STUDIA ORIENTALIA MONOGRAPHICA

Founded by Dušan Magdolen

Edited by Alexandra Pechová, Martina Bucková, Martina Herbst

Volume 6

Slovak Academic Press

Bratislava 2016
 Emanuel BEŠKA

FROM AMBIVALENCE
TO HOSTILITY: THE ARABIC
NEWSPAPER FILASṬĪN AND
ZIONISM, 1911–1914

Slovak Academic Press

Bratislava 2016
© Institute of Oriental Studies of the Slovak Academy of Sciences
© Slovak Academic Press, Ltd.
Front cover © Dušan Magdolen

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be transmitted in any form or by
any means, electronic or mechanical, without the prior permission in writing from the
publisher.

The research underlying this monograph was supported by the Slovak Research and
Development Agency, project no. APVV-15-0030.

Editors: Alexandra Pechová, Martina Bucková, Martina Herbst

Published by Slovak Academic Press, Ltd.

Bratislava, 2016

ISBN 978-80-89607-49-5
 ACKNOWLEDGMENT

In the course of writing this book I have incurred numerous debts of gratitude to many
friends, colleagues and institutions.
I would like to express special thanks to Jonathan Gribetz, Samuel Dolbee and Za-
chary Foster for reading parts of this monograph and offering their valuable comments
and suggestions. I am also very grateful to Evelin Dierauff, who sent me volumes of
Filas n which I did not previously have at my disposal. Furthermore, she shared with
me some of her unpublished material. This was a significant help which I very much
appreciate. Several other persons helped me in one way or another, among them Walid
Khalidi, Salim Tamari, Khalid Biltagi, Roberto Mazza and Silvester Trnovec. I would
also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers, both for their kind words and for their
critical remarks and pointing out the weak spots of the monograph.
I have very much appreciated the fruitful discussions over waterpipe with my friends
and colleagues Slavomír Čéplö and Jaroslav Drobný. Slavomír also helped me in vari-
ous ways, including finding an excellent copy editor. In this regard I am particularly
thankful to Stephen Dodson for his meticulous copy-editing and polishing my writing as
well as for his suggestions and advice. One other group deserves my gratitude: these are
the editors of the Studia Orientalia Monographica series Alexandra Pechová, Martina
Bucková and Martina Herbst.
To return to the more distant past, I would like to mention and thank Petr Horáček,
my history teacher at the secondary school on Hubeného Street in Bratislava, who
stimulated my interest in history. Two other teachers were very important during my
later studies and deserve my recognition: Ján Pauliny, the professor who taught various
courses on Arabic and the Middle East during my master’s degree studies at the Faculty
of Arts of Comenius University in Bratislava, and the doctoral advisor of my PhD. the-
sis, Karol R. Sorby, for pointing out the subject of Late Ottoman Palestine and for his
guidance during the later years of my doctoral studies.
I would also like to thank the director of the Institute of Oriental Studies where I am
currently employed, Dušan Magdolen, for his patience and support as well as for offer-
ing me the possibility of publishing the monograph in the Institute’s series. I would also
like to express my gratitude to the secretary at our Institute, Mrs Gertrúda Bolyóová,
who is always very forthcoming and helpful. Her support saved me a lot of time which
I was able to dedicate to research and writing.
I am also beholden to the many friendly archivists and librarians at D r al-kutub
wa al-wath iq al-qawm ya in Cairo, Maktabat al-Asad in Damascus, the library of the

V
Institute of Palestine Studies in Beirut, the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv des Österrei-
chischen Staatsarchivs in Vienna, the Central Zionist Archives and the National Library
of Israel in Jerusalem for their forthcoming attitude and assistance.
In addition, I benefited from institutional support in preparing this monograph. Spe-
cial thanks are due to the Jan Hus Educational Foundation and the Foundation of Pavol
Jozef Šafárik University in Košice for awarding me their joint scholarship in the years
2012/2013 and to the Slovak Research and Development Agency for accepting grant
proposal APVV-15-0030 in 2016. Moreover, thanks to the Inter-Academy Cooperation
programme of the Slovak Academy of Sciences I was able to visit Israel and the occu-
pied Palestinian territories twice for research purposes.
I am profoundly indebted to my parents, who have been unfailingly supportive for
many years and without whose assistance it would not have been possible for me to pur-
sue a career in academia. They have always given priority to me and my sister at their
expense, and I will never be able to repay them the huge debt I have incurred.
My deepest gratitude goes to my wife Katka, not only for reading the draft of my
monograph and for her remarks and suggestions, but also for her great forbearance,
patience, care and love.
Some portions of the monograph have previously been published in Asian and Af-
rican Studies and Jerusalem Quarterly. With their kind permission I have included re-
vised and shortened versions of those texts in this book.

VI
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgment ................................................................................................... V

Bibliography ......................................................................................................... IX

Note on Transliteration and Translations ............................................................... XXI

A Map of Ottoman Palestine .................................................................................. XXII

INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................. 1
Arab Opposition to Zionism before World War I ............................................. 7
The Situation in the Ottoman Empire ............................................................... 8
Jewish Immigration and Ottoman Responses ................................................... 10

1. ARABIC NEWSPAPERS AND MEANS OF INFORMATION

DISSEMINATION IN PALESTINE BEFORE WORLD WAR I ......................... 15
Private Arabic Press in Palestine ...................................................................... 16
The Influence of the Newspapers...................................................................... 18
The Design and Content of Newspapers........................................................... 23
Prices of Newspapers and Subscription Fees ................................................... 23
The Last Issue of Filas n in 1914 .................................................................... 25
Humour, Sarcasm and Irony ............................................................................. 26
The Newspaper Filas n and its Editors............................................................ 27

2. FILAS N S SHIFTING TREATMENT OF ZIONISM BEFORE

WORLD WAR I ..................................................................................................... 33
The Period of Positive Neutrality ..................................................................... 34
From Neutrality to Criticism: The First Shift in Filas n s Position on Zionism 39
From Criticism to Perceived Danger ................................................................ 54
Effect of the Transformation on Terminology .................................................. 60
Palestine and Palestinian................................................................................... 63

3. AWT AL-CUTHM N YA AND THE TRIAL AGAINST C S AL-C S ......... 65

awt al-cUthm n ya .......................................................................................... 65
The Seven–Week Suspension of Filas n ......................................................... 68

VII
4. ZIONIST LAND PURCHASES ....................................................................... 75
Ab Sh sha ...................................................................................................... 77
al-Mukhayzin ................................................................................................... 79
Lands of as-Sidra and al-Qubayba .................................................................... 81
Lands of as-Sirr................................................................................................. 83
Zionist Purchases of Waqf Lands ...................................................................... 84
al-Ar al-Mudawwara – The Former Private Lands of Sultan Abdülhamid II 87
Zionist Endeavours in Rafa‡ ............................................................................. 92

5. VIOLENT EPISODES INVOLVING THE JEWISH AND ARAB

COMMUNITIES ................................................................................................... 95
Zarn qa Affair................................................................................................... 96
an r Fircawn Affair ........................................................................................ 100
Tel Aviv Incident ............................................................................................... 103

6. TRANSLATION OF MENACHEM USSISHKIN S OUR PROGRAM .......... 107

Menachem Ussishkin ........................................................................................ 108
The Translation of Our Program ...................................................................... 109
Comparison of the Two Translations ................................................................ 113

7. THE WAR OF THE LANGUAGES................................................................. 115

8. OTHER ZIONISM-RELATED TOPICS.......................................................... 125

Zionist Congresses ............................................................................................ 125
Zionist Boycott ................................................................................................. 127
The Beilis Affair ............................................................................................... 131

CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................... 135

APPENDICES ....................................................................................................... 139

A Chronological List of Articles on Zionism Published in Filas n
in 1913–1914 .................................................................................................... 139
The Issue of Filas n published on 8 April 1914 .............................................. 153
Historical Maps of Modern Palestine ............................................................... 154

INDEX ......................................................................................................... 157

VIII
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Newspapers
al-Akhb r
ad-Dustūr
Filas n
al-Karmil
al-Man r
al-Muqtabas
al-Quds

XIX
 NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION
AND TRANSLATIONS

Arabic words are transliterated according to commonly used conventions for academic
works written in English. I have used the following scheme in transliteration:

‫ء‬ ’ ‫ﺩ‬ d ‫ﺽ‬ ‫ﻙ‬ k

‫ﺏ‬ b ‫ﺫ‬ dh ‫ﻁ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ l
‫ﺕ‬ t ‫ﺭ‬ r ‫ﻅ‬ ẓ ‫ﻡ‬ m
‫ﺙ‬ th ‫ﺯ‬ z ‫ﻉ‬ c
‫ﻥ‬ n
‫ﺝ‬ j ‫ﺱ‬ s ‫ﻍ‬ gh ‫ﻩ‬ h
‫ﺡ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ sh ‫ﻑ‬ f ‫ﻭ‬ w
‫ﺥ‬ kh ‫ﺹ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ q ‫ﻱ‬ y

Long vowels are transliterated as , , . I have omitted hamza (‫ )ء‬at the beginning of
a word, including when it is preceded by a definite article. Grammatical endings of the
words (tanw n) are not used. T ’ marbū a (‫ )ﺓ‬is transliterated simply as “a”; if it is pre-
ceded by a long vowel or occurs at the end of the first part of a genitive construction,
it takes the form of “- t” or “-at”. When the definite article al- is followed by a “solar
letter” (sun letter), the l m (‫ )ﻝ‬in the definite article is assimilated to the following letter;
the definite article is capitalised at the beginning of a sentence (Al-), but otherwise kept
in small letters. Names and words are transliterated in their Modern Standard Arabic
(MSA) form. Compound personal names, in which the word cabd (servant) forms the
first part and is followed by one of the ninety-nine beautiful names of God, are written
as one word (e.g., cAbdarra m n, not cAbd ar-Ra m n). Prepositions are not connected
to the following words. Words which are widely used in English and have made their
way into the Oxford English Dictionary, as well as some geographical names (Cairo,
Jerusalem), are generally written in their English forms; all other words are transliter-
ated. In transliterating Arabic words and names I have capitalised those which would
also be capitalised in English.

All translations from Arabic, if not stated otherwise, are mine.

XXI
A Map of Ottoman Palestine

Map design and cartography: www.mapynamieru.sk

XXII
 INTRODUCTION

In July 1908 the Young Turk Revolution took place in the Ottoman Empire. After three
decades of Sultan Abdülhamid II s autocratic rule, far-reaching changes occurred all
over the country, including Palestine. Thereafter, due to the opening of the political sys-
tem, the lifting of censorship and the concomitant enormous expansion of local news-
papers and journals, the flow of information in Palestine radically increased. During the
ensuing Second Constitutional Period, the periodical press began to play a central part
in cultural and political life, and its influence was crucial in shaping people’s attitudes
regarding diverse political issues. To borrow the words of Muhammad Muslih: “It is
no exaggeration to state that the press was perhaps the single most effective vehicle
through which the initiators and advocates of various political persuasions made their
views known to the masses throughout Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and Egypt. Arab op-
position to Zionism was no exception.”1 Furthermore, the periodical press also had a
formative impact on the identity of the inhabitants of Palestine. As Benedict Anderson
has convincingly shown, newspapers had a crucial role in shaping “the imagined com-
munities of modern nations,”2 and this was also the case of the newly founded periodi-
cals in Late Ottoman Palestine.3 Even though many Arabic newspapers promoted the
concept of an “Ottoman nation”,4 at the same time, inadvertently, they also furthered
the strengthening of Arab and Palestinian identities.5 I agree with Louis Fishman, who

1
MUSLIH, M. Y. The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism, p. 79.
2
ANDERSON, B. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, p.
13.
3
For a discussion of the importance and impact of the periodical press in Late Ottoman Palestine,
see CAMPOS, M. U. Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Cen-
tury Palestine, pp. 133–165.
4
The new regime attempted to ingrain an Ottoman identity which would supersede the multitude of
ethno-religious affiliations and identities of the citizens of the vast empire.
5
This study also provides an argument for those who maintain that Palestinian identity did not
evolve solely in response to Zionism. In this regard, it is noteworthy that despite giving their new-
spaper the name Filas n [Palestine] the editors did not at first see Zionist colonisation in negative
terms and did not consider it a danger. Therefore, Zionism clearly could not have played a role
in establishing the newspaper and giving it its name. For a discussion of the shaping of Palestin-
ian identity in the first decades of the 20th century, see KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The
Construction of Modern National Consciousness, pp. 142–175; GERBER, H. Zionism, Orienta-

1
Introduction

asserts that during the years following the Young Turk Revolution a Palestinian identity
was gradually formed “not as a separatist nationalism that aspired towards statehood,
but one that induced an awareness among Palestine s Arab community that they were
locked into a similar fate and only by joining forces would they be able to secure their
special interests”.6
This monograph focuses on the Arabic newspaper Filas n [Palestine], which was
published in the coastal city of Jaffa7 for four years (1911–1914) during the Second
Constitutional Period. Soon after it was founded, Filas n became one of the most im-
portant and widely read Arabic newspapers in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya and towards
the end of the period under inspection arguably the most influential.8 The authority
of its editor-in-chief, which extended beyond Palestine, was succinctly summarized
by the contemporary Egyptian daily al-Muqa am: “Heads of Arabs in all major cities
bend to the editorials of Ust dh9 Y suf al-c s .”10 Another important factor to be taken
into account is Filas n s longevity. After a suspension during World War I, it was re-
established in 1921 and continued to be published in Jaffa until the end of the British
Mandate in 1948.

lism, and the Palestinians. In Journal of Palestine Studies, Fall 2003, Vol. 33, No. 1, pp. 26–28;
FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National Movements,
1908–1914, pp. 33–40.
6
Ibid., p. 35.
7
By the time the Young Turk Revolution took place, Jaffa had become the economic powerhouse
of the Jerusalem muta arrif ya and the second most important seaport in the Ottoman Levant.
Through its port the most significant and valued Palestinian export commodity, the Jaffa orange,
was being shipped and ever increasing numbers of pilgrims and tourists were arriving. It was
connected to Jerusalem by both a carriage road (from 1868) and a railway (from 1892) and to other
Mediterranean ports by regular steamship service. This cosmopolitan city had experienced during
the previous decades a rapid population growth, aided by both internal and foreign immigration,
and by World War I it had about 40,000 inhabitants. NORRIS, Jacob. Land of Progress: Palestine
in the Age of Colonial Development, 1905–1948, pp. 36–37; AVCI, Y. Jerusalem and Jaffa in
the Late Ottoman Period: The Concession-Hunting Struggle for Public Works Projects. In BEN-
BASSAT, Y., GINIO, E. (eds.). Late Ottoman Palestine: The Period of Young Turk Rule, pp.
88–89; BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine: Politics and Society in the District of Jerusalem 1872–
1908, p. 448; KARK, R. The Rise and Decline of the Coastal Towns in Palestine. In GILBAR, G.
G. (ed.). Ottoman Palestine 1800–1914: Studies in Economic and Social History, p. 73.
8
An indication of its importance is that Filas n and al-Karmil (published in Haifa) were the only
two newspapers from Palestine to which the Bibliothèque khédiviale (today the Egyptian National
Library – D r al-kutub wa al-wath iq al-qawm ya) subscribed in 1913–1914. (According to
Khayr ya Q sim ya, the library also subscribed to them in 1912, but volumes from this year are
not listed in the catalogue.) Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f ash-sharq al-cArab
wa ad hu, 1908–1918 [Zionist Activities in the Arab East and their Echo, 1908–1918], p. 5.
9
Title used to address intellectuals.
10
YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918)
[The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 118–119.

2
 Introduction

Filas n s editorial policy was progressive as it fought against fanaticism, sectari-

anism, bigotry and ignorance. Its editors espoused Ottomanism11 and secularism and
adopted an inclusive approach considering all inhabitants, irrespective of their ethnic or
religious background, equal members of the Ottoman nation. Furthermore, a discourse
of progress and modernism permeated the writings of the periodical. It promoted educa-
tion, science and modernisation as the path to be taken in the Ottoman Empire in general
and Palestine in particular in order for the country to enter the circle of advanced na-
tions. Its editors Y suf al-c s and c s al-c s treated various topics with an open mind;
they were welcoming to discussion as they offered space in the newspaper to everyone,
including those who held different views. In addition, they did not hesitate to stand
against injustice, which is very well demonstrated by their principled treatment of the
Beilis Affair. Indeed, it is noteworthy that they did not make use of this affair to criticise
the Zionists; on the contrary, they defended Beilis, Jews and Judaism against blood li-
bel. This case demonstrates the strong moral compass of the editors, who promoted and
publicised what they considered to be the right thing even though it would have been
more convenient to keep quiet and ignore the issue. Moreover, they were not dogmatists
and were willing to change their opinion or attitude if provided with sufficient evidence
(as gradually happened with regard to Zionism).
My decision to focus on this particular newspaper was influenced by several factors.
Apart from those mentioned above, Filas n is apparently the only newspaper published
in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya before WWI of which issues covering more than three
consecutive years are completely extant. Thus, it offers scholars a unique window into
the events that were taking place in Palestine at that time. In addition, it enables us to
observe gradual changes in the thinking and attitudes of the editors and contributors.
This was an era of rapid transformation, which is clearly reflected in the newspaper’s
content. With regard to the periodical press, particularly in this period, it has many
advantages compared to other sources. In contrast to memoirs and other works describ-
ing past events, newspapers mostly record events immediately after their occurrence.
Notwithstanding the preferences of the editors, correspondents and other authors, their
articles, letters and reports, once printed, offer us an insight into thinking of the writ-
ers without giving them the option to make any subsequent changes in order to fit in
and join the dominant narratives, improve their record or remove words or thoughts
that might have become embarrassing for them.12 Furthermore, the newspaper reports
provide us in many cases with detailed information on events which cannot be found
anywhere else. Moreover, newspapers are among the few sources available from this
period which were written by the Arab Palestinians themselves and from which we can
gauge their opinions and attitudes.13 They are also by far the most voluminous source,
containing much more information and details than other documents.

11
Secular Ottoman nationalism.
12
This option of revision is also available for diaries before publication.
13
Among the other are petitions, diaries and memoirs.

3
Introduction

Zionism was one of many subjects considered in Filas n from the first year; it took
up more and more space, and from mid-1913 it was arguably the most important and
most intensively discussed topic. These discussions on the pages of the newspapers
shaped public opinion with regard to Zionism. Perhaps the best example that demon-
strates the importance and influence of the press in this regard is the different impact of
two comparable Zionist land purchases in the district of cAkk , one of which occurred
before the Young Turk Revolution and the other after it. Even though both came up
against the opposition of the respective q immaq ms, their impact was radically dif-
ferent. The former took place in the Tiberias subdistrict at the beginning of the 20th
century, when no private Arabic periodical press in Palestine existed, and therefore very
few people became aware of it.14 The latter, the well-known al-F la affair, occurred
in the Nazareth subdistrict in 1910 and became the subject of an intensive newspaper
campaign which had a powerful impact on public opinion, even though it concerned a
property with much less acreage than the former case.15 Furthermore, the systematic
endeavours of the Zionists to monitor and influence the Arabic press are another proof
of its importance and power. However, as we will see below (especially in Chapter 2),
it was a reciprocal process. Not only did the newspapers have a strong effect on public
opinion, but the editors were also deeply influenced by the unfolding events on the one
hand and the reports of correspondents, letters written by readers and petitions submit-
ted by various segments of society on the other hand.
In my paper “Political Opposition to Zionism in Palestine and Greater Syria: 1910–
1911 as a Turning Point”, I argued that the years 1910–1911 “represent the turning point
in the attitudes of the educated Arab public towards Jewish land purchases in Pales-
tine, Jewish immigration and the Zionist movement”.16 While this is also true regarding
many of the authors and contributors whose articles were published in Filas n, in the
beginning the attitude of the newspaper’s editors was different, and a change in their
perception occurred gradually over the period of the next few years. During the initial
stage of Filas n s existence, its editors, c s al-c s and Y suf al-c s , stepped aside and
did not express their opinions vis-à-vis Zionism. Moreover, it seems that despite this
neutrality, at that time they had a cautiously positive attitude towards Zionist colonisa-
tion in Palestine.17 Only gradually, from mid-1912, did they begin to manifest reserva-
tions regarding Zionism, and they did not immediately join the ranks of anti-Zionist

14
BARBOUR, N. Nisi Dominus: A Survey of the Palestine Controversy, pp. 116–117; BEŠKA, E.
Responses of Prominent Arabs towards Zionist Aspirations and Colonization prior to 1908. In
Asian and African Studies, 2007, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 33–34.
15
BEŠKA, E. Shukr al-cAsal , an Extraordinary Anti-Zionist Activist. In Asian and African Studies,
2010, Vol. 19, No. 2, pp. 241–247.
16
BEŠKA, E. Political Opposition to Zionism in Palestine and Greater Syria: 1910–1911 as a Tur-
ning Point. In Jerusalem Quarterly, 2014, No. 59, p. 54.
17
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.

4
 Introduction

journalists. By 1914 Filas n rivalled another bi-weekly newspaper – al-Karmil,18 which

was published in Haifa and was owned and edited by Naj b al-Kh r Na r – for the
position of the most pronounced, outspoken and active anti-Zionist Arabic periodical. A
careful analysis of the newspaper’s content enables us to follow and contextualize this
profound transformation.
The attitudes of Filas n s editors to Zionism in the pre-WWI period have so far not
been thoroughly and systematically examined in the scholarly literature. The major goal
of this treatise is to fill this gap and to offer an analysis of the evolution that occurred in
the newspaper’s coverage of this subject during its pre-WWI existence. Some authors
have used Filas n as one of their sources to construct a narrative of Arab-Jewish rela-
tions or to characterise Arab responses to Zionism and have not focused systematically
on the newspaper’s coverage of this issue. In contrast, I have concentrated solely on this
periodical. The method I have applied, especially in Chapter 2, is close reading in order
to unearth the underlying reasons behind the metamorphosis in Filas n s attitudes to
Zionism. The subsequent chapters are more descriptive and treat various subjects con-
cerning Zionism discussed on the pages of the newspaper.
The newspaper Filas n in general and its coverage of Zionism in particular have
been treated by several authors. Among the first were Neville Mandel and Khayr ya
Q sim ya. Mandel included Filas n as one of the major sources for his pioneering ex-
amination of “the reaction of the political élite among the Arabs to Zionism” in the
pre-WWI period.19 However, for the year 1914 he did not draw directly on the newspa-
per but on the press reports of the Zionist Palestine Office’s Press Bureau. It is worth
mentioning that he discerned some changes in Filas n s editorial policy regarding Zi-
onism (see beginning of Chapter 2).20 Khayr ya Q sim ya s approach was similar, as
she explored various Arabic newspapers, including Filas n, in order to describe Arab
reactions to Zionism in the years 1908–1918.21 Nevertheless, neither of these authors
attempted an in-depth analysis of Filas n s writings on Zionism. Noha Tadros Khalaf
wrote the most comprehensive work on c s al-c s , based on his memoirs.22 In addition,

18
The following works examine al-Karmil s coverage of Zionism: Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. Naj b
Na r f jar datihi al-Karmil (1909–1914): A ad ruww d mun ha at a - ahy n ya [Naj b Na r
in His Newspaper al-Karmil: One of the Pioneers of Anti-Zionist Resistance]. In Shu ūn Filas n ya,
1973, No. 23, pp. 101–123; Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f ash-sharq al-cArab wa
ad hu, 1908–1918 [Zionist Activities in the Arab East and Their Echo, 1908–1918]; KHALIDI,
R. Palestinian Identity, pp. 124–126; BEŠKA, E. Anti-Zionist Journalistic Works of Naj b al-Kh r
Na r in the Newspaper al-Karmal in 1914. In Asian and African Studies, 2011, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp.
167–193; BEŠKA, E. Arabic Translations of Writings on Zionism Published in Palestine before the
First World War. In Asian and African Studies, 2014, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp. 154–172.
19
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. xvii.
20
Ibid., p. 128.
21
Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f ash-sharq al-cArab wa ad hu, 1908–1918 [Zi-
onist Activities in the Arab East and Their Echo, 1908–1918].
22
KHALAF, N. T. Les Mémoires de Issa al- Issa: Journaliste et intellectuel palestinien (1878–
1950).

5
Introduction

Yacq b Yehoshua s book contains biographical information about the newspaper’s edi-
tors and describes the content of the periodical during its first six months through a long
quote from an editorial.23 Furthermore, Rashid Khalidi examined the most important
subjects with which the newspaper was concerned, both prior to World War I and after
it, including a short discussion of Zionism.24 In her paper Evelin Dierauff discussed the
ambivalent attitude of Filas n s editors to Zionism in the years 1911–1913. Moreover,
she dealt briefly with the series Peasant Letters authored by Menashe Meirovitch (under
the pseudonym Ab Ibrah m) and gave several examples of the newspaper’s criticism
of various manifestations of Zionist exclusivism.25 Samuel Dolbee and Shay Hazkani
carried out a profound analysis of the complicated relationship between the managing
director of the newspaper c s al-c s and the Jewish agronomist Menashe Meirovitch,
who was the author of the abovementioned series of articles Peasant Letters published
in Filas n.26 Johann Büssow delineated in his paper the “mental maps”27 of two news-
papers published in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya, Filas n and ha- erut [Freedom]. He
discussed the geographic areas that were regularly covered by these periodicals, thus
influencing their readers’ perception of their country and the world. He also treated the
content and sources of the newspaper as well as its readership.28 Finally, this monograph
builds on a couple of my own papers. In one of them, I focused on c s al-c s s transla-
tion of the first part of Menachem Ussishkin s book Our Program and compared it with
Naj b Na r s earlier translation of the article on Zionism from the Jewish Encyclo-
pedia.29 In another study, I analysed Y suf al-c s s discussion of the Beilis affair.30 In
addition, I have analysed the defence speech delivered by the newspaper’s managing
director c s al-c s at his trial in May 1914.31

23
YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918)
[The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 116–120.
24
KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness, pp.
126–127; KHALIDI, R. The Iron Cage, pp. 90–104.
25
DIERAUFF, E. Global Migration into Late Ottoman Jaffa as Reflected in the Arab-Palestinian News-
paper Filast n (1911–1913). In KOZMA, L., SCHAYEGH, C., WISHNITZER, A. (eds.). A Global
Middle East: Mobility, Materiality and Culture in the Modern Age, 1880–1940, pp. 165–174.
26
DOLBEE, S., HAZKANI, S. “Impossible is not Ottoman”: Menashe Meirovitch, Isa al- Isa and
Imperial Citizenship in Palestine. In International Journal of Middle East Studies, 2015, Vol. 47,
No. 2, pp. 241–262; DOLBEE, S., HAZKANI, S. Unlikely Identities: Abu Ibrahim and the Poli-
tics of Possibility in Late Ottoman Palestine. In Jerusalem Quarterly, 2015, No. 63/64, pp. 24–39.
27
For more on mental maps, see GOULD, P., WHITE, R. Mental Maps.
28
BÜSSOW, J. Mental Maps: The Mediterranean Worlds of Two Palestinian Newspapers in the Late
Ottoman Period. In KOLLUOĞLU, B., TOKSÖZ, M. (eds.). Cities of the Mediterranean: From
the Ottomans to the Present Day, pp. 100–115.
29
BEŠKA, E. Arabic Translations of Writings on Zionism Published in Palestine before the First
World War. In Asian and African Studies, 2014, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp. 154–172.
30
BEŠKA, E. “The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century”: The Beilis Affair in Filastin Newspaper. In
Jerusalem Quarterly, Summer 2016, No. 66, pp. 99–108.
31
BEŠKA, E. c s al-c s s Defence Speech at the May 1914 Trial in Jaffa. In Studia orientalia Vic-
tori Krupa dedicata, pp. 27–36.

6
 Introduction

Arab Opposition to Zionism before World War I

With regard to the Arab opposition to Jewish immigration, land purchases and Zionism,
it is necessary to divide the pre-WWI period into two parts, pre- and post-1908. The wa-
tershed separating these two stages was the Young Turk Revolution. During the earlier
period several Arabs expressed their criticism of Zionism, and some even took measures
to prevent Jewish immigration and land transfers to the Zionists. However, these were
isolated cases. The strict censorship in the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Abdülha-
mid II and the non-existence of a private Arabic press in Palestine hampered the forma-
tion of widespread Arab opposition to Zionism. Mu ammad hir Efendi ibn Mu af
al- usayn , the muft of Jerusalem, was probably the first to actively oppose Zionist
activities in Palestine. The earliest reference to his actions in this respect is from 1893.32
Another Jerusalemite, the former member of the Ottoman parliament Y suf iy add n
al-Kh lid , wrote a letter to the Chief Rabbi of France, Zadoc Kahn, in 1899 in which
he appealed to the Zionists to find a place other than Palestine for their endeavours.33
Furthermore, several Arabs of Lebanese origins, Mu ammad Rash d Ri , Naj b c z r
and Am r Am n Arsl n, expressed their opposition either in writing or, like Arsl n, by
taking practical steps against the removal of Arab peasants from lands bought by Zion-
ists while serving as q immaq m of Tiberias.34
After the Young Turk Revolution, with the liberalisation of political life, the rees-
tablishment of a constitutional regime and the relaxation of press censorship, the situa-
tion changed dramatically, and in the following years a strong opposition to the Zionist
movement was mounted. Numerous articles discussing Zionism were published in the
Arabic periodical press in the years 1908–1914. Moreover, according to Rashid Kha-
lidi, Jewish land purchases, which began at the turn of the ninth decade of the 19th
century and were rendering the Palestinian peasants landless, had a significant impact
in this regard. These purchases, the expulsion of the peasants and especially their acts
of resistance influenced the educated classes and directed their attention to the potential

32
ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp. 218–222.
33
For the text of the letter, see MANN C, c dil. Acl m Filas n f aw khir al-cahd al-cUthm n ,
1800–1918 [The Notables of Palestine at the End of the Ottoman Period, 1800–1918], pp. 149–
150; MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. 48; BEŠKA, E. Responses
of Prominent Arabs towards Zionist Aspirations and Colonization prior to 1908. In Asian and
African Studies, 2007, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 28–29. For Herzl s response, see KHALIDI, W. From
Haven to Conquest: Readings in Zionism and the Palestine Problem until 1948, pp. 91–93.
34
BEŠKA, E. Responses of Prominent Arabs towards Zionist Aspirations and Colonization prior to
1908. In Asian and African Studies, 2007, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 22–44; MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs
and Zionism before World War I, pp. 32–57; Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f
ash-sharq al-cArab wa ad hu, 1908–1918 [Zionist Activities in the Arab East and Their Echo,
1908–1918], pp. 9–40; KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National
Consciousness, pp. 103–104; BARBOUR, N. Nisi Dominus: A Survey of the Palestine Controver-
sy, pp. 116–117.

7
Introduction

consequences of Zionism.35 In my paper “Political Opposition to Zionism in Palestine

and Greater Syria”, mentioned above, I argue that the cumulative impact of several
important affairs (above all the Zionist purchase of al-F la), discussions in the Ottoman
parliament, newspaper campaigns and publication activities led to a crucial shift in at-
titudes. This short period 1910–1911 represents a defining moment when Arab politi-
cal opposition to Zionism in Palestine and the neighbouring regions was formed and
became a force to be reckoned with.36 At the same time, the number of people who
participated in this anti-Zionist campaign37 rose exponentially in comparison to the pre-
1908 years.38

The Situation in the Ottoman Empire

Palestine was conquered in 1516 by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I (1512–1520) following
his victorious encounter with the Maml k army led by Sultan al-Ashraf Q n h al-
Ghawr at Marj D biq north of Aleppo in August of the same year.39 After the conquest,
Palestine remained part of the Ottoman Empire for more than four centuries, until it
was occupied by the British army in 1917–1918 during World War I. Since the mid-
19th century, the empire had gone through a series of reforms which aimed to centralise
the state, strengthen it internally and externally and modernise its institutions. These
reforms also led to the gradual transformation of the population from subjects of the
Ottoman sultan into Ottoman citizens. Among the most important reforms were the
Edict of Gülhane of 1839, which marked the start of the Tanzimat era; the Hatt-ı Hüma-

35
KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity, pp. 89–117.
36
BEŠKA, E. Political Opposition to Zionism in Palestine and Greater Syria: 1910–1911 as a Tur-
ning Point. In Jerusalem Quarterly, 2014, Vol. 59, pp. 54–67.
37
The first two anti-Zionist newspaper campaigns in Palestine and Greater Syria took place in 1910–
1911. The earliest was led by Naj b Na r and was directed against a long-term lease of Sultan
Abdülhamid II s former estates to Naj b al-A far (who was rumoured to be a Zionist straw man).
The other campaign focused on the al-F la affair; at its forefront was Shukr al-cAsal . Ibid., pp.
55–58; BEŠKA, E. Shukr al-cAsal , an Extraordinary Anti-Zionist Activist. In Asian and African
Studies, 2010, Vol. 19, No. 2, pp. 241–247; Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. Naj b Na r f jar datihi al-
Karmil (1909–1914): A ad ruww d mun ha at a - ahy n ya [Naj b Na r in His Newspaper
al-Karmil: One of the Pioneers of Anti-Zionist Resistance]. In Shu ūn Filas n ya, 1973, No. 23,
pp. 101–123.
38
Several works deal with the Arab opposition to Zionism between the Young Turk Revolution
and World War I, e.g. MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I; Q SIM YA,
Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f ash-sharq al-cArab wa ad hu, 1908–1918 [Zionist Activities
in the Arab East and Their Echo, 1908–1918]; KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The Construc-
tion of Modern National Consciousness; FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing the
Jewish and Arab National Movements, 1908–1914.
39
WINTER, M. The Re-Emergence of the Mamluks following the Ottoman Conquest. In PHILIPP,
T., HAARMANN, U. (eds.). The Mamluks in Egyptian Politics and Society, p. 87; SAYYID-
-MARSOT, Afaf Lutfi. A Short History of Modern Egypt, pp. 36–37.

8
 Introduction

yun of 1856; the Ottoman Land Code of 1858 and the Law for Provincial Administra-
tion of 1864.40
According to the Vilayet law of 1864, which after trials in the provinces Tuna and
Bosnia was implemented in 1867 throughout the Ottoman Empire, the country was
divided into a uniform set of administrative units. The largest entity in this system was
the province (Arab. wil ya), divided into districts (Arab. sanjaq or liw ), which in turn
were composed of subdistricts (Arab. qaḍ ’ or q ’immaq m ya). At the lowest level
were the n iya (which was added in 1871) and qarya (village). Palestine41 was divided
into three sanjaqs, Jerusalem, N bulus and cAkk . In 1872, Jerusalem became an “inde-
pendent” muta arrif ya directly subordinated to the ministry of the interior in Istanbul.
In 1887 the two northern districts became part of the newly-formed province of Beirut.42
The immediate pre-WWI period was a very turbulent one for the Ottoman Empire;
beginning with the Young Turk Revolution of July 1908, it witnessed a wave of drama-
tic events and far-reaching changes. Externally, from 1911 the country was embroiled
in several major conflicts. First came the Turco-Italian War (Tripolitania War), which
lasted from September 1911 until October 1912.43 As soon as it ended, it was followed
by what can be considered the first total war in which the Ottoman Empire was in-
volved.44 The two Balkan Wars lasted for more than nine months (8 October 1912–18
July 1913), and in the course of them the Ottoman Empire lost almost all its remaining
territories on the European continent. At the end of July 1914 World War I broke out,
and the Ottoman Empire officially entered it in November of the same year. In addition,
in the period after the Young Turk Revolution the state was rocked by internal strife. An
unsuccessful counterrevolution took place on 13 April 1909 and resulted in the dethron-
ing of Sultan Abdülhamid II two weeks later. This was followed by a coup d’état in July
1912 which led to the resignation of the CUP45 government. Thereafter, the opposition
government of the Liberal Entente took power, but it was overthrown in January 1913

40
The Tanzimat era has been treated by many scholars. For a more detailed discussion, see HA-
NIOĞLU, M. Şükrü. A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire, pp. 72–108.
41
By Palestine I always mean the area of the three districts of Jerusalem, N bulus and cAkk .
42
GHAN YIM, Zuhayr cAbdalla f, et al. Filas n f nih yat al-ca r al-cUthm n min khil l ar-ri la
allat q ma bih Mu ammad Raf q at-Tam m wa Mu ammad Bahjat al-K tib: Ta ta cunw n wi-
l yat Bayrūt [Palestine at the End of the Ottoman Era through the Journey Taken by Mu ammad
Raf q at-Tam m and Mu ammad Bahjat al-K tib: Under the Title The Beirut Province]. Part One,
p. 13; HANIOĞLU, M. Şükrü. A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire, p. 86; MAZZA, R.
Jerusalem: From the Ottomans to the British, pp. 18–20; KRÄMER, G. A History of Palestine:
From the Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel, p. 41; DAVISON, R. H. Re-
form in the Ottoman Empire, 1856–1876, pp. 151–160; BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine: Poli-
tics and Society in the District of Jerusalem 1872–1908, pp. 41–43.
43
VANDERWALLE, D. A History of Modern Libya, pp. 24–25.
44
GINIO, E. Mobilizing the Ottoman Nation during the Balkan Wars (1912–1913): Awakening from
the Ottoman Dream. In War in History, 2005, Vol. 12, No. 2, p. 156.
45
The Committee of Union and Progress was a clandestine organisation established in 1889 under
a different name – the Union of Ottomans. It came to power after the Young Turk Revolution of

9
Introduction

by the CUP. In July 1913 Grand Vizier Mahmud Shevket Pasha was assassinated, but
the CUP managed to stay in power.46 Furthermore, the government had to supress sev-
eral revolts that broke out in outlying regions (Albania, awr n, the Arabian Peninsula,
Yemen and others).47

Jewish Immigration and Ottoman Responses

A small Jewish community existed in Palestine throughout the Ottoman era. Jews were
concentrated in the four holy cities ( afad, Jerusalem, Tiberias, Hebron), and until 1836
the largest group lived in afad (7,000 out of the total 16,500). According to Shalom
Ginat, the Jewish population in Palestine began its significant growth in the 1870s,
when it increased from 13,300 in 1872 to 26,000 in 1880.48 On the other hand, Justin
McCarthy moved the beginning of the growth to the ninth decade of the 19th century.
According to him, the number of Jews increased from 15,000 in 1880 to 24,000 in 1895
and to somewhat less than 60,000 in 1914. He estimated that just before World War I
the number of Christians in Palestine stood at about 81,000 and the number of Muslims
at 602,000.49 Conversely, Arthur Ruppin estimated the number of Jews in Palestine in
1914 at almost 84,000.50
The first Aliyah (the first wave of modern Jewish immigration) into Ottoman Pales-
tine commenced in 1882 in the wake of the assassination of the Russian Tsar Alexander
II (1855–1881), the ensuing anti-Jewish pogroms and the enactment of the discrimina-
tory “May Laws” (1882). The second Aliyah began after the turn of the century and
lasted for ten years, from 1904 until 1914. Most of the Jewish immigrants came from
the western regions of the Russian Empire, the so-called Pale of Settlement. These im-
migrants formed the “New Yishuv”. In 1897 the First Zionist Congress was convened
in Basel and the Zionist Organisation was established. The leading spirit behind these
endeavours was Theodor Herzl (1860–1904), a Viennese Jewish lawyer and journalist
of Hungarian origins. His approach to the “Jewish Question” was political or diplomatic

1908. For more information about the CUP, its origins and its rule, see HANIOĞLU, M. Şükrü. A
Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire, pp. 145–202.
46
Ibid., pp. 155–157.
47
ZÜRCHER, E. J. The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building: From the Ottoman Empire to
Atatürk s Turkey, pp. 84–85; KAYALI, H. Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and
Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908–1918, pp. 109–112.
48
GINAT, Sh. The Jewish Settlement in Palestine in the 19th Century. In CARMEL, A., SCHÄF-
LER, P., BEN ARTZI, Y. (eds.). The Jewish Settlement in Palestine 634–1881, p. 175.
49
MCCARTHY, J. The Population of Palestine: Population History and Statistics of the Late Otto-
man Period and the Mandate, pp. 10–24.
50
RUPPIN, A. Syrien als Wirtschaftsgebiet, p. 19. His figures were also included in Barron s book,
which gives the number 84,660. BARRON, J. B. Palestine: Report and General Abstracts of the
Census of 1922, p. 3.

10
 Introduction

Zionism, and he worked to reach an agreement with one of the powers to establish a
state or autonomous region for the Jews in Palestine. He tried to persuade the Ottoman
sultan and the German emperor as well as the British government to support him in this
enterprise. Only after 1903 did the Zionist Organisation begin to focus more on practi-
cal steps, establishing the Anglo-Palestine Company (a bank), the first Zionist body
founded in Palestine. In 1908, the Palestine Office, a branch of the Zionist Organisation
headed by Arthur Ruppin, was constituted in Jaffa.51
The Ottoman government had already imposed restrictions on Jewish immigration
to Palestine in November 1881, one year before the first Aliyah began. Thereafter,
Jewish settlement in the Ottoman Empire was permitted, but with the exception of
Palestine. Since 1884 only Jewish pilgrims had been allowed to come to Palestine,
and the maximum length of their stay was limited to thirty days. In 1892 restrictions
on Jewish immigration were followed by prohibition of land sales to Jews (including
Ottoman citizens) in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya. In 1901 a new “Red Paper” policy
was implemented which meant that all Jewish visitors had to submit their passports on
arrival to Palestine, in return receiving a document referred to as the Red Paper (Arab.
al-waraqa al- amr ). These pilgrims were allowed to stay for three months. However,
Jewish immigrants were able to circumvent these measures. Among the major reasons
for that were the regime of Capitulations52 and the unwillingness of European powers
to accept limitations imposed by the Ottoman authorities on their citizens. Therefore,
the authorities could not deport those Jewish immigrants who decided to stay. Further-
more, the widespread venality of Ottoman officials had an effect on the inefficiency
of the various measures. The same was also true with regard to land purchases, even
though during certain periods, the authorities were able to prevent them. For example,
after 1897 a commission chaired by Mu ammad hir Efendi al- usayn 53 stopped
Jewish land purchases in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya for several years. However, since
the Palestinian sanjaqs were not part of a single higher administrative entity, during
that time the focus of Jewish colonisation shifted to the northern regions, to which this
prohibition did not pertain.54

51
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, pp. 1–31.
52
These were treaties between the Ottoman Empire and European countries which granted extra-
territorial privileges and tax exemptions to the subjects of the latter. The first such treaties were
concluded with Italian city-states, but the treaty arranged with France in 1535 is considered the
foundation stone of the capitulatory regime with European states. The Ottoman government abo-
lished the capitulations unilaterally after the outbreak of World War I. HUREWITZ, J. C. Diplo-
macy in the Near and Middle East: A Documentary Record: 1535–1914, Vol. I, p. 1. For the text
of the treaty, see ibid., pp. 2–5.
53
For more information on his anti-Zionist activities, see BEŠKA, E. Responses of Prominent Arabs
towards Zionist Aspirations and Colonization prior to 1908. In Asian and African Studies, 2007,
Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 23–26.
54
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, pp. 1–22; KHALIDI, R. Palestinian
Identity, p. 110.

11
Introduction

This monograph is divided into eight chapters:

The first part of Chapter 1 discusses the introduction of the periodical press to the Mid-
dle East in general and Palestine in particular. Thereafter, various aspects of the press in
Palestine are treated, including its influence, the design and content of the newspapers,
subscription fees and the availability of periodicals in urban and rural areas. The latter
part focuses on Filas n and its editors c s al-c s and Y suf al-c s .
Chapter 2 analyses the evolution of Filas n s attitudes towards Zionism. In this
part, I argue that during the first four years of the newspaper’s existence the coverage of
this issue went through two significant shifts. I attempt to identify the time frame, sig-
nificance and causes of these changes. I conclude this part with a short examination of
terminological changes in the newspaper’s writings on Zionism, which provides further
supportive evidence for my thesis.
Chapter 3 consists of two interrelated elements. The first covers the conflictual
relationship between Filas n and the Arabic-language Zionist newspaper awt al-
c
Uthm n ya edited by Shimon Moyal and his wife Esther Moyal from the viewpoint
of the editors of the former periodical. The first phase of this antagonism (which tran-
spired in the years 1911–1912, before awt al-cUthm n ya was established) is covered
in Chapter 2. The second part of this chapter discusses a seven-week-long suspension
of Filas n and the trial of c s al-c s , the managing director of the newspaper, which
took place in the spring of 1914. The suspension and the ensuing trial were caused by
an article on awt al-cUthm n ya published in Filas n.
The next five chapters deal with Filas n s coverage of various issues pertaining
to Zionism and the Jewish community in Palestine. These chapters focus on the years
1913–1914, as many of the events that took place during the previous period are cov-
ered extensively in Chapter 2 (which I felt was necessary in order to offer a thorough
analysis of the gradual transformation).
Chapter 4 discusses various land purchases that Zionists made or endeavoured to
make at that time. The cases of Ab Sh sha, al-Mukhayzin, as-Sidra, al-Qubayba and
as-Sirr are followed by the sales of lands pertaining to Christian and Islamic waqfs.
A large part of this chapter is devoted to the proposed sale or long-term lease of the
enormous former private estates of Sultan Abdülhamid II distributed throughout Pales-
tine, which would have had a monumental impact if completed successfully. This affair
deeply influenced the editors and their attitude towards Zionism. Chapter 4 ends with
a short discussion of the failed attempt by the British consular agent in Gaza, Andre
Knesevich, who agreed to buy for the Zionists lands near Rafa on the Egyptian side of
the border.
Three incidents involving violence are the subject of Chapter 5. These cases were of
different scope and took place in various localities in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya. The
most significant was the Zarn qa affair, which involved a clash between the watchmen
of the Jewish settlement of Rehovot and the peasants of Zarn qa village. The profound
impact of this clash on Filas n s editors is analysed in Chapter 2. The Tel Aviv incident
was a violent capture of an Arab Muslim peasant by Zionist city-dwellers following his

12
 Introduction

argument with a Yemenite Jew. The third affair pertained to the Tomb of Zechariah (lo-
cally known as an r Fircawn), which is located in the Kidron Valley just to the east of
the Old City of Jerusalem. During this episode, large crowds of religious Jews occupied
the tomb, apparently in order to gain its exclusive possession for their community.
Chapter 6 analyses the partial translation into Arabic of Menachem Ussishkin s
book Our Program made by c s al-c s , which was published in a series of articles in
Filas n. The text of the translation, the commentary written by the translator as well as
the importance and possible impact of this endeavour are discussed.
Chapter 7 focuses on the “war of the languages” that raged in the Yishuv at the turn
of 1914 regarding the language of instruction at the Technikum in Haifa and at other
Ezra (Hilfsverein) schools in Palestine. The newspaper took an interest in this seem-
ingly internal affair of the Jewish community, since it was considered by Filas n s
editors to be another manifestation of Zionist exclusivism and discrimination against
native Palestinians.
Chapter 8 consists of three unrelated subchapters, which I have included in one
section because of their brevity. The first deals with Filas n s coverage of the Tenth
and Eleventh Zionist Congresses, which took place in 1911 and 1913, respectively. The
newspaper treated the former only briefly, but devoted much more space to the latter.
The second subchapter discusses the Zionist boycott of native labour, products and busi-
nesses and the various forms it took. Finally, the third subchapter focuses on Filas n s
writings on the Beilis affair and its broader context – the blood libel against Jews, the
trial of Menachem Mendel Beilis in Kiev, the response of the Zionist youth in Jaffa and
the arrival of Beilis in Palestine after his acquittal.

