample and Sampling

Technique, Research Instrument, Validity and Reliability, Method of Data Collection and

Method of Data Analysis.

3.1 Research Design

The research design to be used in this study is the Survey Research Design. This

research design is one in which a group of people or items are studied by collecting and

analyzing data from only a few people or items considered to be a representative of the entire

group. It also involves the use of instruments such as test, questionnaire, observation etc. As

a result of the large population of the area of study, the survey research design is the best

suited for the research.

3.2 Area of Study

This study will be carried out in Oluku community in Ovia North East Local

Government Area of Edo State. The area of study will comprise of the adults and youths.
3.3 Study population

The study population will consist of adults and youths living in Edo state, using Oluku

community as a case study.

3.4 Sample Size and Sampling Technique

In drawing the sample, The Proportionate Stratified Random Sampling will be employed.

In this method of sampling, the population is stratified, first, in terms of the variables of interest

to the researcher and elements are randomly selected from each stratum in relative proportion as

they occur in the population. Hence the Sample size is a total of 250 people was selected from

the strata of the community which include, youths and adults..

3.5 Research Instrument

The instrument used for data collection will be the questionnaire as this enables the

researcher get to more respondents within a shorter time. The structured questionnaire will be

used to save time, guide the respondents and limit vagueness.

3.6 Validity and Reliability of the Research Instrument

For the validity of this instrument to be ascertained in this research, Content Validity

will be used in which experts and persons with relevant knowledge in the area of interest will

satisfy the content validity. In this study, the Research Supervisor as well as other

professionals in the field were used to satisfy content validity. Furthermore, in order to test

the reliability of the instrument, the instrument was subjected to the Test-retest Reliability.

3.7 Method of Data Collection

 The method of data collection for this research is the questionnaire. The questionnaire

will be distributed personally to the respondents. The researcher will also guide the respondents

with regards to filling questionnaires and the questionnaire will be collected immediately to

avoid mutilation. The respondents were informed that their responses would be treated with

utmost confidentiality.

3.8 Method of Data Analysis

The data collected will be analyzed using simple percentages presented in frequency distribution

tables.