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American Journal of Sociology.
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Teachers of the Middle States and Maryland,Proceedings, No. 26 (I928), pp. 7I-83.
5 Max SylviusHandman,"The Sentiment ofNationalism,"PoliticalScienceQuarterly,
XXXVI (March,I92I), I04-2I.
has thusfarbeendescribedmayappearwhenchargedwithunusual
vigor:oneis imperialism and theotherfascism.Ofthetwothelat-
teris todayofgreatestinterest in Europe. Therearemanyforms of
fascism;or,to be moreaccurate,afterthesuccessoftheItalianad-
ventureothermovements in Europe,whichhad littlesimilarity to
the Italian,appropriated the name. In Spain,forinstance,under
Primode Rivera,fascismconsistedmerelyofa military dictatorship.
Mussolinihimself refusesto regardthefascistic movements in Ger-
many,Spain, and elsewherein Europe as the genuineproduct.
"Fascism is a politicalpseudo-renaissance of post-warEurope,"
whosegovernments wereso thoroughly paralyzedby internalclass
struggles,by externalpressure, and bygeneraldiscontent thatfaith
in theexisting machinery ofgovernment was easilydispelledby the
emotionalappeal to the gloriesof the distantpast and the even
greaterprospectivegloriesof the immediatefuture,if the nation
wouldonlyawakeand putitstrustin itselite.I4Fascismrepresents
a reactionagainstparliamentarism and democracy.For morethan
twoyears,in Italy,fascismmaintained thatit was an "antiparty"
(antipartito),but,on theoccasionofthecelebration ofthefifth anni-
versaryofthemarchon Rome,Mussolinihimself admittedthatthe
fascistiwerea partyafterall, althougha party,whichunlikeother
parties,existedonlyforthegreatergloryofthestate. The tremen-
dous emotionalenthusiasm generatedby thefascistic movement in
Italy,and the"irresistible current ofnationalwillwhichfascismat-
temptedto instillin the'folk-soul,' "I5 was unableto findadequate
expressionintheratherprosaictasksofdomestic reconstruction.In-
evitablyit acquiredimperialistic ambitions. But Italy was not
strongenoughas a militaryand naval powerto makeany but the
mostlimitedimperialistic hopes cometrueaway fromhome,and
became,therefore, verytroublesome to its neighbors.The surplus
of
population Italy mustseek work outside itsborders,and sincethe
nationalistic
movement is confined largelyto thebourgeoisie and the
youthoftheeducatedclasses,thefasciststateattemptsartificially
14See Hermann Heller, Europa und der Faschismus(Berlin and Leipzig, I929).
Ibid.; see also Robert Michels, "Analyse des nationalenElitegedankens,"Jahr-
I5
MARGINAL NATIONALISM
The thirdmajortypeof nationalism in Europeis whatmay be
termed"marginalnationalism."It refers to thenationalistic move-
mentcharacteristic of borderterritories and populationssuch as
Alsace,Lorraine,Silesia,Schleswig, theSaar and theRhineland, the
Italo-Austrianand Swiss frontier, and similarstrategicareas in
Europe. The sociologicalsignificance of the frontier has recently
been recognized.25 A marginalpeople-i.e., a populationin the
frontier
regionbetweentwostates-even morethanotherpeoples,
has a mixedcultureand a mixedracialmakeup. The populationof
suchterritoriesnotonlyare,as a rule,bilingualor polylingual, but
theyarealsomoredecidedlynationalistic thantherespective hinter-
land populationswithreference to whichtheyare oriented.While
throughthe recentpeace treatiesa numberof particularly danger-
ousfrontierswereremedied, a numberofnewandvulnerable bound-
arieswerecreatedwhichare notlikelyto result quietingtheout-
in
ragedfeelings oflocalmarginalpeoples.26Everyhinterland is likely
to giveitselfthebenefitofthedoubtin theadministration ofsuch
territories.