Certain issues are analysed in more detail, others are discussed only briefly. In the
case of the Beilis affair, the reason is that I have covered it elsewhere,55 so I have only
included a concise description and analysis of the newspaper’s coverage of the trial and
its aftermath. In addition, the Beilis affair is only partially related to Zionism, particu-
larly in terms of the response to it by Zionist youth in Palestine. However, the signifi-
cance of this incident with regard to Filas n lies in the fact that its treatment can be
considered unequivocal evidence of the newspaper’s respectful and positive attitude to
Judaism even at a time when it had already become an openly anti-Zionist periodical.
Furthermore, because of the lack of primary and secondary sources pertaining to some
issues discussed in the monograph, I have decided to only mention or describe them
briefly and not to attempt to analyse them in depth.
Since one of my goals is to facilitate further research into Arab responses to Zionism
in the pre-WWI period, I have included, at the end of the monograph, a list of articles
dealing with Zionism published in Filas n in the years 1913–1914 with all the neces-

55
BEŠKA, E. “The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century”: The Beilis Affair in the Filastin Newspaper.
In Jerusalem Quarterly, Summer 2016, No. 66, pp. 99–108.

13
Introduction

sary bibliographic data. The articles are arranged in chronological order, and each entry
contains the following information: the original name of the article transcribed from
the Arabic script into the Latin script, its translation into English, the issue number of
the issue of the newspaper in which the piece appeared, the date when it was published
according to the Gregorian (New Style) calendar, and the page number. I have also in-
cluded some important articles that pertain to Jews in general and do not mention Zion-
ism, for example all articles dealing with the Beilis affair.

14
 1. ARABIC NEWSPAPERS
AND MEANS OF INFORMATION
DISSEMINATION IN PALESTINE BEFORE
WORLD WAR I1

The beginnings of the periodical press in the Middle East were considerably delayed
in comparison with Europe. One of the main reasons was the much later arrival of the
printing press to the region. Furthermore, the high levels of illiteracy and the sufficiency
of other manners of communication for the needs of contemporary societies also played
an important role. The language of the first periodicals established at the end of the 18th
century in the Middle East (Le Courier de L Egypt, La Décade Egyptienne) was French,
as they were printed by Napoleon’s expedition to Egypt. The first Arabic newspapers
appeared in the Middle East more than two decades later. In the 1820s official bulletins
started to be published by the government. It is likely that the pioneering periodical in
this respect was the Jurn l al-Khid w [Journal of the Khedive], which first appeared in
the year 1821 or 1822 in Cairo during the reign of Mu ammad cAl . It was an official
journal published bilingually in both Turkish and Arabic, intended for high govern-
mental officials. At the end of 1828 it was replaced by al-Waq ’ic al-Mi r ya [Egyptian
Affairs].2
In the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire, official Turkish-Arabic papers arrived
four decades later. The first to be published was the weekly Sūriy established in 1865
in Damascus. In Jerusalem, an official Turkish-Arabic gazette began publication only
in the first decade of the 20th century under the name al-Quds ash-Shar f [The Noble
Jerusalem].3 Such official bulletins were issued in many provinces of the Ottoman Em-

1
Some passages from this chapter have already been published in BEŠKA, E. Anti-Zionist
Journalistic Works of Naj b al-Kh r Na r in the Newspaper al-Karmal in 1914. In Asian and
African Studies, 2011, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 167–193.
2
AYALON, A. The Press in the Arab Middle East: A History, pp. 12–15.
3
Authors do not agree on the year when al-Quds ash-Shar f was established. Yehushua gives the
year 1903 (September), Büssow 1905 and Ayalon 1876. YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa
al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in
Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 33–35; BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine: Politics

15
1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

pire, usually consisting of four pages and mostly containing official ordinances, notifi-
cations and news.
Among the private Arabic newspapers in the Middle East, the first to appear was
Mir’ t al-A w l [the Mirror of the Situation], published in Istanbul by a Christian from
Aleppo named Rizqall h ass n in the years 1855–1856, at the time of the Crimean
War. It was followed by A mad F ris Shidy q s al-Jaw ib (1860). In the Levant, the
first to publish a newspaper was Khal l al-Kh r , who founded ad qat al-Akhb r [the
Garden of News]4 in Beirut in 1858 and kept it going until his death in 1907.5 Arabic
newspapers in the Middle East began to expand in a greater measure in the last decades
of the 19th century – especially in Egypt and to a lesser extent in Lebanon, both centres
of the Arab Cultural Renaissance (Arab. an-Nahḍa al-cArab ya).

Private Arabic Press in Palestine

In Palestine, the first private periodicals that appeared were published in Jerusalem
and written in Hebrew. The earliest among them were ha-Levanon and ha- avazzelet,
which both began publication in 1863; they were followed by several other newspapers
and magazines in the subsequent decades.6
Notwithstanding a couple of unsuccessful attempts, the publishing of Arabic news-
papers as a private venture commenced only after the Young Turk Revolution in 1908,
which led to the re-establishment of the constitutional regime, liberalisation of the po-
litical system, election of a new parliament (Arab. majlis al-mabcūth n) and a signifi-
cant easing of censorship. Following the revolution, the periodical press achieved an
astounding expansion which attests to the perceived need for this kind of media and to
a strong hunger for information. These were generated by the radical social, economic,
political and cultural changes that were taking place in the Ottoman Empire. In the
second half of 1908, fifteen private newspapers and magazines were established, and in
the succeeding years leading up to World War I they were followed by at least nineteen
more. To establish a paper was one thing, but it was much more difficult to maintain it

and Society in the District of Jerusalem 1872–1908, p. 463; AYALON, A. The Press in the Arab
Middle East: A History, pp. 23–25.
4
It began as a weekly and later became a bi-weekly newspaper.
5
FRUMA, Z. Pioneers of Syrian Patriotism and Identity: A Re-Evaluation of Khalil al-Khuri s
Contribution. In BESHARA, A. (ed.). The Origins of Syrian Nationhood: Histories, Pioneers and
Identity, pp. 94, 104n14; DAWN, C. E. From Ottomanism to Arabism: The Origin of an Ideology.
In HOURANI, A., KHOURY, Ph., WILSON, M. C. (eds.). The Modern Middle East: A Reader, p.
380; AYALON, A. The Press in the Arab Middle East, pp. 29–34.
6
BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine: Politics and Society in the District of Jerusalem 1872–1908,
p. 462; KARK, R., SOLOMONOVICH, N. The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 as Reflected in
the Media of the Jewish Community in Palestine. In BEN-BASSAT, Y., GINIO, E. (eds.). Late
Ottoman Palestine: The Period of Young Turk Rule, p. 185.

16
 1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

in the long term, and most of the periodicals only lasted a short time.7 For example, in
the case of the semi-monthly magazine al-A mac , only eleven issues were published,
mainly because of its publisher s8 preoccupation with the Orthodox Renaissance.9
Many issues of newspapers that were published in the pre-WWI period were not
preserved for various reasons, among the most important being the calamity that
afflicted Palestinian Arabs during the 1947–1948 Civil War in Mandatory Palestine and
the subsequent 1948 Arab-Israeli War, when many written documents were destroyed or
lost. Also, the previous massive upheaval – the Great Revolt in Palestine (1936–1939)
against the British Mandate – caused a great deal of damage to the written heritage.
One of its victims was the library and the personal archive of c s al-c s . In the autumn
of 1938, because of threats he was receiving from the supporters of al- jj Am n al-
usayn , the editor-in-chief and owner of the newspaper Filas n escaped from Pa-
lestine, and his house with all his written documents was set on fire and destroyed.10
Additionally, people s attitude to newspapers was very different from their handling of
books. In Arab culture, books traditionally commanded great respect and were carefully
protected and preserved. This did not apply to newspapers, and in contrast with books
few people archived them.11 This also pertains to Filas n, of which the issues from the
first half-year and the last two and a half months published during the Ottoman era are
apparently not extant.12
The most prestigious Arabic newspapers of that era were published in Beirut (Lis n
al- l) and particularly in Egypt (al-Ahr m, al-Muqa am). These were qualitatively
significantly advanced, contained more pages and appeared daily, and therefore posed
strong competition for Palestinian periodicals and impeded their growth.13
Among the most important newspapers published in Palestine in the pre-WWI pe-
riod were al-Karmil in Haifa, Filas n in Jaffa and al-Mun d and al-Quds in Jerusalem.
Most of the journalists were Greek Orthodox Christians. However, the owner and editor
of al-Karmil, Naj b al-Kh r Na r, was a convert to Protestantism, and Mu ammad
M s al-Maghrib , the editor of al-Mun d , was a Muslim.14

7
AYALON, A. Reading Palestine: Printing and Literacy, 1900–1948, pp. 1–3, 58–61; BÜSSOW,
J. Hamidian Palestine: Politics and Society in the District of Jerusalem 1872–1908, p. 436.
8
The owner and publisher of al-A mac was a Greek Orthodox Christian ann cAbdall h al-c s .
9
YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd al-cUthm n (1908–
1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 86–88.
10
KHALIDI, R. The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood, pp. 98–99.
11
AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, p. 14.
12
Seemingly, there are some exceptions like Filas n s issue 37 published on 16 April 1911, which is
referred to in YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd al-cUthm n
(1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 30.
13
AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, p. 60; KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity, pp. 130–137.
14
AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, pp. 61–62; MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before
World War I, p. 85; YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd al-
c
Uthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–
1918)], pp. 55–56.

17
1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

The reasons which led people to start publishing a newspaper were diverse. The
most important was often the endeavour of the publishers to educate, elevate, modern-
ise and reform society. In the case of the editors of Filas n, the crucial motivation was
apparently the conflict within the Greek Orthodox community in Palestine between the
higher clergy, which was entirely Greek, and the Arab laymen and lower clergy (called
the Orthodox Renaissance).15 In the case of the editor-in-chief and owner of al-Karmil,
Naj b al-Kh r Na r, among the most important reasons were reportedly his concerns
regarding Zionism and his effort to call the attention of readers to the threat it posed to
the Arab inhabitants of Palestine in general and to the peasants in particular.16
During this period, there were no daily Arabic newspapers in Palestine. Most Arabic
newspapers were published once or twice a week. Al-Karmil was issued once a week
during the first year and thereafter twice a week;17 Filas n was published twice a week
during the entire pre-WWI period. When al-Quds ran into difficulties in 1912–1913, its
periodicity decreased from twice to once a week.18

The Influence of the Newspapers

The newspapers published in Palestine before World War I had low circulations, usually
several hundred copies. Only the biggest periodicals managed to reach a circulation of
about 1,000, as was reportedly the case of al-Karmil and Filas n.19 The circulation of
al-Quds, which was launched in September 1908 in Jerusalem by Jurj ab b an ny ,

15
Arabic an-Nahḍa al-Urthūdhuks ya. This movement sought to empower the native Arab Chris-
tians in the institutions of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem which were entirely in the
hands of the Greek clergy.
16
However, according to Khayr ya Q sim ya, in one of the first editorials in which Na r described
the goals of the newspaper, he did not mention Zionism. Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. Naj b al-Kh r
Na r f jar datihi al-Karmil (1909–1914): A ad ruww d mun ha at a - ahy n ya, [Naj b
Na r in his Newspaper al-Karmil: One of the Pioneers of Anti-Zionist Resistance]. In Shu ūn
Filas n ya, 1973, No. 23, p. 103. MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War
I, pp. 85–86; AL-KAYY L , cAbdalwahh b. T r kh Filas n al- ad th [The Modern History of
Palestine], pp. 49–50.
17
KHALIDI, R. The Role of the Press in the Early Arab Reaction to Zionism. In Peuples
méditerranéens/Mediterranean Peoples, July–September 1982, No. 20, p. 122n65.
18
HANANIA, M. Jurji Habib Hanania: History of the Earliest Press in Palestine, 1908–1914. In
Jerusalem Quarterly, Autumn 2007, No. 32, pp. 63–64; YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa
al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in
Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 21, 47–49.
19
Naj b Na r wrote in 1914 that there were “not more than one thousand subscribers” to al-
Karmil. al-Fall wa a - a f inw n [The Peasant and the Journalist Are Twins]. In al-Karmil,
20 February 1914, 407, p. 1. The editors of Filas n declared that 1,121 people subscribed to the
newspaper, including about 20 “Israelites”. A san ar qa li al-icl n [The Best Way to Advertise].
In Filas n, 18 December 1912, 198–97, p. 3.

18
 1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

was 1,500.20 Important dailies in Beirut, Damascus and Cairo had much higher circula-
tions; the most widely read Beirut paper, Lis n al- l, had a circulation of 10,000 to
12,000, and the Egyptian al-Mu’ayyad 14,000.21
However, factors apart from circulation have to be taken into account. The influence
of a newspaper on the population cannot be measured by parameters used at a later time
when each copy of the newspaper was read only by a very limited number of people.
Ami Ayalon in his book Reading Palestine points out that information from the press in
Palestine in the first decades of the 20th century was spread to a large extent by the tra-
ditional mechanisms of information dissemination even among the illiterate population.
Newspapers, which gradually became the primary source of information, were read not
only in private but also in public. This took place in coffeehouses,22 village guest houses
(Arab. maḍ fa) or other places where people usually gathered and one of them read the
newspaper aloud to the others. If necessary, the reader adjusted and simplified the text
into a form that would be understandable to people not familiar with Literary Arabic.
These then, in the spirit of the old tradition of town criers,23 “the present instructs the
absent”,24 disseminated the information they heard among family members and neigh-
bours. In this manner, not many copies of a newspaper were needed in order for a whole
village or neighbourhood to be informed.25 Traditional modes of communication were
thus able to overcome the high rate of illiteracy which prevented the vast majority of
population from directly accessing information in written form.26 One example repeat-
edly mentioned by scholars is the attempt by the publishers of Filas n to disseminate
information in the rural hinterland of Jaffa. It is asserted that from 1913 Filas n was
distributed free to all villages with a population exceeding 100 in the district of Jaffa.27

20
HANANIA, M. Jurji Habib Hanania: History of the Earliest Press in Palestine, 1908–1914. In
Jerusalem Quarterly, Autumn 2007, No. 32, pp. 61–62; YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa
al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in
Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], 1974, p. 44. According to a report of the German Con-
sulate al-Quds s circulation was significantly lower – only 300 copies. CAMPOS, M. U. Ottoman
Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine, p. 282n18.
21
KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity, p. 249n34; Ami Ayalon gives for Lis n al- l a much lower
circulation – only 3,500 copies. AYALON, A. The Press in the Middle East: A History, pp. 67–68.
22
For the history of coffeehouses in Palestine, see TAMARI, S. The Vagabond Café and Jerusalem’s
Prince of Idleness. In Jerusalem Quarterly File, 2003, No. 19, pp. 23–36.
23
In Arabic al-mun d .
24
In Arabic: “wa al- ir yucallim al-gh ’ib”. AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, p. 136.
25
AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, pp. 5, 63–64, 148–149; BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine:
Politics and Society in the District of Jerusalem 1872–1908, pp. 463–464.
26
AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, pp. 3–4, 159.
27
Yehoshua writes that this information can be found in the editorial of issue 241–244, published on
29 May 1913. This claim contains a couple of inaccuracies. In fact, the quotation he has included
in his book is located on page three of issue 241–44, published on 11 June (29 May according
to the Julian calendar). YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd
al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–
1918)], 1974, pp. 18–19; AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, p. 107; KHALIDI, R. The Iron Cage,

19
1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

However, the fact that this endeavour soon ended in failure is nowhere conveyed. The
first piece of information stems from an article printed in June 1913 in which Filas n
responded to certain calls to its readers to “boycott it and return its issues”,28 arguing
that all their subscribers had asked for the subscription themselves.29 On this occasion,
the editors announced that “we consider all the headmen of the villages [to be] natural
subscribers to the newspaper. And for some time we have been pursuing sending issues
(for free) to every village in this district which has more than 100 inhabitants. And the
purpose of this is [to ensure that] the peasants are informed about what is happening in
the country on the one hand and to understand their rights on the other hand [so that]
they do not make it possible for those who do not fear God and his Prophets to dominate
them and to usurp their properties.”30 What has escaped the notice of scholars so far is
the fact that another article dedicated to this matter was published at the end of August
1913 in which the newspaper announced the ending of this practice. Previously, the
publishers had reached an agreement with the q immaq m concerning the distribution
of the newspaper to the villages of the Jaffa subdistrict by the gendarmerie. However,
two and a half months after the newspaper reported this arrangement, the editors dis-
covered that the issues had not been distributed and had remained with the gendarmerie.
“We were very surprised yesterday when we saw the issues piled up at the station and
covered with dust; some of them were used for testing pens. We came with someone to
take these issues back to our office and have decided not to send them any more […].”31
There is also another important fact to note with regard to the size of the villages that
were supposed to receive the newspaper free of charge. The second article mentioned
a considerably higher number of inhabitants – 300 instead of the 100 stated in the pre-
vious piece. It is possible that the lower number was incorrect, as it is given in digits,
whereas the number three hundred is written in words and is therefore less likely to be
mistaken. Another plausible explanation for this difference could be that the editors had
changed their mind and later began to send the newspaper only to larger villages.

pp. 93, 247n69; FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National
Movements, 1908–1914, p. 48.
28
A similar call directed at Jewish subscribers to Filas n appeared in ha- erut at the end of 1912.
Muq acat jar dat Filas n [The Boycott of the Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 18 December
1912, 198–97, p. 3.
29
Yehoshua mentions that some newspapers used the following tactics in order to increase the number
of their subscribers: they imposed a subscription on potential readers by sending them five issues
of the newspaper, and if these were not sent back, they were considered regular subscribers after
having received the fifth issue. YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f
al-cahd al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era
(1908–1918)], p. 18.
30
Jar dat Filas n [The Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 244–41, 11 June 1913, p. 3.
31
B ilan yatcabu al-bann n [The Builders Toil in Vain]. In Filas n, 28 August 1913, 266–63,
p. 3.

20
 1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

Furthermore, some private libraries were open to the public and, as in the case
of al-Maktaba al-Kh lid ya32 in Jerusalem, often subscribed to several newspapers.33
Another common manner of information dissemination was the lending of newspapers.
The owner and editor-in-chief of al-Karmil, Naj b al-Kh r Na r, complained that
many readers did not subscribe to his newspaper, but borrowed it from their neighbours
and friends. In February 1914, he published a very interesting editorial, “The Peasant
and the Journalist are Twins,” in which he likened the lot of the peasant to that of
the journalist. It contains several observations that provide us with an insight into the
contemporary situation of journalism and the precarious position of the journalist. It
suggests that the readership of contemporary newspapers was much higher than their
actual circulation, since many people found a way to get access to the periodical press
without subscribing.

If you asked about the oldest and best newspaper, you would not find more than
one thousand subscribers to it, and if you scrutinised its registers you would find
that one-third of them do not pay the subscription rate, while tens of thousands
are reading it (for free). […] Once I met a person from [among] the inhabitants of
Damascus34 and when he learned that I am the owner of al-Karmil he honoured
me and started to praise the newspaper. I told him, you are not a subsciber to
it, so how do you know it to praise it so vehemently, and he told me[:] I have a
neighbour who has subscribed to seventeen newspapers and I choose al-Karmil
from among those papers and read it every time. I laughed. Once I went to one
of the Palestinian towns in which there was only one subscriber. Many received
me with honour as the owner of al-Karmil, which I had not expected and found
strange, until I learned that more than fifty persons35 from that town read the
newspaper at the subscriber’s [house].36

Moreover, as mentioned in the previous passage, the publishers were facing another
problem – a large number of subscribers who were dodging payments.37 According to

32
For information on the library, see AL-KH LID , Wal d. al-Maktaba al-Kh lid ya f al-Quds,
1720–2001 [al-Kh lid ya Library in Jerusalem, 1720–2001].
33
KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity, p. 57.
34
The Arabic word ash-Sh m means both Syria and Damascus; it could therefore denote either the
city or the province.
35
The owner of al-Quds, Jurj ab b an ny , also mentioned this habit and gave the same ratio
of paying to non-paying readers five months earlier. YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa
al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in
Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 21.
36
NA R, Naj b al-Kh r . al-Fall wa a - a f inw n [The Peasant and the Journalist are
Twins]. In al-Karmil, 20 February 1914, 407, p. 1.
37
In two articles published in July 1912, the editor of al-Mun d described various excuses given by
subscribers who dodged paying for their subscriptions. Yehoshua included extensive quotes from
both pieces in his monograph. YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f

21
1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

Naj b al-Kh r Na r, such sinners comprised more than 30 per cent of the subscribers.
The owner of al-Karmil also describes other difficulties which he had to face. He lists
threats from notables and officials, who felt offended by articles published in the news-
paper, and efforts of subscribers to influence the content of the periodical.38
In May 1914, the editor-in-chief of al-Karmil published on the second page of the
paper a moral appeal to readers: “I am asking you in the name of principle not to read
me for free and not to be late in paying my subscription fee (al-Karmil).” 39
At several places Naj b al-Kh r Na r criticises the mentality of educated Arabs.
He expresses his disappointment with the recently founded Palestinian organisations
that were asking for free subscriptions. He gives the example of Europe, where such or-
ganisations understand the importance of newspapers and support them. “The situation
of the Orientals can not improve while groups of the enlightened seek to read newspa-
pers for free and do not think about [the fact] that it is easier for an organisation to pay
the subscription fee of the newspaper than to ask a materially poor person to offer it to
them as a present.”40
There is some evidence that newspapers not only influenced the educated classes but
also had some impact on the uneducated masses. This is indicated by the statements of
two important representatives of the Jewish community in Palestine, Isaac Nahon (in
1911) and Shimon Moyal (in 1912). The former, who managed a school belonging to
the Alliance Israélite Universelle in Haifa, recorded that accusations addressed to the
Zionists in al-Karmil had spread among the uneducated Muslim inhabitants. Regarding
the latter Mandel adds: “Similarly, Shimon Muyal of Jaffa observed a few months later
that a spirit of enmity had begun to gain a foothold among the masses because of the
influence of the antagonistic press .”41
An important factor, which manifested itself especially in the decades after World
War I, was the connection between the growing hunger for information caused by ongo-
ing changes and important events. This is documented by the change in periodicity of
the publishing of newspapers at the end of the third decade of the 20th century. Until the
disturbances in 1929, Arabic newspapers were printed in Palestine twice or three times
a week. At this time the periodicity of their publishing intensified, and some newspa-
pers started to be published daily.42 This is also true with regard to Filas n, which only

al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era
(1908–1918)], pp. 60–63.
38
NA R, Naj b al-Kh r . al-Fall wa a - a f inw n [The Peasant and the Journalist are
Twins]. In al-Karmil, 20 February 1914, 407, p. 1.
39
al-Karmil, 12 May 1914, 428, p. 2; al-Karmil, 15 May 1914, 429, p. 2.
40
NA R, Naj b al-Kh r . al-Jamc y t wa a - a fa [Organizations and the Press.] In al-Karmil,
22 May 1914, 431, p. 2.
41
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. 126.
42
AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, p. 63.

22
 1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

became a daily newspaper in its thirteenth year of publication at the beginning of Sep-
tember 1929 following the riots of the previous month.43

The Design and Content of Newspapers

Most newspapers consisted of four pages, with four (al-Karmil, al-Quds) or five
(Filas n) columns on a page.44 In the case of Filas n the editorial usually covered two
or three columns on the front page45 and was mainly written and signed by the editor-
in-chief, Y suf al-c s . It was followed by one or two longer articles, consisting of one
or more columns, sometimes continuing to the next page. On pages two and three,
there were mostly much shorter domestic and foreign news reports, some written by
correspondents and others taken from Ottoman or foreign periodicals and various news
agencies. During wars (the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 and the beginning of World War
I), the newspaper relied to a large degree on foreign and domestic news agencies. On
the bottom of the third page under the title “Last Hour” there were brief stories which
the newspaper received immediately before going to press. The last page usually con-
tained short reports and announcements in the upper part; in the lower two-thirds there
were advertisements, some including simple pictures (these were the only illustrations
in the newspaper). The number of advertisements and the space they covered steadily
increased in 1914. In the second half of the year, when the volume of the newspaper
expanded to six pages, the advertisements covered the whole sixth page and about 40
per cent of pages three and four.

Prices of Newspapers and Subscription Fees

The newspaper often turned to readers with information or requests regarding subscrip-
tions. Sometimes Filas n informed readers in a certain region (in the following case,
al-Ludd and ar-Ramla) about the representative of the paper (c s Efendi as-Safar ) and
procedures concerning payment for subscriptions. The short article ended with the sen-
tence: “We very much hope that you will not be late.”46 This was a recurring theme in

43
On 5 September, on the first page below the title Filas n, there is the following description: “A
daily newspaper, [...] temporarily published three times a week”. On the next day, the latter part of
the description disappeared. In fact, Filas n had become a daily a few days earlier, on Monday, 2
September 1929. At the same time, the number of its pages dropped from eight to four. Filas n, 2
September 1929, 71–1232, p. 1; 3 September 1929, 72–1233, p. 1; 4 September 1929, 73–1234,
p. 1; 5 September 1929, 74–1235, p. 1; 6 September 1929, 75–1236, p. 1.
44
A page in al-Muqattam consisted of six and in al-Ahr m of seven columns.
45
Occasionally it was even longer, e.g. the article A Sigh from Liverpool covers one and a half pages.
Zafra min Liverpool [A Sigh from Liverpool]. In Filas n, 23 July 1913, 256–53, pp. 1–2.
46
Il al-mushtarik n [To the Subscribers]. In Filas n, 17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 3

23
1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

columns dealing with subscriptions. In an appeal published a few weeks later and ad-
dressed to subscribers in Jaffa, the editors ask them to pay “the subscription fee for the
previous year (1913) and not to compel us to repeat this request”.47 In October 1913, the
editors turned to the subscribers from Jerusalem who were in arrears and asked them
to pay the fee for the current year. Some of the subscribers ignored paying for an even
longer time. “As for the small group that have not paid the fee for the previous years, we
are leaving the issue to their tact and conscience.”48 The editors also informed subscrib-
ers abroad about the representative of Filas n in their countries.49
The owner of al-Karmil was more vehement in pressing this issue. In October 1913,
directly after the editorial on the first page, he published the following appeal to read-
ers written, unusually, in a much larger script than the surrounding text: “Do not read
a newspaper if you are not a subscriber to it. And if you have subscribed, pay the sub-
scription fee without delay, so that the owner of the paper does not reveal that those who
read the newspapers [and] do not subscribe to them and do not pay their fees of their
own accord are the reason for backwardness and regress and those who do not respect
the rights of others have absolutely no national principles [al-mab di al-qawm ya].”50
The yearly subscription fee for Filas n in 1911–1914 was 10 French francs51 (40
qur sh/piasters)52 in Jaffa and 3 Mecidi riy ls (60 qur sh) in other provinces of the Ot-
toman Empire. In the case of al-Karmil in 1913–1914, the amount was 2 Mecidiye (40
qur sh) for the whole Ottoman Empire. In the case of al-Quds, the annual subscription
fee for the entire state was slightly higher, 2.5 Mediciye (50 qur sh) in 1910 (a decrease
in comparison to 1908, when it was 3.5 Mecidiye in Jerusalem and 4 in the Ottoman
Empire). The yearly subscription fees of Egyptian newspapers were much higher. In
the case of the Egyptian dailies al-Muqattam and al-Ahr m in 1909 it was 170 and 150
Ottoman piasters respectively in Egypt. For subscribers in the Ottoman Empire, the fee
was 50 francs (200 Ottoman piasters) for both al-Muqattam and al-Ahr m. To put these
prices into perspective, a teacher s monthly salary in rural areas was 150 piasters, and
an unskilled urban worker did not earn more than 8 piasters per day.53

47
Il mushtarik al-balda [To the Subscribers in the City]. In Filas n, 7 February 1914, 305–8, p. 3.
48
Raj li mushtarik al-Quds [An Urgent Request to the Subscribers from Jerusalem]. In Filas n, 8
October 1913, 278–75, p. 3.
49
Il mushtarik al-Wil y t al-Mutta ida [To the Subscribers in the United States]. In Filas n, 14
February 1914, 307–10, p. 3.
50
[No Title.] In al-Karmil, 10 October 1913, 372, p. 1.
51
The prices were sometimes given in French francs, because French currency was much more
stable than Ottoman. YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ
al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–
1918)], p. 18.
52
The exchange rate is given according to AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, p. 88.
53
BÜSSOW, J. Mental Maps: The Mediterranean Worlds of Two Palestinian Newspapers in the Late
Ottoman Period. In KOLLUOĞLU, B., TOKSÖZ, M. (eds.). Cities of the Mediterranean: From
the Ottomans to the Present Day, p. 225n34; AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, pp. 88–91.

24
 1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

In the first years after the Young Turk Revolution, Arabic newspapers in Palestine
were apparently distributed only by subscription. However, the practice of selling sin-
gle copies of newspapers was introduced in the region in 1913–1914.54 It seems that
Filas n was a pioneer in this field. At the end of 1912, it published the following an-
nouncement: “The management of this newspaper announces that it has set the price of
one copy at two metaliks55 and whoever desires to buy it has to ask for it in the shop of
al-Khaw ja Ibr h m Ghand r in the S q of Iskandar cAwa or from the vendors.”56 Fur-
thermore, on its front page the price of one copy was clearly stated from the beginning
of its third year starting with issue 204–1 (15 January 1913). Advertisements in Filas n
show that it was available in two places. In addition to the already mentioned shop of
al-Khaw ja Ibr h m Ghand r in Jaffa,57 it was also sold in Jerusalem in the shop of
al-Khaw ja Mikh l as-Salf t .58 Al-Karmil followed suit one year later. From the first
half of February 1914, the following information can be found on every front page: “the
price of the issue is two metaliks”.59

The Last Issue of Filas n in 1914

Authors do not agree on the date when the last wartime issue of Filas n was published.
Yacq b Yehoshua claims that it continued to be published until 9 January 1915.60 This
assertion does not seem to be correct. The last issue must have had the number 367–70,
and according to my calculations, it should have been published on 31 October 1914 (if
there was no further temporary suspension, which seems unlikely). I have arrived at this
conclusion in the following manner: the last issue that I had at my disposal was number
345–48,61 which is dated 15 August 1914. The first issue which was published after

54
Ayalon claims incorrectly that in the pre-WWI period, newspapers in Palestine were only available
by subscription. AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, p. 89.
55
Arab. thaman al-cadad mital k n. Two metaliks were worth 2/3 of a qirsh. For the value of the
various denominations of the Ottoman currency, see BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine: Politics
and Society in the District of Jerusalem, 1872–1908 1, p. 563. There was an additional charge of
more than 60 percent on the price of a single copy compared to the subscription fee.
56
Il al-qurr [To the Readers]. In Filas n, 28 December 1912, 201–100, p. 3.
57
This was also an advertisement for the shop itself, which sold “the best types of English tea”. Min
id rat h dhihi al-jar da [From the Management of this Newspaper]. In Filas n, 22 January 1913,
206–3, p. 4.
58
Jar dat Filas n [The Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 22 January 1913, 206–3, p. 4.
59
Issue 403 (6 February 1914) and previous issues do not contain this information, but in issue 405
(13 February 1914), as well as all later issues that I inspected, the price of a single copy is given.
I did not have issue 404 at my disposal.
60
YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd al-cUthm n (1908–
1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 116.
61
The first figure is the number of the issue since the beginning of the newspaper in January 1911,
the figure after the hyphen is the number of the issue in the current year.

25
1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

World War I appeared on 19 March 1921 and has the number 368–1. Therefore twenty-
two more issues must have been published before the final suspension of the newspaper.
Since Filas n was a bi-weekly periodical and was always issued on Wednesday and
Saturday, the twenty-second issue was due on Saturday, 31 October 1914.62 Slightly dif-
ferent information can be found in Les Mémoires de Issa al- Issa, whose author Noha
Tadros Khalaf mentions that the last issue was published on 13–30 October.63
The Arabic press in Palestine underwent a great expansion and a rapid development
in the period preceding World War I, which was suddenly disrupted after war broke
out. Severe censorship was imposed on the press, which together with the worsening
economic situation led to the quick termination of most newspapers. Furthermore, six-
teen journalists from Greater Syria were executed in 1915–1916 by Ahmed Djemal
Pasha, and many others, including the editors of Filas n, were deported.64 After the
war ended and the British Mandate administration was established, the press witnessed
a boom again. During the following decade, about forty newspapers were founded (or
re-established). While during the late Ottoman period newspapers were published only
in Jerusalem, Haifa and Jaffa, in the 1920s other cities and towns like Gaza, Bethlehem
and l Karm followed.65 Moreover, the newspapers became more accessible, since by
then it had become commonplace to buy individual copies and not only to subscribe
to the periodical. At the same time, the hunger for information was further stimulated
(among other reasons) by the tensions between the Arab and Jewish communities.

Humour, Sarcasm and Irony

Some of the articles which touched upon Zionism were of a humorous nature. An amus-
ing column was published under the title “April Fools Day”: “Our colleague the owner
of al-Karmil was blessed with a boy, and at his baptism he named him Herzl out of

62
Yehoshua refers to one of the last issues of Filas n, which came out on 21 October 1914
(Wednesday), but does not mention the number of this issue. YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a -
a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahd al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press
in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 124.
63
This date seems incorrect for two reasons. Apparently the first number is supposed to denote
the date according to the Julian calendar (13 October); however, the difference between the Ju-
lian and Gregorian calendars in the 20th and 21th centuries is only thirteen days, not seventeen.
Furthermore, 30 October was a Friday, and Filas n was always published either on Wednesday or
Saturday (the Haifa newspaper al-Karmil appeared on Tuesday and Friday), even after prolonged
periods of suspension. KHALAF, N. T. Les Mémoires de Issa al- Issa: Journaliste et intellectuel
palestinien (1878–1950), p. 69. On the same page, the author included a long quote from the last
issue of the newspaper Filas n concerning its suspension. The quote begins with “Le 14 courant
[...]”. The decision of the q immaq m was dated on 14/27 October according to the Julian and
Gregorian calendars.
64
KHALIDI, R. The Iron Cage, p. 95.
65
AYALON, A. Reading Palestine, p. 62.

26
 1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

affection for Doctor Herzl, the leader of the Zionists.”66 In the editorial “Weigh Him
to Know Him,” Y suf al-c s described an alleged American custom of weighing the
mayor at the beginning and at the end of his term. If he had gained weight during his
tenure he did not serve well, and vice versa. He proposed to apply this method in Pal-
estine: “With regard to the muta arrifs, it is necessary to weigh them for the first time
on the day of their arrival67 and for the second time […] when they are visiting Israelite
settlements, because the air […] there has a very strong influence on the health of the
body.”68 Another ironic article pointed out that when benefits are concerned, the Miqve
Yisra el emphasises being an Ottoman school.69 Several other articles, which were ear-
nest in nature, used irony and sarcasm when discussing Zionism.70

The Newspaper Filas n and its Editors

Filas n was a relative latecomer among the newspapers established in Palestine in the
pre-WWI period. The opening issue of Filas n was dated 14 January 1911,71 almost
two and a half years after the Young Turk Revolution.72 The newspaper was published
in Jaffa twice a week, on Wednesday and Saturday. It was owned and managed by c s
D wud al-c s , and its editor-in-chief was his cousin Y suf al-c s . Most of the time it
consisted of four pages, though sometimes an extra sheet [mul aq] was added. From
mid-June 1914 it was enlarged to six pages.73
During the first four years of its existence, Filas n focused on several central themes.
The most important reason why c s al-c s started to publish his newspaper in January
1911 was the Orthodox Renaissance, which was a movement that fought for the “Or-
thodox cause”.74 The goal of these efforts of the native Arabic-speaking Greek Orthodox

66
Awwal N s n. ayf [April Fools Day. Haifa]. In Filas n, 5 April 1913, 227–24, p. 2.
67
I.e. when they take office.
68
AL-C S , Y suf. Zin hu li tacrif hu [Weigh Him to Know Him]. In Filas n, 1 October 1913,
276–73, p. 1.
69
al-cUthm n ya f at-talq [Ottomanism in Vaccination]. In Filas n, 17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 3.
70
E.g. al- araka a - ahy n ya (al-Mutan qi t) [The Zionist Movement (The Contradictions)]. In
Filas n, 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-mul aq [supplement], p. 1.
71
This was 1 January according to the Julian calendar. Even though the newspaper’s title-page
always gave the date according to the Gregorian calendar before the date according to the Julian
calendar, it followed the latter in its publication schedule.
72
YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–
1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 116.
73
The first enlarged issue with six pages was published on 17 June 1914 (Issue 328–31).
74
TAMARI, S. Issa al Issa’s Unorthodox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusalem, Permitted in Jaffa. In Je-
rusalem Quarterly, Summer 2014, No. 59, p. 26. The most significant Arabic newspaper in the
muta arrif ya of Jerusalem at that time was al-Quds, published by Jurj ab b an ny in Je-
rusalem. With regard to the Orthodox Renaissance, al-Quds was on the side of the Patriarchate.
TAMARI, S., op.cit., p. 23; AS-SAK K N , Khal l. Shu n urth dhuks ya: Ris la min al-Quds

27
1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

(R m ) Christians75 was to weaken the hold on power of the purely Greek Brotherhood
of the Holy Sepulchre,76 which dominated the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, and to gain
some measure of control over the vast financial resources of the Patriarchate.77 Thus,
the native Orthodox Christians endeavoured to have some say in the management of the
Patriarchate s funds and to increase spending on education for the local community as
well as its quality. In addition, they were asking for the nomination of at least one Arab
bishop.78 Zionist colonisation was apparently discussed in the newspaper from its estab-
lishment, and with the passing of time it increasingly gained importance and space on the
pages of Filas n. Other important recurring topics covered by the paper were reforms,
modernisation, security, education and efforts to improve the situation of the peasants.79
Concessions for public works in Palestine, insufficient port facilities in Jaffa, the orange
trade and other infrastructural and commercial issues were also often discussed in the
newspaper. During the wars that took place in this period (Turco-Italian War, Balkan
Wars and World War I), much of the content was dedicated to the course of combat and
important events related to the conflicts. At times of intense fighting, attention directed
to other subjects decreased significantly. The geographic scope of interest of Filas n80
focused primarily on the muta arrif ya of Jerusalem81 and especially on its two larg-

[Orthodox Matters: A Letter from Jerusalem]. In Filas n, 12 November 1913, 288–85, p. 4. For
more details on Jurj ab b an ny and al-Quds, see HANANIA, M. Jurji Habib Hanania: His-
tory of the Earliest Press in Palestine, 1908–1914. In Jerusalem Quarterly, Autumn 2007, No. 32,
pp. 51–69. According to Y suf al- ak m, Filas n in Jaffa and al-In f in Jerusalem were meant
to be the organs of the opposition to the patriarchate and to act as a counterweight to al-Quds.
AL- AK M, Y suf. Sūriy wa al-cahd al-cUthm n , p. 196.
75
In the late Ottoman period, the Greek Orthodox community was the largest Christian denomina-
tion in Palestine and represented nearly half of the Christian population in the three Palestinian
districts. According to the first census in the Mandate Period, in 1922, the Greek Orthodox con-
stituted 45.69 per cent of Palestinian Christians, more than twice as much as the Roman Catholics
and almost three times as much as the Melchites. BARRON, J. B. Palestine: Report and General
Abstracts of the Census of 1922, p. 43.
76
In Arabic Akhaw yat al-Qabr al-Muqaddas.
77
KHALIDI, R. The Iron Cage, p. 99; KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity, p. 126; ROBSON, L. Co-
lonialism and Christianity in Mandate Palestine, pp. 34–35; TAMARI, S. Issa al Issa’s Unortho-
dox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusalem, Permitted in Jaffa. In Jerusalem Quarterly, Summer 2014,
No. 59, pp. 26–27; PAPASTATHIS, K., KARK, R. Orthodox Communal Politics in Palestine after
the Young Turk Revolution (1908–1910). In Jerusalem Quarterly, Winter 2013/Spring 2014, No.
56/57, p. 126; HAIDUC-DALE, N. Arab Christians in British Mandate Palestine: Communalism
and Nationalism, 1917–1948, p. 11.
78
AL- AK M, Y suf. Sūriy wa al-cahd al-cUthm n [Syria in the Ottoman Period], p. 195.
79
KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity, p. 126.
80
For an analysis of this subject with regard to Filas n, see BÜSSOW, J. Mental Maps: The
Mediterranean Worlds of Two Palestinian Newspapers in the Late Ottoman Period. In
KOLLUOĞLU, B., TOKSÖZ, M. (eds.). Cities of the Mediterranean: From the Ottomans to the
Present Day, pp. 100–115.
81
Yacq b Yehoshua aptly labels the periodicals that were published in Palestine during the Ottoman
period jar id al-muta arrif y t [newspapers of the muta arrif yas]. YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh

28
 1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

est and most important cities, Jaffa and Jerusalem. News from other towns in the
muta arrif ya like Hebron, Jericho or Gaza were reported much less frequently. More-
over, the other Palestinian sanjaqs, N bulus and cAkk , only received sporadic atten-
tion. However, after mid-1913 the coverage of these regions increased, especially with
regard to Zionism. The newspaper also regularly brought telegraphic news from abroad.
Furthermore, occasionally Filas n reported on Palestinian immigrants living in South
and North America.
c
s al-c s 82 (1878–1950), a Greek Orthodox Christian, was born in Jaffa. He at-
tended various schools in Palestine and Lebanon, starting with the Catholic Collège des
Frères in his hometown, then the Greek Orthodox School in Kift n (located to the east
of the coastal town of Batr n in northern Lebanon), and finally the Syrian Protestant
College.83 While at the AUB, he published an improvised weekly newspaper for stu-
dents, an-Nukhab (Elites). After finishing his studies, he found work in Jerusalem as a
secretary at the Iranian Consulate and interpreter at the Coptic Monastery. Later he went
to Cairo, where he was employed at the customs office of the Sudan Government and in
the African Cigarette Company. He also worked as a correspondent of the Cairo daily
al-Ikhl and other Egyptian newspapers. After the revolution he returned to Palestine
and worked in a bank. c s al-c s s family was independent from the Greek Orthodox
Patriarchate in Jerusalem, since his predecessors had capitalised on trading in olive oil
and soap. The influence of the Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchure, which dominated
the patriarchate, on the Greek Orthodox community was based on the charity and ser-
vices it provided to the needy – chiefly free bread (Arab. al m Dayr ar-Rūm), housing
in the vast waqf properties of the church and education.84

a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic

Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 16.
82
Several books and papers, which are given in note number 84, deal with c s al-c s s life, and
therefore I have included only a brief summary.
83
In 1920 it was renamed to American University of Beirut (AUB).
84
TAMARI, S. Issa al Issa’s Unorthodox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusalem, Permitted in Jaffa. In Je-
rusalem Quarterly, 2014, Issue 59, pp. 23–26; KHALAF, N. T. Les memories de ‘Issa al-’Issa:
Journaliste et intellectual palestinien (1878–1950); ROBSON, L. Colonialism and Christianity
in Mandate Palestine, pp. 34–35; YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filast n
f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman
Era (1908–1918)], pp. 116–117; KHALIDI, R. The Iron Cage, pp. 94–100; GASPER, M. E. The
Power of Representation: Publics, Peasants, and Islam in Egypt, p. 233n70.

29
1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

c
s al-c s was one of several members of his extended family who engaged in jour-
nalism. His cousin ann cAbdall h al-c s (†1909),85 the brother86 of his collaborator in
Filas n Y suf al-c s , was the founder of the ephemeral magazine al-A mac (of which
a mere eleven issues were published), which he printed in Jerusalem in the press of
Jurj ab b an ny every two weeks beginning on 1 September 1908, shortly after the
Young Turk Revolution.87
Much less is known about the editor-in-chief of Filas n, Y suf al-c s († 1948),
who wrote the vast majority of the newspaper s editorials in the years 1911–1914.
Like many other journalists, besides being a newspaper editor, he had another job; he
was employed at the Jaffa-Jerusalem railway company. Before Filas n was founded,
he contributed to the newspaper at-Taraqq [Progress].88 In 1912 he reportedly also
became editor of the ephemeral humourous newspaper Abū Sh dūf. In 1905 he joined
the Masonic lodge Barkai in Jaffa, which was the most important lodge in the Jerusa-
lem muta arrif ya. Following the revolution, he joined the CUP and became a member
of its leadership committee in Jaffa.89 He was also active in the Orthodox Renaissance
and was elected as a member of the mixed council.90 After World War I he did not

85
ann cAbdall h al-c s was among the most active participants in the Orthodox Renaissance, and
this involvement barred him from sustaining his journalistic activities. During his brief career as a
magazine publisher in 1908–1909, he was sometimes assisted in the editorial work by Khal l as-
Sak k n . MUSALLAM, A. (ed.). Yawm y t Khal l as-Sak k n : Yawm y t – ras ’il – ta’ammul t.
al-Kit b al-awwal, New York, Sul na, al-Quds, 1907–1912 [Diaries of Khalil al-Sakakini:
Diaries, Letters, Reflections. The First Book, New York, Sultana, Jerusalem, 1907–1912], pp.
288–289, 319, 327, 334–336, 341; YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n
f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman
Era (1908–1918)], pp. 86–88.
86
Some authors maintain that he was Y suf al-c s s father and c s al-c s s uncle.
87
YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–
1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 86–90;
KHALAF, N. T. Les Mémoires de ‘Issa al-’Issa: Journaliste et intellectual palestinien (1878–
1950), p. 55.
88
This short-lived newspaper was established in 1908 and lasted for half a year. YEHOSHUA,
Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History
of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 110–111.
89
Reportedly because of the first suspension of Filas n (in November–December 1913), the official
weekly newspaper al-Quds ash-Shar f [The Noble Jerusalem], which had not appeared for four
years, began to be published again. This would mean that during the previous three years Filas n
had substituted for the official periodical. In this regard it is noteworthy that Filas n and the Jaffa
branch of the CUP shared the same office. Jar dat al-Quds ash-Shar f ar-rasm ya [The Official
Newspaper al-Quds ash-Shar f]. In Filas n, 24 December 1913, 293–90, p. 3; YEHOSHUA,
Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History
of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 35; BÜSSOW, J. Mental
Maps: The Mediterranean Worlds of Two Palestinian Newspapers in the Late Ottoman Period. In
KOLLUOĞLU, B., TOKSÖZ, M. (eds.). Cities of the Mediterranean: From the Ottomans to the
Present Day, p. 104.
90
al-Majlis al-mukhtala [The Mixed Council]. In Filas n, 8 November 1911, 84, p. 3.

30
 1. Arabic Newspapers and Means of Information Dissemination in Palestine before the first World War

return to Palestine, but stayed in Damascus, where he established the newspaper Alif
B [A B].91
During World War I both c s al-c s and Y suf al-c s were exiled to Anatolia. In
September 1918, c s al-c s became the secretary of the D w n of King Fay al and
worked for him until the defeat of the Arab Kingdom in Syria by the French in July
1920. Subsequently, for several months he was not able to return to his hometown, and
only in March 1921 was he allowed to re-establish Filas n.92 c s al-c s continued pub-
lishing Filas n in Jaffa for the next two decades. During the Arab revolt in Palestine he
was associated with the opposition against the Grand Muft of Jerusalem al- jj Am n
al- usayn . Because of death threats, he left his home in ar-Ramla in 1938 and moved
to Beirut. His son Raj al-c s took over the publishing of Filas n in Jaffa, which he
carried on for one decade, until April 1948.93
The editors were exemplary members of the self-confident Greek Orthodox intel-
ligentsia, who in post-revolution Palestine did not regard themselves as a minority, but
considered themselves an equal part of society.94

91
YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–
1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 28, 108,
110–111, 113, 118; CAMPOS, M. U. Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early
Twentieth-Century Palestine, pp. 98, 107, 187; BÜSSOW, J. Mental Maps: The Mediterranean
Worlds of Two Palestinian Newspapers in the Late Ottoman Period. In KOLLUOĞLU, B.,
TOKSÖZ, M. (eds.). Cities of the Mediterranean: From the Ottomans to the Present Day, p. 104;
rat al-khi b [A Copy of the Speech]. In Filas n, 27 March 1912, 123–22, p. 2.
92
The first issue of Filas n after World War I was published on 19 March 1921 (issue 369–1).
93
KHALIDI, R. The Iron Cage, pp. 95–99.
94
TAMARI, S. Issa al Issa’s Unorthodox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusalem, Permitted in Jaffa. In Je-
rusalem Quarterly, 2014, No. 59, p. 18. Mary Hanania mentions an interesting anecdote attesting
to the self-assurance of the Christian intellectual elite, pertaining to another journalist, Jurj ab b
an ny , the founder and owner of al-Quds. HANANIA, M. Jurji Habib Hanania: History of the
Earliest Press in Palestine, 1908–1914. In Jerusalem Quarterly, Autumn 2007, No. 32, p. 52.

31
 2. FILAS N S SHIFTING
TREATMENT OF ZIONISM
BEFORE WORLD WAR I

The goal of this chapter is to explore the evolution of Filas n s editors attitudes to-
wards Zionism in the years 1911–1914. Despite the short time span, covering less than
four years, their thinking went through a profound metamorphosis. Initially, the editors
opened the pages of the newspaper both to supporters and critics of Zionism, while they
themselves maintained neutrality. However, a close reading of the relevant texts shows
that at the outset the editors harboured a cautiously favourable view of Zionist coloni-
sation, grounded in the Ottomanist belief that progress of inhabitants of the country,
regardless of their faith, ethnicity and country of origin, meant progress for all. Yet over
time, the exclusivist nature of the Zionist project, and specifically the second Aliyah,
became clear to the al-c s cousins, first in the urban settings they were familiar with and
subsequently in the rural areas as well. This led the editors of Filas n to increasingly
associate Zionism with danger, and, moreover, to suppress all memory of what had been
a more ambivalent than antagonistic relationship. Thus, in the months before World
War I Filas n had already become an unequivocally anti-Zionist periodical, warning
its readers about the political ambitions of the Zionists and the looming threat of losing
Palestine to them. Why were the editors not critical of Zionism from the very begin-
ning? What prompted these changes in their perception? How and when did they occur?
I will try to answer these questions in the present chapter. Circumstantial evidence and
hints to the answers can be found in the articles published in the newspaper if placed in
the proper context.
A couple of authors have noticed Filas n s changing position on Zionism. The first
was Neville Mandel, who described it in the following words: “Regarding Zionism,
it did not seem to have an altogether firm position. In its first year, it published anti-
Zionist pieces, but it also printed articles inspired, or submitted, by Jews. [...] in the
summer of 1912, it began to print articles which indicated that its editors had decided
to take a strong stand against Jewish immigration and Zionist work in Palestine. The
paper s opposition of Zionism mounted from that moment onwards, and by the spring

33
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

of 1914 Jewish observers considered that it was more hostile than al-Karmil.”1 Simi-
larly, Khayr ya Q sim ya described Filas n s treatment of Zionism until the summer
of 1912 as “semi-moderate [shibh muctadil]”.2 Evelin Dierauff mentions that the news-
paper “provided a forum for a controversial exchange of views and shifted between cri-
tique, rivalry and admiration for the Zionist project in Palestine.”3 She also points out
the turn towards anti-Zionism that occurred before World War I. Furthermore, Samuel
Dolbee, Shay Hazkani and Evelin Dierauff have analysed the series of articles titled
Peasant Letters [Ras il fall ]. In their papers they have complicated the straight-
forward narrative of the development of the Palestinian-Zionist conflict.4 However, to
the best of my knowledge, no one has so far attempted to specify, analyse and explain
the changes that took place in Filas n s discourse on Zionism during the course of the
pre-WWI period.

The Period of Positive Neutrality

Unfortunately, the earliest issues of Filas n, printed in the first half of 1911, have not
been recovered; the first issue extant is number 51, published on 15 July 1911. Soon
thereafter, an anti-Zionist piece was published in the newspaper. It was written by
Mu af Tamr, a Syrian teacher at the preparatory school in Jerusalem. It is noteworthy
that the editors changed the original title “The Danger of the Zionist Colonisation”5
submitted by the author by removing the word “danger”.6 In the article, Mu af Tamr
writes openly about the political ambitions of the Zionists7 and the economic damage
they would cause. Towards the end, he describes the Zionists to the readers as people

1
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. 128. Mandel’s monograph is
based on his PhD thesis, which he submitted in 1965. Ibid., p. ix.
2
Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f ash-sharq al-cArab wa ad hu, 1908–1918
[Zionist Activities in the Arab East and Their Echo, 1908–1918], p. 115n95.
3
DIERAUFF, E. Global Migration into Late Ottoman Jaffa as Reflected in the Arab-Palestinian
Newspaper Filast n (1911–1913). In KOZMA, L., SCHAYEGH, C., WISHNITZER, A. (eds.). A
Global Middle East: Mobility, Materiality and Culture in the Modern Age, 1880–1940, p. 166.
4
Ibid., pp. 165–174; DOLBEE, S., HAZKANI, S. “Impossible is not Ottoman”: Menashe
Meirovitch, Isa al- Isa, and Imperial Citizenship in Palestine. In International Journal of Middle
East Studies, 2015, Vol. 47, No. 2, pp. 241–262; DOLBEE, S., HAZKANI, S. Unlikely Identities:
Abu Ibrahim and the Politics of Possibility in Late Ottoman Palestine. In Jerusalem Quarterly,
2015, No. 63/64, pp. 24–39.
5
The article contains a remarkable assessment of British intentions in Palestine: “England wishes
to strengthen the Jews in Palestine and Syria and to create an independent state to protect its
[British] existence in Egypt.” TAMR, Mu af . al-Isticm r a - ahy n [The Zionist Colonisation].
In Filas n, 22 July 1911, 53, p. 2.
6
The original title is mentioned in the introductory comment to the article written by the editors.
7
“[...] their pursuit of their political objective in the Land of Palestine” (“[...] sayrihim war a
gh yatihim as-siy s ya f arḍ Filas n”).

34
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

who will “not spare you, who endeavour to erase your traces, drive you out from your
homeland and disperse you with chained hands”.8
The article “An Example for Our Municipality and an Inquiry” tells the story of two
Arab vegetable vendors who were fined a quarter of a mecidiye9 each by the commis-
sion of the Jewish settlement of Rishon le-Zion for cheating on weights. It is written in
a neutral manner. However, at its end the author wonders about the legal aspect of this
procedure, asking “to which box will go this fine, which is coming out of the pocket of
the Ottomans in a country over which an Ottoman flag still flutters?”10 This case is the
first available example of a pattern that repeatedly occurred on the pages of the news-
paper in the following period. When Filas n published information regarding Jewish
settlements or Jews in Palestine which was somewhat critical, sooner rather than later,
Jewish authors would respond to it. The editors were very forthcoming to reactions from
readers and published even those which were very disapproving of the newspaper s
content. The very next issue contains a response by . Frumkin.11 First, he speculates
about the circumstances of the event and deduces from the heftiness of the fine that the
vendors either must have been serial offenders or must have cheated their customers
for much more money than was taken from them. He adds that if it had occurred in an
Arab village, their wares would have been destroyed and they themselves would not
have come out unscathed. He does not consider the amount taken from them a fine,
“but this matter is like recovery of stolen money or a compensation for the loss that had
happened”.12 Frumkin assumes that the amount was thereafter given to the victims of
these vendors. His concluding words, which again follow a familiar pattern of prais-
ing the great benefits brought by Zionist colonisation, deserve to be quoted at length:
“Finally, dear inquiring friend, allow me to tell you that among all the Zionist, or rather
Israelite settlements, you will not find a settlement which deserves gratefulness of the
people of Palestine and every honorable person like the settlement of Rishon le-Zion
because [...] it has enriched the neighbouring villages and towns and has brought more

8
TAMR, Mu af . al-Isticm r a - ahy n [The Zionist Colonisation]. In Filas n, 22 July 1911, 53,
p. 2.
9
Mecidiye (in Arabic ar-riy l al-maj d ) was a silver coin worth 20 kuruş (piaster, in Arabic qirsh,
pl. qurūsh). BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine: Politics and Society in the District of Jerusalem
1872–1908, p. 563.
10
Umth la li balad yatin wa istifh m [An Example for Our Municipality and an Inquiry]. In
Filas n, 22 July 1911, 53, p. 3.
11
The author was probably Zalman (Shlomo) Frumkin, brother of the journalist Gad Frumkin and
son of the editor Yisra el Dov Frumkin. However, it is odd that the letter d instead of s n was
used as the initial of his first name, since in Arabic his name would be Salm n. CAMPOS, M. U.
Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine, p. 98;
SHILO, M. Princess or Prisoner? Jewish Women in Jerusalem, 1840–1914, p. 90.
12
FR MK N, . Mustacmarat cUy n Q ra wa al-jaz an-naqd [The Settlement of Rishon le-Zion
and the Fine]. In Filas n, 26 July 1911, 54, p. 1.

35
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

revenue to the state treasury than any village in the subdistrict of Jaffa. Not to mention
that it was built on sandy, empty, neglected land and became a shining heaven.”13
In the summer of 1911, Filas n conducted an interview with Yaakov Meir,14 the
kh mb sh of Salonika. He recounted a meeting with Theodor Herzl that occurred
at the time of Kaiser Wilhelm II s visit to Palestine in 1898 during which Herzl denied
the existence of the Zionist movement s political goals. The kh mb sh also insisted
that Zionism had no political ambitions, and the interviewer did not press him in that
regard.15
In August 1911, the newspaper reprinted the last two paragraphs of a long article
“Tourism in Palestine”, which had originally been featured in al-Muqtabas. It was writ-
ten by Shukr al-cAsal and contained extensive quotes from a letter sent by his friend
from Istanbul. In the original piece, Shukr al-cAsal refers to a treatise on Zionism in the
Jewish Encyclopedia16 and talks unequivocally about political ambitions of the Zionists,
mentioning “their efforts to establish a Jewish government in Palestine”.17 It is notewor-
thy that this part was not included in Filas n. In their comment, the editors paraphrase
his words much more mildly and leave out the political aspirations. They only note that
Shukr al-cAsal sees in the Zionists “harm to his homeland”.18 According to the original
article, the delegation was to be welcomed by a commission that included seven Jewish
members. Filas n s commentary reprimands the author for this way of thinking and
dismisses the religious affiliation of the commission members. Even though no such
commission had been formed yet, it would be an “Ottoman commission, nothing more
and nothing less”.19 Clearly, the editors in this case removed material that was explicitly
critical of the Zionist project, emphasising instead the common bonds of citizenship that
linked Ottomans together.

13
Ibid., p. 1.
14
Yacakov Meir (1856–1939) was very favourably inclined towards Zionism. During the Mandate
period, he served as the Sephardi chief rabbi of Palestine (1921–1939). DER MATOSSIAN,
B. Shattered Dreams of Revolution: From Liberty to Violence in Late Ottoman Empire, p. 86;
ABRAMOV, S. Z. Perpetual Dilemma: Jewish Religion in the Jewish State, pp. 94–95.
15
The kh mb sh discounted, almost ridiculed, the interlocutor’s question about the Zionist flag
and stamps. kh mb sh Sal n k [The Chief Rabbi of Salonika]. In Filas n, 12 August 1911, 59,
pp. 1–2.
16
GOTTHEIL, R. Zionism. In Jewish Encyclopedia: A Descriptive Record of the History, Religion,
Literature, and Customs of the Jewish People from the Earliest Times, Vol. XII., TALMUD–
ZWEIFEL, pp. 666–686. It is likely that Shukr al-cAsal familiarized himself with it in al-Karmil,
which was publishing its abridged translation from March to June 1911: 133 (31 March 1911) –
149 (2 June 1911). KHALIDI, R. The Role of the Press in the Early Arab Reaction to Zionism. In
Peuples méditerranéens/Mediterranean Peoples, July – September 1982, No. 20, pp. 108, 120.
17
AL-CASAL , Shukr . as-Siy a f Filas n [Tourism in Palestine]. In al-Muqtabas, 11 August
1911, 752, p. 1. For an analysis of this article, see BEŠKA, E. Shukr al-cAsal , an Extraordinary
Anti-Zionist Activist. In Asian and African Studies, 2010, Vol. 19, No. 2, pp. 250–252.
18
al-Wafd as-Sal n k [The Salonika Delegation]. In Filas n, 19 August 1911, 61, pp. 1–2.
19
Ibid., pp. 1–2.

36
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

At the end of August, when the newspaper discussed the sale of land in Kh r al-W d
to the Zionists, it was treated as an ordinary transaction, with no critical comment at-
tached. It was described as a “profitable trade for the broker,”20 an unnamed prominent
inhabitant of Jaffa, who was to buy the land from the Bedouin Shaykh Mu ammad al-
F ris and then sell it further on with a profit of 66 per cent. Filas n s editors expressed
no alarm at this imminent land sale in either of the two articles dealing with it.21
In mid-September, the first of a series of disputes between supporters and opponents
of Zionism commenced. Several such altercations occurred on the pages of Filas n in
the years 1911–1912. The participants in this first acrimonious exchange were Shimon
Moyal [Shamc n M y l] and the pharmacist Mu ammad Am n ahy n.22 It began with
the publication of Shimon Moyal s accusation of the Economic and Commercial Com-
pany in Jaffa that “the goal of this company is to fight the Jews [al-Yahūd] and to plant
hatred of them in the hearts of the inhabitants of the city and the villages and to incite
them against them [Jews] in order to force them to leave this country”.23 The editors, af-
ter being asked for details by someone with the pen-name “a free Ottoman”,24 contended
that “Doctor Moyal confused it [the company] with the Patriotic Party which has recent-
ly been formed in our city, and this party has no relation to the company”.25 Concerning
the Ottoman Patriotic Party,26 “it is convinced that the Zionist colonisation harms the
country and wants to resist it”.27 In the next issue, Shimon Moyal responded both to
this article and to Y suf al-c s s comment.28 The same issue also includes Mu ammad
ahy n s reply to Moyal s first article. Reportedly, he tried to publish his response in
ha- erut, but without success. With regard to the party, ahy n explained that “a strong
factor in its foundation was what its members have perceived and its founders felt as an

20
In Arabic, tij ra r bi a li al-was .
21
Isticl m t ukhr [More Information]. In Filas n, 26 August 1911, 63, p. 3; 10,000 d num aw
mustacmara Isr l ya jad da [10,000 D nums or a New Israelite Settlement]. In Filas n, 23 Au-
gust 1911, 62, p. 3.
22
This dispute is examined by MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, pp.
122–123.
23
Ba ic ghayrin [What Others Have to Say]. In Filas n, 16 September 1911, 69, p. 2.
24
The “Free Ottoman” translated the article, which was published in the Hebrew newspaper ha-
erut, and sent it to Filas n together with his inquiring commentary.
25
Ba ic ghayrin [What Others Have to Say]. In Filas n, 16 September 1911, 69, p. 2.
26
The first known sign of this party’s existence is an open letter it published in Filas n in May 1911
concerning the debate on Zionism that took place the same month in the Ottoman parliament. It
included warnings of the Zionist danger, which it described as “an omen of our future exile from
our homeland and of [our] departure from our homes and property.” MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs
and Zionism before World War I, pp. 121–122.
27
Furthermore, they added some interesting details concerning the membership of the party, saying
that they “can be counted on the fingers of one hand”. Ba ic ghayrin [What Others Have to
Say]. In Filas n, 16 September 1911, 69, p. 2.
28
Moyal mentioned him as the author of Filas n s comment. Ba ic ghayrin 1 [What Others Have
to Say 1]. In Filas n, 20 September 1911, 70, p. 2.

37
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

imminent danger for the country and a violent torrent that came over it and has almost
definitively destroyed its political and economic life, the Zionist Organisation, and this
is the strongest motive for its establishment”.29 However, he insisted that “the party op-
poses the Zionists specifically, not Israelites in general”.30 The conclusion of his long
piece contains the following words: “we will oppose the Zionist Organisation, and it is
our archenemy against whom we desperately fight by just and lawful means”.31 After
another round of discussion, in which Moyal accused his opponent of anti-Semitism
[cad uka li al-Yahūd],32 the newspaper ended the exchange.33
Clearly, in this period, even though the newspaper facilitated a discussion on Zion-
ism by contributing authors, the editors were unwilling to take sides in the debate. Fur-
thermore, they themselves avoided examining the issue as much as possible. Even when
Y suf al-c s passingly treated the subject in a couple of his editorials, he did it while
examining other topics and emphasised that it was not his objective to explore it. This
occurred in August 1911 when the editor-in-chief discussed the practices pertaining to
the Red Paper policy. He maintained: “We do not intend to go into the subject of Israel-
ite immigration and colonisation and to talk about its harm or benefit.”34 The purpose of
this editorial was to inform the authorities about foreign meddling in internal Ottoman
affairs, since the Russian consul was disregarding the proper procedures by skipping
the q immaq m and dealing directly with a lower official in the port of Jaffa.35 Rather
than treating this issue in terms of Zionism, the editor-in-chief presented it as a matter
of bureaucratic procedure.
In October, an internal discussion from the Zionist camp on how to defend Jews
against criticism in the Arabic press seeped through to Filas n. It reported that a group
of Israelites led by Shimon Moyal “proposed the founding of an Arabic newspaper to
defend the Israelites and serve their interests”.36 This plan was criticised by Abraham
Ludvipol, who recently became the head of the Press Bureau of the Palestine Office.
He suggested contributing articles to existing Arabic newspapers.37 Moyal responded
immediately with a letter which was published in the next issue. There he emphasised
the cultured manner of the dispute and downplayed its seriousness, while totally ignor-
ing its content and essence. Filas n attached a comment to the letter wondering about

29
Ba ic ghayrin 2 [What Others Have to Say 2]. In Filas n, 20 September 1911, 70, p. 2.
30
Ibid., p. 2.
31
Ibid., p. 3.
32
Ba ic ghayrin 3 [What Others Have to Say 3]. In Filas n, 23 September 1911, 71, p. 2.
33
Ba ic ghayrin (Filas n) [What Others Have to Say (Filas n)]. In Filas n, 23 September 1911,
71, p. 3.
34
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Waraqa al- amr [The Red Paper]. In Filas n, 16 September 1911, 69, p. 1.
35
Ibid., p. 1.
36
M yur wa m l yur [What Is Shown and What Is Not Shown]. In Filas n, 28 October 1911,
81, p. 3.
37
Ibid., p. 3. For a treatment of this debate in the Hebrew press, see GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining
Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp. 195–197.

38
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

the reasons for Moyal s indignation over the fact that this information appeared in an
Arabic newspaper. Moreover, it added that “the subject of the dispute was [whether] to
establish or not to establish an Arabic newspaper that would defend the interests of the
Zionists”.38 It is noteworthy that the editors felt that the real goal was not the defence of
the Israelites in general, but of the Zionists specifically.
A piece published at the beginning of November 1911 sheds more light on the news-
paper’s policy vis-à-vis Zionism. Filas n received a letter from an author with the pen-
name “A friend of justice” who wrote: “You say that you are neutral in the Israelite
issue.”39 The response of the editors contains important information regarding the dis-
cussion of Zionism: “The reader has made a mistake when he mentioned that we opened
the rubric From and To concerning the Israelites, for we have opened it because of the
Zionist issue so that the pens of the writers have sufficient space to criticise or commend
the Zionist colonisation.”40 It is likely that the reference to the newspaper’s neutrality
stems from previous writings by the editors printed in the first half of 1911. In any case,
the fact that the editors were actively soliciting the opinions of readers on these ques-
tions suggests that they were far from decided on the issue.
Based on an analysis of the content of the newspaper, it is obvious that until the
summer of 1912, the editors of Filas n did not consider Zionism either an economic
or a political threat. Moreover, in some cases, when they published writings of external
authors, they evidently downplayed or omitted their remarks on the danger of Zionism
or its political character.

From Neutrality to Criticism: The First Shift in Filas n s Position

on Zionism

Almost a year and a half after its inception, however, Filas n began to change its at-
titude towards Zionism. At the outset of this shift was the article “The Immigrants and
the High Costs of Living”, in which Y suf al-c s discussed why the cost of living had
increased in his hometown. First he dealt with general causes and then proceeded to the
particular situation in Jaffa: “We believe that the greatest reason for our contemporary
hard life here is the continuous increase in the number of Israelite immigrants among
us.”41 The author immediately emphasised that the goal of this report was not to at-

38
Ba ic ghayrin [What Others Have to Say]. In Filas n, 1 November 1911, 82, p. 3.
39
Emphasis added. Ba ic ghayrin 2 [What Others Have to Say 2]. In Filas n, 4 November 1911,
83, p. 2.
40
The unsettled terminology and often synonymous use of the terms “Zionist” and “Israelite” by the
editors led to this confusion. Ibid., p. 2.
41
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Muh jir n wa ghal al-mac sha [The Immigrants and the High Costs of
Living]. In Filas n, 29 May 1912, 140–39, p. 1.

39
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

tack the Israelites and said that “they have the right to live how they want and in any
country they want”.42 He thought that the general increase in population was a positive
development, but only if the immigrants integrated with the native population, which
was not true of Israelite newcomers. They lived separated from the natives, did not go
to the shops owned by them and had taken over many local businesses.43 “They are
receiving two natural consequences of the population growth, I mean high living costs
and increased earnings, while we are only facing one consequence: high living costs.”44
The subsequent editorial “We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak”45 is crucial in
order to understand the thinking of Y suf al-c s regarding Jews in general and Zionist
colonisation in particular at this time. He wrote it in response to a harsh rejoinder to his
article on rising living costs by Abraham Ludvipol.46 The editorial column begins as
follows: “Some of our Israelite brothers promised to lie in wait for everyone who dared
in his writing to mention the name of their religious community [ummatihim], even if it
was a trivial remark. They gaze at a friendly remark and rage at moral criticism. They
ask us to put on gloves when we talk about them.”47 Then he returns to the editorial on
high living costs and summarises its content. Its goal was to conduct “a social study”,
not to attack anyone. Y suf al-c s included the translation of Ludvipol s letter, which
was written in French, in his editorial: “due to what was said in the article mentioned
above, we can only declare that the motive for writing this abovementioned article is
hatred of the Jews”.48 Then Ludvipol criticised the editor-in-chief for not understanding
the real reasons for rising living costs. He concurred that the “high number of Israelite
immigrants” was one of the causes. Nevertheless, he refuted the allegations of economic
exclusiveness of the Israelites and their boycott of non-Israelite shops and extolled the
benefits brought to the natives by the three settlements, Petah Tikva, Rehovot and Ris-
hon le-Zion, where thousands of non-Israelites were employed. In addition, he accused
the editor-in-chief of being “filled with hatred of Jews and [that] this view of anti-Sem-

42
Ibid., p. 1.
43
Naj b Na r expressed similar observations in February 1911, and later that same year attempted
to introduce a reciprocal boycott. MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p.
123.
44
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Muh jir n wa ghal al-mac sha [The Immigrants and the High Costs of
Living]. In Filas n, 29 May 1912, 140–39, p. 1.
45
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, pp. 1–2.
46
Ludvipol served as the director of the Press Bureau of the Palestine Office in Jaffa. GRIBETZ, J.
M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, p. 196.
47
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
48
The translation of Ludvipol s letter contains the expressions “karh li al-Yahūd”/“bughḍ al-Yahūd”
[hatred of the Jews] and “ant Juw f” [from French antijuif, anti-Semitism]. AL-C S , Y suf.
Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n, 5 June 1912,
142–41, p. 1.

40
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

itism follows him wherever he turns”.49 Y suf al-c s thought that the harshness of the
response resulted from a mistranslation of his editorial.

We are not permeated with hatred of the Jewish race, as the author assumes,
because we do not recognise and do not want to recognise the existence of a
Jewish race [al-cun ur al-Yahūd ], but we only acknowledge that there is an Is-
raelite religion [ad-diy na al-Isr l ya]50 which we honour and esteem [...] and
that among the sons of this religion are those [who belong to] Turkish, Indian,
Russian and Arab races [al-can ir], just as to the Christian religion belong the
Bulgarian, French, Serbian and American. We believe that religious association51
is not compatible with the requirements of the present time, and we have wit-
nessed the deep-rooted hostility between Bulgarians and Serbs in Macedonia and
between the native Orthodox Christians and Greeks in Palestine, all of them the
children of one church. If the writer believes otherwise, we forgive him.52

This lengthy quotation is crucial in order to understand the perspective of the news-
paper towards Jews and Zionism. Clearly, in Y suf al-c s s perception Jews were ad-
herents of Judaism of various racial and national origins. This is an important statement
which helps to explain why the editors did not attribute political and national ambitions
to the Zionists. Then he proceeded to the issue of economic exclusiveness:53 “Until now
we have been avoiding writing at great length about this investigation, because we know
that the majority of the people do not understand the notion of civilisational struggle
[cir k cumr n ] and [would] turn it into religious struggle, and this is something that we
do not accept and we morally condemn everyone who is a proponent of it. [...] [W]e will
tell him what we have observed and what all have observed with us in the last fifteen
years. Perhaps that will convince him, and we will close this examination to which we
were forced.”54 He wrote that every time a new Israelite shop opened, “we said goodbye

49
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
50
R al-Kh lid s view was similar; it resulted from his understanding of “Mendelsohn s theory,”
which according to him “separated the Mosaic religion from Jewish nationalism [al-qawmiyya al-
yahūdiyya] and abolished this nationalism”. GRIBETZ, J.M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race,
and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp. 54–55.
51
Y suf al-c s believed that religious solidarity had been superseded by national bonds.
52
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
53
Evelin Dierauff dealt briefly with Filas n s discussion of Jewish immigrants economic exlusivism
in Jaffa, but did not analyse its impact on the editors attitudes to Zionism. DIERAUFF, E. Global
Migration into Late Ottoman Jaffa as Reflected in the Arab-Palestinian Newspaper Filast n
(1911–1913). In KOZMA, L., SCHAYEGH, C., WISHNITZER, A. (eds.). A Global Middle East:
Mobility, Materiality and Culture in the Modern Age, 1880–1940, pp. 170–171.
54
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.

41
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

[as-sal m] to the shop selling the same ware which was close to it, and it did not take
a year or two until our prophecy turned out to be true and the native closed his shop
and another immigrant rented it”.55 According to Y suf al-c s , the two communities
behaved differently: whereas the Israelites searched for a shop of their coreligionist,
the natives searched for the cheapest shop and did not care who its owner was. Then
the editor-in-chief further revealed his ambivalence and even positive associations with
Jewish immigration and colonisation, while also rejecting the notion of exclusivist Zi-
onism, in a passage that deserves quoting at length:

We have laughed because the writer, like our other Jewish [al-Yahūd]56 authors,
has used the usual spell and has directed our attention to the “blue pearl” which
they have been accustomed to bringing you as soon as you [start] talking about
them, and it is “Dayr n, Mulabbis and cUy n Q ra”57 and the non-Israelite work-
ers who are [employed] in them. We did not turn our attention to colonisation in
what we have written, and if we wanted to go into it [...] we would have reminded
them of the Yemenite Jews [al-Yahūd al-Yaman] whom the organisation collects
in the markets of Jerusalem and sends every day by train to the settlement of
c
Art f and others in spite of the abundant presence of native peasants there, but
we have said58 and are still saying that we do not believe in the existence of dan-
ger in the Israelite colonisation of our vast open country; no, we even see some
benefits from it,59 because the mutual embrace of the Israelites in the villages
does not represent an obstacle to civilisation, since the interest of every village is
independent in itself and does not depend on the interest of the village next to it,
unlike a city in which one group of inhabitants rises and forms a city within the
city and the mutual benefit is lost and not [much] time will pass until the strong
will destroy the existence of the weak [...], the original inhabitants will be scat-
tered and will leave for other countries [...].
In conclusion, our Israelite brothers will allow us to say that the vehemence of
this sensitivity which overcomes them every time when their name is mentioned
in a civilisational subject makes a man doubt and think that there is something
fishy. You should be content with our respect towards you as the adherents of a
divine religion and not try to force us to consider you a secular race [cun uran
madan yan] in spite of the diversity of languages, races and citizenships of their
members [lugh t, ajn s wa t bic y t afr dihim].60

55
Ibid., p. 1.
56
I believe that in this passage the editor-in-chief has twice employed the term al-Yahūd by mistake.
57
These are Arabic names for Rehovot, Petah Tikva and Rishon le-Zion.
58
I have not discovered this assertion in the previous extant issues, so it is likely that it refers to
a text written in the first half of 1911.
59
Emphasis added.
60
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.

42
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

It seems that the strictly secular perspective of the editors and, more concretely, of
Y suf al-c s was formed by Western education, literature and press: “They [Europe-
ans] have told us in their schools. They have explained in their books and newspapers
that religion belongs to God and that there is no bond that links the nations [al-umam]
and no association that unites the peoples [ash-shucūb] apart from national unity [al-
wa da al-wa an ya]. [...] [W]e have started to understand that, and the adherents of
the three religions in our country have agreed to revere patriotism and to dedicate
themselves with heart and soul to love of the homeland.”61 The editors did not differ-
entiate between Muslims, Christians and Jews in this respect. In their Weltanschauung
they were secular Ottomanists par excellence, and in their writings they saw religion
as strictly separated from the state, race and nation.62 In another editorial, published at
the end of 1912, Y suf al-c s again openly and unequivocally demonstrates his secu-
lar spirit. After emphasising the religious tolerance of the newspaper, he continues by
saying: “We endeavour […] to allocate to the religions two noble places, appropriate
to their sublimity, whose borders should not be overstepped, and these are hearts and
places of worship.”63
There is no doubt that the editors of Filas n were aware that many fellow journalists,
writers, officials and politicians were convinced of the political ambitions of the Zionists
and the economic harmfulness of the movement and considered it a danger to Palestine
and the Ottoman Empire.64 The question is why al-c s s did not share their view from the
very beginning.65 I believe that there are several reasons. Among the most important was
their conviction that being a Jew meant being a member of a religious group.66 Because
of that, and the fact that Jews originated in various states and spoke different languages,
the editors did not think at that time that Jews constituted a separate ethnicity, race or
nation. Furthermore, as declared in Y suf al-c s s editorial, initially they considered
the Zionist colonisation as beneficial for rural areas. Here we can also find their motiva-
tion for cooperation with the Zionist agronomist Menashe Meirovitch on the series of
articles Peasant Letters which was published in the newspaper in 1911–1912. Meiro-
vitch, who was pretending to be an Arab Muslim peasant,67 in his texts sharply criticised

61
Man huwa al-mutaca ib? [Who Is the Fanatic?] In Filas n, 8 November 1911, 84, p. 1.
62
Ibid., p. 1; AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In
Filas n, 5 June 1912, 142–41, pp. 1–2.
63
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Walad al-mash m [The Sinister Son]. In Filas n, 7 December 1912, 195–94,
p. 1.
64
Already in 1910–1911 there had been two newspaper campaigns against Zionist land purchases. I
have discussed this matter in the Introduction.
65
Even though it cannot be entirely discounted that the newspaper was receiving a subsidy from the
Zionists, it seems unlikely that this was the case.
66
According to Gribetz, who analyses the writings of several Arab intellectuals, some of them per-
ceived Jews in similar terms. GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early
Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp. 137–139.
67
His true identity was known to Filas n s editors.

43
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

the government s neglect of rural areas.68 When the overall context is considered, this
cooperation in 1911–1912 is not that surprising. Meirovitch s qualifications as an expert
on agriculture must have been a major reason for the partnership. It seems that the edi-
tors were convinced that the positive example of the Jewish settlements and exposure
to modern agricultural practices could help the peasants in the neighbouring villages to
learn from them and improve their lot. As has been discussed by Dolbee, Hazkani and
Dierauff, both Meirovitch and the editors of Filas n were fully dedicated to modern-
ism and progress, which is clearly reflected in the series. In addition, Meirovitch was a
veteran immigrant who had arrived in Palestine in 1883 and immediately obtained Ot-
toman citizenship. Therefore, it is likely that the editors of Filas n considered him an
acceptable partner owing not only to his Ottoman citizenship, but also to his repeated
requests in the newspapers directed at other Jewish immigrants to follow suit and be-
come citizens as well. Moreover, his declared non-involvement in politics69 might have
underlined his credentials.70 Unlike Naj b al-Kh r Na r or Shukr al-cAsal , who were
aware of the situation in the countryside (due to their first-hand experience with Zionist
purchases and evictions of the peasants from the lands acquired by the new owners),71
it seems that the al-c s cousins lacked this understanding, as they were much more fa-
miliar with the urban environment.72 This contention is supported by the editorial “We
Are Silent and They Make Us Speak”, which indicates that the editors of Filas n first
started to consider Zionist immigration damaging to the native urban population and

68
A few papers are devoted to a detailed analysis of the Peasant Letters. DOLBEE, S., HAZKANI,
S. “Impossible is not Ottoman”: Menashe Meirovitch, Isa al- Isa, and Imperial Citizenship in
Palestine, pp. 241–262; DOLBEE, S., HAZKANI, S. Unlikely Identities: Abu Ibrahim and the
Politics of Possibility in Late Ottoman Palestine, pp. 24–39; DIERAUFF, E. Global Migration
into Late Ottoman Jaffa as Reflected in the Arab-Palestinian Newspaper Filast n (1911–1913), pp.
169–170.
69
The reality was different, because Meirovitch had been politically active since the early 1900s.
DOLBEE, S., HAZKANI, S. “Impossible is not Ottoman”: Menashe Meirovitch, Isa al- Isa, and
Imperial Citizenship in Palestine, pp. 246–247.
70
Ibid., pp. 244–249.
71
Yitzhak Epstein s lecture “A Hidden Question” (published in 1907 as an article) describes vividly
and compassionately the impact of Jewish land purchases on Palestinian peasants and their evict-
ion from their villages in the Galilee at the turn of the 20th century. DOWTY, Alan. “A Question
That Outweighs All Other”: Yitzhak Epstein and Zionist Recognition of the Arab Issue. In Israel
Studies, Spring 2001, Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 34–54.
72
TAMARI, S. Issa al-Issa s Unorthodox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusalem, Permitted in Jaffa. In
Jerusalem Quarterly, No. 59, 2014, p. 31. Furthermore, at that particular time Zionist settlement
activities around Jaffa were of urban character and were focused just to the northeast from the city,
where Tel Aviv was founded in 1909. It is noteworthy that by autumn 1913 the perspective of the
editor-in-chief had radically changed when he wrote in an editorial that only 1 per cent of the emi-
grants were town dwellers and 99 per cent of them were rural inhabitants. This implies that in the
meantime, the editors had acquainted themselves with the situation in the rural areas. AL-C S ,
Y suf. Ir am hum yar amukum All h [Have Compassion for Them, God Will Have Mercy upon
You]. In Filas n, 15 October 1913, 280–77, p. 1.

44
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

only later to the peasants.73 Another likely reason for their delayed waking up to the
dangers of Zionism in contrast to Naj b al-Kh r Na r could have been the differences
in the progress of Jewish settlement expansion in previous years between the northern
districts of Palestine on the one hand and the Jerusalem muta arrif ya on the other. The
land purchases and setting up of new settlements were from the beginning of the 20th
century concentrated in the north, especially in the Galilee, where according to Rashid
Khalidi “twelve of the fifteen Jewish settlements established in Palestine between 1901
and 1912 were located”.74 These were often accompanied by the forced expulsion of
Arab peasants. Two such affairs took place in the first decade of the 20th century in the
Tiberias subdistrict and in al-F la in the Nazareth subdistrict, which were both situated
in the district of cAkk , where al-Karmil was published.75 In light of the fact that the
Jerusalem muta arrif ya had not witnessed such high-profile cases in previous years
and, moreover, the long-established Jewish settlements located there relied heavily on
the Arab workforce, the different perspective of Filas n s editors is understandable.76
In addition, Jaffa was the seat of the Palestine Office of the Zionist Organisation. In the
city, there was also a group of Sephardi activists who were dedicated to the propaga-
tion of the benefits of Zionist colonisation for both Palestine and the Ottoman Empire.
Thus, contradictory information in this regard was widely disseminated, which people
who were not familiar with rural conditions and the Zionist movement might have had
difficulty in navigating.

73
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
74
KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness, p. 110.
Ruppin gives slightly different numbers, but the overall picture is similar. According to him, no
Jewish settlements were established in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya between 1897 and 1905. Fur-
thermore, in the years 1899–1913, twelve Jewish colonies on more than 95,000 d nums were
established in Lower Galilee, where there had been none. Another four were founded at that time
around Haifa and in the Marj ibn c mir plain on almost 38,000 d nums. On the other hand, in
1906–1913 seven Jewish settlements were established in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya on 22,000
d nums, which is less than 17 per cent of the size of settlements founded from 1899 in the sanjaq
of cAkk . Overall, the area purchased by Jews between 1881 and 1914 in the northern regions was
almost three times larger than the area they acquired in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya. RUPPIN, A.
Syrien als Wirtschaftsgebiet. Zweite, durchgesehene Auflage, pp. 111–113.
75
Rashid Khalidi emphasized the importance of this dynamics for the development of anti-Zionism
among the Arab elites: “The intensity of the post-1908 reaction can only be explained by the cu-
mulative effect of a series of land purchases from absentee landlords involving the expulsions of
fellahin and the ensuing clashes. That is what brought important elements among the Arab urban
elite to the realization of the full import of Zionism.” KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The
Construction of Modern National Consciousness, p. 110.
76
One has to bear in mind that the newspapers published in Palestine during the Ottoman period were,
as Yacq b Yehoshua called them, “jar id al-muta arrif y t” [newspapers of the muta arrif yas]
and primarily focused on the events that took place within their district. YEHOSHUA, Yacq b.
T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the
Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 16.

45
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

The seeds of doubt planted in the minds of the editors were substantiated in the sec-
ond half of 1912, when several contentious issues were discussed in the newspaper: a
visit of the Muta arrif Muhd Bey to the Jewish settlements in the subdistrict of Jaffa,
the matter of admission of non-Jewish students to the Miqve Yisra el (Netter)77 school,
the placing of articles by Shimon Moyal under false identities in Arabic newspapers and
the Jar sha mills sale.
The muta arrif s summer expedition to the Jaffa subdistrict focused almost entirely
on Jewish settlements.78 In a speech delivered in Rishon le-Zion, he expressed his opin-
ion of the apolitical character of the Jewish immigration and praised the settlers and
their beneficial work in the country: “You are now an example for other Arab villages
and professors, and living books [as tidha wa kutub ayya] for the people who cannot
read and write and who appreciate about you all the blessing that the country has gained
with your help.”79 With regard to this tour, some people were convinced that “it is not
without great benefits to the Zionist settlers”.80 Others, including the editors of Filas n,
thought that it would also benefit the local population, because the governor s goal was
to gather information which would be utilised in the establishment of an agricultural
school in Nab R b n.81

77
In Filas n Miqve Yisra el was called “Netter school”.
78
al-Muta arrif yatajawwal [The Governor Tours]. In Filas n, 10 August 1912, 161–60, p. 3;
Mul aẓ t: al-Muta arrif wa al-maktab az-zir c [Observations: The Governor and the Agricul-
tural School]. In Filas n, 10 August 1912, 161–60, p. 3; Tajawwul al-muta arrif [Muta arrif s
Tour]. In Filas n, 17 August 1912, 163–62, p. 1.
79
Khi b al-muta arrif [The Speech of the Governor]. In Filas n, 17 August 1912, 163–62, p. 1.
Louis Fishman emphasises the importance of two factors that influenced the attitudes of some Ot-
toman administrators and the state to the Zionists. Firstly, as shown by the speech of Muhd Bey,
they were considered a source of modernisation and inspiration for their backward neighbours.
Secondly, the Jewish settlements were an important source of income for the state. The Zionists
themselves underscored both these aspects in their letters to Filas n. FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine
Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National Movements, 1908–1914, pp. 200–201, 254–
256; FR MK N, . Mustacmarat cUy n Q ra wa al-jaz an-naqd [The Settlement of Rishon
le-Zion and the Fine]. In Filas n, 26 July 1911, 54, p. 1; AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan
[We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n, 5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1. For a discussion
of Ottoman Orientalism, see MAKDISI, U. Ottoman Orientalism. In The American Historical
Review, June 2002, Vol. 107, No. 3, pp. 768–796.
80
Mul aẓ t: al-Muta arrif wa al-maktab az-zir c [Observations: The Governor and the Agricultural
School]. In Filas n, 10 August 1912, 161–60, p. 3.
81
Ibid., p. 3.

46
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

Miqve Yisra el,82 an agricultural school founded in 1870 by Charles Netter, was part
of the system of educational institutions run by the Alliance Israélite Universelle.83 A
heated discussion took place in the newspaper from August till October 1912 with re-
gard to the school s treatment of non-Jewish students. As stated in its founding im-
perial firm n,84 it was an Ottoman school and therefore had the obligation to accept
all Ottomans regardless of their faith, a requirement that, according to Filas n, was
not observed.85 Nissim Malul entered this debate by publishing an article in the Beirut
newspaper an-Na r86 in which he denied that the school would not be accepting “non-
Israelites”; on the contrary, it would welcome everyone. To prove his point, he brought
up the names of eleven such students who, he claimed, had completed their studies at
the school in recent years.87 Filas n objected that the reality was completely different
and only a very few non-Jewish students, mostly with fathers who were high-ranking
officials or worked in the settlement, were admitted to study there.88 One former student,
F yiz Efendi add d, sent a letter to the newspaper in which he shared with readers
his experiences as well as those of his two Arab classmates. He claimed that they were
only allowed to attend general subjects and were not permited to proceed to study ag-

82
The policy of the school towards the Palestinians can be considered an early indication of a
process which Glenn Bowman calls “encystation”. It involves the exclusivism of the Ashkenazi
immigrants, including the pre-Zionist and non-Zionist among them, and their separation from
the local Palestinian population. For more information on this process and its early and current
manifestations, see BOWMAN, G. Sharing and Exclusion: The Case of Rachel s Tomb. In
Jerusalem Quarterly, Spring 2014, No. 58, pp. 30–49; BOWMAN, G. Israel s Wall and the
Logic of Encystation: Sovereign Exception or Wild Sovereignty? In Focaal- European Journal of
Anthropology, Winter 2007, No. 50, pp. 127–136; BOWMAN, G. Encystation: Containment and
Control in Israeli Ideology and Practice. In Journal of Palestine Studies, Spring 2015, Vol. 44, No.
3, pp. 6–16.
83
GRAETZ, M., TODD, J. The Jews in Nineteenth-Century France: From the Revolution to the
Alliance Israélite Universelle, p. 251.
84
For the Arabic translation of the firm n, see Madrasat Netter: rat al-firm n as-sul n al-
mu arrakh f 3 Mu arram sanat 1287 [The Netter School: A Copy of the Imperial Firm n Dated
on the 3 Mu arram 1287]. In Filas n, 2 October 1912, 176–75, pp. 1–2.
85
Mul aẓ t [Observations]. In Filas n, 10 August 1912, 161–60, p. 3.
86
According to R al-Kh lid s manuscript, an-Na r was under Zionist influence. AL-KH LID ,
W. Kit b as-Siy nizm aw al-mas’ala a - ahy n ya li Mu ammad R al-Kh lid al-mutawaff
sanat 1913 [The Book “Zionism and the Zionist Question” by Muhammad Ruhi al-Khalidi, d. 1913].
In NASHSH BA, Hish m. Studia Palaestina: Studies in Honour of Constantine K. Zurayk\Dir s t
Filas n ya: Majmūcat ab th wuḍicat takr man li ad-duktūr Qus an n Zurayq, p. 74. The editors
mention that some newspapers printed whatever Malul sent them “in exchange for some issues he
was selling for them in the markets of Jaffa”. Madrasat Netter az-zir c ya: Mal l wa an-Na r [The
Netter Agricultural School: Malul and an-Na r]. In Filas n, 4 September 1912, 168–67, p. 1.
87
Filas n included some passages from this article in its editorial. Madrasat Netter az-zir c ya:
Mal l wa an-Na r [The Netter Agricultural School: Malul and an-Na r]. In Filas n, 4 Septem-
ber 1912, 168–67, p. 1.
88
Madrasat Netter az-zir c ya: Mal l wa an-Na r [The Netter Agricultural School: Malul and an-
Na r]. In Filas n, 4 September 1912, 168–67, p. 1.