Thereis generallya struggleovertheleadingpositions
in thegovernment, thearmy,and theculturalorgans,andtheschool
andchurchquestionsarealwaysmattersofacrimonious controversy.
A marginalpeopleis likelyto clingto thetraditions of its mother-
landwiththeutmosttenacity, becausetheculturalheritage is,under
conditionsof foreign rule,sometimes theonlyremaining vestigeof
unityand bringsthemostdivergent interests and partiesintoclose
co-operation.The Germansoftheborderterritory areproverbially
more Germanthan those of Berlin. For strategicpurposesthe
mother-country tends,generally,to accord the borderprovinces
favoredtreatment, notmerelyto bindthemmoresolidlyto thecoun-
try,butto createtheimpression in theterritory on theothersideof
24Ibid., pp. 400-402.
25See GeorgSimmel,Soziologie,p. 623; AdolfGunther,"Soziologiedes Grenzvolkes,"
Jahrb.far Soz., III, 203 ff.;Die Alpenldndische als sozialerund politischer,
Gesellschaft
wirtschaftlicherund kultureller
Lebenskreis(Jena,I930.)
26
See Gunther,"Soziologie des Grenzvolkes,"op. cit.,p. 225.
istedbetweenCatholicSouthGermanyand ProtestantNorthGer-
manywhichfoundexpression in theKulturkampfunderBismarck,
and betweenSwedenand Norway,whichwas peacefullysettled
throughseparationinto two nations. In countrieslike Poland,
Czecho-Slovakia,Italy, Jugo-Slavia,and a numberof othersthe
problemis of a muchmorecomplexnature:
In Poland thereare fournationalminorities:Germans,Ukrainians,White-
Rutheniansand Jews.The economic,political,cultural,social and religious
peculiaritiesof these peoples give to the Polish minoritiesquestiona unique
expressionand enormously impedea peacefuland desirablesolution. The ques-
tion is firstof all a social questionwhichpresentsitselfin a numberof varia-
tions: The linguisticproblemis merelythe ideationalcoverwhichoftencon-
ceals verycomplicatedsocial processes.Amongtheseis the conflictforthe soil
betweenthe White-Ruthenian and Ukrainianpeasants. The agrarianquestion
is thereforethefocalpointoftheUkrainianand White-Ruthenian problem.The
fightagainstthe Germanand Jewishminoritiesis carriedon underthe slogan
ofthe "de-germanization and de-judaization"of the cities. The Slavic minori-
tiesin Polandare struggling forthevillage,theGermanand Jewishforthecities.
Not less significant is the fightof all minoritiesforthe positionsas officials
in
orderto provideplaces fortheintelligentsia ofeach groupand in orderto exert
a proportionateinfluence-in accordancewith theirnumericaland economic
strength-uponthegovernmental and autonomouscontrolling bodies,and final-
ly in orderto defendtheirnationaland culturalvalues.32
to notethattheGermans,at thetimeoftheirmili-
It is interesting
taryoccupationof Poland,fosteredmuchof thisminority feeling
forobviousnationalistic and strategicreasons.AlthoughthePolish
constitution providesthat"everycitizenhas therightto maintain
hisownnationality, to fosterhislanguageand customs,and to un-
foldhisnationalcharacter haveremained
theseprovisions
fully,"33 a
dead letter,fortheautonomy whichis grantedis nota personalbut
a territorial
autonomy, andcan thereforebe defeatedbythemanipu-
lationoftheelectiondistricts.Unlesstheactualdistribution ofthe
minority populationapproximately conforms to the electiondis-
tricts,theactualpoliticalexpressionoftheminoritiescanbe vitiated.
For thisreasonfigures concerningtheproportion ofminorities to the
dominantpopulationas derivedfromelectionreturns are generally
misleading, and forthesamereasonit is quiteeasyto defeatthein-
32 Rappaport,op. cit., p. 235. 33Ibid., p. 255.