47
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

riculture. Furthermore, he bitterly complained about the contemptuous way they were
treated both by their Jewish classmates and teachers. His classmate, ilm A mad, the
son of the former deputy in the Ottoman parliament for the Jerusalem muta arrif ya
fiẓ Bey as-Sac d, was dismissed from the school after two months.89 Mu ammad
c
Al a - hir, a youth whom the director of the Netter school had refused to admit, also
recounted this humiliating experience.90 In the last article dedicated to this issue, the edi-
tors of Filas n encouraged native students who would like to study at the Netter school
to “submit an application […] to the local government”.91 This affair was different from
the previous ones discussed in the newspaper. It lasted longer, for about two months,
and a higher number of authors participated in it. Even more importantly, the editors ac-
tively took part in it and did not hesitate to openly declare their critical position, unlike
in the past, when they had restricted themselves to defensively justifying their handling
of the subject.
This affair must have profoundly affected Filas n s editors for two reasons. First,
they considered modernisation of agriculture as crucial in order to improve the situa-
tion of the peasants and the whole predominantly rural society. The admission policy
of the Netter school, which amounted to discrimination against native students,92 could
be interpreted as aimed at preventing the native population from gaining the necessary
skills to advance their farming and enhance their situation. Another important lesson
the editors and the readers of Filas n took from this and similar controversies was the
realisation that Zionist authors were engaged in a systematic campaign to concoct and
distort the truth with regard to Zionism. Not only Ashkenazim (like Ludvipol) took
part in it, but some Sephardim, like Malul and Moyal, were at the forefront. In this par-
ticular case, the testimonies of both the former student and the unsuccessful applicant
were unequivocal and confirmed that the version provided by the newspaper s editors
was correct. In this light, it is not surprising that the Peasant Letters were discontinued
precisely at the same time that this controversy arose. It is very likely that c s al-c s
and Menashe Meirovitch discussed this matter, and it is possible that they parted ways
because of their disagreement over it. At the same time, the editors might have arrived at
the conclusion that Meirovitch was also engaged in whitewashing Zionist colonisation.

89
Madrasat Netter az-zir c ya: Mal l wa an-Na r [The Netter Agricultural School: Malul and an-
Na r]. In Filas n, 168–67, 4 September 1912, p. 1; Ghayrun yatakallam [Someone Else Is Talk-
ing]. In Filas n, 11 September 1912, 170–69, p. 2.
90
A - HIR, Mu ammad cAl . Ghayrun yatakallam – 3 – [Someone Else Is Talking – 3 – ]. In
Filas n, 25 September 1912, 174–73, pp. 2–3.
91
Madrasat Netter az-zir c ya [The Agricultural Netter School]. In Filas n, 5 October 1912, 177–
76, p. 3.
92
Reportedly, the Netter school s treatment of the Sephardim was similar: “The abovementioned
school does not accept […] Sephardi Jews [al-Yahūd as-Sif r d n ] to join their students”.
Madrasat Netter az-zir c ya: Mal l wa an-Na r [The Netter Agricultural School: Malul and an-
Na r]. In Filas n, 168–67, 4 September 1912, p. 1.

48
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

The simultaneity of the termination of this long-established series with the Netter school
affair also seems to suggest the severe impact of the controversy.
Whereas the dispute with Ludvipol on rising living costs aroused the suspicions of
the editors, the policy of the Netter school and the concomitant dispute served as an
eye-opener to them. This and the following episodes confirmed their suspicions and led
to the abandonment of the newspaper s neutrality towards Zionism.
This deteriorating relationship was further underscored in the last month of 1912
when Filas n printed a number of articles about a mysterious al-walad al-mash ūm [the
sinister son],93 which very likely referred to Shimon Moyal. Even though his name is
not mentioned in any of the articles dealing with this matter, several indications point to
him. One piece of evidence is included in Wahba Tam r s94 article published in Filas n
in December 1912 in which he wrote about a letter sent by “the sinister son” under the
pseudonym “Sabc Efendi a - ayyib” to the newspaper al- aq qa. He reproduced the
text of this letter, at the end of which its author asked the editor-in-chief of al- aq qa to
send him a few copies of the issue in which his article would be printed to the following
address: “ Sabc Efendi a - ayyib in the Moyal agency, opposite the fish market [ isbat
as-samak]”.95 Furthermore, according to Y suf al-c s “the sinister son” had been an
active and prominent member of the CUP in Jaffa. Therefore, I believe that it could not
have been Nissim Malul, whom I initially considered a potential suspect. Malul had ar-
rived in Palestine only in the previous year and was about twenty years old at the time,
even though both he and Shimon Moyal were members of the CUP.96 Another indication
that implicates Moyal is a reference to c s al-c s s satirical poem on Moyal in both
Wahba Tam r s piece97 and in c s al-c s s memoirs, where Moyal s name is explicitly
mentioned.98

93
“God, may He be praised and exalted, has afflicted the Israelite community [al-umma al-Isr l ya]
with a sinister son”. AL-C S , Y suf. al-Walad al-mash m [The Sinister Son]. In Filas n,
7 December 1912, 195–94, p. 1.
94
Wahba Tam r established in 1912 the short-lived humorous newspaper Abū Sh dūf. YEHOSHUA,
Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History
of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 107–108.
95
TAM R , Wahba. al-Walad al-mash m [The Sinister Son]. In Filas n, 18 December 1912, 198–
97, p. 4.
96
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Walad al-mash m [The Sinister Son]. In Filas n, 7 December 1912, 195–94,
p. 1; LEVY, L. Partitioned pasts: Arab Jewish intellectuals and the case of Ester Azhar Moyal
(1873–1948). In HAMZAH, D. (ed.). The Making of the Arab Intellectual: Empire, Public Sphere
and the Colonial Coordinates of Selfhood. London: Routledge, 2012, p. 138, 158n61.
97
Here the author of the poem is not identified. TAM R , Wahba. al-Walad al-mash m [The
Sinister Son]. In Filas n, 18 December 1912, 198–97, p. 4.
98
Salim Tamari included both the poem in Arabic and its English translation in his papers. In Noha
Tadros Khalaf s translation of c s al-c s s memoirs, the text of the poem is missing. TAM R ,
Sal m. c s al-c s wa Y suf al- ak m: al- araka al-Urth dhuks ya bayna al-wa an ya al-
c
Uthm n ya wa an-nah a al-cArab ya [c s al-c s and Y suf al- ak m: The Orthodox Movement
between Ottoman Patriotism and the Arab Renaissance]. In SUWAYD, Ma m d, ASH-SHAR F,

49
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

In an editorial, Y suf al-c s described Moyal s activities in the following words:

“This sinister son insisted on arousing the aversion of the native population towards his
Israelite community [bi ummatihi al-Isr l ya]. He made it his habit to sow seeds of ha-
tred and to kindle the fire of discord between Christians and Muslims.”99 Furthermore,
the editor-in-chief accused Moyal of planting articles under false identities in various
Arabic newspapers.100 Y suf al-c s wrote that during the previous year every time the
word “Israelite” was mentioned in the newspaper, Moyal responded with provocations
“claiming that he is the sole defender of this energetic religious community [al-umma],
which is only marred by the existence of people like him among them”.101 The rea-
son for writing the editorial “The Sinister Son” was that Moyal, under the pseudonym
Mu ammad Am n Mid at, published a letter in the Jerusalem newspaper an-Naf r in
which he asked people to attack the premises of Filas n, destroy the printing equipment
and throw the editors in jail for their support of the Committee of Union and Progress.
Y suf al-c s pointed out the hypocricy of the inciter, saying: “Nevertheless, we remem-
ber that the [person] indignant at us used to be in the centre of the front row in every
picture that was taken of the members of the [CUP] club. And he relished marching
under the Unionist emblem and sitting at the head of the people on every official holiday
...”102 At the end of this article, Y suf al-c s asked the Israelite community to dissociate
themselves from this person to show that they did not agree with him.103
This was not the first time Moyal had been accused of this practice. One year earlier,
an article with the title “The Tomcat with Many Names” was published in Filas n.104
This piece dealt with another letter Moyal had sent to ar-Ra y al-c mm [The Public
Opinion] pretending to be someone else. It also described a recent incident when the
angry Moyal came to the editorial office of Filas n and “told us [:] you have gained my
enmity without a reason”. At the end of the quarrel he added “you will see”.105 His anger
was caused by a column106 republished from La Bourse Égyptienne about “Tripolitanian

M hir (eds.). Dir s t f ad-d n wa at-tarbiya wa Filas n wa an-nahḍa takr man li ad-duktūr
Hish m Nashsh ba [Studies in Religion, Education, Palestine and Renaissance in Honor of Dr.
Hisham Nashabe], p. 252; TAMARI, S. Issa al-Issa s Unorthodox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusa-
lem, Permitted in Jaffa. In Jerusalem Quarterly, 2014, No. 59, p. 31; KHALAF, N. T. Les Mé-
moires de Issa al- Issa: Journaliste et intellectuel palestinien (1878–1950), pp. 140–141.
99
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Walad al-mash m [The Sinister Son]. In Filas n, 7 December 1912, 195–94,
p. 1.
100
Ibid., p. 1.
101
Ibid., p. 1.
102
Ibid., p. 1.
103
Ibid., p. 1.
104
The fact that “the tomcat with many names” and “the sinister son” are one and the same person is
confirmed by the editor-in-chief. Ibid., p. 1.
105
al-Qi al-kath r al-asm [The Tomcat with Many Names]. In Filas n, 8 November 1911, 84, pp.
1–2.
106
al-Wa an ya takhlac ka ath-thawb [Patriotism Is Taken off Like a Dress]. In Filas n, 21 October
1911, 79, p. 3.

50
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

Israelites residing in Egypt” who were requesting Italian citizenship after the Italian
invasion of Libya.107 It is noteworthy that after the former incident, Filas n ceased pub-
lishing Moyal s letters and responding to his articles. The editors proceeded similarly
with regard to Malul after the affair of the Netter school. In 1913 the newspaper only
mentioned them a couple of times to criticise either their complicity in Zionist land
purchases or their journalistic activities.108
At the beginning of December, Filas n informed its readers about the planned pur-
chase at auction of the Jar sha mills on the river al-cAwj by Y suf Efendi Waf , who
was considered a Zionist middleman. The sale was discussed behind closed doors by the
administrative council. However, as the editors came to believe that this was a matter of
public interest, they decided to publicise it so that the people would prevent the “transfer
of the most significant vital resource in their country to the hands of the others [ghayri-
him] after a large part of its water had been taken away by the settlement of Mulabbis”.109
One week later, it reported joyfully that a petition had resulted in a changed decision of
the administrative council about the “necessity to buy the Jar sha and al-Far kh ya river
mills for the public interest”.110 This was the first time that Filas n took a stand against
a real estate transaction which would have resulted in an addition to Zionist properties.
Previously, the newspaper had treated land sales to Zionists as ordinary real estate trans-
actions in a neutral manner, as in the above-mentioned case of Kh r al-W d .111 Now,
Filas n began to actively oppose such property sales and even call on the public and the
authorities to take steps to prevent them.112 Even less than three months earlier, when the
settlers from Mulabbis installed a powerful pump (120hp) on the river al-cAwj in order
to water their plantations, Filas n had reported on it in a matter-of-fact way.113 Now, it
clearly considered this sale an economic threat to the native inhabitants of Jaffa.

107
al-Qi al-kath r al-asm [The Tomcat with Many Names]. In Filas n, 8 November 1911, 84, pp.
1–2. c s al-c s mentions another similar angry disagreement with Shimon Moyal in his memoirs.
TAMARI, S. Issa al-Issa s Unorthodox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusalem, Permitted in Jaffa. In
Jerusalem Quarterly, 2014, No. 59, p. 31; KHALAF, N. T. Les Mémoires de Issa al- Issa: Jour-
naliste et intellectuel palestinien (1878–1950), pp. 140–141.
108
M akthara sam sira [How Many Middlemen There Are!]. In Filas n, 22 February 1913, 215–12,
p. 3; fiẓ Bak as-Sac d wa Nis m Mal l [ fiẓ Bey as-Sac d and Nis m Mal l]. In Filas n, 21
May 1913, 238–35, p. 3.
109
aw n Jar sha wa al- jj Y suf Waf [The Mills of Jar sha and al-H jj Y suf Waf ]. In Filas n,
4 December 1912, 194–93, p. 3.
110
aw n an-nahr [The River Mills]. In Filas n, 11 December 1912, 196–95, p. 3.
111
Only republished articles (from al-Karmil and al-Muqtabas) or columns submitted by contribu-
tors were opposed to Zionist land purchases, e.g., Tall ash-Shamm m wa Qays r ya [Tall ash-
Shamm m and Caesarea]. In Filas n, 13 April 1912, 127–26, p. 4.
112
Two months later, the newspaper took pride in the role it played in calling the attention of the gov-
ernment to this issue. Manc bayc aw n Jar sha [Prohibition of the Sale of the Jar sha Mills]. In
Filas n, 22 February 1913, 215–12, p. 3; aw n Jar sha wa w b r Mulabbis [The Jar sha Mills
and the Steam Engine of Mulabbis]. In Filas n, 26 February 1913, 216–13, p. 3.
113
Istikhd m miy h nahr al-Acwaj [Utilization of the Waters of the al-cAwj River]. In Filas n, 14
September 1912, 171–70, p. 3.

51
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

Two articles from ha- erut, excerpts of which Filas n translated and printed, con-
firm that the events that took place at the end of the year led to a rupture in relations
with the pro-Zionist segment of the Sephardi community. Ha- erut accused Filas n
of “opposing the Jews, attacking them now and then with articles in which there is not
even a grain of truth and [doing] that in order to stir the Islamic element [al-cun ur]
against us”.114 These accusations levelled against the periodical were unjustified, as I did
not encounter any instance of incitement of the readers in general or Muslims among
them in particular against the Jewish community. On the contrary, the newspaper was
trying to bring all Ottoman communities together, including the “Israelite brothers”.
Furthermore, ha- erut alleged that most of Filas n s income was derived from Jewish
sources (in terms of subscriptions, advertisements and renting of premises). The news-
paper’s comment dismissed these claims and put the number of Israelite subscribers at
not more than 20 out of 1,121.115Another article in ha- erut referred to Filas n as “an
enemy of the Jews and especially the Zionist Organisation” and asked “every Israelite
[...] to cancel his subscription to it and stop advertising in it, just as many Muslims have
cancelled their subscriptions to it.”116

Two major changes took place in the newspaper s discourse between the years 1911
and 1914. The first started at the end of May 1912 and was initiated by two editorials on
rising living costs in Jaffa.117 This phase lasted until the end of the year. In the second
half of 1912, the editors gradually abandoned their favourable neutrality towards Zion-
ism and began to consider it an economic threat first to the urban and subsequently also
to the rural population of the country. Articles written by pro-Zionist authors vanished
from the newspaper and the series Peasant Letters was terminated. By the end of the
year, the previous assessment of Filas n s editors, who had viewed Jewish immigra-
tion and colonisation as beneficial to the country and its native inhabitants, was badly
shaken. I believe that partial responsibility for this shift rests with the heavy-handed at-
tempts by Zionist authors to silence the newspaper s criticism of certain Zionist policies,
despite its mildness and infrequent occurrence.118 This was done by various methods,

114
A san ar qa li al-icl n [The Best Way of Advertising]. In Filas n, 18 December 1912, 198–97,
p. 3.
115
Ibid., p. 3.
116
Muq acat jar dat Filas n [The Boycott of the Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 18 December
1912, 198–97, p. 3.
117
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Muh jir n wa ghal al-mac sha [The Immigrants and the High Costs of
Living]. In Filas n, 29 May 1912, 140–39, p. 1; AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We
Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n, 5 June 1912, 142–41, pp. 1–2.
118
The policy of the Sephardi Zionists towards any kind of criticism directed at Zionism in Arabic
newspapers is discussed in GRIBETZ, J. M. “To the Arab Hebrew”: On Possibilities and Impossi-
bilities. Roundtable: Jewish Identities in the Middle East, 1879–1956. In International Journal of
Middle East Studies, 2014, Vol. 46, No. 3, p. 591; GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion,
Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp. 128–130.

52
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

including the accusation of anti-Semitism. These endeavours, which were part of the Zi-
onist quest for the “conquest of the press”,119 intensified and became more aggressive as
the year 1912 progressed. Already in November 1910, before Filas n s establishment,
ha- erut appealed to its audience in this regard: “Do you still not wish to understand
the deep disaster [ha-sho ah] that can come upon us if we do not act preemptively?”120
However, this preventive approach, which was forcefully applied against Filas n, was
clearly counterproductive and led to the opposite of the desired results. By publishing
an article on the Netter school in an-Na r, Malul drew increased attention of Filas n to
this issue, and the ensuing discussion exposed the hollowness of his claims. The follow-
ing quote shows unequivocally how Filas n’s editors perceived Nissim Malul s activity
during the dispute about the admission policy of the Netter school: “Nevertheless, if he
truly wished to stand up for the school, his silence would have been the greatest service
to it. But an ignorant advocate, as already mentioned, harms the interest of whom he
defends at the same time as he intends good.”121
The series of seventeen articles Peasant Letters has already been discussed. No
doubt its author, Menashe Meirovitch, was promoting Zionist colonisation, but he was
doing so in an inconspicuous manner. Not all his articles mention Jewish settlements,
and even those that do usually deal with them briefly. However, the message which
some of them communicate is clear. Whereas the government totally neglects the peas-
ants in Palestine, the villages that are situated in the vicinity of Jewish settlements are
better off, since they benefit from their fortunate location and the help of their neigh-
bours.122 When compared with writings of other authors who were espousing Zionist
colonisation in Palestine on the pages of Filas n, Meirovitch s approach was clearly
more sophisticated. He managed to keep access to the newspaper, and presumably the
trust of the editors as well, for a long period of time – until the end of summer 1912.
It is noteworthy that even at the end of August 1912 an author accused Filas n
of concealing an incident because of pro-Zionist bias. The contributor wrote: “I had
submitted to you a letter related to the issue of the Blue Mosque123 which the Jews [al-
Yahūd] violated [...] and you have not published it. Perhaps the reason for not publish-

119
This expression was used by Shimon Moyal in his discussion with Abraham Ludvipol in October
1911. GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter,
p. 187n8.
120
ha- erut, 7 November 1910. Quoted according to GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion,
Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, p. 129.
121
Madrasat Netter az-zir c ya: Mal l wa an-Na r [The Netter Agricultural School: Malul and an-
-Na r]. In Filas n, 4 September 1912, 168–67, p. 1.
122
Ras il fall 17 [Peasant Letters 17], 24 August 1912, 165–64, p. 1. One of the letters mentions
a visit by a doctor from Rishon le-Zion and his useful guidance. Ras il fall 5 [Peasant Letters
5]. In Filas n, 5 August 1911, 56, p. 2.
123
I was not able to identify this mosque.

53
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

ing it was regard for the feelings of the Zionists.”124 Unfortunately, it is not possible to
establish when he had sent the previous report. Nevertheless, this example is another
confirmation of the fact that until the summer of 1912 Filas n was not prone to report
about events which could lead to religious strife and was still considered by some Pal-
estinians as positively inclined towards Zionism. Yet, again with regard to this matter,
in October 1912 the approach of the newspaper changed. It published the article “The
Blue Mosque,” in which a correspondent described a transgression on the part of the
Israelites on the land belonging to this mosque located in the Jewish Quarter of the Old
City of Jerusalem.125

From Criticism to Perceived Danger

The second profound change in the newspaper s discourse on Zionism took place in the
summer and autumn of 1913. I believe that this transformation was brought about by
several events which occurred at that time, the most consequential of which were the
Zarn qa incident, the controversy pertaining to the former private estates of Sultan Ab-
dülhamid II126 [al-ar ḍ al-mudawwara] and the Eleventh Zionist Congress.127 The end
of the Red Paper policy, whose aim was to prevent Jewish immigration to Palestine, also
has to be taken into account.128 Furthermore, the Balkan Wars that had recently ended,
leading to the loss of almost all Ottoman possessions in Europe, fueled the fears of some
Palestinians that their country could meet a similar fate.129 These developments moved

124 c
rif al-mawqit. al-Quds – li ib al-tawq c [Jerusalem – By the Below-Signed]. In Filas n, 31
August 1912, 167–66, p. 4.
125
al-Quds: Li mur silin . al-J mic al-Azraq [Jerusalem: By Our Correspondent. The Blue Mosque].
In Filas n, 5 October 1912, 177–76, p. 2.
126
In Arabic, al-ar ḍ al-mudawwara. These were miri (state) lands registered under the name of
the sultan, which after he was deposed were returned to the state. Almost all agricultural land in
Palestine was miri; only the properties in towns and their vicinity were classified as private, mülk
land. However, after the land reform in 1858, a process of privatisation of miri land took place,
and large tracts were registered by absentee landholders, Bedouin shaykhs, churches, foreigners,
etc. Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f ash-sharq al-cArab wa ad hu, 1908–1918
[Zionist Activities in the Arab East and Their Echo, 1908–1918], p. 80; SOLOMONOVICH,
N., KARK, R. Land Privatisation in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Palestine. In Islamic Law and
Society, 2015, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 221–229.
127
All these subjects are treated in more detail in the following chapters.
128
Ilgh al-waraqa al- amr [Abolishment of the Red Paper]. In Filas n, 2 August 1913, 259–56,
p. 3. In his editorial, Y suf al-c s asks the government: “Do you expect [the poor peasant] […] to
bow his head, lethargically expecting the day on which he will become the slave of the Zionists
to whom you have opened the doors of the country wide by your abolishment of the Red Paper?”
AL-C S , Y suf. Ir am hum yar amukum All h [Have Compassion for Them, God Will Have
Mercy upon You]. In Filas n, 15 October 1913, 280–77, p. 1.
129
Further research is necessary in order to establish to what degree the perception of Zionism as an
existential threat was influenced by the Balkan Wars. For a discussion of the impact of the Balkan

54
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

Filas n further into the anti-Zionist camp. Gradually, the editors started to consider
Zionist colonisation and immigration as a grave political, demographic and existential
threat to the Palestinians. The word danger or menace [kha ar] in this context had previ-
ously been used sporadically, and only by authors other than the editors (in contributors
letters or articles republished from other newspapers). But beginning in summer 1913
this word began to appear regularly, starting with articles dealing with the former pri-
vate lands of the deposed sultan.
The Zarn qa incident was a massive clash on 23 July 1913 between the armed guards
of the Rehovot settlement and the villagers of Zarn qa which ended with two people
dead and several injured. It was discussed at length in Filas n in about twenty articles.
A few months earlier, at the end of April 1913, Filas n had sent a “special reporter” to
Rehovot s annual parade. In his account the writer portrayed both the settlement and the
spectacle in superlatives. During his visit a military exhibition took place which made a
strong impression on him: “Thereafter the sports began, and it appeared to me that there
was a very well-organised and well-trained regular army, because of the military prow-
ess that was [exhibited] in their physical exercises, which could not be executed better
than that.”130 He also depicted “a horse race in which men and women took part. Most
of them wore Bedouin clothes, and I considered them Bedouin horsemen”.131 Presum-
ably, these were members of the Hashomer who mimicked the dress and the lifestyle
of Arab nomads.132 Now this professional force was aiming its guns at the native rural
population. One year later, one of the editors wrote that once when he was with the
former Q immaq m H shim Bey al-At s , a Zionist leader came and “began to defend
the inhabitants of the D r n settlement and he said among other things that if the Jews
[al-Yahūd] in D r n wanted to take revenge on the people of Zarn qa they would not
have spared anyone, because they have the latest arms”.133 A petition sent by more than
two dozen mukht rs and im ms from the Gaza subdistrict to Istanbul, six days after the
clash, accused the settlement guards of aggressive and contemptuous behaviour towards
the native peasants.134 This petition was not reported by the newspaper, but it is possible
that its editors were familiar with its content.

Wars on Ottoman society and the resulting “fear of extinction”, see GINIO, E. The Ottoman
Culture of Defeat: The Balkan Wars and their Aftermath. p. 268.
130
al-Isticr a - ahy n al-kab r f Dayr n (li mand bin al-kh ) [A Great Zionist Parade in Day-
r n (By Our Special Reporter)]. In Filas n, 3 May 1913, 233–30, p. 3.
131
Ibid., p. 3.
132
STEIN, L. The Hope Fulfilled: The Rise of Modern Israel, p. 108. For a discussion of the appeal of
certain features of the Bedouin culture and lifestyle for some young Jewish immigrants of the first
and second Aliyot (in particular, the members of the Hashomer), see ZERUBAVEL, Y. Memory,
the Rebirth of the Native, and the “Hebrew Bedouin” Identity. In Social Research, Spring 2008,
Vol. 75, No. 1, pp. 315–352.
133
Dacw Zarn qa wa D r n [The Zarn qa and D r n Lawsuit]. In Filas n, 4 July 1914, 333–36,
p. 4.
134
FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National Movements,
1908–1914, pp. 58–61; BEN-BASSAT, Y. Rural Reactions to Zionist Activity before and after the

55
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

Previously, Filas n had regarded Rehovot, Petah Tikva and Rishon le-Zion as mod-
els of coexistence with Arab peasants. Zionist authors invoked the example of these
three settlements as an illustration of the positive repercussions of Zionist colonisation
for the local population.135 Instead of such benefits, now the result was injury and death.
This bloody incident apparently shattered the last illusions the editors might have en-
tertained about the long-term benefits of Zionist settlement for the surrounding native
rural environment. One year previously, Y suf al-c s had considered every village to be
a separate entity on its own, unconnected to its neighbours,136 but this incident proved
him wrong. Furthermore, again a Zionist author appeared (this time David Moyal) who
presented a contradictory narrative of this event. In addition, fabricated stories accusing
the peasants of acts of violence and brutality made their way into the foreign-language
Ottoman press.137

The attempt to purchase the former estates of Sultan Abdülhamid II unveiled to the
editors the real scope of Zionist territorial ambitions in Palestine and their determination
to take their enterprise to a new level. These estates comprised a significant portion of
Palestine (about 3 per cent of the three sanjaqs).138 Whereas the previous purchases had
involved individual plots whose size rarely exceeded 10,000 Ottoman d nums,139 in this
case a staggering 750,000–800,000 Ottoman d nums140 were at stake.141 If the Zionists

Young Turk Revolution of 1908 as Reflected in Petitions to Istanbul. In Middle Eastern Studies,
2013, Vol. 49, No. 3, pp. 357–358; BEN-BASSAT, Y. Petitioning the Sultan: Protests and Justice
in Late Ottoman Palestine, pp. 169–170. For the text of the petition translated into English, see
ibid., pp. 223–225.
135
FR MK N, . Mustacmarat cUy n Q ra wa al-jaz an-naqd [The Settlement of Rishon le-Zion
and the Fine]. In Filas n, 26 July 1911, 54, p. 1; AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We
Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n, 5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
136
Ibid., p. 1.
137
The reports printed in these newspapers do not correspond with other sources (both Arab and
Zionist). al-Quds – li mur silin : Aqw l a - u uf al-Isr l ya [Jerusalem – by Our Correspondent:
Reports of the Israelite Papers]. In Filas n, 13 August 1913, 262–59, p. 3; Kayfa yuzayyif na al-
akhb r [How They Falsify News]. In Filas n, 27 August 1913, 266–63, p. 2.
138
FISCHEL, R.S., KARK, R. Sultan Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands and Imperial
Policy. In New Perspectives on Turkey, 2008, No. 39, pp. 129, 132–135; KARK, R. Consequences
of the Ottoman Land Law: Agrarian and Privatization Processes in Palestine, 1858–1918. To be
published in CHAND, R. (ed.). Marginalization, Globalization and Regional and Local Response,
p. 5.
139
Isticl m t ukhr [More Information]. In Filas n, 26 August 1911, 63, p. 3; Ghazza – li mur silin
[Gaza – by Our Correspondent]. In Filas n, 28 August 1912, 166–65, p. 3; Sims r mutaq cid.
Akhb r al-jih t – al-Quds li ib at-tawq c: al-Bac a wa al-jamal [A Retired Middleman. News
from the Provinces – Jerusalem by the Below-Signed: A Mosquito and a Camel]. In Filas n, 27
November 1912, 192–91, p. 3.
140
One Ottoman d num equals 919.3 square metres.
141
Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him min bayc al-ar al-mudawwara al-Filas n ya bi al-maz d [Take
Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger [that lies] in the Selling of the Palestinian Çiftliks in an

56
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

took hold of them, they would consolidate their autonomous presence in Palestine and
would be able to exercise their activities on a much larger scale. The state within a state
which they had already established in their settlements would encompass large contigu-
ous areas.142 It would also make their further expansion much easier.143 The publicised
petitions of the peasants and Bedouins and exaggerated numbers of native inhabitants
(70,000) who would be affected by this transaction no doubt added to the sense of
danger.144 In February 1913, Y suf al-c s had mentioned in a different context that the
Zionists “now probably want a bigger gulp” than a couple of villages.145 The former
private lands of Sultan Abdülhamid II were the embodiment of this “bigger gulp”. In
connection with this affair, the word “danger” [kha ar] began to be regularly used in
connection with Zionism on the pages of Filas n.
Just as these controversies were cooling down, in September 1913 the Eleventh Zi-
onist Congress took place. An article published in June 1914, after the second sus-
pension of the newspaper was lifted, contains a significant reference to the impact of
the Congress on Filas n s perspective vis-à-vis Zionism: “When the order to lift the
suspension of the newspaper Filas n was given, the Eleventh Zionist Congress that
convened in Vienna had already completed its sessions,146 and we saw there the Zion-
ists revealing what they had been holding their tongues about. This has frightened us as
natives [wa an y n] because of the connection between the Congress and our country
and its conspiracies against us. We began to translate what our eyes had fallen upon and
publicise to the general public what the Zionist designs towards us encompass and what
subterfuge they entertain for our country because we believed that not to publish that
would be considered a crime on our part which our conscience would not forgive us.”147

Auction]. In Filas n, 19 July 1913, 255–52, p. 4; Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him 3 [Take Steps to
Prevent the Sudden Danger 3]. In Filas n, 30 July 1913, 258–55, p. 1. In fact, the real number was
even higher, as will be discussed in Chapter 4.
142
Fischel and Kark have shown that Abdülhamid II acted methodically and with patience in order to
form large estates. FISCHEL, R. S., KARK, R. Sultan Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands
and Imperial Policy. In New Perspectives on Turkey, 2008, No. 39, pp. 137–138.
143
Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him min bayc al-ar al-mudawwara al-Filas n ya bi al-maz d [Take
Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger [that lies] in the Selling of the Palestinian Çiftliks in an Auc-
tion]. In Filas n, 19 July 1913, 255–52, p. 4.
144
I tij j ah l Bays n [Protest of the Inhabitants of Bays n]. In Filas n, 18 June 1913, 246–43, pp.
2–3.
145
AL-C S , Y suf. al-B b wa Filas n [The Pope and Palestine]. In Filas n, 5 February 1913,
210–7, p. 1.
146
The quote refers to the first suspension of Filas n, in November–December 1913. It seems that it
took some time for details of the Congress’s deliberations to reach the newspaper’s editors, since
the articles published during and immediately after the Congress did not specifically discuss the
political ambitions of the Zionists.
147
Tac l jar dat Filas n wa mu kamatuh : Mu kamat jar dat Filas n [The Suspension of the
Newspaper Filas n and Its Trial: The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914,
325–28, p. 7. For a discussion of translation as a tool in the Arab-Zionist confrontation in the years
following the Young Turk Revolution, see GRIBETZ, J. M. An Arabic-Zionist Talmud: Shimon

57
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

A secret Zionist meeting in Berlin at the beginning of the following year, at which “the
abolition of the Red Paper and the slow progress of the colonisation in Palestine” were
discussed, definitely confirmed Filas n s fears. The title of the article is significant,
since the phrase Qa acat Jah za qawl kull kha b is used in the sense that everything is
clear and there is nothing more to discuss.148
Furthermore, the editors and other authors perceived that two opposite trends were
taking place. Whereas many natives were leaving Palestine, the Jewish population
was growing rapidly due to immigration.149 Several articles dealt with the number of
Jews living in Palestine, and some of these estimates were reprinted from Egyptian and
European newspapers. The highest estimate was given by Ibrah m Sal m Najj r, who
calculated the number of Jews in Palestine to be 300,000150 (between one-quarter and
one-third of the population).151 The Egyptian newspaper an-N l (published in French)
reported that the number of Jews remained practically unchanged between the years
1878 and 1903, when there were 55,000 of them living in Palestine. Thereafter it began
to increase sharply, and in 1907 there were already 85,000 Jews living there.152 In an edi-
torial published in April 1913, an anonymous “Palestinian [Filas n ]” put the number of
Jews (he used the word “Zionists”) in Palestine at more than 100,000.153 Two reprinted
articles gauged the number to be higher than 150,000.154 Morgan Philips Price reckoned

Moyal’s At-Talmud. In Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society, Fall 2010, Vol. 17, No. 1,
pp. 1–3.
148
Qa acat Jah za qawl kull kha b [It Was Said at Just the Right Time]. In Filas n, 4 February 1914,
304–7, p. 3.
149
AL-C S , Y suf. Ir am hum yar amukum All h [Have Compassion for Them, God Will Have
Mercy upon You]. In Filas n, 15 October 1913, 280–77, p. 1; AN-NAJJ R, Ibrah m Sal m. al-
Isr ’ l y n f Filas n [The Israelites in Palestine]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 3; AL-
H RITH. Kalima muqta aba: Il nuww bin al-kir m [A Short Remark: To Our Honourable
Deputies]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 6.
150
It is possible that this newspaper report influenced the “Jerusalem Petition” and the “General
Summons to Palestinians,” which both give the same number of Jewish immigrants (300,000)
and were written shortly after this article was published. FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited:
Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National Movements, 1908–1914, pp. 64–71; MANDEL, N. J.
The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, pp. 220–222.
151
According to his long report republished from al-Ahr m, there were 180,000 Jews in the Jerusalem
muta arrif ya and 120,000 in the districts of N bulus and cAkk . AN-NAJJ R, Ibrah m Sal m.
al-Isr ’ l y n f Filas n [The Israelites in Palestine]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 3. In
this case it is clear that the author means all three sanjaqs, but in some other cases it is difficult to
establish if the authors when referring to Palestine meant only the Jerusalem muta arrif ya or also
included the two northern districts.
152
al-Mustacmir n al-Isr l y n f Filas n [Israelite Settlers in Palestine]. In Filas n, 9 April 1913,
228–25, p. 2.
153
Filas n . Hal ta lu al-l markaz ya (f ) Filas n [Is Decentralisation Appropriate for Palestine?].
In Filas n, 19 April 1913, 231–30, p. 1.
154
a - ahy n ya [Zionism]. In Filas n, 24 September 1913, 274–71, p. 2; (“in Jerusalem and its
vicinity”) a - ahy n y na f Filas n. Aqw l u uf rubb wa Am rk [The Zionists in Palestine.
Reports of European and American Newspapers]. In Filas n, 15 July 1914, 336–39, p. 2.

58
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

in the Manchester Guardian that there were more than 120,000.155 The Anglican bishop
in Jerusalem thought in 1914 the number to be 100,000 in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya
alone.156 This concern about the potential demographic threat of Zionism, which these
estimates were substantiating, also has to be taken into account.157 Moreover, articles
reporting the continuous arrival of ships with Jewish immigrants might have been seen
as a confirmation of the ongoing trends.158 The fact that most of these articles were
published in 1914 shows that this growing interest of the editors in the demographic
dynamics also occurred following the second transformation.
It is remarkable that, even though Filas n began its sustained anti-Zionist campaign
only in the second half of 1913, from that time on it treated it as a long-standing pol-
icy, as if projecting this approach to the whole existence of the newspaper. Already in
October 1913 Y suf al-c s said: “Everyone who follows what this newspaper writes
knows that we have spared no effort in criticizing the Israelites as a religious commu-
nity [umma] isolated from the rest of the communities, and in the fight against those
among them we identify Zionists as a group setting its sights on our physical destruction
and our moral subjugation in this Palestinian land [buqca].”159 Another example is the
introduction of the article on the trial of the newspaper, which begins as follows: “The
newspaper Filas n since its establishment has continued to emphasise the Zionist dan-
ger160 for the country and to warn the people [al-ahl n] about it and to alert the natives
[al-wa an y n] to what threatens their existence.”161 Similarly, in his memoirs c s al-c s
does not mention the somewhat positive attitude towards Zionism which Filas n had
during the first year and a half of its existence.162

155
Aqw l al-Inkl z can al- araka a - ahy n ya [Reports of the English on the Zionist Movement]. In
Filas n, 7 February 1914, 305–8, p. 1.
156 c
Adad al-Yah d f al-Quds [The Number of Jews in Jerusalem]. In Filas n, 24 June 1914, 330–33,
p. 5.
157
Louis Fishman has pointed out the importance of this perception and discussed the issue of
emigration from Palestine in his PhD thesis. FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing
the Jewish and Arab National Movements, 1908–1914, pp. 24–25, 52–71.
158
According to the following article, 200 Jewish immigrants arrived in the port of Jaffa weekly on
board Russian and Austrian steamers. A a tacd l [The Most Correct Calculation]. In Filas n, 1
July 1914, 332–35, p. 5. Another column reported on the arrival of 250 immigrants on a Russian
ship and 50 more brought by an Austrian steamer. at-Tayy r a - ahy n [The Zionist Movement].
In Filas n, 11 July 1914, 335–38, p. 5.
159
Macarrat al-qarn al-cishr n [The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century]. In Filas n, 25 October 1913,
283–80, p. 1.
160
Emphasis added.
161
Tac l jar dat Filas n wa mu kamatuh : Mu kamat jar dat Filas n [The Suspension of the
Newspaper Filas n and Its Trial: The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914,
325–28, p. 7.
162
KHALAF, N. T. Les Mémoires de Issa al- Issa: Journaliste et intellectuel palestinien (1878–
1950), p. 135.

59
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

All the events discussed above caused considerable alarm and represent another wa-
tershed in Filas n s coverage of Zionism. The number of articles on Zionism grew sig-
nificantly starting in August 1913 compared with the previous period. This change can
be further demonstrated by looking at the number of articles with titles containing the
words “Zionism” or “Zionist”. Whereas there were three such articles in the newspaper
in the second half of 1911, five in 1912 and six in the first six months of 1913, in the
second half of 1913 the number increased significantly to nineteen, and in 1914163 there
were twenty-seven articles whose title included these terms. As has been already men-
tioned, the word “danger” was becoming increasingly commonplace in connection with
Zionism. The use of the word “danger [al-kha ar]” in the context of Zionist colonisa-
tion is another indication of the changed attitude of the editors vis-à-vis Zionism. With
regard to this word, Filas n followed a pattern which to some extent corresponded with
their usage of the term “Jews [al-Yahūd]”, which will be discussed below. In the period
that lasted until summer 1913, it occurred only a few times, and almost exclusively
in articles written by contributors. When Y suf al-c s mentioned it in his editorial in
mid-1912, he did so to counter the assertion that Zionism posed a danger.164 This term
began to appear regularly from the summer of 1913, first in the articles dealing with the
proposed sale of the former private estates of Sultan Abdülhamid II.165 Thereafter, at the
end of 1913 and throughout 1914 there were more than three dozen articles published in
Filas n which mentioned or discussed the danger that Zionism posed for Palestine and
its native inhabitants.

Effect of the Transformation on Terminology

The issue of terminology is a very complex one. An analysis of the writings in the
newspaper clearly shows that at that time, the terminology regarding such concepts as
race and nation was not settled and many authors had only a vague understanding of the
meaning of such terms.166 In order to analyse the editorial policy of the newspaper and

163
I had only forty-nine issues from 1914 (according to the Gregorian calendar) at my disposal.
164
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
165
al-Ar d al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. In Filas n, 12 July 1913, 253–50, p. 1; Tad rak al-kha ar
ad-d him min bayc al-ar al-mudawwara al-Filas n ya bi al-maz d [Take Steps to Prevent the
Sudden Danger [that lies] in the Selling of the Palestinian Çiftliks in an Auction]. In Filas n,
19 July 1913, 255–52, p. 4; Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him 3 [Take Steps to Prevent the Sudden
Danger 3]. In Filas n, 30 July 1913, 258–55, pp. 1–2; Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him 4 [Take
Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger 4]. In Filas n, 9 August 1913, 261–58, pp. 1–2; al-Ar al-
mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. In Filas n, 9 August 1913, 261–58, p. 3.
166
The borders between the categories of race and nation were blurred and fluid, and these two
conceptions were often conflated. MANZO, K. A. Creating Boundaries: The Politics of Race
and Nation, p. 65; BANTON, M. Racial Theories, p. 92. For a discussion of nation and race and

60
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

the terminology of the editors, it is necessary to differentiate between the texts authored
by the editors and those written by contributors.
I contend that the second transformation in editors’ perceptions of Zionism, which
took place in the latter half of 1913, is confirmed by a change in the terminology they
were using regarding Jews, and I believe that the shift in their vocabulary supports the
previous findings and provides a corroborative argument. As has already been demon-
strated, during the first two years of Filas n s existence the editors considered Jews in
religious terms and employed almost exclusively the term “Israelites [al-Isr l yūn]”167
to denote them. During this initial period, they only very rarely used the term “Jews
[al-Yahūd],” which they understood as denoting the non-religious categories of race and
nation.168 In contrast, for example, Jurj Zayd n in his book abaq t al-umam wa as-
sal il al-bashar ya employed these terms differently when he wrote about “the Israelite
race [al-cun ur al-Isr l ]” and “the Jewish sect [a - ifa al-Yahūd ya]”. He was con-
vinced that Jews were not only a religious group but also a distinct “Israelite race [al-
c
un ur al-Isr l ]”.169 Emile Zayd n s perspective, as described by Gribetz, was similar
to his father s: “The Zionists were, for Zaydan (consistent with the claim of the Zionists
themselves), the descendants of the biblical Israelites, indeed, Israelites (rather than
yahūd, i.e. Jews) is the term he prefers in this article.”170
As for the contributors and correspondents of Filas n, many of them were using a
terminology that was different from the vocabulary of the editors of the newspaper. Sev-

the genesis of these constructs, see WEITZ, E. D. A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and
Nation, pp. 16–52.
167
Evelin Dierauff noticed previously that the editors employed the term “Israelites” to denote
Ottoman Jews and that they considered them in purely religious terms, devoid of any Jewish
ethnic or national identity. However, according to my analysis this approach applied to all Jews,
including European Ashkenazim. DIERAUFF, E. Global Migration into Late Ottoman Jaffa as
Reflected in the Arab-Palestinian Newspaper Filast n (1911–1913). In KOZMA, L., SCHAYEGH,
C., WISHNITZER, A. (eds.). A Global Middle East: Mobility, Materiality and Culture in the
Modern Age, 1880–1940, p. 174n12.
168
The editor-in-chief emphasised that he did not regard Jews as a “secular race [cun uran
madan yan]” in an editorial. AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They
Make Us Speak]. In Filas n, 5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
169
GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, p.
142; ZAYD N, Jurj . abaq t al-umam wa as-sal il al-bashar ya [Classes of the Nations, or
Races of Man], p. 235.
170
GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, p.
132; for a discussion of the usage of the words Yahūd and Isr l by Arab authors in the pre-WWI
period and their perception of Jews in terms of the categories of religion, nationality and race, see
GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp.
137–143.

61
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

eral authors, among them Mu af Tamr,171 Rash d Ab Kha r ,172 and an anonymous
Isr l cUthm n [An Ottoman Israelite],173 used the term “Jews [al-Yahūd]” in their
writings in Filas n in the years 1911–1912.
As the editors, under the impact of events that occurred in the summer and autumn
of 1913, arrived at the conclusion that Zionism was indeed a political movement striv-
ing to carve out an autonomous entity for Jews in Palestine, they began to use the term
“Jews [al-Yahūd]” alongside the previously employed “Israelites [al-Isr l yūn]”. The
former did not supersede the latter, but by 1914 it had become slightly more often used.
I consider the employment of the term “al-Yahūd” by the editors a manifestation of their
changed perception of Jews, as it took place simultaneously with the transformation of
their view of the Zionist movement. No longer were they perceived in purely religious
terms as “Israelites”, but a layer of Jewish national identity was added. Thus, in the eyes
of the editors they also became “Jews” viewed in national terms. It is a fascinating case,
since it is possible to observe this change as it occurred during this relatively short pe-
riod of time not only in the content of the newspaper but also in the language employed.
As has already been said, the term al-Yahūd was very rarely used by Filas n s edi-
tors in the first two years. Y suf al-c s employed it twice in June 1912 in the editorial
“We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak”174 (in all likelihood by mistake).175 Four
months later, it was used in an unsigned editorial in the phrase “ Sephardi Jews [al-
Yahūd as-Sif r d n ]”.176 In May 1913 it was employed again in the newspaper s com-
ment to an article, which referred to “al-Yahūd” and “al-umma al-Yahūd ya”.177 Further-
more, during spring 1913 three pieces with the term al-Yahūd in the title were printed.
However, all of them drew on articles published elsewhere.178 From summer 1913, the
editors began using it regularly. It occurred in a comment concerning the Zarn qa inci-

171
TAMR, Mu af . al-Isticm r a - ahy n [The Zionist Colonization]. In Filas n, 22 July 1911, 53,
p. 2.
172
Akhb r al-jih t. al-Majdal [News from the Provinces. al-Majdal]. In Filas n, 28 October 1911,
81, p. 3.
173
Ba ic ghayrin : Ras il fall [What Others Have to Say: Peasant Letters]. In Filas n, 7 Febru-
ary 1912, 109–8, p. 4.
174
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
175
The reason for this assertion is the unequivocal statement of Y suf al-c s in the same article
in which he denies the “existence of a Jewish race [al-cun ur al-Yahūd ]” and only admits the
existence of “an Israelite religion [ad-diy na al-Isr l ya]”.
176
Madrasat Netter az-zir c ya: Mal l wa an-Na r [The Netter Agricultural School: Malul and an-
Na r]. In Filas n, 4 September 1912, 168–67, p. 1.
177
Ta arruf cinda far qayn [Radicalism among the Two Factions]. In Filas n, 14 May 1913, 236–33,
pp. 1–2.
178
al-Yah d f Rafa [Jews in Rafa ]. In Filas n, 5 April 1913, 227–24, p. 3; al-Yah d f al-c lam
[Jews in the World]. In Filas n, 23 April 1913, 232–29, pp. 1–2; Yah d Am rk wa S riya [Jews
in America and Syria]. In Filas n, 31 May 1913, 241–38, p. 3.

62
 2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

dent.179 Furthermore, in the discussion of the Zionist Congress the terms al-Yahūd and
shacb Yahūd [the Jewish people] were employed.180 In the articles on the Beilis affair
both al-Isr l yūn and al-Yahūd were used interchangeably. In the editorial article on
the Beilis affair, the editor-in-chief even used the term al-Yahūd to denote the religious
community: “We highly esteem the Jews [al-Yahūd] as adherents of a religion sent
down from heaven.”181 In the same issue, the combination of both words was employed,
“al-Yahūd al-Isr l yūn”, perhaps in order to highlight both their national and religious
identity.182 Another article in the previous issue mentioned “their national consciousness
[shucūrumhum al-jins 183]”.184 At the beginning of November 1913, the newspaper used
again both “al-Yahūd” and “al-Isr l yūn” in one article.185
In summary, from summer 1913 the editors began to use the terms al-Yahūd and al-
Isr l yūn interchangeably. I believe that this constitutes a manifestation of their awak-
ening to the political ambitions of the Zionists and the national character of their move-
ment. In the following year, the editors continued in the same manner.

Palestine and Palestinian

The following brief examination concerns the terms Filas n [Palestine]186 and Filas n
[Palestinian] and their occurrence in the titles of articles which dealt with Jews and Zi-
onism. Whereas until mid-1912 these terms were absent from such titles, subsequently
the situation changed in the following manner: in the second half of 1912 four article
titles contained these terms, in the first half of 1913 eight, in the second half of 1913 six
and in 1914 sixteen article titles.187 As can be seen, there is a correlation between the
editors’ turn to critical attitudes to Zionism in mid-1912 and the increased usage of these
terms (especially of the name Palestine). However, these findings are only preliminary.
In order to confirm them it will be necessary to investigate the issue in a much more
thorough way, including a close reading of these articles.

179
Ni f takdh b [Half-Denial]. In Filas n, 9 August 1913, 261–58, p. 3.
180 c
An al-mu tamar a - ahy n [On the Zionist Congress]. In Filas n, 1 October 1913, 276–73, p. 2.
181
AL-C S , Y suf. Macarrat al-qarn al-cishr n [The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century]. In Filas n,
25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 1.
182
ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 25 Oc-
tober 1913, 283–80, p. 1.
183
The term al-jins could also mean “racial”.
184
ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 22 Oc-
tober 1913, 282–79, p. 1.
185
Kayfa tamma a - ul bayna Zarn qa wa D r n [How the Settlement between Zarn qa and D r n
Was Achieved]. In Filas n, 1 November 1913, 285–82, p. 3.
186
The overwhelming majority of the titles contain the name Palestine [Filas n].
187
I have not included titles which referred to the newspaper and not to the country and its people.

63
2. Filas n s Shifting Treatment of Zionism before World War I

To give a few examples of how and in what connection these terms were used in
mid-1914, we can look at issue 325–28, printed on 6 June 1914 (after Filas n s seven-
week suspension), which contains twelve pages and a disproportionately high number
of articles on Zionism. In this issue the following phrases can be found: “Israelites and
Palestine”, “Israelites colonization of the Palestinian land [isticm r al-Isr l y n arḍ
Filas n]”, “the country of Palestine [bil d Filas n]”,188 “the Palestinian community\na-
tion [al-umma al-Filas n ya]”,189 “the danger for Palestine and its inhabitants [ahlih ]”,
“Palestinians”,190 “inhabitants of Palestine [ahl Filas n]”,191 “the sons\children of Pal-
estine [abn Filas n]” and “the Palestinian people [ash-shacb al-Filas n ]”.192 It is
noteworthy that previously the inhabitants of Palestine had only sporadically been re-
ferred to as Palestinians in the articles which I have analysed for this monograph. The
content of issue 325–28 shows unequivocally that by the beginning of summer 1914 not
only were the regions affected by Zionist colonization being increasingly identified by
diverse authors as Palestine but their inhabitants were being referred to as Palestinians.

188
AN-NAJJ R, Ibrah m Sal m. al-Isr ’ l y n f Filas n [The Israelites in Palestine.] In Filas n, 6
June 1914, 325–28, p. 3.
189
AL-H RITH: Kalima muqta aba: Il nuww bin al-kir m [A Short Remark: To Our Honourable
Deputies]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 6. Rashid Khalidi mentions that this term was
also repeatedly used in the open letter sent by Filas n s editors to the subscribers after the
second suspension in April 1914. Another term which occurred in the document was al-bil d
al-Filas n ya [the Palestinian country]. KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The Construction of
Modern National Consciousness, p. 155.
190
a - ahy n ya imm kha ar caẓ m wa imm mith l asan [Zionism Is Either a Great Menace or
a Good Example]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 6.
191
Mu kamat jar dat Filas n: al-Khul a [The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n: Summary]. In
Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.
192
Mu kamat jar dat Filas n: al-Jalsa ath-th niya [The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n: The Second
Session]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.

64
 3. AWT AL-CUTHM N YA AND
THE TRIAL AGAINST C S AL-C S

The relationship between Filas n s editors and the Zionist activists from among the Se-
phardi community had already begun to deteriorate in the first year of the newspaper s
existence, despite its positive neutrality regarding Zionism at that time (see Chapter 2).
With Filas n s transformation into a markedly anti-Zionist periodical in the latter half
of 1913, the group around Shimon Moyal1 went ahead with their long-standing plan and
at the beginning of the following year they founded a Zionist Arabic newspaper.

awt al-cUthm n ya
The Zionist Arabic-language newspaper awt al-cUthm n ya [The Voice of Ottoman-
ism] was published from 28 January 19142 until October of the same year, by Shi-

1
Already in 1913 a group of Sephardi Jews including Moyal and Malul formed Agudat ha-Magen
[The Shield Society], whose purpose was to explain to the Arabs the benefits that accrued from
Jewish activities in Palestine and to defend the Jews against attacks in the periodical press.
GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter,
p. 194; CAMPOS, M. U. Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-
Century Palestine, pp. 163–165. KLEIN, M. Arab Jew in Palestine. In Israel Studies, Fall 2014,
Vol. 19, No. 3, p. 146.
2
YEHOSHUA, Yacq b. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–
1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], p. 122.
Other authors give 1913 as the year of establishment of awt al-cUthm n ya. JACOBSON, A.
Jews Writing in Arabic: Shimon Moyal, Nissim Malul and the Mixed Palestinian/Eretz Israeli
Locale. In BEN-BASSAT, Y., GINIO, E. (eds.). Late Ottoman Palestine: The Period of Young
Turk Rule, p. 171, 181n15; GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early
Zionist-Arab Encounter, p. 197. A disguised confirmation of the fact that awt al- cUthm n ya
was launched at the beginning of 1914 can be found in a short article in Filas n which I am here
quoting in its entirety: “Mu ammad Efendi ij z has written us a reply letter to what was said in
the new newspaper which had appeared in our town and we request him and all those who have
sent, are sending or will send us something that pertains to what is mentioned in that newspaper
to forgive us for not publishing their letters.” Akhb r al-jih t. al-Khal l [News from the Provinces.
Hebron]. In Filas n, 11 February 1914, 306–9, p. 2.

65
3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

mon Moyal [Shamc n M y l] and his wife Esther Azhar Moyal, along with his son
c
Abdall h Nad m Moyal and Nissim Malul. Like other newspapers of the time, it had
four pages, but it was published more frequently, three times a week on Tuesday, Thurs-
day and Sunday.3 In terms of circulation, with more than 1,000 copies, it seems to
have matched the three most important Palestinian newspapers, al-Karmil, Filas n and
al-Quds.4 Its main goal was to counter anti-Zionist articles published in Arabic news-
papers.5 This had been an enduring goal of Shimon Moyal after his return to Palestine.
His earlier attempt to establish an Arabic-language periodical was reported by Filas n
in October 1911.6
Several scholars have analysed the reasons why Shimon Moyal and his collabora-
tors decided to establish the Arabic newspaper awt al-cUthm n ya and describe their
various related activities throughout the years 1908–1914.7 However, it is also impor-
tant to show the other side of the coin – what the editors of Filas n thought about their
adversary. Since Filas n was refusing to respond to the content of awt al-cUthm n ya
or to comment on it, we have to rely on a few articles published in Filas n in February,
April and June 1914. It is also necessary to look at the broader context, to return to and
examine the issues from the first two years of Filas n s existence, when the editors fell
foul first of Shimon Moyal and subsequently also of Nissim Malul. Already at the end of
1911 the newspaper ceased publishing Moyal s letters and responding to his writings.8
When one year later Filas n discussed Moyal s underhand actions without mentioning

3
This is apparent from the title page of the newspaper included in TAMARI, S. Issa al-Issa s
Unorthodox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusalem, Permitted in Jaffa. In Jerusalem Quarterly, 2014,
No. 59, p. 31. Nos. 77 and 78 of awt al- cUthm n ya were published on 27 (Thursday) and 30
August (Sunday) 1914. JACOBSON, A. Jews Writing in Arabic: Shimon Moyal, Nissim Malul
and the Mixed Palestinian/Eretz Israeli Locale. In BEN-BASSAT, Y., GINIO, E. (eds.). Late
Ottoman Palestine: The Period of Young Turk Rule, p. 181n15.
4
YEHOSHUA, Y. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918)
[The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 122.
5
YEHOSHUA, Y. T r kh a - a fa al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918)
[The History of the Arabic Press in Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 122–125;
JACOBSON, A. From Empire to Empire: Jerusalem between Ottoman and British Rule, p. 105;
GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, p.
197; LEVY, L. Partitioned pasts: Arab Jewish intellectuals and the case of Esther Azhar Moyal
(1873–1948). In HAMZAH, E. (ed.). The Making of the Arab Intellectual: Empire, Public Sphere
and the Colonial Coordinates of Selfhood, p. 138.
6
M yur wa m l yur [What Is Shown and What Is Not Shown]. In Filas n, 28 October 1911,
81, p. 3.
7
GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp.
195–198; JACOBSON, A. Jews Writing in Arabic: Shimon Moyal, Nissim Malul and the Mixed
Palestinian/Eretz Israeli Locale. In BEN-BASSAT, Y., GINIO, E. (eds.). Late Ottoman Palestine:
The Period of Young Turk Rule, pp. 170–173; CAMPOS, M. U. Ottoman Brothers: Muslims,
Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine, pp. 158–165.
8
For more details on this episode, see Chapter 2.

66
 3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

his name in the article “The Sinister Son”,9 the q immaq m of Jaffa asked the newspa-
per not to deal with him.10 Moreover, a contributor, Wahba Tam r , criticised the editors
for not ignoring Moyal: “It is even stranger that you have defiled your pen by replying
to him. It has become necessary for you to go to the [River] Jordan to take a bath seven
times in order to be clean.”11
Filas n was suspended for the second time12 in mid-April 1914 (the last issue be-
fore the interruption appeared on 15 April 1914) and did not re-emerge for almost two
months, until 6 June 1914. The cause of its suspension was a column with the title
“Advice” published on 4 April 1914. At the beginning of this article the author, c s
al- c s ,13 asked readers not to send letters with responses to the defamation of Filas n
printed on the pages of awt al-cUthm n ya (the name of this newspaper is not explic-
itly mentioned).14 He wanted to make it clear that Filas n would not deign either to
deal with the paper or to publish responses to it. In the next lines, he explained why
Filas n was so concerned with Zionism: “We intend to characterise the Zionists for
those of [our] fellow citizens who do not know them and expose what they plot against
us at Congresses that they hold in European countries. And we endeavour to the best
of our abilities to fight this movement.”15 Then the author warned that if Arabs did not
realise the threat they faced, they would be expelled from their homeland and lose their

9
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Walad al-mash m [The Sinister Son]. In Filas n, 7 December 1912, 195–94,
p. 1.
10
al-Walad al-mash m [The Sinister Son]. In Filas n, 11 December 1912, 196–95, p. 3.
11
TAM R , Wahba. al-Walad al-mash m [The Sinister Son]. In Filas n, 18 December 1912, 198–
97, p. 4.
12
The first suspension had occurred the previous year, in November–December 1913. Some other
lawsuits against Filas n, which did not lead to its adjournment, are mentioned in the newspaper.
Dacw cal ib h dhihi al-jar da [A Lawsuit against the Owner of This Newspaper]. In Filas n,
3 July 1912, 150–49, p. 3; Manc bayc aw n Jar sha [Prohibition of the Sale of the Jar sha Mills].
In Filas n, 22 February 1913, 215–12, p. 3. Since Filas n was a pro-CUP periodical, it faced sev-
eral lawsuits after the CUP lost power in July 1912. Tac l al-jar da [Suspension of a Newspaper].
In al-Akhb r, 15 November 1913, 495–6, p. 3.
13
There is no signature under this article, but the authorship of c s al-c s is confirmed in the
description of the trial. Tac l jar dat Filas n wa mu kamatuh : al-jalsa ath-th niya [The
Suspension of the Newspaper Filas n and its Trial: The Second Session]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914,
325–28, p. 9.
14
The fact that awt al-cUthman ya is referred to emerges from the context, and it is also evident
from another article published in Filas n one week later. Moreover, a clear proof can be found in
the transcription of the announcement of the public prosecutor delivered in court on 6 May, the
day the final sentence was passed. Here the name of the periodical was explicitly mentioned: “The
article published under the title ‘Advice’ includes two parts. The first one concerns the response
to the newspaper awt al-cUthman ya.” Mu lacat al-muddac al-cum m [Announcement of the
Public Prosecutor]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.
15
Na a [Advice]. In Filas n, 4 April 1914, 321–24, p. 3.

67
3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

country. At the end of the column he emphasised that Filas n would not abate in its op-
position to the Zionists.16
One week later, Filas n returned to the subject of awt al-cUthm n ya in the article
“Suspension of a Newspaper”, which consists of two parts. The first is a notice received
from the managing director17 of awt al-cUthm n ya announcing that he had decided to
suspend the periodical because “its editor Shimon Moyal had filled it with shameless-
ness and insults against distinguished people”.18 Thereafter the editors of Filas n added
a description of the concerned newspaper:

awt al-cUthm n ya is a newspaper which the Zionists were publishing in Jaffa and
thought that they had achieved the objective by filling it up with abuse, shamelessness
and insults against their opponents. It started to pick a quarrel with us from the first issue
published, and we have promised ourselves not to respond to it, and that [only] increased
its insolence, made it fabricate a new lie and a concocted falsehood every day because of
its confidence that we would not lower ourselves to deny it or to return the abuse in like
manner. Now we would not mention its name for the first time if its managing director
c
Abdalfatt Efendi had not charged us to publish what we have published above.19

Thereafter, two lawsuits filed against awt al-cUthm n ya are mentioned, one by
the public prosecutor because it “violated the Islamic religion” and the other one by
“cUthm n Efendi an-Nash sh b , because it said about him that he is a swindler and a
traitor […] only because he belongs to the adversaries of the Zionists. With regard to us,
if we wanted to file a suit, instead of one lawsuit, we would have tens [of them] for every
issue of that newspaper that had been published, but we will postpone this until the trial
shows who is responsible and we will file a suit against his person”.20

The Seven–Week Suspension of Filas n

In the spring of 1914 Filas n went through its most difficult time in its existence
until then. In mid-April the publishing of the newspaper was suspended21 at the

16
Ibid., p. 3.
17
The literal translation of the term in Arabic [al-mud r al-mas ūl] would be “the responsible
director”.
18
Tac l jar da [Suspension of a Newspaper]. In Filas n, 11 April 1914, 323–26, p. 3. The article
is quoted in its entirety in Yacq b Yehoshua s monograph. YEHOSHUA, Y. T r kh a - a fa
al-cArab ya f Filas n f al-cahḍ al-cUthm n (1908–1918) [The History of the Arabic Press in
Palestine in the Ottoman Era (1908–1918)], pp. 123–124.
19
Tac l jar da [Suspension of a Newspaper]. In Filas n, 323–26, 11 April 1914, p. 3.
20
Ibid., p. 3.
21
After the closure, the editors printed an open letter which they only managed to send to some
subscribers, while the other copies were confiscated. In this document they explained why the

68
 3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

bidding of the Ministry of the Interior, and its managing director (Arab. al-mud r
al-mas’ūl) c s al-c s was put on trial. Even though the court in Jaffa had already
ruled in his favour at the beginning of May, it took the ministry another four weeks
to lift the suspension.
After a long pause, the first new issue of Filas n was published on 6 June 1914 in
a much expanded form (instead of the usual four pages, it contained twelve). On pages
1 and 7 to 9 there was a detailed description of the events pertaining to the closure of
the paper and the trial against c s al-c s . In the opening article, the author expressed
gratitude not only to all those who had supported the paper in its hour of need but also
to those who were responsible for the hardship: “Also to the esteemed Zionists who
confronted our moral war by harming us personally, because due to their actions we
experienced the taste and delight of the fight [jih d] for the sake of duty.”22
The cause of Filas n s suspension was the article “Advice” published on 4 April
1914, which was discussed above.23 At the time it was published, Henry Morgenthau,
the American ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, was in Palestine.24 He travelled by
sea from Port Said to Jaffa, where he arrived on 2 April 1914.25 He stayed in the district
for the next ten days and on 13 April was supposed to spend the night in R mall h and
then continue to the north.26 The editors of Filas n were convinced that Morgenthau
was responsible for the suspension of the paper: “Mr. Morgenthau, the American am-
bassador in Constaninople [...] is one of the Zionist leaders. [The Zionists] translated
to him what we had written and asked him to fulfill his promise to help them, as he had
explicitly said to the editor of the newspaper The Jewish Chronicle. It was through his
efforts that the sublime Ministry of the Interior ordered the suspension of our newspa-
per and put us on trial under the pretext of ‘dividing [the Ottoman] elements [tafr q

publication of the newspaper was interrupted and criticised the central government for ignoring
the Zionist threat and defending the Zionists. Tac l jar dat Filas n wa mu kamatuh [The
Suspension of the Newspaper Filas n and Its Trial]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7; For
Rashid Khalidi s description and analysis of the document, see KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity:
The Construction of Modern National Consciousness, pp. 154–156. It seems that parts of this text
were translated and included in the British consular report from which Louis Fishman quotes
extensively in his dissertation. FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and
Arab National Movements, 1908–1914, pp. 162, 256–257.
22
Bi mun sabat cawdat “Filas n” [On the Occasion of the Return of “Filas n”]. In Filas n, 6 June
1914, 325–28 , p. 1.
23
Na a [Advice]. In Filas n, 4 April 1914, 321–24, p. 3.
24
The objective of his visit is described by the British consul in Jerusalem. P. J. C. McGregor to Sir
L. Mallet 26 April 1914, 1914/No. 22326, Jerusalem. In HYAMSON, A. M. The British Consulate
in Jerusalem in Relation to the Jews of Palestine, 1838–1914. Part II, 1862–1914, pp. 584–585.
25
Saf r ni f Filas n [Two Ambassadors in Palestine]. In Filas n, 4 April 1914, 321–24, p. 3;
MORGENTHAU, H., STROCHER, F. All in a Life-Time, pp. 211–233.
26
R mall h – li mur silin : Saf r Am rk [R mall h – by Our Correspondent: American
Ambassador]. In Filas n, 8 April 1914, 322–25, p. 3.

69
3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

bayna al-can ir27].”28 It seems that the editors based their conviction on an interview
Morgenthau had given to The Jewish Chronicle. Earlier in 1914, Filas n had published
a translation of this conversation. On the occasion of his arrival in Jaffa, this interview
reappeared on the pages of the newspaper. With regard to Morgenthau, they mentioned
his Jewish origins, which he himself emphasised: “[…] my visit to Palestine will be an
official visit as the ambassador of the United States who professes the Jewish religion.”29
At the end of the reprinted interview, Morgenthau promised support for the Jews: “Sons
of my race [jins ],30 Jews, can be certain that I will never hesitate to help them with my
influence in Constantinople with what is in their interest and for their benefit, whenever
it will be in my power.”31 However, soon thereafter Filas n published a translated re-
port from the official Zionist newspaper Die Welt which implicated the kh mb sh of
Istanbul in its closure.32
The newspaper was suspended by a decree of the Ministry of the Interior, which was
wired to the muta arrif of Jerusalem. The following is the text of the decree sent by the
muta arrif to the q ’immaq m of Jaffa: “The newspaper Filas n, which is printed in
Jaffa, published in the issue bearing the date 8 jum d al-awwal 133233 an article against
the Jews [Mūs w y n]. This requires the suspension of publication of the aforemen-
tioned newspaper and the carrying out of legal prosecution of its managing director [al-
mud r al-mas’ūl], and this pursuant to the decree and notice of the revered Ministry of
the Interior [...] from 5 n s n 133034.”35 The charge that was brought against c s al-c s
by the prosecutor also contained the claim that the article provoked animosity against
Jews.36 By publishing the article “Advice”, the managing director of the newspaper

27
In other cases, I translate the Arabic word cun ur as “race”, however, in this case “element” is a
more appropriate translation, since this is the meaning of the term in Ottoman Turkish language
(in which the Press Law was written). William Hough who was the British Vice Consul in Jaffa
at that time also translates the term cun ur in this context as “element”. In his report he translated
the phrase as “sowing discord between the elements of the Ottoman State”. Quoted according to
FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National Movements,
1908–1914, p. 256.
28
Tac l jar dat Filas n wa mu kamatuh : Mu kamat jar dat Filas n: al-Muqaddima [The
Suspension of the Newspaper Filas n and Its Trial: The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n:
Introduction]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7.
29
Saf r ni f Filas n [Two Ambassadors in Palestine]. In Filas n, 4 April 1914, 321–24, p. 3.
30
This word can be translated as both “race” and “nation”, but the latter seems more appropriate in
this context. Unfortunately, I did not have access to the original article in the Jewish Chronicle.
31
Saf r ni f Filas n [Two Ambassadors in Palestine]. In Filas n, 4 April 1914, 321–24, p. 3.
32
kh mb sh al- sit na wa jar dat Filas n [The Chief Rabbi of Istanbul and the Newspaper
Filas n]. In Filas n, 10 June 1914, 326–29, p. 2.
33
4 April 1914. Jum d al-’ l is the fifth month in the Islamic calendar.
34
This date is given according to the Ottoman R m calendar and is equivalent to 18 April 1914.
35
Tac l jar dat Filas n wa mu kamatuh : Mu kamat jar dat Filas n: al-Muqaddima [The
Suspension of the Newspaper Filas n and Its Trial: The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n:
Introduction]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7.
36
al-Jalsa al- l [The First Session]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7.

70
 3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

had supposedly violated paragraph 16 of the Press Act, which states: “Publications that
disparage or falsify religions, confessions or elements [can ir] known in the Ottoman
Empire or induce enmity [...] between Ottoman elements or reduce people’s desire for
military service [...] [The] managing director […] will be sentenced to jail [terms rang-
ing] from one month to one year and a financial penalty from twenty to one hundred
Ottoman l ras or one of these punishments.”37
The introductory part of the long article on the trial contains an explanation of
why the newspaper was so intensively and systematically concerned with the Zionist
movement. Furthermore, it describes the efforts of the Zionists to silence them by
means of bribes and lawsuits. “The Zionists still look at this newspaper with suspicion
and consider it the greatest stumbling block that hinders their goals and informs people
of their aspirations and what is discussed at their Congresses and what their leaders
declare and their newspapers and magazines publish.”38 The editors reported on Zionist
activities because of their professional honour and loyalty to the Ottoman Empire. When
the Zionists failed to silence the voice of Filas n, they decided to establish their own
newspaper, awt al-cUthm n ya. The article then describes the dirty campaign that was
waged against them by that periodical and the circumstances that led to the publishing
of the incriminating article.39
The trial commenced on 4 May 1914. c s al-c s defended himself during the first
session of the trial;40 his defence was based on several arguments, the most prominent
of which was the assertion that the article “Advice” dealt not with Jews but with Zion-
ists.41 “We have repeatedly defended it [Judaism] and many times rebutted what was
attributed to it. Our writings about the blood accusation in the well-known Beilis case
are evidence of that.”42 Furthermore, c s al-c s emphasised Filas n’s positive attitude
towards Jews,43 which referred to them as “our brothers” [ikhw nun ].44 The incrimi-

37
Ibid., p. 7.
38
Tac l jar dat Filas n wa mu kamatuh : Mu kamat jar dat Filas n: al-Muqaddima [The
Suspension of the Newspaper Filas n and Its Trial: The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n:
Introduction]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7.
39
Ibid., p. 7.
40
For a discussion of the speech s content, see BEŠKA, E. c s al-c s s Defence Speech at the May
1914 Trial in Jaffa. In Studia orientalia Victori Krupa dedicata. Bratislava: Slovak Academic
Press, 2016, pp. 27–36.
41
As a matter of fact, it did not contain the word “Jews” or “Israelites” in any form (al-Mūs w yūn,
al-Yahūd or al-Isr ’ l yūn). Only with regard to the periodical did the author use the phrase
“Jewish newspaper” [jar da Yahūd ya].
42
al-Jalsa al- l : ad-Dif c [The First Session: The Defence]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, pp.
7–8.
43
He used the terms al-Mūs w yūn and al-Isr l yūn, but also al-Yahūd.
44
Filas n often used the expression “our Israelite brothers” [ikhw nun al-Isr l yūn] when talking
about Ottoman Jews. al-Quds – li mur silin : R al-Kh lid [Jerusalem – by Our Correspondent:
R al-Kh lid ]. In Filas n, 6 March 1912, 117–16, p. 2; ash-Shar f Jacfar B sh wa al-Isr l y n
[Sherif Jacfar Pasha and Israelites]. In Filas n, 30 March 1912, 124–23, p. 3; c d al-fi cinda al-

71
3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

nating article dealt with “the Zionists and Zionists, as it is well known they are an or-
ganisation of foreign Jews [al-Mūs w y n] [...] who have openly declared the necessity
of the emigration of all Israelites in the world to Palestine in order to colonise it and
make it the guaranteed Jewish homeland.”45 Zionists are Jews originating from various
nations, but at the same time, not all Jews are Zionists: “When we said ‘Zionists’ we
referred to the political organisation with its headquarters in Europe which aims for the
colonisation of Palestine, the usurpation of its lands and its transformation into a Jewish
homeland”.46
The defendant-advocate was confident that his speech had convinced the tribunal.
Even in the hypothetical case that the Zionists would be an Ottoman element, it was the
obligation of a journalist to draw attention to activities directed against the integrity of
the homeland.47 The Zionist threat was of a dual character, both economic48 and politi-
cal. c s al-c s described at length where the danger lay. In order to portray the political
menace of Zionism, he quoted from articles, books and speeches of Zionist leaders in
which the authors talked about Zionist political ambitions in Palestine, the merits of
disagreements between Arabs and Turks, the necessity of acquiring lands that were pre-
venting the territorial continuity of the Jewish settlement and so on. In addition, he em-
phasised that leading Palestinian personalities, members of parliament, Arab journalists
as well as periodicals published in Europe, Egypt and Syria concurred on the existence
of the Zionist threat.49
c
s al-c s mentioned that three years earlier Arab members of the Ottoman parlia-
ment had warned of the danger posed by the Zionists. Moreover, he named other promi-
nent people who opposed Zionism.50 These are the concluding words of this part of c s
al-c s ’s defence: “If [...] we had sold our pens and newspaper to the Zionists, we would
not have been honoured by this charge being brought against us.”51 After the end of the
testimony, the deputy prosecutor asked for an adjournment of the trial to be able to read
through the written documents submitted by the defendant, and the proceedings were
deferred until 6 May.52

Isr l y n [Passover among the Jews]. In Filas n, 23 April 1913, 232–29, p. 3. In May 1912 the
newspaper used it in connection with the Jews in Tel Aviv: c d az-zuh r [Shavuot]. In Filas n, 25
May 1912, 139–38, p. 3.
45
al-Jalsa al- l : ad-Dif c [The First Session: The Defence]. In Filas n, 325–28, 6 June 1914, p. 8.
46
Ibid., p. 8.
47
Ibid., p. 8.
48
While he was describing the boycott on the part of the Anglo-Palestine Bank, its representative
David Moyal started to protest. “The president [of the tribunal] silenced him and ordered him to
sit down. When he did not sit down, [the president] warned him that he would be taken out of the
courtroom. After that he sat down.” Ibid., p. 8.
49
Ibid., p. 8.
50
Ibid., p. 8.
51
Ibid., p. 8.
52
al-Jalsa al- l : al-Khul a [The First Session: The Summary]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.

72
 3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

The editor-in-chief of Filas n, Y suf al-c s , participated in the second hearing of

the trial in the position of defence attorney. He explained that the article “Advice” con-
sisted of two parts which could not be separated, as had happened in the indictment.
He also substantiated the motivation that had led his defendant to write the incriminat-
ing article and how it should be understood.53 There was great public interest in both
sessions of the trial. Many people had to stand in the courtroom, and others could not
get in.54 c s al-c s and Y suf al-c s were clearly very well prepared for the trial. The
deputy prosecutor reportedly completely identified with their point of view that the
article was not adversely disposed towards Jews. At the end of his speech he asked the
court to dismiss the indictment, and the court complied.55
Filas n described the tumultuous reaction of the audience after the verdict was pro-
nounced. “As soon as [...] one member of the tribunal finished reading the considera-
tions of the verdict, the courtroom and the outside [area] reverberated with vehement
applause, which is something without precedent in Ottoman courts, and many gave three
cheers, shouting: ‘Long live justice! Long live the court! Long live the constitution!’”56
It seems that this portrayal was not embellished; al-Karmil carried a similar account,
originally published in al-Muqtabas:57 “The correspondent said that when the verdict
was pronounced, the court, which was crowded with people, reverberated with applause
and many praised the judge. Signs of anger appeared on the faces of the Zionists much
as signs of joy were visible on the faces of the natives.”58 In addition, French consular
reports tell a similar story of jubilant crowds carrying the editors on their shoulders after
the verdict was pronounced.59
The problems facing the newspaper did not end at that moment, and it took another
month until the suspension of the publication of Filas n was revoked. Delivery of the
judgement by the court was not enough, since in order to lift the closure the permission
of the Ministry of the Interior in Istanbul was necessary. This did not happen until the
beginning of June. In an article entitled “An Acquittal Is Not a Release”, Y suf al-c s
suggested changes in the law to ensure automatic withdrawal of the suspension of the
publication after a judicial acquittal.60 At the beginning of June 1914, al-Karmil brought

53
al-Jalsa ath-th niya [The Second Session]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.
54
al-Jalsa al- l : ad-Dif c [The First Session: The Defence]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7;
al-Jalsa ath-th niya [The Second Session]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.
55
Mu lacat al-muddac al-cum m [The Announcement of the Public Prosecutor]. In Filas n, 6 June
1914, 325–28, p. 9.
56
Ta’th r al- ukm cal al-jumh r [The Effect of the Verdict on the Audience]. In Filas n, 6 June
1914, 325–28, p. 9.
57
Al-Muqtabas was a daily newspaper published since 1908 by Mu ammad Kurd cAl in Damascus.
58
NA R, Naj b al-Kh r . Bar ’at jar dat Filas n [The Innocence of the Newspaper Filas n]. In
al-Karmil, 8 May 1914, 427, p. 2.
59
KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness, p. 155.
60
at-Tabri’a ghayr al-ifr j [An Acquittal Is Not a Release]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 1.

73
3. awt al-cUthm n ya and the Trial against c s al-c s

the joyful news that Filas n had started to be published again and “has renewed its holy
jih d in the service of the homeland by exposing the dangers of Zionism”.61
It is noteworthy that the two temporary suspensions of Filas n in the period before
the World War I were caused by the very two issues the editors of the newspaper were
most concerned with – in 1913 the Orthodox Renaissance,62 and in the following year
Zionism. Furthermore, it seems that the final closure in October 1914 was also caused
by the conflict between the editors of the newspaper and the Greek Orthodox Patriar-
chate.63

61
NA R, Naj b al-Kh r . Jar dat Filas n [The Newspaper Filas n]. In al-Karmil, 9 June 1914,
436, p. 2.
62
The fact that this was the first suspension of Filas n is obvious for two reasons. First, the
numbering of issues shows that Filas n was published regularly until November 1913 (101 issues
and 102 issues during its first and second year of existence respectively). There were no pauses
in publication with the exception of one or two issues during Christmas and Easter. In 1913 two
issues were omitted for Easter (232–29 appeared on 23 April and 233–30 on 3 May). In 1914 one
was skipped for Christmas (297–94 was issued on 7 January and 298–1 on 14 January). Secondly,
it is explicitly mentioned in the article “The Suspension of the Newspaper Filas n and its Trial”
that “the suspension of the newspaper [occurred] for the first time five months ago”. Tac l jar dat
Filas n wa mu kamatuh : Mu kamat jar dat Filas n. [The Suspension of the Newspaper
Filas n and Its Trial: The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7.
63
KHALAF, N. T. Les Mémoires de Issa al- Issa: Journaliste et intellectuel palestinien (1878–
1950), pp. 69–70.

74
 4. ZIONIST LAND PURCHASES

In the mid-nineteenth century, a crucial change regarding land ownership occurred in

the Ottoman Empire. With the adoption of the Ottoman land code1 in 1858, a gradual
process of land privatisation began in Palestine. On the one hand, a large amount of
landed property ended up in the hands of absentee landholders, who by the end of World
War I held more than one-fourth of the agricultural land in Palestine (more than one
million metric d nums out of four million).2 At the same time, there were attempts to
change the status of the miri lands into mülk lands. Since the taxes imposed on mülk
lands were much lower than on miri lands, some foreigners, as well as some natives,
were trying to change the classification of their land properties.3 The introduction of the
Ottoman land code had a significant impact on the peasants who cultivated the land but
did not hold the title to it, as it made them vulnerable to eviction. From the beginning of
the 1880s, a recurring pattern of Jewish land purchases and peasant evictions evolved
in Palestine.

Jewish land purchases were among the most frequently discussed subjects related to
Zionism in Filas n during 1913–1914. A large number of articles (some of them quite
extensive) were devoted to this subject. It is possible to divide them into two broad
groups: the castigation of those selling land to the Zionists and those acting as interme-

1
For an English translation, see MILLER, H. E. The Ottoman Land Code.
2
KARK, R. Consequences of the Ottoman Land Law: Agrarian and Privatization Processes in Pa-
lestine, 1858–1918. In CHAND, R. (ed.). Marginalization, Globalization and Regional and Local
Response, p. 5. In comparison, official data shows that at the beginning of the Mandate, 144 large
landholders held 3,130,000 Ottoman d nums of land in Palestine, whereas 16,910 peasant fami-
lies cultivated 785,000 d nums. SCHÖLCH, A. European Penetration and the Economic Deve-
lopment of Palestine, 1856–82. In OWEN, R. (ed.). Studies in the Economic and Social History of
Palestine in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Century, p. 24; KHALAF, I. Politics in Palestine: Arab
Factionalism and Social Disintegration, 1939–1948, p. 16; KARK, R., OREN-NORDHEIM, M.
Jerusalem and its Environs: Quarters, Neighborhoods, Villages, 1800–1948, p. 219.
3
For an analysis of a number of successful attempts by both foreigners and natives to illegally
transform the category of their land from miri to mülk which took place in Palestine in the
last decades of the 19th century, see SOLOMONOVICH, N., KARK, R. Land Privatization in
Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Palestine. In Islamic Law and Society. Vol. 22, No. 3, 2015, pp.
221–252.

75
4. Zionist land purchases

diaries in the transactions, and the publicising of particular purchases and uncovering of
various practices used by the Zionists in order to acquire real estate in Palestine.
As has been shown in Chapter 2, by the end of 1912 Filas n s editors began to take
a stand against Zionist land purchases. In the course of the next year, they realised that
land sales were the key issue that would determine the future of the country. The news-
paper emphasised that improvements in agriculture were necessary if Arabs were to re-
verse the unfavourable course of events. Moreover, it criticised not only the Palestinian
notables for acting as middlemen for the Zionists and selling them lands,4 but also the
Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchre5 and the shaykh al-Isl m,6 as well as the authorities,
for facilitating these purchases.7
Probably the harshest rebuke of those who derived profit from the Zionists was ex-
pressed on the pages of Filas n by Jirjis Kh r Ayy b. The short article he wrote de-
serves to be quoted in its entirety:

Those who endorse the Zionist movement in Palestine and talk about its benefits
number two: the first one is stupid and does not know this movement and what
evil consequences it intends for the natives and what economic, social and politi-
cal damage will result from this. The other one, who knows all this, is despicable
and mean, but the despicability and meanness of his nature prompts him to help
those who desire to acquire his country and the fatherland of his ancestors in
exchange for the dirhams he obtains from them. With the first one, it is necessary
to warn him; with the second one, it is necessary to crush him [yajib an yus aq].8

This is a very rare case from the pre-WWI period in which an author advocated on
the pages of a newspaper a violent approach to those who collaborated with the Zionists.
Filas n noticed a number of diverse methods the Zionists and their middlemen were
using in order to acquire new estates, which are discussed below.

4
Mustaqbal Filas n li al-Yah d [The Future of Palestine Belongs to the Jews]. In Filas n, 8 April
1914, 322–25, p. 2; Ar as-Sirr (macl m tun jad da f h ) [The Lands of as-Sirr (Our New In-
formation about Them)]. In Filas n, 18 July 1914, 337–40, pp. 1–2; Ar as-Sirr – aw – Kit b
All h wa kit b al-Wal d [The Lands of as-Sirr – and – The Book of God and the Book of al-Wal d]
In Filas n, 22 July 1914, 338–41, p. 1.
5 c
bir sab l. a - ahy n y n wa awq f Dayr ar-R m [The Zionists and the Religious Endowments
of the Greek Orthodox Monastery]. In Filas n, 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 4.
6
Ar as-Sidra wa al-Qubayba wa a - ahy n y n (il sam at shaykh al-Isl m) [The Lands of
as-Sidra and al-Qubayba and the Zionists (To His Eminence the Shaykh al-Isl m)]. In Filas n, 27
June 1914, 331–34, p. 2.
7 C
RIF, c rif. Il muta arrifin al-jad d: “a - ahy n y n wa Ab Sh sha” [To Our New Governor:
“The Zionists and Ab Sh sha”]. In Filas n, 25 January 1913, 207–4, pp. 3–4.
8
AYY B, Jirjis Kh r . Nabbih al-awwal wa is aq ath-th n [Warn the First and Crush the Second].
In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 5.

76
 4. Zionist land purchases

Ab Sh sha
In January 1913 a few articles on the sale of Ab Sh sha9 village were published. The
first was written by a “retired middleman” who pointed out the covert manner in which
this purchase was being effected: not at the proper land registry office [qalam a - bū] in
Jaffa, but in Jerusalem, the capital of the muta arrif ya. The gloomy tone of the column
can be clearly discerned from the following passage: “Now I am about to ask the readers
of your newspaper, Muslims and Christians, to recite, the latter the prayer for the dead
and the former al-F ti a, for the soul of the village of Ab Sh sha.”10 It is significant
that the author did not include Ottoman Jews in his appeal to prayer. Either he did not
think that they read Filas n11 or he considered them to be on the other side of the bar-
ricade. In light of the recent developments (discussed in Chapter 2), the latter interpreta-
tion is more likely to be correct.12 Moreover, the author adds that the same technique had
been used previously, and mentions the sales of Kafr r ya13 and Khirbat Mu ammad
al-F ris.14 In a long article published in the next issue of the newspaper, c rif c rif dis-

9
Ab Sh sha was located eight kilometres to the south-southeast from the town of ar-Ramla. There
was another village of the same name in the Marj ibn c mir. SHARR B, Mu ammad Mu ammad
asan. Mucjam buld n Filas n [Lexicon of Palestinian Towns], p. 95. KHALIDI, W. (ed.). All
that Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948, pp. 142–
143, 357–358.
10
Sims r mutaq cid. al-Quds – li ib at-tawq c: Allahumma kadhaban wa adaqahum [A Retired
Middleman. Jerusalem – by the Below-Signed: O God [!] He Has Deceived Me and Told Them
the Truth]. In Filas n, 22 January 1913, 206–3, p. 2.
11
In the previous month Filas n s editors had written that Israelites comprised less than 2 per cent
of the subscribers. However, this is a less convincing explanation. A san ar qa li al-icl n [The
Best Way of Advertising]. In Filas n, 18 December 1912, 198–97, p. 3.
12
In his manuscript, R al-Kh lid also underscored shared attributes between Islam and Christi-
anity, while placing Judaism on the opposite side. GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion,
Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, p. 50.
13
The same author had dealt with the sale of Kafr r ya in the previous year. In his piece he criticised
the correspondent of al-Muqa am (probably Nissim Malul), who reported that the muta arrif
had forestalled the sale of 3 d nums, but did not reveal that he had not prevented the sale of 6,000
d nums in Kafr r ya. Sims r mutaq cid. al-Quds – Li ib at-tawq c [A Retired Middleman.
Jerusalem – by the Below-Signed]. In Filas n, 30 November 1912, 193–92, p. 3. At the beginning
of 1914, new information about this village was published: “Lately some people appeared who
possess title deeds [sanad t bū] and did not participate in the sale.” Bayc Kafr r ya [The Sale of
Kafr r ya]. In Filas n, 7 January 1914, 297–94, p. 3.
14
Sims r mutaq cid. al-Quds – li ib at-tawq c: Allahumma kadhaban wa adaqahum [A Retired
Middleman. Jerusalem – by the Below-Signed: O God [!] He Has Deceived Me and Told Them
the Truth]. In Filas n, 22 January 1913, 206–3, p. 2. The transaction pertaining to the land of
Mu ammad al-F ris Ab Kishk took place at the beginning of 1912 and was also discussed in Fi-
las n. Kit b ghufl [Anonymous Letter]. In Filas n, 24 January 1912, 105–4, p. 3; Il Mu ammad
an-N ir [To Mu ammad an-N ir]. In Filas n, 3 February 1912, 108–7, p. 3.

77
4. Zionist land purchases

cusses the Ab Sh sha transaction and appeals to the new muta arrif15 not to take the
path of his predecessors, but to put an end to land purchases by Zionists.16 A few days
later, a well-informed anonymous author added new details concerning this purchase.
He recapitulates the story disclosed by the “retired middleman” and reports that the
choice fell on the land registry office in Jerusalem in order to keep the transaction secret
until it was completed and to utilise the “insolence” of its officer. The author informs
the readers that Albert Antébi17 attended the session of the transaction commission and
“was shouting and threatening because the commissioner of waqfs,18 who is a regular
member of the transaction commission, raised statutory objections against this illegal
transaction”.19 Furthermore, he specifies four objections made by the commissioner. In
the end, however, Antébi and the authorised representative of the settlers prevailed and
the transaction was completed.20
In fact, these lands (covering the area of about 9,425 metric d nums)21 had been held
since 1869 by the German citizen Melville Peter Bergheim, who developed them into
a modern farm. After Bergheim’s company went bankrupt in 1892, the estate was man-
aged by an official receiver. As in many similar cases, after the land had been sold by
the Ottoman government, the peasants from Ab Sh sha did not reconcile themselves to
the situation and became involved in a conflict with Bergheim (and later his successor)
which lasted for four decades. According to Ruth Kark, in 1913 part of these lands were
sold by the receiver to the JCA22 (7,350 d nums), which in turn transferred between

15
The post of muta arrif was held at this time by Tâhir Hayreddin Bey, who arrived in Palestine in
mid-January 1913 and after the CUP coup d état was replaced by Ahmed Macid Bey. MANDEL,
N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. 139; KUSHNER, D. The Ottoman Governors
of Palestine, 1864–1914. In Middle Eastern Studies, July 1987, Vol. 23, No. 3, p. 277.
16 C
RIF, c rif. Il muta arrifin al-jad d: “a - ahy n y n wa Ab Sh sha” [To Our New
Governor: “The Zionists and Ab Sh sha”]. In Filas n, 25 January 1913, 207–4, pp. 3–4. This
article is also discussed by Mandel. MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War
I, pp. 139–140.
17
Michelle Campos briefly discusses his contradictory attitude towards Zionism, on the one hand his
criticism of it from the Ottomanist perspective and on the other his multifaceted practical support,
including acting as a middleman in land purchases. CAMPOS, M. U. Ottoman Brothers: Muslims,
Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine, pp. 218–219. This newspaper report
sheds some more light on his involvement in the behind-the-scenes activities in support of the
Zionists.
18
Arabic ma mūr al-awq f.
19
al-Quds – li a ad al-mur sil n: Qaryat Ab Sh sha [Jerusalem – By One of the Correspondents:
The Village of Ab Sh sha]. In Filas n, 29 January 1913, 208–5, p. 3.
20
Ibid., p. 3.
21
One metric d num equals 1,000 m2.
22
Jewish Colonisation Association.

78
 4. Zionist land purchases

one-third and one-half23 of it to the peasants to appease them. The remaining 2,000
d nums were sold to the peasants by the receiver.24

al-Mukhayzin
Another example of deceptive tactics reported in Filas n pertains to the lands of al-
Mukhayzin,25 located fifteen kilometres to the south-southwest of ar-Ramla26 and owned
by the al-Wu ayd t Bedouins.27 Four years earlier, there had been friction between the
al-Wu ayd t and the village of Masm ya over the ownership of al-Mukhayzin. A trial
took place, and both sides sent several petitions to the government. Yuval Ben-Bassat
contends that “the villagers repeatedly argued that unless the state and its legal institu-
tions protected them, the land would eventually find its way into Jewish hands”.28 This
claim is echoed by the author of the article in Filas n:29 “These lands were coveted by
the Zionists for a long time and they have not ceased scheming to acquire them as they
have acquired other [plots].”30 The author describes their two recent attempts to obtain
the lands. The first occurred after some of the Bedouins took a loan from an agricultural

23
In one place Kark writes that one-third of the land purchased by JCA was transferred to the
peasants, on the next page she mentions one-half. KARK, R. Changing Patterns of Landownership
in Nineteenth-Century Palestine: The European Influence. In Journal of Historical Geography,
1984, Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 371–372.
24
Ibid., pp. 368–372. Mandel writes that the Zionists bought 6,700 d nums in this transaction.
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. 139. The correspondent of Filas n
asserted that these 2,000 d nums were held in common ownership by the village (mush c), and
there had been an attempt to sell them to “a foreign Israelite”. al-Quds – li a ad al-mur sil n:
Qaryat Ab Sh sha [Jerusalem – By One of the Correspondents: The Village of Ab Sh sha]. In
Filas n, 29 January 1913, 208–5, p. 3. In 1944/45 Jews owned 6,337 and Arabs 2,896 d nums
in Ab Sh sha. KHALIDI, W. (ed.). All that Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and
Depopulated by Israel in 1948, p. 357.
25
Al-Mukhayzin is a diminutive of makhzan (storehouse).
26
Palestine Remembered: al-Mukhayzin. Available at http://www.palestineremembered.com/al-
Ramla/al-Mukhayzin/ [visited 15 December 2015]; KHALIDI, W. (ed.). All that Remains: The
Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948, p. 398.
27
Two owners from among the Bedouins are mentioned, Shaykh M s and Shaykh asan. Mas c
a - ahy n y n f ar al-Mukhayzin [Zionist Endeavours in the Lands of al-Mukhayzin]. In
Filas n, 28 May 1913, 240–37, p. 3. For more details on al-Wu ayd t group, see BAILEY, C.
Dating the Arrival of the Bedouin Tribes in Sinai and the Negev. In Journal of the Economic and
Social History of the Orient, 1985, Vol. 28, No. 1, pp. 20–49.
28
BEN-BASSAT, Y. Bedouin Petitions from Late Ottoman Palestine: Evaluating the Effects of
Sedentarization. In Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 2015, Vol. 58, No.
1–2, pp. 153–154.
29
The article was reprinted in its entirety in al-Karmil. Mas c a - ahy n y n “f ar al-Mukhayzin”
[The Zionist Endeavours “in the Lands of al-Mukhayzin”]. In al-Karmil, 3 June 1913, 338, p. 4.
30
Mas c a - ahy n y n f ar al-Mukhayzin [Zionist Endeavours in the Lands of al-Mukhayzin].
In Filas n, 28 May 1913, 240–37, p. 3.

79
4. Zionist land purchases

bank and because of poor crops were not able to repay it. The bank put their lands up
for auction, and even though the Zionists were successful in it, the authorities stopped
the transaction. The other attempt was ongoing at that time. Reportedly, several Bed-
ouins had sold some of the land to a Jew and received a down payment of 100 l ras.
However, they signed a debenture acknowledging a much higher amount of 1,210 l ras,
which the buyer took in order to make sure that they would not rescind the sale. When
he asked them to complete the transaction, they refused and wanted to return the down
payment (since they had received a better offer). Thereafter, the buyer initiated legal
proceedings against them. Because of their ignorance, the Bedouins did not attend the
trial, and soon their lands were to be sold in an auction, which according to the writer
the Zionists would certainly win. The author pleads with the authorities to help these
Bedouins. “It has been enough for us what had been swept away from our lands by
similar methods into the hands of these Zionists, who endeavour by everything in their
power to seize the reins of the country and its economic resources.”31 This article points
out the ignorance of the Bedouins regarding the laws, which resulted in the loss of their
land.32 These Bedouins were not familiar with the new legislature. Mentally, they still
lived in the pre-1858 era before the Land Code was introduced and did not understand
the profound changes introduced by the reforms.33 This matter was publicised at the end
of May 1913, and therefore it is possible that it might have prompted the decision of the
editors to begin sending Filas n to the villages of Jaffa subdistrict for free. The editors
stated that “the purpose of this is for a peasant to be informed of what is happening in
the country on the one hand and to understand his rights on the other hand [so that] he
does not make it possible for those who do not fear God and his Prophets to dominate
him and to usurp his properties.”34 One of the last pieces published in pre-WWI Filas n
on Zionism concerns two similar cases when the buyers managed to fool Arab villagers
into selling the property of their families. The author uses an interesting expression to
describe what happened to a peasant in Bayt af f when he writes that “a Zionist crow
circled around him”.35 The villager borrowed 50 l ras, but a sum five times higher was
given on the bond so that he would not withdraw from the transaction. The second case
was similar, but the amount on the bond was 1,000 l ras.36

31
Ibid., p. 3.
32
Ibid., p. 3.
33
For more details on the clash between two concepts of ownership, the pre-capitalist and capitalist,
see SHAFIR, G. Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914, pp.
201–202.
34
Jar dat Filas n [The Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 11 June 1913, 244–41, p. 3. It seems from
the article published on 11 June that this practice had started earlier, as it says in this regard: “for
some time we have been pursuing […][na nu mud wimūm mundhu zam n […]]”. Ibid., p. 3.
35
Sam sirat a - ahy n y n [The Middlemen of the Zionists]. In Filas n, 1 August 1914, 341–44,
p. 5.
36
Ibid., p. 5.

80
 4. Zionist land purchases

Lands Of as-Sidra and al-Qubayba

In the piece “Lands of as-Sidra and al-Qubayba37 and the Zionists”, two techniques
employed in order to acquire these villages are described. In as-Sidra, waqf lands were
reclassified as state lands [al-ar ḍ al-am r ya]38 with the help of the authorities. There-
after, the new possessors were to sell the lands to the Zionists.39 The other case concern-
ing the (miri) lands of al-Qubayba40 was much more complex. It amply demonstrates
the resourcefulness of the Zionists, who exploited the unclear nature of ownership41 of
about 6,800 Ottoman d nums42 in al-Qubayba after the death of its owner Mu ammad
Sh h n.43 They had reportedly found the descendants of the previous possessors, who
had sold the land thirty years previously. As these sales had not been officially regis-
tered, the Zionists tried to obtain these lands from the descendants of the former own-
ers, whose names were still entered in the land registry. The author discovered that the
q ’immaq m of Gaza was involved in these machinations, since his wife had obtained
a portion of the land (with a size of 600 d nums). The lands of al-Qubayba were suit-
able for citrus cultivation and were therefore very lucrative.44 At the end of the column,

37
Previously, the wife of David Efendi Moyal had rented some lands from the villagers of al-
Qubayba. At the beginning of 1914, this led to an armed incident. dithat al-Qubayba [Incident
in al-Qubayba]. In Filas n, 7 January 1914, 297–94, p. 3.
38
Al-ar ḍ al-m r ya and al-ar ḍ al-am r ya are used as synonyms and mean miri lands. This is
also obvious from the fact that below in the article the “right of usufruct” [ aqq at-ta arruf] is
mentioned with regard to these lands. as-Sidra wa al-Qubayba wa a - ahy n y n (il sam at
shaykh al-Isl m) [The Lands of as-Sidra and al-Qubayba and the Zionists (To His Eminence the
Shaykh al-Isl m)]. In Filas n, 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 2.
39
A correspondent from ar-Ramla had previously reported that these lands belonged “to the waqf of
l Ri w n and one of the children of the trustees of this waqf claimed ownership [al-milk ya] to
obtain the title deeds [qaw j n] to it and to sell it to the settlers”. ar-Ramla – li mur silin [Ramla
– By Our Correspondent]. In Filas n, 4 March 1914, 312–15, p. 3; AGMON, I. Family Court:
Legal Culture and Modernity in Late Ottoman Palestine, p. 95.
40
This village was located 10.5 kilometres to the west-southwest from ar-Ramla. KHALIDI, W. (ed.).
All that Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948, p. 407.
41
Even though I use the terms “ownership” and “owner”, “right of usufruct” and “holder” would be
more appropriate, since – like the overwhelming majority of agricultural land in Palestine – these
were miri lands.
42
One Ottoman d num equals approximately 919.3 m2.
43
The extent of the contested estate was 6,800 Ottoman d nums (more than 6 square kilometres). He
possessed a further 3,600 d nums which were not contested, since he had inherited them from his
brother. The total area of lands belonging to the village was 20 km2 according to the article, which
is almost twice as much as the number given by the web site Palestine Remembered for the time
before the Nakba – 10.737 (metric) d nums. Palestine Remembered: al-Qubayba. Available from
http://www.palestineremembered.com/al-Ramla/al-Qubayba/ [visited 16 December 2015].
44
In 1913, Ruppin in a letter to the German Consul in Jaffa listed the value of properties owned by
German Jews in the Petah Tikva settlement. The value of the land of orange plantations was from
5 to 6.66 times higher than that of vineyards. ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen
Politik, p. 322.

81
4. Zionist land purchases

the writer turns to the shaykh al-Isl m to prevent the as-Sidra waqf lands from being
sold and to protect the interests of the needy, who depend on them. It is noteworthy that
David Efendi Moyal,45 who was an agent of the Anglo-Palestine Bank, was mentioned
in connection with both of these cases.46
A different approach was attempted by the Zionists after the administrative council
of the district of N bulus approved a ban on land sales to Jews. Subsequently, they
reportedly tried to secure the administrative transfer of a number of villages they were
interested in from the sanjaq of N bulus to the sanjaq of cAkk .47
Another interesting episode took place in Jerusalem, where a group of foreign Jews
took possession of a plot of land whose owner had moved to Egypt for several years.
Subsequently they enclosed it with a wall, and after his return refused him access to
his own property. The plot was now only accesible from an adjacent building which
was the property of a German Jew, and the local authorities were unable to resolve the
issue. The administrative council tried several times to summon the manager of the
building, but without success. After two months had passed, the council changed its
approach and started sending commissions of enquiry, which at a later stage included
representatives from the German consulate, but these were also not effective in solving
this problem. The response which the administrative council persistently gave to the
aggrieved person when he came to complain was: “Wait, be patient, it is necessary that
we solve the problem between you two flexibly and in a conciliatory manner [bi al-l n
wa al-mus lama].”48 Tawf q Fara , the author of the article, asked:

Have the Zionists now reached the point where they have started to steal our
lands? And have we come to the point where we do not have the courage, but
to treat them flexibly and in a conciliatory way? We are not asking you to expel
the Zionists from the country and prohibit them entry to Palestine. We are only
asking you, governors [ ukk m], to fulfill the sacred duty to which you have
been called and with the power which the law confers upon you to protect the
poor from the rich, defend the weak against the strong and prevent attacks, and
return what has been stolen to its owner […] in order to protect your governing
power from being disgraced or from being said that it has no influence over the
Zionists.49

45
During the trial against the managing director of Filas n, he disrupted the course of the
proceedings, and his name and occupation were mentioned in the description of the proceedings.
al-Jalsa al- l . Dif c [The First Session. Defence]. In Filas n, 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 8.
46
Ar as-Sidra wa al-Qubayba wa a - ahy n y n (il sam at shaykh al-Isl m) [The Lands of
as-Sidra and al-Qubayba and the Zionists (To His Eminence the Shaykh al-Isl m)]. In Filas n, 27
June 1914, 331–34, p. 2.
47
Dars f al-wa an ya [A Lesson in Patriotism]. In Filas n, 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 5.
48
Tawf q Fara . ditha f h naẓar [An Unsolved Case]. In Filas n, 11 July 1914, 335–38, p. 4.
49
Ibid., p. 4.

82
 4. Zionist land purchases

Lands of as-Sirr
This was the last affair pertaining to Zionism which was dealt with in the extant issues
of the newspaper. In the summer of 1914, several articles on the impending sale of the
as-Sirr lands [ar ḍ as-Sirr] were published not only in Filas n, but also in al-Karmil.
The concerned area, which comprised 30,000–35,000 Ottoman d nums,50 was situated
in the qaḍ of Bi r as-Sabc and apparently was considered the best agricultural land
in the subdistrict. The first article was written by the editors of the newspaper, who
were suspicious whether Zionists were not the final beneficiary of this transaction and
therefore asked the agents of Filas n both in Gaza and Bi r as-Sabc to investigate the
issue. In the article, they included detailed information about the complicated history
of this land and the bloody conflict between the two Bedouin tribes al-cAz zima and a -
ar b n51 over its ownership which only ended after the establishment of the subdistrict
of Bi r as-Sabc. Since the two sides could not agree on a solution, the administrative
council of the muta arrif ya of Jerusalem seized the land [ḍab al-arḍ]. Twelve years
later, the Muta arrif Jawdat (Cevdet) Bey (1911–1912)52 reportedly came to terms with
the Zionists on the sale of the as-Sirr lands, whereby the two Bedouin tribes were sup-
posed to receive less than 10 per cent of the agreed amount of 65,000 l ras. However,
the transaction was not brought to a successful conclusion.53 The report from the agent
in Bi r as-Sabc added new details about the current situation. The Muta arrif A mad
M jid Bey (Ahmed Macid Bey) authorised the mayor of Gaza, al- jj Sac d Efendi
ash-Shaw , to establish who the rightful owners of the lands were. Those then com-
missioned his son and the son of the former deputy and current muft of Gaza A mad
c
rif Efendi al- usayn to represent them before the government in order to transfer
the ownership back to the Bedouin tribes, who in turn agreed to sell the land to these
two representatives for 6,000 l ras. The editors were concerned that these lands could
end up in the hands of the Zionists: “What concerns us with regard to this issue is that
these efforts to return them [the as-Sirr lands] to the Bedouins might facilitate their
sale to the Zionists after that, because their desire for them is great, as has already been
mentioned.”54 When al- jj Sac d Efendi ash-Shaw came to Jaffa, the editors asked
him about his intentions. His response was unequivocal: “I have promised and declared
on the pages of newspapers that I will not sell a foot of land from my lands to the Zion-
ists as long as I am alive and I repeat it to you now orally, and I swear by my honour
and my religion that the Zionists will not acquire one foot of my lands as long as I am

50
27–32 km2.
51
The tribe is usually written with a non-emphatic “t” at the beginning (Tar b n).
52
KUSHNER, D. The Ottoman Governors of Palestine, 1864–1914. In Middle Eastern Studies, July
1987, Vol. 23, No. 3, p. 277.
53
Ar as-Sirr f Bi’r as-Sabc [The Lands of as-Sirr in Bi’r as-Sabc]. In Filas n, 11 July 1914,
335–38, p. 5.
54
Ar as-Sirr (macl m tun jad da f h ) [The Lands of as-Sirr (Our New Information about
Them)]. In Filas n, 18 July 1914, 337–40, pp. 1–2.

83
4. Zionist land purchases

still living, even if they paid me the weight of its soil in gold.”55 The same issue contains
a piece of information from a “source we trust” that “the government will never allow
in any case the sale of as-Sirr lands to the Israelites in order not to open the door to the
entry of the Zionists into the Bi r as-Sabc subdistrict”.56
On 22 July, Y suf al-c s dedicated an editorial to this issue. It is obvious that he was
not satisfied with the course of the affair. He criticised the government for preventing
the return of the lands to the Bedouins. Furthermore, he censured the notables for abus-
ing their position of authority, their greed and immoral behaviour towards the impover-
ished Bedouins in depriving them of their lands and only paying them a pittance “which
does not correspond to a half of a fourth of their value” in exchange for them.57
In August, Filas n printed a telegram sent by al- jj Sac d Efendi ash-Shaw and
A mad c rif Efendi al- usayn in which they rebuke the accusations levelled against
them in al-Karmil,58 which had dealt with this issue in at least three articles (two of them
reprinted from Filas n).59

Zionist Purchases of Waqf Lands60

In the article “The Zionists and the Religious Endowments of the Greek Orthodox Mon-
astery”, the author accuses the Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchre of acting as middle-
men [sam sira, sg. sims r] and selling waqf61 lands to the Zionists. The writer mentions
Nikiphoros62 as the one who had bought the lands and also specifies the location (“on the

55
Ibid., p. 2.
56
Ar as-Sirr [The Lands of as-Sirr]. In Filas n, 18 July 1914, 337–40, p. 5.
57
Ar as-Sirr – aw – Kit b All h wa kit b al-Wal d [The Lands of as-Sirr – and – The Book of God
and the Book of al-Wal d]. In Filas n, 22 July 1914, 338–41, p. 1.
58
Ar as-Sirr [The Lands of as-Sirr]. In Filas n, 8 August 1914, 343–46, p. 5.
59
Ar as-Sirr [The Lands of as-Sirr]. In al-Karmil, 14 July 1914, 446, p. 3; Acy n Ghazza wa
a - ahy n ya [The Gaza Notables and Zionism]. In al-Karmil, 28 July 1914, 450, pp. 3–4; Y
shab bat Filas n, uthbut wuj daki [Oh, Youth of Palestine, Prove Your Existence]. In al-Karmil,
31 July 1914, 451, p. 1.
60
The sale of as-Sidra lands has already been discussed above and therefore is not included in this
subchapter.
61
For more information on Christian as well as Jewish waqfs in Late Ottoman Palestine, see
SHAHAM, R. Christian and Jewish waqf in Palestine during the Late Ottoman Period. In Bulletin
of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1991, Vol. 54, No. 3, pp.
460–472.
62
It is likely that he meant Nikiphoros Petasis (nicknamed Ab Dhahab – Father of Gold), the
former secretary of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem, who was behind the extensive
acquisitions of landed properties by the Patriarchate in Palestine after the middle of the 19th
century. KATZ, I., KARK, R. The Church and Landed Property: The Greek Orthodox Patriarchate
of Jerusalem. In Middle Eastern Studies, 2007, Vol. 43, No. 3, pp. 393, 395; KARK, R. Changing
Patterns of Landownership in Nineteenth-Century Palestine: The European Influence. In Journal
of Historical Geography, 1984, Vol. 10, No. 4, p. 363.

84
 4. Zionist land purchases

borders of the railway and on the carriage road leading to Bethlehem”) and the size of
the plot. He claims that this purchase was facilitated by a bribe and notes sarcastically:
“It is strange that the original area of the land, and its extent is 22,000 cubits as has
already been said, shrank and became when measured only 11,000 cubits. God knows
best which stomach has digested the remaining half.”63 There is another detail pointing
to the dubiousness of the affair. Reportedly, when people heard that this plot would be
sold for six francs per cubit, someone offered eight francs, but his offer was not accept-
ed. In a comment to this article, the editors mention another plot located nearby, which
was also sold by the monastic order in 1913, though not to the Zionists. The concluding
passage of the comment sounds very pessimistic: “Until now we thought the greatest
stumbling block in the way of Zionist colonisation has been the existence of many waqf
lands with no possibility of being sold to them. However, they have succeeded in buying
waqf lands such as the land of as-Sidra near ar-Ramla, which belonged to the awq f l
Ri w n, and these lands of Nikiphoros, which are a waqf of the Greek Orthodox mon-
astery.64 The greatest obstacles have disappeared out of their way, so the natives should
be on their guard.”65 The comment also emphasises that this sale to Zionists is unaccept-
able, since the Caesarea affair had proven that “the Zionists are the greatest adversary”
of the Patriarchate.66 It alludes to an event which was publicised at the beginning of
1913 in an article in al-Karmil, reprinted in Filas n in a shortened version. Despite be-
ing abridged, the article in Filas n contains an addition to the original piece. It empha-
sises that the Zionists are against the Patriarchate s acquisitions of land, because “there
is no hope that the waqf would be sold in the future”, which was not included in the
original article.67 This column deals with Zionist denunciations that accuse the Patriarch
who owns “one half of Caesarea”68 that he is expelling the refugees69 who inhabit it. The

63 c
bir sab l. a - ahy n y n wa awq f Dayr ar-R m [The Zionists and the Religious Endowments
of the Greek Orthodox Monastery]. In Filas n, 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 4.
64
Unfortunately, I could not establish the legal classification of the concerned plot – if it indeed was
waqf land or just miri land in the possession of the Patriarchate.
65 c
bir sab l. a - ahy n y n wa awq f Dayr ar-R m [The Zionists and the Religious Endowments
of the Greek Orthodox Monastery]. In Filas n, 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 4.
66
Ibid., p. 4.
67
al-Batriark ya wa ad-das is [The Patriarchate and Machinations]. In Filas n, 1 February 1913,
209–6, p. 4. For further details about the purchase of Caesarea by the patriarchate, see AL-C S ,
Y suf. al-B b wa Filas n [The Pope and Palestine]. In Filas n, 5 February 1913, 210–7, p. 1.
68
The Patriarchate owned one and a half km2 in Caesarea. Katz and Kark concur that it was bought
during the tenure of the Patriarch Damianos (1897–1931). KATZ, I., KARK, R. The Church and
Landed Property: The Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem. In Middle Eastern Studies, May
2007, Vol. 43, No. 3, pp. 396, 404n14.
69
Caesarea was one of the 115 estates of Sultan Abdülhamid II in Palestine, and he possessed there
more than 23 km2. In 1884 a group of refugees from Herzegovina settled there. Caesarea was
strategically important as one of the few places suitable for a harbour on the Palestinian coast.
There had been both Jewish and German attempts to acquire it. FISCHEL, R. S., KARK, R.
Sultan Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands and Imperial Policy. In New Perspectives on

85
4. Zionist land purchases

author of the article points to Zionist duplicity and asks sarcastically: “So with all this
concern of the Zionist denouncers for the Ottoman peasants, why do the Zionists not
leave the Ottoman peasant untouched in the villages which they are buying!!”70
With regard to this issue, it is worth mentioning that the al-c s cousins established
Filas n primarily in order to serve the Orthodox Renaissance.71 Furthermore, out of the
three times Filas n was suspended, two (first at the end of 1913 and then in autumn
1914) were because of its sharp criticism of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate and the
Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchre.72 However, the newspaper criticised the sales of
both Islamic and Christian waqfs, so it does not seem that the publishing of this article
was particularly influenced by the negative attitude of its editors towards the Patriar-
chate. It seems that the writers did not differentiate between actual waqf lands and miri
lands which belonged to the Patriarchate of Jerusalem (or were rather registered in the
names of priests or monks).
There were a couple of other publicised cases of proposed sales involving waqf prop-
erties. The newspaper received a letter from the elders of the village Rif dy 73 reporting
about the endeavour to sell waqf land called Ar ad-Daw q r to a priest for a negligible
amount of money. The goal of this petition was to reach the eyes of Damianos, the pa-
triarch of Jerusalem, in order to prevent this sale.74 A few pieces concerned the waqf of
Nab M s in W d al-Qil near Jericho.75

Turkey, 2008, No. 39, pp. 153–154. For the history of the establishment of the Herzegovinian
settlement, see SEFEROVIĆ, N. The Herzegovinian Muslim Colony in Caesarea, Palestine.
(Special Document File: The Herzegovinian Muslim Colony in Caesarea, Palestine). Translated
by Darryl Li. In Journal of Palestine Studies, Autumn 2015, Vol. XLV, Issue 177, No. 1, pp.
69–92.
70
al-Batriark ya wa ad-das is [The Patriarchate and Machinations]. In Filas n, 1 February 1913,
209–6, p. 4; al-Batriark ya wa ad-das is [The Patriarchate and Machinations]. In al-Karmil, 21
January 1913, 301, p. 2. The editor-in-chief dealt with this affair in the editorial. AL-C S , Y suf.
al-B b wa Filas n [The Pope and Palestine]. In Filas n, 5 February 1913, 210–7, p. 1.
71
TAMARI, S. Issa al Issa’s Unorthodox Orthodoxy: Banned in Jerusalem, Permitted in Jaffa.
In Jerusalem Quarterly, Summer 2014, No. 59, p. 26.
72 c
Ar at jar dat Filas n il ib al-cu fa cAzm Bak (mustash r Niẓ rat al-cadl ya) [Petition of
the Newspaper Filas n To His Grace cAzm Bey (the Counselor of the Ministry of Justice)]. In
Filas n, no date and no issue number given, but it was likely published after the first suspension
in November 1913; KHALAF, N. T. Les Mémoires de Issa al- Issa: Journaliste et intellectuel
palestinien (1878–1950), pp. 69–70.
73
A village located 1.5 kilometres to the west of N bulus. SHARR B, Mu ammad Mu ammad
asan. Mucjam buld n Filas n [Lexicon of Palestinian Towns], p. 415.
74
Kaf kum bayc al-awq f [Enough of Selling Waqfs!]. In Filas n, 17 May 1913, 237–34, p. 4.
75
F W d al-Qil [In the W d al-Qil ]. In Filas n, 14 January 1914, 298–1, p. 2. One week later the
concerned person, Mu yidd n al- usayn , denied that he intended to sell the lands to Zionists, but
he did not deny his intention to reclasify the waqf lands. AL- USAYN , Mu yidd n. al-Quds – li
ib at-tawq c; Il jar dat Filas n al-gharr ’ [Jerusalem – Written by the Below-Signed; To the
Honorable Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n, 21 January 1914, 300–3, p. 3. Filas n returned to this

86
 4. Zionist land purchases

al-Ar al-Mudawwara – The Former Private Lands of Sultan

Abdülhamid II76

During his reign, Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876–1909) bought more than 800 km2 of
land in Palestine. By the time he ascended the throne, the most attractive and profitable
lands had already been sold (e.g., in the Marj ibn c mir plain to the Sursuqs and other
affluent families from Beirut between 1869 and 1872).77 Therefore he had to turn his at-
tention to other more marginal areas where land was still available. His purchases were
motivated not only by economic and strategic considerations, but in the areas inhabited
by the Bedouins they were also part of “[a]n Islamic civilising mission , of correcting
the beliefs and habits of tribal and unorthodox frontier communities”.78 With regard to
Palestine, it seems that alongside economic aims the sultan’s major goal was to pull the
lands out of the real estate market and prevent foreigners from acquiring them.79 After
the Young Turk Revolution, these estates were confiscated by the state.80 Therefore,
when following the revolution the government tried twice to sell the çiftliks81 or lease
them on a long-term basis, this ran contrary to the original intention and strategy of the
sultan, especially since among the interested buyers were Zionists and other foreign
organisations. These extensive lands, which the sultan had managed over the decades to
put aside and keep under his control, would have been lost in one go.
Almost all agricultural land in Palestine was miri, including the private estates of
the sultan. Only the land inside towns and in their immediate vicinity was classified

subject at the end of July 1914. Waqf Sayyidin M s [The Religious Endowment of Our Prophet
M s ]. In Filas n, 25 July 1914, 339–42, p. 2.
76
In the Arabic press in Palestine, these estates, which had previously belonged to Sultan Abdülhamid
II, were called most often al-ar ḍ al-mudawwara (because they were transferred back [duwwirat]
to the state). Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f ash-sharq al-cArab wa ad hu,
1908–1918 [Zionist Activities in the Arab East and Their Echo, 1908–1918], p. 80. Other names
used were al-jaf lik [sg. jiflik\jiftlik], al-ar ḍ al-mudawwara al-am r ya, al-jaf lik al-am r ya,
al-jaf lik as-sul n ya and even al-ar ḍ al-am r ya. It is important to note that the term al-ar ḍ
al-am r ya is used synonymously with al-ar ḍ al-m r ya and denotes miri lands (state lands).
77
SCHÖLCH, A. European Penetration and the Economic Development of Palestine, 1856–82. In
OWEN, R. (ed.). Studies in the Economic and Social History of Palestine in the Nineteenth and
Twentieth Century, p. 24.
78
FAKHER ELDIN, M. Communities of Owners: Land Law, Governance, and Politics in Palestine,
1858–1948. PhD. dissertation, p. 53.
79
FISCHEL, R. S., KARK, R. Sultan Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands and Imperial
Policy. In New Perspectives on Turkey, 2008, No. 39, pp. 154–156.
80
Ibid., p. 150; FAKHER ELDIN, M. Communities of Owners: Land Law, Governance, and Politics
in Palestine, 1858-1948. PhD. dissertation, pp. 13–14.
81
The term çiftlik in the context of Late-Ottoman Palestine was used to denote the private estates of
Sultan Abdülhamid II, the imperial çiftlik (çiftlik-i hümayun). FISCHEL, R. S., KARK, R. Sultan
Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands and Imperial Policy. In New Perspectives on Turkey,
2008, No. 39, p. 136.

87
4. Zionist land purchases

as mülk (private freehold). In the case of miri, the ownership (Arab. raq ba) belonged
to the state, and those who held title deeds had the right of usufruct (Arab. ta arruf).
These landholders could sell these lands or bequeath them as heritage. But they could
not build on the land, establish a cemetery or change its status into waqf land; all these
actions were only allowed to take place with regard to mülk land.82 Therefore, I would
like to highlight that even when occasionally the term “ownership” is used in reference
to agricultural land in this monograph, the right of usufruct is meant.
Due to the dire economic situation after the outbreak of the First Balkan War, at
the end of 1912 the Ottoman government began to explore the possibility of selling
the former private lands of Sultan Abdülhamid II in order to acquire financial means.
Among the interested parties were ab b Luf all h Pasha, a Christian from Syria (who
coveted all çiftliks in the Jordan Valley); the Zionists (primarily interested in the lands
in Bays n) and Naj b al-A far (all estates in Greater Syria and Iraq).83 The al-ar ḍ al-
mudawwara comprised about 56,000 square kilometres in total84 and were distributed
in Anatolia and the Arab-inhabited regions of the Ottoman Empire.85 In Palestine, there
were 115 estates scattered throughout the country which encompassed 832 km2, with
the majority of them concentrated in the Jordan Valley (530 km2). Newspapers in Pales-
tine most intensively discussed the area of the Bays n [Beisan] Valley, which included
twenty tracts and covered about 150 square kilometres,86 as well as the broader area of
the Jordan Valley [Ghawr al-Urdunn].87 It is important to mention that in 1910–1911 the
former çiftliks in Greater Syria (including Palestine) and Iraq were already the subject
of a similar controversy, the al-A far project [mashrūc al-A far], which led to a broad

82
SOLOMONOVICH, N., KARK, R. Land Privatization in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Palestine.
In Islamic Law and Society, 2015, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 221–229.
83
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. 167.
84
One of the articles published in Filas n reports that the government planned to sell 28 million
Ottoman d nums (25,732 km2), which would comprise slightly less than half of the former
estates of Sultan Abdülhamid II. Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him min bayc al-ar al-mudawwara
al-Filas n ya bi al-maz d [Take Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger [that lies] in the Selling of
the Palestinian Çiftliks in an Auction]. In Filas n, 19 July 1913, 255–52, p. 4.
85
FISCHEL, R. S., KARK, R. Sultan Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands and Imperial
Policy. In New Perspectives on Turkey, 2008, No. 39, p. 146; FAKHER ELDIN, M. Communities
of Owners: Land Law, Governance, and Politics in Palestine, 1858-1948. PhD. dissertation, p. 51.
86
The numbers vary from 147,972 km2 (KARK, R., FRANTZMAN, S. Bedouin, Abdül Hamid II,
British Land Settlement and Zionism: The Baysan Valley and Sub-district 1831–1948. In Israel
Studies, Summer 2010, Vol. 15, No. 2, p. 55) to 163,876 km2 (FISCHEL, R. S., KARK, R. Sultan
Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands and Imperial Policy. In New Perspectives on Turkey,
2008, No. 39, p. 135).
87
Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. Naj b Na r f jar datihi al-Karmil (1909–1914): A ad ruww d mun ha at
a - ahy n ya [Naj b Na r in His Newspaper al-Karmil (1909–1914): One of the Pioneers of
Anti-Zionist Resistance]. In Shu ūn Filas n ya, 1973, No. 23, p. 113; KARK, R., FRANTZMAN,
S. J. Bedouin, Abdül Hamid II, British Land Settlement and Zionism: The Baysan Valley and Sub-
district 1831–1948. In Israel Studies, Summer 2010, Vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 52–55; Mashr c al-A far
[The al-A far Project]. In al-Karmil, 16 May 1913, 333, p. 2.

88
 4. Zionist land purchases

campaign against the proposed long-term lease.88 In the first half of 1913, the title of
several articles in al-Karmil contains the expression “al-A far project” [mashrūc al-
A far], since, as already mentioned, Naj b al-A far was again interested in buying these
estates.89
Filas n started to deal with this subject much later than al-Karmil. In mid-June
1913, the newspaper printed two telegrams which had been sent to the authorities (one
to the sultan and the other to the governor of Beirut) by the representatives of the inhab-
itants of the Bays n Valley, both peasants and Bedouins, protesting against the proposed
sale.90 For some time, the editors of the newspaper did not enter into the discussion
(apart from short comments to published reports and letters), but they opened Filas n
to several long columns written by contributors. The first writer hailed from N bulus
and was optimistic with regard to the future of the estates. At the beginning, he men-
tions the al-A far project (more precisely “the yellow project” [al-mashrūc al-A far]),
which he renames punningly “violent death” [al-mawt al-a mar]. He argues that the
locals cannot compete with Jews in a public auction, since they do not have the neces-
sary capital, especially if the estates are offered in bulk. He warns that “[t]he miri lands
in our country are extensive, and if the children of Israel [banū Isr l] manage to buy
them, all our life, be it political, social and economic, will come under threat”.91 Cur-
rently, he considers journalists to be the only defenders of Palestine. This is insufficient,
and it is necessary to found a Palestinian National Company [ash-Sharika al-wa an ya
al-Filas n ya] in order to buy the çiftliks, or at least those that are not inhabited, and
convince the government to sell the remaining lands to the peasants who inhabit them.
He is not against Jewish immigration and settlement as such, but it has to be directed

88
Naj b Ibr h m al-A far was a Lebanese Arab who since 1910 had endeavoured to lease on a long-
term basis the former estates of the deposed sultan in Greater Syria and Iraq. Fears that he was
a Zionist stooge led to the first media campaign against Zionism, in which several newspapers
from not only Palestine but also Beirut and Damascus took part. MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs
and Zionism before World War I, p. 87; KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The Construction of
Modern National Consciousness, pp. 127–128; Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f
ash-sharq al-cArab wa ad hu, 1908–1918 [Zionist Activities in the Arab East and Their Echo,
1908–1918], pp. 80–81; Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. Naj b Na r f jar datihi al-Karmil (1909–1914):
A ad ruww d mun ha at a - ahy n ya [Naj b Na r in His Newspaper al-Karmil (1909–1914):
One of the Pioneers of Anti-Zionist Resistance]. In Shu ūn Filas n ya, 1973, No. 23, p. 105.
89
Mashr c al-A far [The al-A far Project]. In al-Karmil, 14 March 1913, 316, p. 2; al-Kha ar al-
A far wa i tij j al-cIr q y n [The Yellow Danger\The Danger of al-A far and the Protest of the
Iraqis] (the title is a pun: al-a far means yellow in Arabic, but it can also denote plague). In al-
Karmil, 6 May 1913, 330, p. 2; Mashr c al-A far [The al-A far Project]. In al-Karmil, 16 May
1913, 333, p. 2; Mashr c al-A far [The al-A far Project]. In al-Karmil, 13 May 1913, 332, p. 3;
Mashr c al-A far [The al-A far Project]. In al-Karmil, 20 May 1913, 334, pp. 1–2; Mashr c al-
A far [The al-A far Project]. In al-Karmil, 23 May 1913, 335, pp. 1–2; Mashr c al-A far [The
al-A far Project]. In al-Karmil, 27 May 1913, 336, p. 2.
90
I tij j ah l Bays n [Protest of the Inhabitants of Bays n]. In Filas n, 18 June 1913, 246–43,
pp. 2–3.
91
al-Ar d al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. In Filas n, 12 July 1913, 253–50, p. 1.

89
4. Zionist land purchases

towards other areas of the Ottoman Empire. “In short, our country is in imminent danger
and we are on the edge of this hole of destruction to which greed and selfishness are
driving us and complete ignorance is dragging us. And there is no rescue for us except
by genuine endeavour in this field, whose principle must be a national company car-
ring out this work. If it achieves victory, it will be a real victory, and if not, then [the
result will be] certain destruction. Therefore, only unity and agreement for the defense
will help us, and God grants success.”92 In brief, the author believes that the sale of the
çiftliks represents a great danger, but also an opportunity for the development of the
country. In 1913 a new law was passed which for the first time allowed corporations to
own and hold land,93 and the writer appeals to the wealthy to employ it for the benefit of
the country and its inhabitants.
One week later, another author whose article is signed only with his initial “M...” be-
gan to publish a series of articles Take Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger. He is afraid
that the sale of the estates would constitute a crucial step for Zionist expansion in Pal-
estine, as it would facilitate further Jewish immigration and consequently lead to more
Jewish land purchases. In that case, Jews would prevail, because of their vigorousness
and financial and scientific superiority. Like the previous writer, he is not opposed to
the sale of lands in other regions to Jews. But he hopes that the government will exlude
“the Palestinian çiftliks [al-ar ḍ al-mudawwara al-Filas n ya] by acquiring which the
Zionists intend and aspire to kill our life”.94 In his next articles, the author criticises the
passivity of the inhabitants, because no one would be spared. All social classes were
threatened by the Zionist land grab, not only the peasants, tradesmen and artisans,95 but
also the elites, who had the most to lose.96 According to him, two things had to be done.
Petitions against the sale must be sent to the government from all corners of Palestine.
In addition to that, it was necessary to establish a “national company” that would invest
in these lands and make them profitable.97
At the beginning of August, Y suf al-c s devoted one of his editorials to this is-
sue, in which he points out a serious problem which plagued the “Ottoman homeland”
[al-wa an al-cUthm n ] – the lack of mutual trust and support between the government
and the people. He commends the idea of Naj b al-Kh r Na r to organise a national

92
Ibid., p. 1.
93
KARK, R. Maml k and Ottoman Cadastral Surveys and Early Mapping of Landed Properties in
Palestine. In Agricultural History, Winter 1997, Vol. 71, No. 1, p. 64.
94
Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him min bayc al-ar al-mudawwara al-Filas n ya bi al-maz d [Take
Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger [that lies] in the Selling of the Palestinian Çiftliks in an
Auction]. In Filas n, 19 July 1913, 255–52, p. 4.
95
I was not able to locate article number 2 of the series, Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him 3 [Take Steps
to Prevent the Sudden Danger 3]. In Filas n, 30 July 1913, 258–55, p. 1.
96
Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him 4 [Take Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger 4]. In Filas n, 9 August
1913, 261–58, p. 1.
97
Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him 3 [Take Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger 3]. In Filas n, 30 July
1913, 258–55, pp. 1–2.

90
 4. Zionist land purchases

[wa an ] congress in N bulus dedicated to the issue of the former çiftliks in Palestine,
and praises the patriotism of the people of this city.98 One week later, the newspaper
reported on a public gathering against the public auction of the estates that took place
in N bulus.99 At the end of August, Filas n informed its readers that the government
had decided not to put these lands up for public auction but to invest in them and sell
them later to Ottoman citizens.100 Two weeks later, a short article on the establishment
of an Ottoman company that offered to buy these estates was published.101 Thereafter,
no further articles in Filas n dealt with this matter.
Even though Filas n addressed this affair in about twelve articles, its coverage was
considerably less extensive than that of al-Karmil. All these articles were published
within less than three months, from mid-June until the beginning of September 1913,
when the controversy was at its peak. The newspaper al-Karmil was much more ac-
tive in pursuing it and published more than seventy articles in 1913 dealing with it.102
Between January and June, the periodical contained about twenty articles, in July and
August about forty and in the following four months another fourteen. Furthermore, al-
Karmil also returned to it a couple of times in the following year. The greater coverage
of this issue by al-Karmil is not surprising. The latter was published in Haifa, which
was connected by railway to the Bays n Valley and closer to it (located in the sanjaq
of N bulus, qaḍ Jan n)103 than Jaffa, where Filas n was printed. In addition, Haifa
was situated in the same province as Bays n, even though not in the same liw but in
the neighbouring sanjaq of cAkk . Besides, al-Karmil was familiar with the issue, as it
had already dealt intensively with the al-A far project in 1910–1911104 and considered
it crucial for the future of the native inhabitants of the country.105 Moreover, protesters
sent their letters and telegrams primarily to newspapers printed in the same sanjaq or
province.106

98
AL-C S , Y suf. al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. In Filas n, 2 August 1913, 259–56, p. 1.
99
al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. In Filas n, 9 August 1913, 261–58, p. 3.
100
al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. In Filas n, 20 August 1913, 264–61, p. 3.
101
al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. In Filas n, 3 September 1913, 268–65, p. 2.
102
I have counted all articles which treated this issue, even if only cursorily.
103
Bays n [Beisan]. In al-Karmil, 27 June 1913, 344, p. 2; I tij j ah l Bays n [Protest of the
Inhabitants of Bays n]. In Filas n, 18 June 1913, 246–43, p. 2.
104
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, pp. 86–87; KHALIDI, R. Palestinian
Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness, pp. 127–128, 249n24; Q SIM YA,
Khayr ya. an-Nash a - ahyūn f ash-sharq al-cArab wa ad hu, 1908–1918 [Zionist Activities
in the Arab East and Their Echo, 1908–1918], pp. 80–81; Q SIM YA, Khayr ya. Naj b Na r f
jar datihi al-Karmil (1909–1914): A ad ruww d mun ha at a - ahy n ya [Naj b Na r in His
Newspaper al-Karmil (1909–1914): One of the Pioneers of Anti-Zionist Resistance]. In Shu ūn
Filas n ya, 1973, 23, p. 105.
105
Mashr c al-A far [The al-A far Project]. In al-Karmil, 20 May 1913, 334, pp. 1–2.
106
Tilighr f t: al-Ar al-mudawwara [Telegraphs: The Çiftliks]. In Filas n, 6 August 1913, 260–
57, p. 2.

91
4. Zionist land purchases

In the end, the campaign achieved its goals and the government changed its mind
with regard to the former sultan s estates. In this regard it is possible to liken this cam-
paign to the previous one against the al-A far project. In total, more than eighty articles
dealing with this issue appeared in the summer and autumn of 1913 in the two newpa-
pers Filas n and al-Karmil. It is a staggeringly high number which clearly shows the
importance attached to this affair by the editors of both newspapers.

Zionist Endeavours in Rafa

The area of Rafa was located on the border between the Jerusalem muta arrif ya and
Egypt, which was nominally a part of the Ottoman Empire but had been occupied by
the British since 1882. Its strategic importance was manifested by the fact that Sultan
Abdülhamid II bought more than 100 km2 of land there (on the Ottoman side), which he
added to his private estates.107
The Zionists were already interested in establishing a foothold in the Sinai Peninsula
due to its proximity to Palestine. In 1903 Theodor Herzl negotiated with the British
colonial secretary Joseph Chamberlain, the foreign secretary Lord Lansdowne and the
consul-general in Egypt Lord Cromer about setting up a Jewish settlement in the al-
c
Ar sh area in the north-east of the peninsula. These negotiations were not successful,
and thereafter the focus shifted to the “Uganda project”.108
The British consular agent in Gaza, Alexander Knesevich, was one of the seventeen
children of Doctor Andre Knesevich, who had come to the Ottoman Empire from Aus-
tria-Hungary to work for the army on quarantine arrangements.109 Alexander Knesevich
settled in Gaza, where he worked as a doctor and merchant.110 Besides being active as
a middleman in Jewish land purchases in the muta arrif ya of Jerusalem, he also tried
to broker the purchase of extensive properties on the Sinai Peninsula. R al-Kh lid
writes about him in his manuscript and describes him as a person “notorious for helping
the Zionists and for mind-control over the fellahin and Bedouins to extract their lands
from their possession to sell to the Jews”.111

107
FISCHEL, R. S., KARK, R. Sultan Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands and Imperial
Policy. In New Perspectives on Turkey, 2008, No. 39, pp. 154–156.
108
VITAL, D. A People Apart: A Political History of the Jews in Europe 1789–1939, pp. 461–463.
109
I received this information from the grandnephew of Alexander Knesevich, Philip Gregory Farah.
Electronic correspondence – e-mails from Philip Gregory Farah, 15 May 2007 and 22 May 2007.
110
KHALIDI, W. Unpublished notes of the author on the manuscript as-Siyūnizm aw al-mas’ala a -
ahyūn ya [Zionism or the Zionist Question], p. 16; H. E. Satow to G. Lowther: Purchases of Land
at Rafa . Jerusalem, April 27, 1911, FO 195/2377, No. 2. In ELIAV, M. Britain and the Holy Land
1838–1914: Selected Documents from the British Consulate in Jerusalem, p. 377.
111
KHALIDI, W. Unpublished notes of the author on the manuscript as-Siyūnizm aw al-mas’ala a -
ahyūn ya [Zionism or the Zionist Question], p. 16. Received by an e-mail from Professor Walid
Khalidi, 28 October 2006. The text was translated by Walid Khalidi.

92
 4. Zionist land purchases

In 1907, the Jewish Anglo-Palestine Club112 commenced endeavours to purchase

land near the town of Rafa in the Sinai Peninsula, on the Egyptian side of the border.
Eventually, together with Alexander Knesevich, they arranged to buy 50,000 d nums
of land.113 However, the planned transaction faced several complications. On the one
hand, it was not clear who the real owner of the land in this region was, and to further
complicate matters, part of the land belonged to the Egyptian government. On the other
hand, just as during the previous Zionist attempt to colonise Sinai in the era of Theodor
Herzl, the Egyptian government was strictly against the project. Even more importantly,
the British administration in Egypt lent its support to the position of the Egyptian gov-
ernment, and therefore the project was doomed. In case of failure, Alexander Knesevich
and his associates were supposed to pay the Anglo-Palestine Development Company114
a penalty of 10,000 francs. Moreover, Knesevich had taken a loan of more than 60,000
francs to finance the purchases. British consuls in Jerusalem H. E. Satow (1909–1912)
and P. J. C. McGregor (1912–1914) emphasised that the blame did not fall on Kne-
sevich, and both recommended financial compensation to him in case the transaction
was not accomplished. It seems that the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
Edward Grey, was inclined to reimburse him at the end of 1912.115 However, it is likely
that this did not occur, since the information provided by his grandnephew suggests
otherwise: “All we know [...] is that he lost his fortune because the land deals went sour
and he died a broken man.”116
Three articles in Filas n deal with this episode; one was published in August 1912
and two more at the time of the failure of this project in April 1913. The first briefly
mentions that the “Israelite settlers [...] have so far bought 40,000 d nums of land of the
Egyptian Rafa ”.117 The second was based on an interview published in The Egyptian
Gazette with Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, who confirmed the failure of the project. According
to him, the Egyptian government did not agree with it for several reasons: inability of

112
The president of the organisation was Joseph Amzalak, the oldest son of Haim Amzalak, who
served as the British Consular Agent in Jaffa for more than three decades from 1872. ELIAV,
M. Britain and the Holy Land 1838–1914: Selected Documents from the British Consulate in
Jerusalem, pp. 242, 375; GLASS, J. B., KARK, R. The Sephardi Entrepreneur and British Vice-
Consul Haim Amzalak. In LEVINE, M., SHAFIR, G. (eds.). Struggle and Survival in Palestine/
Israel, pp. 45–48.
113
An article in Filas n reports that the purchased area covered 40,000 d nums. Ghazza – li
mur silin [Gaza – by Our Correspondent]. In Filas n, 166–65, 28 August 1912, p. 3.
114
This company was established in 1907 by the associates of the Anglo-Palestine Club. ELIAV,
M. Britain and the Holy Land 1838–1914: Selected Documents from the British Consulate in
Jerusalem, p. 378.
115
ELIAV, M. Britain and the Holy Land 1838–1914: Selected Documents from the British Consulate
in Jerusalem, pp. 375–379, 386–390; ELIAV. M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik,
pp. 323–325; HYAMSON, A. M. The British Consulate in Jerusalem: In the Relation to the Jews
of Palestine, 1838–1914. Part II, 1862–1914, pp. 577–578.
116
Electronic correspondence – e-mail from Philip Gregory Farah, 22 May 2007.
117
Ghazza – li mur silin [Gaza – by Our Correspondent]. In Filas n, 28 August 1912, 166–65, p. 3.

93
4. Zionist land purchases

the Bedouins to prove their ownership, military considerations and administrative com-
plications, and also because Sinai was under the control of the Sudanese government.
Furthermore, the unsuccessful visit to Cairo by Aron Goldenberg, the director of the
Anglo-Palestine Bank, is mentioned.118 The third article adds further details and men-
tions that Albert Antébi also travelled to Egypt in order to help with the transaction.119

If we compare the years 1911–1912 (discussed in Chapter 2) and the next two years
of Filas n s existence, a fundamental difference is noticeable with regard to its cover-
age of Jewish land purchases. During the former period, the newspaper did not focus
on such transactions and reported on them only sporadically. Only in the second half of
1912 did it begin to take an interest in them. Thereafter the situation changed radically,
and Zionist endeavours to purchase land in Palestine became one of the most discussed
issues in the periodical, especially after the attempt to buy the former estates of Sultan
Abdülhamid II.

118
al-Yah d f Rafa [Jews in Rafa ]. In Filas n, 5 April 1913, 227–24, p. 3.
119
a - ahy n y n wa Rafa [The Zionists and Rafa ]. In Filas n, 12 April 1913, 229–26, p. 2.

94
 5. VIOLENT EPISODES INVOLVING THE
JEWISH AND ARAB COMMUNITIES

Filas n regularly published reports on various crimes and violent incidents that took
place in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya, other parts of the Ottoman Empire and abroad.
In the local news, frauds,1 thefts,2 robberies,3 forgeries,4 cutting of trees,5 beatings and
killings,6 shootings,7 shooting accidents8 and conflicts between Bedouin tribes9 were
among those reported. The news from other regions and from abroad carried by the
newspaper included reports on briberies,10 frauds11 and assassinations.12
In the years 1913–1914, Filas n dealt quite extensively with a few violent incidents
and disturbances in which Jews and Arabs were involved on opposite sides. The most
significant and bloodiest among them was the clash between the peasants of the vil-
lage of Zarn qa and the watchmen of the Jewish settlement Rehovot. Another was the
attempt of Jews from Jerusalem to appropriate the Tomb of Zechariah in the Kidron
Valley. A much lower number of people were involved in the Tel Aviv incident, which
amounted to an extrajudicial apprehension of an Arab peasant.

1
K m w cal al-makhra a [Alchemist at His Lathe]. In Filas n, 19 February 1913, 214–11, p. 3.
2
Naqb al-makhzan [Breaching of a Warehouse]. In Filas n, 6 September 1913, 269–66, p. 3; as-
Sariq t [Thefts]. In Filas n, 6 August 1913, 260–57, p. 3; al-Qab cal as-s riq [Arrest of a Thief].
In Filas n, 6 September 1913, 269–66, p. 3.
3
Ictid wa sariqa [Assault and Larceny]. In Filas n, 6 August 1913, 260–57, p. 3.
4
ash-Shah d t al-muzawwara [Forged Diplomas]. In Filas n, 2 July 1913, 250–47, p. 2; Tazw r
[Forgery]. In Filas n, 6 August 1913, 260–57, p. 3.
5
Isticr al-ashj r [Massacre of Trees]. In Filas n, 22 January 1913, 206–3, p. 3; al-c da al-qab a
[The Shameful Practice]. In Filas n, 14 June 1913, 245–42, p. 2.
6
Akhb r al-jih t [News from the Provinces]. In Filas n, 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 3.
7
Mu walat qatl wa fir r [Attempted Murder and Escape]. In Filas n, 13 August 1913, 262–59, p.
2; aw dith al-qatl wa al-jar [Incidents of Killing and Injury]. In Filas n, 20 September 1913,
273–70, pp. 2–3.
8
F R b n [In R b n]. In Filas n, 17 September 1913, 272–69, p. 3.
9
Akhb r al-jih t: al-Quds – li mur silin [News from the Provinces: Jerusalem – by Our
Correspondent]. In Filas n, 25 January 1913, 207–4, p. 2.
10
Bayr t [Beirut]. In Filas n, 24 January 1914, 301–4, p. 3.
11
Fa i Bank Ath n [Scandals of the Bank of Athens]. In Filas n, 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 2.
12
alqat al-usb c [This Week s Episode]. In Filas n, 4 July 1914, 333–36, p. 1.

95
5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

Zarn qa Affair
The Zarn qa affair concerned a clash between the Hashomer watchmen of the Rehovot
settlement and the Arab villagers of Zarn qa. It was sparked by theft of grapes in the
vineyards belonging to the Jewish settlements. This affair13 was one of the most dis-
cussed events on the pages of Filas n in the period under examination; at least nineteen
articles dealing with it were published between July 1913 and August 1914.14 Most of
them (twelve) were printed in the six weeks following the clash. However, the longevity
of this affair is evident from the fact that three articles about it (which explicitly mention
the name of the village in their titles) were published the following year, two of them
almost a year after the incident. Gur Alroey, who examined the archives of the Rehovot
settlement, suggests that it is necessary to analyse this incident in the context of the
previous behaviour of Hashomer s15 watchmen towards Arabs. According to him, the
Hashomer guards who were protecting the settlement of Rehovot acted with contempt
towards the Arab workers employed there as well as towards peasants who were pass-
ing by. Furthermore, they often treated them with brutality, humiliated them and beat
them with sticks or whips.16 It is noteworthy that soon after the Zarn qa incident the
settlement of Rehovot abrogated the contract with Hashomer and expelled it from its
premises.17

13
This affair is discussed by a few authors. MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World
War I, p. 174–175; BEN-BASSAT, Y. Petitioning the Sultan: Protests and Justice in Late Ottoman
Palestine, pp. 169–170, 223–225; ALROEY, G. The Russian Terror in Palestine: The Bar Giora
and Ha-shomer Associations, 1907–20. In HOROWITH, B., GINSBURG, Sh. Bounded Mind
and Soul: Russia and Israel, 1880–2010, pp. 38–49; BEN-BASSAT, Y. Rural Reactions to Zionist
Activity before and after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 as Reflected in Petitions to Istanbul.
In Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 49, No. 3, 2013, pp. 357–358. Furthermore, Yuval Ben-Bassat
analyses the conflict of the Rehovot settlement with the Bedouins it had displaced at the turn
of the last decade of the 19th century. BEN-BASSAT, Y. Conflicting Accounts of Early Zionist
Settlement: A Note on the Encounter between the Colony of Rehovot and the Bedouins of Khirbat
Duran. In British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2013, Vol. 40, No. 2, pp. 139–148.
14
The last issue at my disposal appeared on 15 August 1914.
15
Hashomer (The Guardian) was an organisation of Jewish guards of Russian origins established on
12 April 1909 in Kfar Tavor by members of the secret organisation Bar Giora. In its first years it
was active in the Galilee, but in 1911–1912 its watchmen took charge of the protection of several
large settlements in the Jerusalem muta arrif ya, including Rehovot. ALROEY, G. The Russian
Terror in Palestine: The Bar Giora and Ha-shomer Associations, 1907–20. In HOROWITH, B.,
GINSBURG, Sh. (eds.). Bounded Mind and Soul: Russia and Israel, 1880–2010, p. 31; SHAFIR,
G. Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914, p. 139.
16
This would support the accusations levelled by the mukht rs and im ms from the Gaza subdistrict
at the Hashomer watchmen in their petition to Istanbul, mentioned below.
17
ALROEY, G. The Russian Terror in Palestine: The Bar Giora and Ha-shomer Associations,
1907–20. In HOROWITH, B., GINSBURG, Sh. Bounded Mind and Soul: Russia and Israel,
1880–2010, pp. 38–49.

96
 5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

At the end of July, Filas n printed a short column on a fight that broke out between
the Arab village of Zarn qa and the Jewish settlement of Rehovot.18 It reported that
a camel driver from Zarn qa was caught stealing in the vineyards of Rehovot19 by a
Jewish guard who tried to take him to the settlement to be punished. This led to a fight,
after which both of them asked their compatriots for help. In the ensuing conflict two
people died, one on each side, and several were injured. The case was being investi-
gated, but the results were not yet known.20 In a commentary to the letter “The Picking
of the Ill-Omened Grapes”21 which was published one week later, the editors added
further details. “Thereafter it came to our ears that the problem was much greater than
we have mentioned and that Zionist leaders dreaded the consequence of the reverbera-
tion that the attack of the settlers from Dayr n with horses and guns against the native
village would cause among the natives, and they rushed from all sides to eliminate the
effect of this incident.”22 Soon the newspaper reported the killing of another watchman
of the Rehovot settlement.23
The newspaper opened its pages to authors who discussed these events and detailed
what had happened. The most active in this regard were F ris an-Nac ma and David
Moyal [Daw d Bak al-M y l], who each wrote two letters, providing different accounts
of the events. There were several points of contention. At the end of his first article,
Moyal summarises the events in three claims. The Jews did not start the conflict. On
the contrary, they tried to solve the issue in a peaceful manner. Finally the villagers
from Zarn qa attacked them, and the Jews were only protecting themselves.24 F ris
an-Nac ma contradicted these claims.25 Another point of disagreement was whether the
camel driver had stolen the grapes or was allowed to pick them by an Arab carriage

18
In this article the name Dayr n is used for the settlement. However, in latter issues another
variation of the name, D r n, is usually employed.
19
The owners of the vineyards actually lived in Rishon le-Zion and Nes Ziona. BEN-BASSAT, Y.
Petitioning the Sultan: Protests and Justice in Late Ottoman Palestine, p. 169.
20
Macraka agh ra [A Small Battle]. In Filas n, 26 July 1913, 257–54, p. 3.
21
The newspaper had received the letter earlier, but there was not enough space to publish it in
the previous issue (it takes up three columns). Qa f al-cinab al-mash m [The Picking of the Ill-
Omened Grapes]. In Filas n, 30 July 1913, 258–55, p. 3.
22
Comment of the editors of Filas n on the article: AN-NAC MA, F ris ( rith ibn cAbb d).
Ba ic ghayrin : Qa f al-cinab al-mash m [What Others Have to Say: The Picking of the Ill-
Omened Grapes]. In Filas n, 2 August 1913, 259–56, pp. 2–3.
23
Qat l [A Killed Person]. In Filas n, 6 August 1913, 260–57, p. 3.
24
M Y L, D wud Bak. Radd [Reply]. In Filas n, 20 August 1913, 264–61, p. 3.
25
AN-NAC MA, F ris (al- ris ibn cAbb d). Qa f al-cinab al-mash m (radd cal radd) [The Pic-
king of the Ill-Omened Grapes (A Reply to a Reply)]. In Filas n, 30 August 1913, 267–64, pp.
1–2.

97
5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

driver from Zarn qa (employed in the Jewish settlement).26 Sulaym n at-T j al-F r q 27
and the muft of Gaza, A mad Efendi c rif al- usayn ,28 also contributed to the debate.29
The editors of Filas n considered the account according to which the settlers were
responsible for the attack as consistent with reality.30 However, the situation was appar-
ently very puzzling. In issue 267–64, published on 30 August, the affair was discussed
very extensively in four articles written by different authors, including new contribu-
tions by both David Moyal and F ris an-Nac ma. Thereafter the editors decided not to
deal with it further until the results of the official investigation and trial were known.
“The Zarn qa affair has become the concern of the judiciary, not the press.”31 In fact,
thenceforth they entirely closed the newspaper to any commentaries on the affair from
contributors.
On a couple of occasions, the newspaper published translations of articles from
foreign-language newspapers which were spreading false accounts of the Zarn qa af-
fair.32 In one case the Jerusalem newspaper The Truth33 wrote that “the inhabitants of
the native villages [al-qur al-wa an ya] [are] attacking Israelite settlements and killing
many of the guards of the gardens and vineyards”.34 Another time Filas n included a

26
M Y L, D wud Bak. Radd [Reply]. In Filas n, 20 August 1913, 264–61, p. 3; AN-NAC MA,
F ris (al- ris ibn cAbb d). Qa f al-cinab al-mash m (radd cal radd) [The Picking of the Ill-
-Omened Grapes (A Reply to a Reply)]. In Filas n, 30 August 1913, 267–64, p. 1.
27
This blind shaykh was a member of the Ottoman Patriotic Party, established in Jaffa in 1911.
Ba ic ghayrin [What Others Have to Say]. In Filas n, 16 September 1911, 69, p. 2.
28
A mad Efendi c rif al- usayn was the anaf muft of Gaza and in 1912 he was elected as a
deputy to the Ottoman parliament. In May 1916 he was executed together with his son on the
orders of Djemal Pasha in Jerusalem. Comment by the editors below the article Ba ic ghayrin :
Qa f al-cinab al-mash m [What Others Have to Say: The Picking of the Ill-Omened Grapes]. In
Filas n, 2 August 1913, 259–56, p. 3; BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine: Politics and Society
in the District of Jerusalem, 1872–1908, p. 295; PAPPE, I. The Rise and Fall of a Palestinian
Dynasty: The Husaynis 1700–1948, p. 156; TAUBER, E. The Arab Movements in the World
War I, p. 51; MAHMOUD, Y. Elections in Late Ottoman Palestine: Early Exercises in Political
Representation. In BEN-BASSAT, Y., GINIO, E. Late Ottoman Palestine: The Period of Young
Turk Rule, p. 51.
29
AL-F R Q , Sulaym n at-T j . urr ya am isticb d wa al-cadl aw istibd d [Freedom or Ensla-
vement and Justice or Tyranny]. In Filas n, 30 August 1913, 267–64, al-mul aq, p. 1; AL-
USAYN , A mad Efendi c rif. Ni f takdh b [Half-Denial]. In Filas n, 9 August 1913, 261–58,
p. 3.
30
Comment of the editors of Filas n on the article: AN-NAC MA, F ris ( rith ibn cAbb d).
Ba ic ghayrin : Qa f al-cinab al-mash m [What Others Have to Say: The Picking of the Ill-
-Omened Grapes]. In Filas n, 2 August 1913, 259–56, pp. 2–3.
31
M Y L, D wud. ar-Radd cal at-tacl q [A Reply to a Comment]. In Filas n, 30 August 1913,
267–64, p. 2.
32
The reason for this statement is the fact that the claims published in these newspapers do not
correspond with other sources.
33
A weekly English-language newspaper published by Solomon Feingold in Jerusalem.
34
al-Quds – li mur silin : Aqw l a - u uf al-isr l ya [Jerusalem – by Our Correspondent: Reports
of the Israelite Papers]. In Filas n, 13 August 1913, 262–59, p. 3.

98
 5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

translation from the Lloyd Ottoman,35 which was published in Istanbul. In its version
of events, four peasants went to steal in the vineyards. On the way to Zarn qa, the re-
turning peasants “met a poor boy from the art school in Jerusalem (Bezalel),36 bestially
murdered him and arrived in their village shouting that the Jews were marching against
them”.37 Filas n added a comment below the article: “Whoever is reading this letter
will not doubt that its author is a Zionist whose goal is to falsify the truth and present the
native inhabitants of the country to the Europeans as fanatical savages by what he has
concocted from the events, which God and all know are contrary to what he has said.”38
Several later articles deal with the resolution of the conflict. Two men, Khal l Efendi
al-cIzza and cUthm n Efendi al-cIzza, made efforts to mediate and to achieve recon-
ciliation between the two sides. A solution was found in order to absolve the accused
from their culpability. The responsibility for the murders was attributed to guards from
among the Magh riba and Bedouins whom it would be impossible to find. The author
of the article, who was evidently dissatisfied with this settlement, asks: “And I wonder
what will be the role of the administrators of justice in this matter??”39 The reason for
attribution of culpability to the Magh riba guards and Bedouins was to exonerate the
Hashomer guards who were involved in the incident on the Jewish side and the peasants
on the Arab side. When the court did not accept the settlement and indicted the arrested
villagers and settlers, Filas n approved of the decision, expressing the hope that the
truth would be revealed.40 At the end of June 1914, a session of the trial took place. A
protocol was submitted to the court by both sides according to which the two persons
(one on each side) who had lost their lives in the encounter killed each other. However,
the prosecutor contested this account. A correspondent was opposed to this solution,
since the investigation revealed that many other people on both sides were responsible
for the deaths and injuries.41 The last article dealing with the trial reports that three
peasants from Zarn qa stated that they had falsified the accusation of the settlers from
Rehovot. They presented as a reason the fact that the latter had done the same.42

35
Lloyd Ottoman/Der Ottomanische Lloyd was written in French and German and sponsored by
German businesses.
36
A Jewish art school with strong Zionist leanings founded in 1906 in Jerusalem by Boris Schatz.
WOLITZ, S. L. Vitebsk versus Bezalel: A Jewish Kulturkampf in the Plastic Arts. In GITELMAN,
Z. (ed.). The Emergence of Modern Jewish Politics: Bundism and Zionism in Eastern Europe,
2003, p. 158.
37
Kayfa yuzayyif na al-akhb r [How They Falsify News]. In Filas n, 27 August 1913, 266–63,
p. 2.
38
Ibid., p. 2.
39
Kayfa tamma a - ul bayna Zarn qa wa D r n [How the Settlement between Zarn qa and D r n
Was Achieved]. In Filas n, 1 November 1913, 285–82, p. 3.
40
Mas alat Zarn qa [The Issue of Zarn qa]. In Filas n, 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 3.
41
Dacw Zarn qa wa D r n [The Zarn qa and D r n Lawsuit]. In Filas n, 4 July 1914, 333–36,
p. 4.
42
Dacw Zarn qa wa D r n [The Zarn qa and D r n Lawsuit]. In Filas n, 22 July 1914, 338–41,
p. 5.

99
5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

It is surprising that the newspaper did not mention the petition which was sent to Is-
tanbul by a number of mukht rs and im ms from the Gaza subdistrict few days after the
clash, which accused the watchmen of the settlements of Rehovot and Rishon le-Zion
of aggressive and cruel behaviour towards the native population.43

an r Fircawn Affair
Religious sites in Palestine pertaining to the three major monotheistic religions were
and to this day remain a very sensitive issue. During the late Ottoman period, a few
controversies involving religious sites occurred, perhaps the most widely known among
them being the al- aram ash-Shar f incident of 1911.44 Competing claims over places
of religious significance have led several times to serious strife over the past hundred
years.45 During the Mandate period, the best-known disturbances of this kind were the
1929 Western Wall riots, which were sparked by the fears of changing the long-estab-
lished status quo and Jewish appropriation of the Wailing (al-Bur q) Wall, which was
part of the Muslim waqf.46
To the best of my knowledge, the an r Fircawn controversy, which involved Jews
from Jerusalem on the one hand and Muslims from Silw n village47 and the government

43
BEN-BASSAT, Y. Rural Reactions to Zionist Activity before and after the Young Turk Revolution
of 1908 as Reflected in Petitions to Istanbul. In Middle Eastern Studies, 2013, Vol. 49, No. 3,
pp. 357–358; BEN-BASSAT, Y. Petitioning the Sultan: Protests and Justice in Late Ottoman
Palestine, pp. 169–170, 223–225.
44
It concerned a British archaeological team that was carrying out excavations in Jerusalem, most
controversially inside the compound of the Noble Sanctuary (Temple Mount), including under the
Dome of the Rock (Qubbat as-Sakhra). For a detailed analysis of this affair, see FISHMAN, L.
The 1911 Haram al-Sharif Incident: Palestinian Notables Versus the Ottoman Admininistration. In
Journal of Palestine Studies, Spring 2005, Issue 135, Vol. XXXIV, No. 3, pp. 6–22.
45
The latest being the “abortive intif a” of 2014 and the “knife intif a” which began in the
autumn of 2015 and was to a large degree sparked by the fears of the Palestinians over the threats
of changing the status quo of the Noble Sanctuary (al- aram ash-Shar f in Arabic), called by
Jews the Temple Mount (Har Ha-Bayit in Hebrew), forcibly pushed by Temple Mount activists.
Furthermore, Ariel Sharon s visit to the Noble Sanctuary at the end of September 2000 provoked
the Second Intif a. HOUK, M. Dangerous Grounds at al-Haram al-Sharif: The Threats to the
Status Quo. In Jerusalem Quarterly, Summer/Autumn 2015, No. 63/64, pp. 105–119; International
Crisis Group. The Status of the Status Quo at Jerusalem s Holy Esplanade, Middle East Report,
30 June 2015, No. 159.
46
MORRIS, B. Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881–2001, pp. 111–
113; HOUK, M. Dangerous Grounds at al-Haram al-Sharif: The Threats to the Status Quo. In
Jerusalem Quarterly, Summer/Autumn 2015, No. 63/64, pp. 115.
47
The village of Silw n is part of the occupied East Jerusalem and is located just outside the walls
of the Old City to the south of the Noble Sanctuary. It is currently one of the hot spots of Jewish
settlement expansion, conducted primarily by the organisation Elad (acronym for “To the City of

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 5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

on the other hand, has not been dealt with in scholarly literature. This short description
of the events is based on a few articles published in Filas n at the beginning of 1914.48
an r Fircawn (the Tomb of Zechariah) is located in the Kidron Valley (Valley of Je-
hoshaphat) to the east of the Old City of Jerusalem. With limited information available,
I could not establish whether an r Fircawn had previously been used for religious
rituals. However, it seems that until the outbreak of the affair it was not considered a
religious site of special importance; it did not have a custodian and was not locked.
At that time, the sharing of sacred sites between various religious communities in
Palestine and joint attendance at religious festivals49 was common. In most cases, these
places were shared between Muslims and Christians, but there were also some struc-
tures where Jews were involved, an example being Rachel’s tomb.50 In 1841 Moses
Montefiore commissioned a renovation of Rachel’s tomb and the addition of a new
room for Muslim prayers which was attached to it. Henceforth, the tomb itself was
locked and the two keys were given to two Jewish caretakers (previously its guardian
had been a Muslim). In this manner, access to the tomb was restricted to visitors and pil-
grims, especially to individual Muslim women. Both communities were thus provided
with detached spaces – the Jews with the tomb for their prayers, and Muslims with the
new prayer room for their funeral rituals.51 Glenn Bowman writes that the separation
between the Muslim and Jewish visitors which occurred due to these changes was the
result of the “discomfiture [of the Ashkenazim] with the Muslim presence at the shrine,
particularly in the tomb room”.52 It seems from the fragmentary information available
that an analogous attempt at exclusion, possibly from similar motivations, might have
been at play in the case of an r Fircawn.
According to the Jerusalem correspondent of the newspaper Filas n writing in Janu-
ary 1914, “[t]wo months ago some of the inhabitants of Silw n observed the Israelites
building a high structure over a grave situated in front of the door of the well-known place
called an r Fircawn, which is known among the inhabitants of Jerusalem as the Tomb
of Dhakariy [Zechariah], and they have submitted a complaint to the government”.53
The Jews then attempted to persuade the villagers by monetary incentives to accept

David”). For more details, see BEININ, J. Mixing, Separation, and Violence in Urban Spaces and
the Rural Frontier in Palestine. In Arab Studies Journal, 2013, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 36–40.
48
A thorough analysis of this issue will only be possible if relevant archival materials are unearthed
and consulted.
49
For more details on intercommunal festivals in Palestine, see TAMARI, S. Mountain against the
Sea: Essays on Palestinian Society and Culture, pp. 27–31; SHAMS, A. Between al-Khader and
Nabi Rubeen: Religious Pilgrimage and Palestinian Shared Worlds of Meaning. In Jerusalem
Quarterly, Summer/Autumn 2015, No. 63/64, pp. 95–104.
50
BOWMAN, G. Sharing and Exclusion: The Case of Rachel s Tomb. In Jerusalem Quarterly,
Spring 2014, No. 58, pp. 30–33.
51
Ibid., pp. 38–39, 42–45.
52
Ibid., p. 41.
53
al-Quds li ib at-tawq c (mas’alat an r Fircawn) [Jerusalem – Written by Below-Signed (The
Issue of an r Fircawn)] In Filas n, 17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 3.

101
5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

their appropriation of the tomb, but the majority of them refused. The correspondent
then introduced the arguments on which the Jews were basing their claims: “Firstly that
the place is [located] within their cemetery and is intended for the burial of their rabbis.
Secondly, because there is written on it in the Hebrew tongue that it is a burial place
of rabbis. Thirdly, because the people of Silw n are putting up their cattle in it for the
night and they want to prevent the natives from dirtying it.”54 He refutes these justifica-
tions one after the other. He also mentions another recent Jewish violation of a Muslim
religious site in Jerusalem.55
The second article was authored by a witness of a massive Jewish demonstration that
took place in the Kidron Valley. Based on the decision of the administrative council of
the muta arrif ya, on Saturday 24 January an iron gate was installed at the tomb and
the key was handed over to a Muslim caretaker from Silw n. The kh mb sh of Jeru-
salem mobilised the Jews to gather at the site the next day. A few thousand of them ar-
rived, destroyed both the outer gate and the inner door of the tomb, occupied it and beat
up the caretaker. After a prolonged occupation that took the whole day, the gendarmerie
dispersed the crowds, who responded by throwing stones at them.56 A short message on
this demonstration had been published in the previous issue.57
Two weeks later, the correspondent confirmed the account of the witness. Further-
more, he rebutted the information that a commission inspected the excavations and
decreed that the tomb belongs to the Jews, because there are no excavations going on at
the site. On the contrary, it was decreed that the site “belongs to historical monuments
which are in the possession of the government”.58
The case of an r Fircawn seems to represent another example which falls into the
context of the gradual separation of the respective religious communities described by

54
al-Quds li ib at-tawq c (mas’alat an r Fircawn) [Jerusalem – Written by Below-Signed (The
Issue of an r Fircawn)]. In Filas n, 17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 3.
55
The author writes: “I think that Muslim people from Jerusalem have not forgotten what has hap-
pened to the Blue Mosque located in the Jewish Quarter, [because] of which the city was very
agitated when the Jews [al-Yahūd] transgressed against it by construction, and the issue is still
with the administrative council.” al-Quds – li ib at-tawq c (mas’alat an r Fircawn) [Jerusalem
– Written by Below-Signed (The Issue of an r Fircawn)]. In Filas n, 17 January 1914, 299–2,
p. 3. The illegal construction on land belonging to the Blue Mosque by Ottoman Israelites [al-
Isr l y n al-cUthm n y n] and the actions taken by the administrative council are discussed in the
following article: al-Quds: Li mur silin . al-J mic al-Azraq [Jerusalem: By Our Correspondent.
The Blue Mosque]. In Filas n, 5 October 1912, 177–76, p. 2.
56
Hiy j f al-Quds. (Li mur sil f il) [Turmoil in Jerusalem. (By a Learned Correspondent)]. In
Filas n, 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 2. One year earlier, Filas n had reported on a much smaller
clash between the police and a group of Muslim youth at the Noble Sanctuary. Shij r f al- aram
al-Quds [A Quarrel at the Jerusalem Sanctuary]. In Filas n, 26 February 1913, 216–13, p. 3.
57
Akhb r Akh ra: al-Quds [Latest News: Jerusalem]. In Filas n, 28 January 1914, 302–5, p. 3.
58
al-Quds – li mur silin : Mas alat an r Fircawn [Jerusalem – By Our Correspondent: an r
Fircawn Affair]. In Filas n, 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 2.

102
 5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

Glenn Bowman in his paper.59 Despite the dearth of information, it appears that this
attempt aimed at changing the status quo and at the appropriation of the site for the
exclusive access of one community. Furthermore, it is an indication, like the illegal
construction on land belonging to the Blue Mosque, of the worsening relations between
Muslims and Jews in Jerusalem.

Tel Aviv Incident

This event involved the violent and degrading kidnapping of an Arab Muslim peasant
who while selling coal got involved in an argument with a Yemenite Jew. He was after-
wards put in an illegal detention facility located in the secondary school (the Herzliya
Hebrew Gymnasium) in Tel Aviv. The three authors of the article who witnessed the
event and reported it to the local authorities called attention to the disrespect of the prop-
er procedures and laws by the Zionists.60 This episode took place on 16 February 191461
and was also publicised by al-Karmil (although with a delay of three weeks).62 The local
authorities opted for a comprehensive solution which consisted of two measures: they
forbade Jewish watchmen in Tel Aviv to wear clothes resembling official uniforms, and
they started to work on establishing a police station in Tel Aviv.63 Among the reasons
given for the latter were “abutment of its [Tel Aviv s] streets with the streets of the city
[Jaffa], its closeness to the dwellings of non-Israelites and repetition of incidents which
occurred there”.64 However, soon thereafter, they abandoned the latter initiative because
of a lack of funds, non-cooperation from the Zionist side and difficulties in finding a
suitable plot.65 Furthermore, three weeks after the newspaper reported the ban on uni-
forms, one of the guards from Rehovot was captured wearing the official uniform of a
gendarmerie officer. When he was apprehended, a license to carry forbidden guns issued

59
Glenn Bowman terms this process “encystation”; it was briefly discussed in Chapter 2. BOWMAN,
G. Sharing and Exclusion: The Case of Rachel s Tomb. In Jerusalem Quarterly, Spring 2014, No.
58, pp. 30–49.
60
AB KHADR , H shim et al. ditha f Tall Ab b [Incident in Tel Aviv]. In Filas n, 18 February
1914, 308–11, p. 2.
61
The date 3 February according to the Julian calendar is mentioned in the newspaper.
62
al-I tij j cal a - ahy n y n [The Protest against the Zionists]. In al-Karmil, 419, p. 2. The date
of this issue was not visible. However, since issue 418 was printed on 3 April and issue 420 on 10
April 1914, it is likely that issue 419 appeared on 7 April, as Tuesday and Friday were the days
when the paper was usually printed.
63
An unfinished police station [qar qūl] in the vicinity of Tel Aviv had previously been sold to Su-
laym n at-T j for 600 l ras. Ithn n badal w id [One instead of Two]. In Filas n, 20 April 1912,
129–28, p. 3.
64
Nuq at Tall Ab b [The [Police] Station in Tel Aviv]. In Filas n, 28 February 1914, 311–14, p. 3;
dithat Tall Ab b [The Tel Aviv Incident]. In Filas n, 21 February 1914, 309–12, p. 3.
65
al- araka a - ahy n ya: a - ahy n y n cUthm n y n [The Zionist Movement: The Zionists are
Ottomans]. In Filas n, 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-mul aq [supplement], p. 1.

103
5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

by the deputy commander of ar-Ramla was found on him. The article criticised not only
this deputy but the authorities in general for ignoring illegal acts and oppression of the
peasants perpetrated by guards from the Jewish settlements.66
At the beginning of April, the newspaper published an extensive telegraph petition
(containing 466 words) sent after the Tel Aviv incident by Muslim youth from Jaffa
to the Sublime Porte and the ministry of the interior in which they appealed to these
institutions to act. Due to the ineffectiveness of the local authorities in dealing with the
Jewish settlers, it is not surprising that the senders of the petition circumvented them
and turned directly to the central government. The telegram begins: “The Zionists in
Jaffa are a government within a government and they have made two rooms in their new
quarter, Tel Aviv, for the detention of natives, one at their municipality and the other at
the secondary school. If a quarrel occurs between a Jew and a native, they detain the
latter in one of them.”67 It contains a rather detailed description of the incident and iden-
tifies the people who had imprisoned the peasant (the director of the secondary school
and the clerk of the Jewish court). The telegram also mentions another case when a
Muslim was detained in Tel Aviv,68 as well as the laxity of the local authorities towards
Zionist offences and the unsuccessful attempt at establishing a police station in Tel Aviv.
This petition, despite its length, does not contain any of the standard honorific formulas
and phrases.69 Contrary to custom, the wording of the petition is not polite, apparently
because of the anger of the youth who sent it immediately after the event. Towards the
end, the tone shifts to sarcasm, even derision: “Thus, the government is either incapable
of punishing them [the Zionists], in which case it is its duty to declare it frankly and
prepare sanctuaries for the locals to take refuge in, or it is capable, and it has the duty
to put an end to these violations and the disdain for its authority.”70 On 25 March 1914,
the Hebrew newspaper ha- erut republished an interview the muta arrif of Jerusalem
gave to al-Iqd m in which he was criticized by the journalist for the way the incident
was handled. Louis Fishman raised a very important point in this regard. According to

66
urr s al-mustacmar t a - ahy n ya yalbis na thiy b al-j nd rma [The Settlements Guards
Wear the Uniform of the Gendarmerie]. In Filas n, 21 March 1914, 317–20, p. 2.
67
Shuc r ash-shab ba [The Awareness of the Youth]. In Filas n, 320–23, 1 April 1914, p. 3.
68
This alludes to a strikingly similar incident which had taken place in the autumn of the previous
year. At that time, Wa d Bey, the assistant of the public prosecutor, released a native (A mad ibn
M s ) who had been imprisoned and beaten in the government house in Tel Aviv. al-Ma kim
a - ahy n ya [Zionist Courts]. In Filas n, 18 October 1913, 281–78, p. 1; r al-mukhli n
f sal mat al-wa an [Opinions of the Faithful on the Integrity of the Homeland]. In Filas n, 20
December 1913, 292–89, p. 4.
69
In contrast, two shorter petitions protesting against the proposed sale of the former estates of
Sultan Abdülhamid II which were published in Filas n the previous year include such formulas.
I tij j ah l Bays n [Protest of the Inhabitants of Bays n]. In Filas n, 18 June 1913, 246–43, pp.
2–3. For a discussion of the style of the petitions and the impact the introduction of telegraph
had on them, see BEN-BASSAT, Y. Petitioning the Sultan: Protests and Justice in Late Ottoman
Palestine, pp. 57–58.
70
Shuc r ash-shab ba [The Awareness of the Youth]. In Filas n, 1 April 1914, 320–23, p. 3.

104
 5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

him, this and other similar events demonstrate the disparity between the indifference of
the Ottoman administrators and the concerns over Zionism felt and voiced by the Arab
Palestinian elites.71 The abovementioned telegram seems to substantiate this divergence.
In addition, he mentions a newspaper article which was sent to Istanbul concerning this
incident. However, it seems that it relates to another later event, for the following rea-
sons. First, the government dealt with it in July 1914, almost half a year after the event
in Tel Aviv took place and a telegram reporting it was sent to Istanbul. Secondly, the
episode described in the instructions from Istanbul72 looks very different from the Tel
Aviv incident. The text of the telegram discussed above, which the government must
have been aware of, contains a very dissimilar description of the affair.73 Moreover, it
seems that such incidents were not rare occurrences.
The constructive approach and endeavour to be objective on the part of Filas n s
editors is discernible from the article “The [Police] Station in Tel Aviv”. Evidently, the
editors did not shy away from praising Zionists when they saw that they were ready to
participate in a solution which would decrease friction between the communities. After
the description of the agreement on the establishment of the police station in Tel Aviv,
the newspaper added: “And it is a deed for which His Grace the q immaq m is worthy
of thanks and also the chiefs of Tel Aviv are worthy of thanks, because by this action of
theirs they have rebutted what had been circulated about them and they have closed the
door on gossip.”74
The newspaper also briefly discussed other incidents. In the spring of 1913, there
was a conflict between al- ad tha and the Bayt cAr f settlement.75 In January 1914, a
clash occurred between villagers from al-Qubayba and the watchmen who were guard-
ing the land David Moyal s wife rented from them.76 Two months later, an Arab was
shot and gravely injured by a Russian guard from the Chelouche77 retinue.78
These violent events certainly influenced the attitude of the newspaper’s editors to
Zionism. The Zarn qa incident had by far the greatest impact and was the subject of an
extraordinarily high number of articles. After this event, the mantra repeatedly invoked

71
FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National Movements,
1908–1914, pp. 62–63.
72
“[A] Muslim who was crossing an orange grove owned by Zionists [...] ‘was hung to a tree by
his feet [by Zionists], flogged, and then apprehended and tortured’.” FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine
Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National Movements, 1908–1914, p. 62.
73
Ibid., pp. 61–63; Shuc r ash-shab ba [The Awareness of the Youth]. In Filas n, 1 April 1914,
320–23, p. 1.
74
Nuq at Tall Ab b [The [Police] Station in Tel Aviv]. In Filas n, 28 February 1914, 311–14, p. 3.
75
al-Ludd – li mur silin [Lydda – by Our Correspondent]. In Filas n, 15 March 1913, 221–18,
p. 3.
76
dithat al-Qubayba. [al-Qubayba Incident]. In Filas n, 7 January 1914, 297–94, p. 3.
77
It probably involved Yosef Eliahu Chelouche (1870–1934) an affluent Jewish businessman from
Jaffa. For more on him and the Chelouche family, see BÜSSOW, J. Hamidian Palestine: Politics
and Society in the District of Jerusalem 1872–1908, pp. 238–256.
78
ris yaqtul badaw yan [A Watchman Kills a Bedouin]. In Filas n, 21 March 1914, 317–20, p. 2.

105
5. Violent Episodes Involving the Jewish and Arab Communities

by Zionist authors concerning the benefits brought by the Jewish settlements of Reho-
vot, Petah Tikva and Rishon le-Zion to the Palestinian villagers no longer sounded plau-
sible. Furthermore, all these incidents exposed Jewish immigrants’ disrespect towards
and avoidance of official Ottoman institutions in both rural and urban areas.

106
 6. TRANSLATION OF MENACHEM
USSISHKIN S OUR PROGRAM1

Two important translations into Arabic of longer texts about Zionism were made and
published prior to World War I in Palestine. In addition, the authors of both translations
published their comments alongside the texts. The first was issued in 1911 in Haifa by
the anti-Zionist journalist and activist Naj b al-Kh r Na r. Initially, he published the
translation of the article on Zionism from the Jewish Encyclopedia2 in a series of col-
umns in his newspaper al-Karmil. It appeared in issues 133–149 in the first half of 1911,
but these issues are no longer extant.3 Shortly thereafter he republished the translation
with the comments in the book a - ahyūn ya, t r khuh – gharaḍuh – ahamm yatuh .4
The second translation was made by c s al-c s three years later on the eve of World
War I, and it will be the subject of this chapter. I would like to highlight the time differ-
ence between the two translations, since it exemplifies the delay in Filas n s perception
of Zionism as posing a threat to Palestine and its native inhabitants in comparison to
al-Karmil.

Naj b al-Kh r Na r and c s al-c s were not the first to translate and publish a
text concerning Zionism into Arabic. Apparently the first was Mu ammad Rash d Ri 5

1
Much of this chapter has already been published in BEŠKA, E. Arabic Translations of Writings
on Zionism Published in Palestine before the First World War. In Asian and African Studies,
2014, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp. 154–172.
2
GOTTHEIL, R. Zionism. In Jewish Encyclopedia. A Descriptive Record of the History, Religion,
Literature, and Customs of the Jewish People from the Earliest Times, Vol. XII. TALMUD–
ZWEIFEL, pp. 666–686.
3
The issues of al-Karmil in question were published between March and June 1911: 133 (31 March
1911)–149 (2 June 1911). KHALIDI, R. The Role of the Press in the Early Arab Reaction to Zionism.
In Peuples méditerranéens/Mediterranean Peoples July–September 1982, No. 20, pp. 108, 120.
4
NA R, Naj b al-Kh r . a - ahyūn ya, t r khuh – gharaḍuh – ahamm yatuh . Mulakhkha an
c
an al-Ins klūb diy al-Yahūd ya [Zionism. Its History, Objective and Importance. Abridged from
the Jewish Encyclopedia]. It is worth mentioning that only six books were translated into Arabic
in Palestine in the period 1908–1920. AYALON, A. Reading Palestine: Printing and Literacy,
1900–1948, p. 67.
5
For more information on Mu ammad Rash d Ri s writings on Zionism in the pre-WWI period,
see BEŠKA, E. Responses of Prominent Arabs towards Zionist Aspirations and Colonisation prior

107
6. Translation of Menachem Ussishkin s Our Program

(1865–1935), the prominent Lebanese thinker and journalist, who in 1897 moved to
Egypt. The first time he touched on the subject of Zionism was in 1898 on the pages
of his journal al-Man r.6 Four years later, in 1902, he returned to the subject in a long
article entitled ay t umma bacda mawtih [The Life of a Nation after Its Death].7
This long article contains translated passages from a speech by Theodor Herzl (whom
Mu ammad Rash d Ri mistakenly identifies as Israel Zangwill) and a declaration
from the Zionist Organisation’s branch in Alexandria.8

Menachem Ussishkin
One of the most important and influential early Zionist leaders, Menachem Ussishkin
(1863–1941), was born in the village of Dubrovna in Belarus, where he spent his early
childhood. In 1871 his family moved to Moscow, where he remained for the next two
decades. He became active in the Hovevei Zion society in the first half of the 1880s.
After his first visit to Palestine (on a honeymoon) in 1891, he moved to Ekaterinoslav,
the home town of his wife’s family. With the birth of political Zionism, he very soon
became one of the leaders of its Russian bloc. When Abraham Greenberg, the chairman
of the Hovevei Zion Committee, died in 1906, Ussishkin became his successor and
moved to Odessa, where he stayed until he ultimately left for Palestine at the end of
1919. In the same year he became the chairman of the Zionist delegation in Palestine.
In 1924 he became the chairman of the Jewish National Fund, and he held this position
until his death.9
Ussishkin was one of the most active and outspoken opponents of the Uganda pro-
ject (involving the offer of the British government to create an autonomous Jewish
settlement in what is presently Kenya). It was during this controversy that he published
the booklet Nasha programma [Our Program] in 1904.10 Gershon Shafir emphasises the
importance of this booklet with the following words: “Ruppin s memorandum together
with Ussishkin s Our Program of 1904, are key documents for the comprehension of

to 1908. In Asian and African Studies, 2007, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 35–40; SHAVIT, U. Zionism as
Told by Rashid Rida. In Journal of Israeli History, 2015, Vol. 34, No. 1, pp. 23–44.
6
RI , Mu ammad Rash d. Khabar wa ictib r [Affair and Reflections]. In al-Man r, 9 April 1898,
al-mujallad [Vol.] I, al-juz’ [No.] 6, pp. 105–108.
7
RI , Mu ammad Rash d. ay t umma bacda mawtih [The Life of a Nation after Its Death]. In
al-Man r, 26 January 1902, al-mujallad [Vol.] IV, al-juz’ [No.] 21, pp. 801–809.
8
Ibid., pp. 803–807.
9
KLAUSNER, J. Menahem Ussishkin, pp. 9–71.
10
KLAUSNER, J. Menahem Ussishkin, pp. 38–42. It was first published in the December issue of
Evreiskaya zhizn′ [Jewish Life], pp. 78–111.

108
 6. Translation of Menachem Ussishkin s Our Program

the Zionist perspective of the era, precisely because they are not ideological proclama-
tions, but rather hard-headed and down-to-earth blueprints.”11

The Translation of Our Program12

Three years after Naj b al-Kh r Na r issued the book a - ahyūn ya, in the summer
of 1914, the managing director of Filas n, c s al-c s , took a similar step and began
to publish a translation of a booklet on Zionist aims. Unlike Na r, he did not choose
a scholarly article on Zionism but Ussishkin’s Our Program.13 c s al-c s ’s ambition
was clearly stated in the last sentence of the introductory article to the series: “In the
subsequent issues we are going to publish a small portion of this book until the transla-
tion is completed and then we will print it separately, God willing.”14 Thus he chose an
approach similar to that of his forerunner Naj b al-Kh r Na r, with the difference
that he apparently did not plan to publish the whole translation in his paper (as Na r
had done). The introduction to the series was published in Filas n on 11 July 1914, and
in the following issues (except No. 340–343) segments of the translation were printed.
The last number of Filas n that contained a portion of the translation was printed on 1
August 1914 (No. 341–44). Nevertheless, the second goal of publishing the translation
of the entire book did not materialise because of the outbreak of World War I, much of
which c s al-c s together with his cousin Y suf al-c s spent outside of Palestine in
Anatolian exile.15 In mid-July, Na r called the attention of the readers of al-Karmil to
this series, informed them that it was going to be published in Filas n and encouraged
them to read it, “because it will end [the debate] once and for all and silence everyone
who still stubbornly insists on defending the benefits of Zionism in order to find through
this defence a way to commit treason on his homeland and facilitate selling of the land
which the ancestors acquired with [their] blood”.16
It is possible that the first time c s al-c s came across Our Program was in Na r’s
translation of the article Zionism from the Jewish Encyclopedia, where it was mentioned
in the chapter dealing with “Ziyyone Zionists” led by Menachem Ussishkin: “In the

11
GERSHON, Sh. Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914, pp.
43–44.
12
The Russian original of Our Program was soon translated into German, English and Hebrew. I am
using the English version for comparison with the Arabic translation by c s al-c s . USSISCHKIN,
M. Our Program: An Essay.
13
Mandel mentions this book very briefly in his monograph. MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and
Zionism before World War I, p. 214.
14
al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s (Kit b jad d. aq ’iq majh la) [The Zionist Political Programme
(New Book. Unknown Facts)]. In Filas n, 11 July 1914, 335–38, p. 1.
15
KHALIDI, R. The Iron Cage, p. 95; KHALAF, Noha Tadros. Falastin versus the British Mandate
and Zionism (1921–1931), p. 9.
16
Filas n wa a - ahy n ya [Filas n and Zionism]. In al-Karmil, 14 July 1914, 446, p. 3.

109
6. Translation of Menachem Ussishkin s Our Program

booklet ‘Br ghr mun ’, Unser Programm, which was published in Vienna in 1905, Us-
sishkin laid down the principles of the new group.”17 Our Program was also mentioned
by Sac d Bey al- usayn in the speech he delivered to the Ottoman parliament in May
1911.18
One indication of the significance that the editors of Filas n attributed to the pub-
lishing of these texts was the fact that they placed the first part of the series on the first
page of the newspaper. The following parts were placed on the third page, almost al-
ways in the same place. Articles had a standardised heading ornamented with geometric
and floral patterns, which was atypical for articles published in the newspaper. The main
purpose of this heading was undoubtedly to grab the attention of the readers and direct
them to these translations. Another uncommon feature was the width of the article’s
column. Usually, the newspaper page was divided into five narrow columns, but the
column of the translation was twice as wide as other pieces. This was another differen-
tiating attribute that could not have escaped readers’ attention.
At the beginning of the opening article, c s al-c s wrote about two very different
reactions to the anti-Zionist line of his paper: “We spoke about economic and political
losses [caused] by Zionism in Palestine. Many authors, editors and newspaper owners
concurred with us in this, and others, who cannot see further than the end of their noses
or consider everything pursuant to their personal interest before anything else, contra-
dicted us.”19 Furthermore, c s al-c s described why he considered it vital to make the
text available to the public. “We have now decided to translate this book into Arabic,
and we do not doubt that it will be the definitive conclusion of this matter that concerns
the sons of Palestine in particular and every Arab and Ottoman in general. Then every-
one will become acquainted with the Zionist programme and its policy and [this trans-
lation] will discourage everyone who would start to portray it [Zionism] in a different
light and defend it.”20
In his booklet, Ussishkin openly identified the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine
as the aim of the Basel Programme of the First Zionist Congress. The following extracts
are crucial in terms of c s al-c s ’s endeavour to inform the readers of Filas n about
Zionist intentions:

All true Zionists [...] regarded the programme of the First Basel Congress [...] as
the embodiment of the desires of the nation [al-umma], in particular in its first

17
NA R, Naj b al-Kh r . a - ahyūn ya, t r khuh – gharaḍuh – ahamm yatuh . Mulakhkha an
c
an al-Ins klūb diy al-Yahūd ya [Zionism. Its History, Objective and Importance. Abridged from
the Jewish Encyclopedia], p. 54.
18
MANDEL, N. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. 113.
19
al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s [The Zionist Political Programme]. In Filas n, 11 July 1914,
335–38, p. 1.
20
Ibid., p. 1.

110
 6. Translation of Menachem Ussishkin s Our Program

explicit declaration, so that the whole world would hear that we strive for the
creation of a Jewish government in Palestine.21

In reality, the moral courage that Congress demonstrated by proclaiming the

rights of the Israelite nation [al-umma al-Isr l ya] to Palestine and the clear
and manifest programme that it worked out to achieve this objective [...] had a
miraculous effect on the Jewish people [ash-shacb al-yahūd ], and it has awak-
ened them from their deep slumber.22

However, it is the following passage that most openly defines Zionist aspirations:

The main point of the programme of the Basel Congress is the establishment of a
free, independent, political homeland for the Israelite people in Palestine [wa an
siy s urr mustaqill li ash-shacb al-Isr l f Filas n]. It is clearly understood
from this that the only objective of the Zionist movement is the creation of a free,
independent political state for Jews in Palestine and not the creation of a refuge
or a spiritual centre for them. Palestine was mentioned and no other country was
brought up because all efforts directed at a country other than Palestine are in no
way Zionist.23

c
s al-c s only managed to publish the translation of one-quarter of Ussishkin’s book.
The text published in Filas n comprises nine out of thirty-seven pages of Blondheim s
translation into English.24 It is worth mentioning that the suspension was very abrupt,
as it occurred in the middle of Chapter 7 of the English version. Not only did c s al-
c
s discontinue this chapter, he did not even conclude the discussion of Herzl’s legacy
in the field of diplomacy and how the Zionists should proceed in the future. Another
indication of the suddenness of the cessation is the fact that at the end of the article the
expression “to be continued” can be found (as was the case with previous parts of the
series).25 There are two possible explanations for this: on the one hand, coverage of
the recently erupted World War I in Europe became the foremost priority. Most of the
space in the newspaper was devoted to it, and therefore the translation was put on the
back burner. On the other hand, it might also have been the result of a conscious deci-
sion by the editors of Filas n to keep a low profile and not provide the authorities with
any pretext to suspend their newspaper. I have found only three pieces in the following

21
al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s [The Zionist Political Programme]. In Filas n, 22 July 1914,
338–41, p. 3.
22
Ibid., p. 3.
23
al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s [The Zionist Political Programme]. In Filas n, 25 July 1914,
339–42, p. 3.
24
USSISCHKIN, M. Our Program: An Essay.
25
USSISCHKIN, M. Our Program: An Essay, pp. 9–11; al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s [The
Zionist Political Programme]. In Filas n, 1 August 1914, 341–44, p. 3.

111
6. Translation of Menachem Ussishkin s Our Program

issues of Filas n (342–45 and 345–48) dealing with Zionism; all of them were incon-
spicuous, and their tone was neutral. The first was an official statement from the bureau
of the muta arrif,26 and the other two were articles republished from other newspapers.
One of them was a short telegraph sent by two Gaza notables, Sac d Efendi ash-Shaw
and A mad c rif Efendi, to al-Karmil in which they were responding to the article “Oh,
Youth of Palestine, Assert Your Existence!”27 and denied acting as middlemen for the
Zionists.28 The other was a piece republished from al-Ahr m in which only the words
“Jews” [al-Yahūd] and “Israelites” [al-Isr ’ l yūn] (and not “Zionists”) were used.29 The
last two issues, 344–47 and 345–48, do not contain any articles on Zionism.30
The original book was published in Russian in 1904 and very quickly translated
into several languages.31 Reportedly, c s al-c s obtained the Yiddish translation of the
original and asked someone to translate it for him into French. Then he used this French
translation for his own translation. This might be the reason why the Arabic translation
is very liberal when compared with the English version. The first two sentences from the
English text can serve as an example:

It is twenty-five years since the endeavour of the Jewish people to put an end to
the exile of a thousand years and again to lead a free political life in its ancient
fatherland exchanged its medieval, passive form for an active one. The first po-
grom in South Russia was the herald of this new, active form.32

The Arabic version goes like this:

The efforts that the Israelite people [ash-shacb al-Isr l ] have made to liberate
[themselves] from their exile after they have spent around two millennia in it have
transformed over 25 years from a state of thinking and silence into a state of action
and activity to restore their free political life in the land of their ancestors. What
the Jews [al-Yahūd] have suffered from massacres and what they have endured
from persecutions in Western Russia were [among] the major causes for bringing
out these endeavours from the realm of contemplation to the realm of action.33

26
Takdh b ish ca [Denial of a Rumour]. In Filas n, 5 August 1914, 342–45, p. 3.
27
NA R, Naj b al-Kh r . Y shab bat Filas n uthbut wuj daki [Oh, Youth of Palestine, Assert
Your Existence!]. In al-Karmil, 31 July 1914, 451, p. 1.
28
Ar as-Sirr [The Lands of as-Sirr]. In Filas n, 8 August 1914, 343–46, p. 5.
29
D w d Barak t. Min kull nabc qa ra [A Drop from Every Spring]. In Filas n, 8 August 1914,
343–46, p. 4.
30
Since the remaining twenty-two issues which were published by the end of October 1914 are
missing, it is possible, though unlikely, that they might contain further parts of the translation.
31
KLAUSNER, J. Menahem Ussishkin, p. 42.
32
USSISCHKIN, M. Our Program, p. 1.
33
al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s [The Zionist Political Programme]. In Filas n, 15 July 1914,
336–39, p. 3.

112
 6. Translation of Menachem Ussishkin s Our Program

This is not an abridged translation, as is the case with Naj b al-Kh r Na r’s book-
let. I compared the Arabic and English versions, and with a few exceptions almost no
text is missing. The quality of the translation is not very good; the meaning of some
passages is different than in the English version, and the sense of some sentences is not
clear. This might have been caused by the fact that this is a translation thrice removed
from the original text.

Comparison of the Two Translations

The translation by the editor of al-Karmil had a much greater impact than that by c s
al-c s . It was published more than three years earlier, and Na r managed to get out
an abbreviated translation of the whole article on Zionism twice (first in his newspaper
and then in a book). There is also some direct evidence that this translation influenced
several Arab figures, including R al-Kh lid , Shukr al-cAsal and al- jj Am n al-
34
usayn . One of the best-informed Palestinian anti-Zionists of this period, R al-
Kh lid (1864–1913), was the author of the first original book in Arabic on Zionism,
with the title as-S yūnizm aw al-mas’ala a - ahyūn ya [Zionism or the Zionist Ques-
tion]. This work was not published because of the premature death of R al-Kh lid
and still exists only in the form of a manuscript in the private al-Kh lid ya Library in Je-
rusalem.35 The book consists of six chapters, and the penultimate section comprises ex-
tensive extracts from Naj b al-Kh r Na r’s translation of the article on Zionism and
R al-Kh lid ’s comments.36 On the other hand, c s al-c s ’s plans were brought to a
halt by World War I, which prevented his translation from playing an analogous role.
His translation can be seen as complementary to Na r’s text, which made a scholarly
article on Zionism available to Ottoman readers in general and Palestinians in particular.
The main reason why c s al-c s might have considered Ussishkin’s booklet deserving

34
AL-KAYY L , cAbdalwahh b. T r kh Filas n al- ad th [The Modern History of Palestine], p.
48; AL-CASAL , Shukr . as-Siy a f Filas n [Tourism in Palestine]. In al-Muqtabas, 11 August
1911, 752, p. 1.
35
The manuscript was discussed in the following works: AL-KH LID , Wal d. Kit b as-Siy nizm
aw al-mas’ala a - ahy n ya li Mu ammad R al-Kh lid al-mutawaff sanat 1913 [The Book
“Zionism and the Zionist Question” by Muhammad Ruhi al-Khalidi, d. 1913]. In NASHSH BA,
Hish m (ed.). Studia Palaestina: Studies in Honour of Constantine K. Zurayk/Dir s t Filas n ya:
Majmūcat ab th wuḍicat takr man li ad-duktūr Qus an n Zurayq, pp. 37–81. The same paper
can also be found in Shu’ūn Filas n ya, al-cadad [No.] 178, 1988, pp. 50–80; GRIBETZ, J. M.
Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp. 39–92; BEŠKA,
Emanuel. Anti-Zionist Attitudes and Activities of R al-Kh lid . In GAŽÁKOVÁ, Z., DROB-
NÝ, J. (eds.). Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honour of Ján Pauliny.
36
AL-KH LID , Wal d. Kit b as-Siyūnizm aw al-mas’ala a - ahyūn ya li Mu ammad Rū al-
Kh lid al-mutawaff sanat 1913 [The Book “Zionism or the Zionist Question” by Muhammad
Ruhi al-Khalidi, d. 1913], pp. 66, 69.

113
6. Translation of Menachem Ussishkin s Our Program

of translation could be that it was the work of one of the most important Zionists of the
time, whose ideas had a profound influence on the Zionist movement.
The translation of works on Zionism was a very important component of the anti-
Zionist campaign in the period preceding World War I.37 The motivation behind publish-
ing these translations was to provide evidence that would strengthen the plausibility of
arguments advocated by writers opposed to Zionism. However, it also testified to the
feeling of not being taken seriously that tormented anti-Zionist journalists like Naj b
al-Kh r Na r or c s al-c s . These journalists were seized by such feelings when they
saw people taking their arguments lightly, underestimating the strength of the Zionist
movement, downplaying its danger or even defending the Zionists and collaborating
with them. These translations were intended to provide the definitive confirmation of
what they had been presenting and discussing on the pages of their newspapers.

37
For a discussion of the importance of translation for both sides of the Arab-Zionist confrontation
in the Late Ottoman period, see GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the
Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp. 185–234.

114
 7. THE WAR OF THE LANGUAGES

In December 1913, a conflict over the language of instruction at the Technikum in Haifa
and at other Ezra (Hilfsverein) schools in Palestine erupted within the Yishuv.1 Filas n
took an interest in this internal affair of the Jewish community, because its editors
perceived Zionists’ insistence on employing Hebrew as another indication of their
exclusivism and discriminatory policies against the native Palestinians. This chapter
offers an insight into how these Zionist efforts at Hebraisation of Jewish educational
institutions were seen by Arab Palestinians.
Since 1890 several important steps had been taken that led to the establishment of a
strong institutional base for Hebrew within the Yishuv. As the Jewish community spoke
a multitude of languages, the Hebraists considered it necessary to supress other tongues
in order to pave the way for Hebrew as the national language. During the first decade
of the 20th century, the enmity of the exponents of Hebraisation was mostly directed at
the Alliance Israélite Universelle, which was promoting French language and culture.
However, soon after the director of the Hilfsverein, Paul Nathan, visited Palestine in
1907, early signs of the future conflict with this German organisation surfaced.2
The Technikum3 was established in Haifa and was managed by an international
board of trustees in which the most important role was played by the German-Jewish
philanthropic society Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden.4 The decision of the Technikum s
board of trustees, taken on 26 October 1913, to introduce German as the medium of

1
Jewish residents in Palestine.
2
SAPOSNIK, A. B. Becoming Hebrew: The Creation of a Jewish National Culture in Ottoman
Palestine, pp. 213–236; HALPERIN, L. R. Babel in Zion: Jews, Nationalism, and Language
Diversity in Palestine, 1920–1948, pp. 5–10. For more information on the Hebraisation project
in the pre-WWI and Mandate periods, see SAPOSNIK, A. B. Becoming Hebrew; HALPERIN,
L. R. Babel in Zion; SHAVIT, Z. Tel-Aviv Language Police. In MAOZ, A., TROEN, S. I. (eds.).
Tel-Aviv, the First Century: Visions, Designs, Actualities, pp. 191–211.
3
The full name of the Technikum (now the Technion) was Jüdisches Institut für technische
Erziehung in Palästina [Jewish Institute for Technical Education in Palestine], and it was set up as
a technical school of tertiary education.
4
The Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden [Benevolent Society of German Jews] (also called Ezra) was
founded in 1901 in Berlin. In the following years, it established several schools in Palestine and
also took charge of the Austrian Lämelschule, which will be discussed below. BENTWICH, J. S.
Education in Israel, p. 14; RINOTT, M. Capitulations: The Case of the German-Jewish Hilfsverein

115
7. The War of the Languages

instruction at the institute and its preparatory secondary school5 triggered the “War of
the Languages” [Sprachenkampf] that took place in the Jewish community in Palestine
in the following months. This struggle also extended abroad, and both sides made
extensive use of the periodical press in order to convince the audience of their viewpoint.
Paul Nathan6 and other Hilfsverein board members were convinced that German,
as the contemporary language of science, was more suitable for this purpose than
Hebrew, which was still in the making and therefore lacked the necessary vocabulary.7
The Zionists felt that the position of Hebrew as the national language of the Jewish
community in Palestine was threatened by this approach, and started a campaign to
compel the board to change its decision.8 When Nathan held his ground, the opposition
resorted to radical measures. The struggle for Hebraisation that ensued did not focus
only on the Technikum, but engulfed other schools of the Hilfsverein in Palestine where
both German and Hebrew were the languages of instruction. This struggle was led by
the Hebrew Teachers’ Association,9 which to a large degree acted independently from
the Zionist Executive.10 When the defiant teachers were dismissed, they persuaded
a large number of students to leave the Hilfsverein schools. In the end, the board of
trustees of the Hilfsverein changed its decision and on 24 February 1914 determined
that Hebrew would become the medium of instruction at the secondary school in Haifa,
which was intended to be a preparatory institute for the Technikum. Furthermore, it
was resolved that Hebrew would be gradually established at the Technikum within the
next four years.11 It is noteworthy that previously the relations between the Hilfsverein

Schools in Palestine, 1901–1914. In KUSHNER, D. (ed.). Palestine in the Late Ottoman Period:
Political, Social and Economic Transformation, p. 301n14.
5
Previously, Hebrew had been the medium of instruction at this school. Löytved Hardegg to Dr.
von Bethmann Hollweg. 9 May 1913, Haifa, AA III/18 A, AA K 176 407/414 O. In ELIAV, M.
Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, p. 330.
6
Paul Nathan (1857–1927) managed the organisation together with James Simon. ELIAV, M.,
HAIDER, B. (eds.). Österreich und das Heilige Land. Ausgewählte Konsulatsdokumente aus
Jerusalem 1849–1917, p. 512n3.
7
Even Ahad Ha am and Chaim Weizmann were not supportive of the premature introduction of
Hebrew into the Technikum in order not to compromise the standard of instruction. However,
Ahad Ha am later changed his position. FRIEDMAN, I. Germany, Turkey, Zionism, 1897–1918,
pp. 172–174.
8
Previously, it had been agreed that the medium of instruction for scientific disciplines would
be German, so it was the Zionists who broke the agreement. FRIEDMAN, I. Germany, Turkey,
Zionism, 1897–1918, p. 172.
9
The Hebrew Teachers’ Association was established at a teachers’ conference in Zichron-Jacob in
1903. BENTWICH, J. S. Education in Israel, p. 13.
10
Arieh Saposnik asserts that the battle between the Yishuv and the Zionist leadership in the diaspora
ran parallel to this struggle as the former strove for supremacy. SAPOSNIK, A. B. Becoming
Hebrew, pp. 215–216.
11
FRIEDMAN, I. Germany, Turkey, Zionism, 1897–1918, pp. 171–188; KREMER, A. Deutsche Ju-
den – Deutsche Sprache, p. 308; REINGOLD, Svetlana. War of the Languages: Founding of the
Technion/Technikum. In War of the Languages: Founding of the Technion/Technikum (exhibition

116
 7. The War of the Languages

and the Zionists were cordial, and the Hilfsverein had been one of the major actors in
the Hebraisation of the Jewish community in Palestine. In its schools both Hebrew and
German were languages of instruction. Even more importantly, in its kindergartens only
Hebrew was used.12 The German consul in Haifa, Julius Löytved-Hardegg, considered
the actual activities of the Hilfsverein and of the Zionists in Palestine and their short-
term goals very similar. What was different were their motives and more distant aims.
Whereas for the former the reasons of their endeavours were humanistic, the latter’s
were nationalist.13
Already in the previous period there had been pressure to Hebraise the Hilfsverein
schools.14 However, the decision of the Board of Trustees led to the commencement
of an intensive and determined Zionist campaign which involved mass mobilization
against the Hilfsverein with the goal of totally Hebraising its schools in Jerusalem,
Haifa and Jaffa. Reports written by German consuls in the main cities in Palestine (Je-
rusalem, Jaffa, Haifa) before the Sprachenkampf erupted describe Zionist efforts to sup-
press both German and Yiddish. One of the reasons given was the affinity between
German and Yiddish and Zionist fears of German becoming competition for Hebrew.15
German consuls were not particularly active in the ensuing struggle, kept a low profile
and advised caution. They were realistic in their analysis of the current situation and

catalogue), Haifa: Haifa Museums, Haifa City Museum, 2011, pp. 84–86; Francheschi an Ministe-
rium des Äuseren. 15 January 1914, Jerusalem, HHStA, PA XII, K 379, Liasse XLII/4, fol. 321–324.
In ELIAV, M., HAIDER, B. (eds.). Österreich und das Heilige Land. Ausgewählte Konsulatsdoku-
mente aus Jerusalem 1849–1917, pp. 511–513; BENTWICH, J. S. Education in Israel, pp. 14–15;
SACHAR, H. M. A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time, pp. 83–84.
12
SAPOSNIK, A. B. Becoming Hebrew: The Creation of a Jewish National Culture in Ottoman
Palestine, pp. 213–214. Almost 560 Jewish children attended the three preschools of the
Hilfsverein in Jerusalem. Schmidt: Jüdisches Schulwesen in Jerusalem. 12 August 1913, A III/24
H. E. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, p. 334; Brode an Wangenheim.
30 December 1913, A III/24 A. AA/K 176 593/602 D. Jaffa. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas
in der deutschen Politik, pp. 360–361.
13
Löytved Hardegg to Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg. 10 July 1912, Haifa, AA/K 176 357/362 O. In
ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, p. 320.
14
In previous years another similar campaign had taken place, aimed at Jewish parents who were
sending their children to schools established by Christian missions. Saposnik considers this
drive against the missionary educational institutions “an early skirmish in what amounts to the
same war”. SAPOSNIK, A. B. Becoming Hebrew: The Creation of a Jewish National Culture in
Ottoman Palestine, pp. 217–221. It is noteworthy that Filas n published a letter about an incident
which occurred when Albert Antébi received a letter from an unnamed organisation because
his children attended a missionary school. Ta arruf cinda far qayn [Extremism among the Two
Factions]. In Filas n, 14 May 1913, 236–33, pp. 1–2.
15
Löytved Hardegg to Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg. 9 May 1913, Haifa, AA III/18 A, AA K 176 407/414
O. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp. 327–329; Schmidt to Kaiserlich
Deutsche Botschaft. Jerusalem, 15 June 1913, A III/24 H. E. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in
der deutschen Politik, p. 331; Schmidt to Kaiserlich Deutsche Botschaft. 12 August 1913, Jerusalem,
A III/24 H. E. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp. 335–336.

117
7. The War of the Languages

future developments. Even though they took steps behind the scenes to support the
Hilfsverein, they considered it counterproductive to openly campaign for the German
language, since they were aware that in that case German interests could be threatened
by a Zionist boycott and the Hilfsverein could be discredited as a tool of a foreign gov-
ernment. They wished to preserve German among the Jewish community and also to
spread it among other Ottomans, but they were aware that it would be a difficult task
and that as Hebrew was displacing Yiddish as the spoken language of the majority of the
Jewish community in Palestine, it would diminish the use of German. According to the
consular reports, the anti-Hilfsverein campaign was very aggressive and included pre-
vention of school attendance, intensive and often false agitation in Zionist newspapers,
invectives, intimidation and even violence. With regard to the strikebreaking teachers
who were called up by the Hilfsverein, one of them was sent a false telegram, while the
other received death threats.16
From December 1913 until February 1914, Filas n followed the language war and
published a couple of articles on the subject. It was mostly concerned with the situation
at the Lämelschule17 in Jerusalem and the Technikum in Haifa.18 As was its habit with
regard to other controversial events, the newspaper offered its space to Zionist authors
to reply, in this case to David Yellin [D wud Yal n],19 who was the deputy headmaster
at the Lämelschule20 and an active participant in the affair. The Lämelschule, which was

16
Brode to von Bethmann-Hollweg. 24 November 1913, Jaffa, A III/24 A, AA K 176 478/484 O. In
ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp. 340–345; Cohn to Generalkonsul.
25 December 1913, Jerusalem, A III/24 O. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen
Politik, pp. 346–347; Cohn to Generalkonsul. 26 December 1913, Jerusalem, A III/24 O. In
ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp. 347–348; Löytved Hardegg to
Bethmann Hollweg. 29 December 1913, Haifa, A III/24 A, AA K 176 605/616 O. In ELIAV,
M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp. 347–353; Schmidt. 30 December 1913,
Jerusalem, A III/24 H. E., AA IV/K 176 584/591 O. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der
deutschen Politik, pp. 353–355; Brode to Wangenheim. 30 December 1913, Jaffa, A III/24 A,
AA/K 176 593/602 D. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp. 356–361.
17
The Lämelschule (the complete name of the school was Edler von Lämel-Schule) was established
in 1856 in Jerusalem by the Foundation of Simon Edler von Lämmel‘schen [Simon Edler von
Lämmel‘schen Stiftung]. Zepharovich to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 6 April 1906, Jerusalem.
Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna, Austria, Konsulat Jerusalem 128, Folie 352.
18
The reason for the relatively late interest of Filas n in this affair was probably the fact that there
was only one smaller Hilfsverein school in Jaffa, attended by 140 pupils. In addition, most of
the more dramatic events took place in Haifa and Jerusalem. Cohn to Schmidt. 27 March 1908,
Jerusalem, A XXVIII/39 I O. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, p. 291.
Brode to von Wangenheim. 30 December 1913, Jaffa, AIII/24 A, AA/K 176 593/602 D. In ELIAV,
M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, p. 357.
19
David Yellin (1864–1942) was the leader of the Zionist struggle to impose Hebrew at the
Hilfsverein schools. ELIAV, M., HAIDER, B. (eds.). Österreich und das Heilige Land.
Ausgewählte Konsulatsdokumente aus Jerusalem 1849–1917, p. 512n5.
20
Francheschi an Ministerium des Äusseren. 15 January 1914, Jerusalem, HHStA, PA XII, K 379,
Liasse XLII/4, fol. 321–324. In ELIAV, M., HAIDER, B. (eds.). Österreich und das Heilige Land.

118
 7. The War of the Languages

the subject of several articles in Filas n, had been since its foundation officially under
the protection of Austria, but German influence gradually increased, because most of
the funds were provided by a German charity. By 1904 the Austrian Lämel-Stiftung
provided only 15 per cent of the costs.21 Moreover, it became part of the school network
of the Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden, which was a German organisation, even though
its schools were not officially under German protection.22 In 1913 the Lämelschule was
attended by 350 boys.23
The first article in Filas n on this subject, “Hebrew or German”, was authored by
a correspondent from Jerusalem and was printed at the end of December. After a brief
description of the Lämelschule, he continued: “It occurred recently that the spirit of Zi-
onism [rū a - ahyūn ya] entered this school, and some of the teachers went on strike
and requested making Hebrew the official language of instruction.24 This was rejected
by the director of the school, who is a native Israelite [Isr l wa an ].”25 Then the au-
thor proceeded to the opposition. The teachers on strike were led by David Yellin, an
“Ottoman Israelite”. The director of the Hilfsverein, Paul Nathan, travelled to Palestine
from Germany and tried to persuade the striking teachers and students to resume their
work and studies, but without success. When he insisted that the German language must
remain the language of instruction, the strikers replied: “Never. Never. We will not ac-
cept [it]. Either the Hebrew language or death.”26 The director then suspended the strik-
ing teachers, who left the school with some students. “[T]he opponents even dared to
beat the director, his wife and daughters and received help from a group of the Zionist
inhabitants.”27 An intervention of the German consul, the local authorities and police
forces followed, and out of 350 students, only fifty did not leave.28 The goal of the Zion-
ists was to establish their own school.

Ausgewählte Konsulatsdokumente aus Jerusalem 1849–1917, p. 512.

21
Zeparovich an Goluchowski. 6 April 1906, Jerusalem, HHStA, AR, F53, K11. In ELIAV, M.,
HAIDER, B. (eds.). Österreich und das Heilige Land. Ausgewählte Konsulatsdokumente aus
Jerusalem 1849–1917, pp. 414–415.
22
ELIAV, M., HAIDER, B. (eds.). Österreich und das Heilige Land. Ausgewählte Konsulatsdokumente
aus Jerusalem 1849–1917, p. 485n4; Ephraim Cohn to Dr. Schmidt. 27 March 1908, Jerusalem, A
XXVIII/ 39 I O. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, p. 291; Schmidt to
Kaiserlich Deutsche Botschaft. 15 June 1913, Jerusalem, A III/24 H. E. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden
Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, 1973, p. 331.
23
Schmidt to Kaiserlich Deutsche Botschaft. Übersicht der jüdischen Schulen Jerusalems. 15 June
1913, A III/24 H. E. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, p. 332.
24
In fact, Hebrew was, along with German, the language of instruction at this and other Hilfsverein
schools.
25
Li mur silin f al-Quds: al-cIbr n aw al-Alm n [By Our Correspondent in Jerusalem: Hebrew or
German]. In Filas n, 27 December 1913, 294–91, p. 3.
26
Ibid., p. 3.
27
Ibid., p. 3.
28
This information seems to be incorrect – according to the Austrian consul, it was the other way round,
only about seventy students left and the rest remained. Francheschi an Ministerium des Äuseren.

119
7. The War of the Languages

One week later, the newspaper published the response of David Yellin, who quoted
extensively from the previous article and contradicted its content. He denied that the
endeavour to revive Hebrew had anything to do with Zionism, because it was a much
older phenomenon going back three decades: “It is a natural matter for every people
[ash-shacb] to love their language.”29 In addition, Yellin rebutted the claim that any
physical violence was perpetrated by the rebellious group: “I think that all the people of
Jerusalem know us, and extraordinarily well, thank God, and know that it is inconceiv-
able that one of us would dare to beat anyone, let alone the director of the school, his
wife and daughters. We have not suddenly become savage beasts.”30 According to him,
the police forces arrived two days prior to the altercation and witnessed that nothing se-
rious had happened. Yellin ended his response with a passionate defence of the decision
taken by the protestors. “Our dearest goal is the independence of our children’s educa-
tion from foreign influences and the establishment of an Ottoman Israelite school, as
is the duty of every patriot enthusiastic for his homeland.31 Out of love for this project,
every one of us has sacrificed his material interests and financial gain.”32 Clearly, in the
rejoinder he was presenting this nationalist endeavour as an act of Ottoman patriotism.
Filas n added its response below the letter. It is obvious from the comment that
the editors saw a clear link between Zionism and the language war. The editors did not
take sides in this exchange with regard to the course of the events that occurred at the
Lämelschule. However, they expressed their opinion concerning Yellin’s denial of the
role played by Zionism in this affair in a very polite manner: “This remark, the distin-
guished correspondent will allow us to contradict it and refute it [...] what we are seeing
now from fanaticism towards it [Hebrew] [...] And establishment of organisations to
force, as mentioned above, those who do not learn it. [...] And all those matters, which
we have only heard of and seen since the day on which we heard of and saw Zionism.”33
In the next issue, a petition from Haifa to the ministry of education against the Zi-
onist efforts to impose Hebrew at the Technikum was published. The petitioners were
afraid that “the Zionists intend by it to prevent non-Jews [ghayr al-Yahūd] from deriv-
ing profit from and joining this school, and it is a matter which poses a great danger to
all the other elements [al-can ir]”.34 It seems that this act was inspired by the German
consul in Haifa, Julius Löytved-Hardegg, who had “prompted several Muhammadan
notables to appeal with the same request telegraphically to the ministry of education in

15 January 1914, Jerusalem, HHStA, PA XII, K 379, Liasse XLII/4, fol. 321–324. In ELIAV,
M., HAIDER, B. (eds.). Österreich und das Heilige Land. Ausgewählte Konsulatsdokumente aus
Jerusalem 1849–1917, p. 513.
29
al-Lugha al-cIbr n ya ay an [The Hebrew Language Again]. In Filas n, 3 January 1914, 296–93,
p. 3.
30
Ibid., p. 3.
31
Emphasis added.
32
Ibid., p. 3.
33
Ibid., p. 3.
34
Madrasat al-fun n f ayf [Technical School in Haifa]. In Filas n, 7 January 1914, 297–94, p. 3.

120
 7. The War of the Languages

Constantinople”.35 Furthermore, he also endeavoured to direct the attention of the local

newspapers to the issue.36
In the middle of January 1914, Filas n published a rejoinder to Yellin s letter by an
author from Jerusalem which contains additional details on the events that occurred at
the Lämelschule. It pointed a finger at Yellin and claimed that he together with other
teachers instigated the pupils not only at the Lämelschule but also at other Hilfsverein
schools to take part in the strike when their demands were not accepted by the directors
of the Hilfsverein, Dr. Nathan and Dr. Simon. Like the signatories of the above-men-
tioned Haifa petition, the author was also concerned about the exclusion of non-Jews
from the Technikum and other schools. Furthermore, the author praised the directors
and the charitable activities in the field of education which they had carried out for the
Jewish community in Palestine. In his opinion, the directors wanted the Technikum to
be accessible to all religious communities in Palestine. “And the teacher Yellin knew
that by making the Hebrew language the language of teaching he would close the doors
of entrance before every Muslim and Christian.”37 It is likely that the nonadmission of
native students by the Miqve Yisra el [Netter] school, which was discussed extensively
in Filas n in the second half of 1912, contributed to such fears. These were certainly
further reinforced by the fact that the Hebrew press was allegedly attacking Dr. Cohn
Reiss38 because more than thirty non-Jewish students were supposed to study at the
Technikum. “Is this the tolerance of al-Khaw ja Yellin? Has his loyalty to Ottoman-
ism made him and his followers launch this attack against foreigners who did noth-
ing wrong except that they wanted to do good to every Ottoman in Palestine and not
only Israelites?”39 The article concludes with an appeal for an inclusive approach by
Yellin s group: “We advise those strikers to renounce their ugly fanaticism and to open
their hearts to the inhabitants of the country in which they are living, [as] they cannot
do without the support of all its inhabitants.”40 This passage (like the rest of the let-
ter) clearly reflects the post–Young Turk Revolution inclusive Ottoman identity of the
author, whose name is not given in the article. It is obvious that the writer considered
all citizens of the Ottoman Empire, regardless of their religious affiliation, to be equal

35
Löytved Hardegg to Bethmann Hollweg. 29 December 1913, Haifa, A III/24 A, AA K 176 605/616
O. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp. 352–353.
36
Ibid., pp. 352–353.
37
al-Lugha al-cIbr n ya f al-mad ris al-Isr ’ l ya [Hebrew Language in Israelite Schools]. In
Filas n, 17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 2.
38
Ephraim Cohn Reiss (1864–1943) was an Ottoman Jew from Jerusalem, who after studying
in Germany (1876–1886) returned to Palestine and taught there from 1887. Later he became
the director of the Lämelschule. Schmidt to the Embassy in Constantinople. 11 February 1912,
Jerusalem, A XL/2 Vol. 2 H. E. In ELIAV, M. Die Juden Palästinas in der deutschen Politik, pp.
317–319.
39
al-Lugha al-cIbr n ya f al-mad ris al-Isr ’ l ya [Hebrew Language in Israelite Schools]. In
Filas n, 17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 2.
40
Ibid., p. 2.

121
7. The War of the Languages

members of the Ottoman nation.41 He was therefore convinced that no one should be
excluded from access to educational institutions in the country.
A few weeks later, Filas n published a translation of a French article42 authored by
the French politician Lucien Cornet, “Germany in Syria and Palestine”, on the spread-
ing of German influence in these regions of the Ottoman Empire. Among other subjects,
he briefly discussed the language war and asserted that Zionists had become a major
obstacle to the extension of German influence and language.43
Further articles dealt with Hebrew as a language of instruction at the Hebrew Uni-
versity in Jerusalem44 and a meeting of German Zionist leaders in Berlin who discussed
the medium of instruction at the Technikum in Haifa.45 Moreover, a column reprinted
from al-Karmil depicted a conflict between Ashkenazi and Sephardi Jews at the school
in Haifa which occurred after a Russian employee was dismissed. The author was evi-
dently startled by these events: “We thought that these [the Russian immigrants] did not
accept non-Jewish [ghayr al-Yahūd] locals among themselves […]; it seems that they
cannot even tolerate their brothers in religion from among the Ottomans.”46
In June 1914, an article was published which depicts an incident attesting to the
mood of the Zionist activists in Palestine vis-à-vis Yiddish in the aftermath of the lan-
guage war. Previously, many plays in this traditional language had been staged with-
out problems, but this time hundreds of the following announcements were reportedly
posted on the streets of Jaffa:

To the Israelite community [a - ifa al-Isr l ya]

[…] A play will be performed in the Ashkenazi language in the struggle against
the Hebrew language. We ask the Israelite public not to attend it.47

Filas n dispatched an observer to the place of the performance to witness the situ-
ation. A group of protesters gathered in front of the Feingold shop, where the play was
staged. One of them broke into the place and tried to disrupt the performance by spilling
some malodorous liquid chemical. When he was escorted from the room by the police,

41
For a discussion of imperial citizenship after the Young Turk Revolution and evolving Ottoman
identity, see CAMPOS, M. U. Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early
Twentieth-Century Palestine.
42
The original article was published in Les Annales coloniales.
43
Alm niy f S riy wa Filas n [Germany in Syria and Palestine]. In Filas n, 31 January 1914,
303–6, pp. 1–2.
44
al-Kull ya al-Yah d ya f al-Quds [The Jewish University in Jerusalem]. In Filas n, 4 February
1914, 304–7, p. 2.
45
Qa acat Jah za qawl kull kha b [It Was Said at Just the Right Time]. In Filas n, 4 February 1914,
304–7, p. 3.
46
ayf [Haifa]. In Filas n, 11 February 1914, 306–9, p. 2.
47
Laysa kull Isr l ahy n yan [Not Every Israelite Is a Zionist]. In Filas n, 24 June 1914, 330–
33, p. 5.

122
 7. The War of the Languages

the demonstrators responded by throwing stones, and were only dispersed when troops
started to fire in the air.48 A very similar incident had occurred the previous year, but
at that time it was related to the Beilis affair. In that case the protestors used different
means in order to disrupt a concert.49
Even though the language war was an internal issue of the Jewish community in
Palestine, the editors of Filas n saw it differently. It is possible that Filas n s interest in
this affair stemmed from its perceived similarity with the case of Miqve Yisra el school,
discussed in Chapter 2. A couple of articles published in the newspaper clearly consid-
ered this attempt to be another manifestation of exclusivism on the part of the Zionists
and their discriminatory policies against the native non-Jewish inhabitants. While previ-
ously the Miqve Yisra el school had prevented native students from gaining expertise
in agricultural matters, this time technical and scientific knowledge was to be with-
held from them. The critics did not accept David Yellin s justification of the endeavour
to make Hebrew the language of instruction at the Technikum as a patriotic struggle
against foreign interference and considered it an effort at shutting out Arab Palestinians
from access to the school.

48
Ibid., p. 5.
49
ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 22
October 1913, 282–79, p. 1.

123
 8. OTHER ZIONISM-RELATED TOPICS

Zionist Congresses
The First Zionist Congress was held in Basel on 29–31 August 1897 and was chaired
by Theodor Herzl, the founder of the Zionist movement. At this convention the Zionist
Organisation was established and the Basel program adopted. Zionist Congresses were
convened every year until 1901 and every two years thereafter. As the highest authority
of the Zionist Organisation, the Zionist Congress was vested with legislative power.
During the period under discussion, two Zionist Congresses took place, and they did
not escape the newspaper’s notice. The Tenth Zionist Congress convened in Basel in
1911, and Filas n dealt with it briefly at the end of August. In one of the articles, it also
included excerpts from an interview with Max Nordau, a Zionist leader.1
The coverage of the next Congress, which took place two years later, was much more
extensive. At the beginning of August 1913, Filas n reported that the Eleventh Zionist
Congress was to be held in Vienna the following month. Furthermore, it informed its
readers about the commencement of elections of Palestinian candidates to the assem-
bly.2 The newspaper published its program, which was translated from the Jerusalem
newspaper The Truth. Several important issues were mentioned, among them the devel-
opmental program, provision of jobs for the youth, establishment of the Hebrew Uni-
versity, founding of an Arabic language newspaper to influence the native population
and concessions.3 After the Zionist Congress opened on 3 September, Filas n reported
on its course of action.4
Immediately after the Eleventh Zionist Congress ended, Filas n featured an article
on the previous Zionist Congresses, providing information on their places and dates

1
al-Mu tamar a - ahy n wa r Max Nordau [The Zionist Congress and the Opinions of Max
Nordau]. In Filas n, 26 August 1911, 63, p. 3; al-Khaw j Levontin f al-mu tamar a - ahy n
[Mr. Levontin at the Zionist Congress]. In Filas n, 26 August 1911, 63, p. 3.
2
al-Mu tamar a - ahy n [The Zionist Congress]. In Filas n, 2 August 1913, 259–56, p. 3.
3
Nuww b Filas n f al-mu tamar a - ahy n [Palestinian Delegates at the Zionist Congress]. In
Filas n, 9 August 1913, 261–58, p. 2.
4
Tilighr f t ash-sharik t, Reuter [Companies Telegraphs, Reuter]. In Filas n, 6 September 1913,
269–66, p. 2; al-Mu tamar a - ahy n [The Zionist Congress]. In Filas n, 10 September 1913,
270–67, p. 3.

125
8. Other Zionism-Related Topics

and, in most cases, a short description and their most important decisions and achieve-
ments. The article likens the Zionist Congresses to a parliament.5 The aim of the article
was certainly to offer historical context to the present coverage of the Eleventh Zionist
Congress and to inform the public of the progress of the Zionist movement since its be-
ginnings in 1897. At the end the author drew the attention of its readers to the fact that
all the decisions described in the article had been successfully carried out.6
Three weeks after the conclusion of the Eleventh Congress, the newspaper pub-
lished a short description of it, including the number of delegates (300) and participants
(3,500) and noting that most of the speeches were delivered in Hebrew.7 In the next
issue, Filas n added further information,8 reporting on Zionist diplomatic endeavours
that took place parallel with the Congress. It wrote that Nahum Sokolow and Victor
Jacobsohn met with the Ottoman ambassador to the Austrian-Hungarian Empire and
talked with him about the Zionist Congress and the future plans of the Zionist organisa-
tion, including the founding of a Hebrew University.9
One month later, at the beginning of November, Filas n printed translated excerpts
from Ruppin s speech published in a foreign Zionist newspaper. In this talk Ruppin
described the latest activities of the Palestine Office [al-Wik la al-Filas n ya], includ-
ing the creation of training farms in Ben-Shemen and Khulda and efforts to restrict the
employment of non-Jewish workers. Moreover, he emphasised land purchases as the
most important priority and said that the available financial means had increased greatly
since 1908.10 In the next issue, the newspaper published an interview with Max Nordau,
who was opposed to extensive land purchases. This article also included passages from
various speeches delivered at the Congress.11 It was followed by a poem on Zionism
composed by Sulaym n Efendi at-T j with the title “The Zionist Danger”, in which he
responded to Ruppin s speech.12 At the end of 1913, after the first suspension of Filas n
was lifted, an anonymous author with the pen-name Wa an [A Native] returned to this
subject: “We see the leading men and thinkers [of the Zionist movement] criticising in

5
R al-Kh lid made a similar comparison in his unpublished manuscript. AL-KH LID , Wal d.
Kit b as-Siy nizm aw al-mas’ala a - ahy n ya li Mu ammad R al-Kh lid al-mutawaff sanat
1913 [The Book “Zionism or the Zionist Question” by Muhammad Ruhi al-Khalidi, d. 1913]. In
NASHSH BA, Hish m (ed.). Studia Palaestina: Studies in Honour of Constantine K. Zurayk/
Dir s t Filas n ya: Majmūcat ab th wuḍicat takr man li ad-duktūr Qus an n Zurayq, p. 45.
6
al-Mu tamar t a - ahy n ya [The Zionist Congresses]. In Filas n, 13 September 1913, 271–68,
p. 1.
7 c
An al-mu tamar a - ahy n [On the Zionist Congress]. In Filas n, 1 October 1913, 276–73, p. 2.
8
Akhb r ahy n ya [Zionist News]. In Filas n, 4 October 1913, 277–74, p. 3.
9
a - ahy n y n wa Turkiy [The Zionists and Turkey]. In Filas n, 4 October 1913, 277–74, p. 2.
10
ad a - ahy n ya [The Reverberation of Zionism]. In Filas n, 5 November 1913, 286–83, p. 2.
11
Fi at a - ahy n ya [Two Zionist Parties]. In Filas n, 8 November 1913, 287–84, p. 2.
12
AL-F R Q , Sulaym n T j . al-Kha ar a - ahy n [The Zionist Danger]. In Filas n, 8 Novem-
ber 1913, 287–84, p. 2. This was perhaps the first anti-Zionist poem published in an Arabic news-
paper. For a translation into English, see MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World
War I, pp. 175–176.

126
 8. Other Zionism-Related Topics

the midst of the Vienna Congress, so that the whole world can hear, the slow manner in
which they have been carrying out the colonisation and saying that Palestine had been a
Jewish country [bil dan Yahūd yan] and must again become Jewish. And that no Turk-
ish ruler, according to the opinion of their leader Nordau, will be able […] to eliminate
Israelite settlements and to close Israelite schools.”13
A substantial change in the newspaper’s coverage is noticeable in comparison to the
Tenth Zionist Congress. Clearly, Filas n dedicated significantly more space to the Con-
gress in 1913 than it had two years previously. After the Congress’s close, the periodical
continued to publish reports and analyses of its proceedings until the end of the year.
Furthermore, some of the writings examined the speeches in the context of the develop-
ments that were taking place in Palestine. Above all, the Eleventh Zionist Congress was
one of the major reasons that influenced the second transformation of Filas n s editors’
attitude to Zionism and persuaded them of the political danger it posed.

Zionist Boycott
One of the most criticised aspects of the Zionist policy was what Filas n repeatedly
called the boycott [al-muq aca]. This issue can be subdivided into two different types,
for both of which the same term was sometimes used in the newspaper. The first fits
into the category of Jewish exclusivism of the second Aliyah immigrants and concerned
the boycott of labour, products and businesses of the native Arab population, which
was manifested in various ways.14 The newspaper dealt with this matter several times.15
It first did so at the turn of May and June 1912 in two editorials, discussed in Chapter
2.16 The other kind of boycott pertained to the blackmail and intimidation of Arab op-
ponents of Zionism or even nonconformist Jews17 by Zionist individuals, organisations
and financial institutions. In some cases, Filas n was more specific with regard to the

13
al-Kha ar a - ahy n cal Filas n [The Zionist Danger to Palestine]. In Filas n, 27 December
1913, 294–91, pp. 1–2.
14
The treatment of native pupils by the Miqve Yisra el can also be included in this category, even
though it was not a Zionist school and Filas n did not use the term “boycott” in the discussion of
the subject. See Chapter 2.
15
In some cases, the boycott is specified as a trade boycott [al-muq aca at-tij r ya] and boycott of
skilled workers [al-muq aca a - in c ya].
16
AL- C S , Y suf. al-Muh jir n wa ghal al-mac sha [The Immigrants and the High Costs of
Living]. In Filas n, 29 May 1912, 140–39, p. 1; AL- C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We
Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n, 5 June 1912, 142–41, pp. 1–2.
17
There are several examples throughout the period. al-Faw w y n [Anarchists]. In Filas n, 3 July
1912, 144–43, p. 3; Ta arruf cinda far qayn [Radicalism among the Two Factions]. In Filas n,
14 May 1913, 236–33, pp. 1–2; Muẓ har t al-Isr l y n [Demonstrations of the Israelites]. In
Filas n, 4 June 1913, 242–39, p. 3; ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis
Affair in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 22 October 1913, 282–79, p. 1; ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The
Reverberations of the Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 1; Laysa

127
8. Other Zionism-Related Topics

boycotters and named the concerned organisation. In other instances it only mentioned
the Zionists in general, as in September 1913: “The Zionists boycotted the newspa-
per Filas n and intimidated everyone who subscribed to it or advertised in it from
among their nationals [atb cihim].”18 Then the author adds some new information: “The
Zionists, or to be exact, the youth among them, have formed an organisation among
themselves to intimidate those who violate their command and do not follow their prin-
ciple even from among their Israelite brothers in the boycott of the native sons of the
country.”19 This happened to the second deputy director of the Anglo-Palestine Bank,
Goldenberg, who was reportedly dismissed from his position because he employed Ar-
abs in building his new house in Tel Aviv and attended a charitable event organised by
a Christian organisation. His opponents even attempted to burn down his house.20 In the
next lines, some other cases are mentioned. The author was aware that Ottoman Jews
were not comfortable with these Zionist policies, but “their [the Zionists’] power has
overcome them, fear has filled their hearts and they have capitulated to what they are
doing [being] coerced, not willingly, so that people have begun to mix Zionists with
Israelites”.21 This information is important, because it shows how Zionist policies had
started to influence the attitude of the Arab Palestinians towards their Ottoman Jewish
compatriots.
In April 1914, Filas n reported that the Anglo-Palestine Bank had blackmailed those
Arabs who had signed a telegraph critical of the Zionists with a boycott and pressured
the signatories to disavow their signatures and express regret for their deed. If they
declined, the Anglo-Palestine Bank would refuse to do business with them, as hap-
pened to Zuhd Efendi Ab al-Jab n, K mil Efendi Shu aybar and Mu ammad Efendi
c
Abdarra m. In the same piece it also tried to find an answer to the question of how the
Zionists had managed to obtain a copy of the telegram.22
With regard to the boycott of Arab labour, products and businesses, the newspaper
publicised a broad range of cases. One of them was the case of an Arab ice-cream
vendor who was chased away from Tel Aviv; customers were not allowed to buy from

kull Isr l ahy n yan [Not Every Israelite Is a Zionist]. In Filas n, 24 June 1914, 330–33, p. 5.
Furthermore, a couple of articles dealing with the war of languages also belong to this class.
18
a - ahy n y n yuq ic n al-wa an y n [The Zionists Boycott the Natives]. In Filas n, 20
September 1913, 273–70, p. 2. The boycott of Filas n was propagated by ha- erut already at
the end of 1912. A san ar qa li al-icl n [The Best Way of Advertising]. In Filas n, 18 December
1912, 198–97, p. 3; Muq acat jar dat Filas n [The Boycott of the Newspaper Filas n]. In Filas n,
18 December 1912, 198–97, p. 3.
19
a - ahy n y n yuq ic n al-wa an y n [The Zionists Boycott the Natives]. In Filas n, 20
September 1913, 273–70, p. 2.
20
Ibid., p. 2. An earlier article dealt with the arson attack. Mu walat al-i r q [Attempt of Arson].
In Filas n, 28 May 1913, 240–37, p. 3.
21
a - ahy n y n yuq ic n al-wa an y n [The Zionists Boycott the Natives]. In Filas n, 20
September 1913, 273–70, p. 2.
22
al- araka a - ahy n ya: al-Yah d l yuq tic n al-wa an y n [The Zionist Movement: The Jews
Are Not Boycotting the Natives]. In Filas n, 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-mul aq [supplement], p. 1.

128
 8. Other Zionism-Related Topics

him because there was a Jewish ice-cream seller in the town.23 In the next issue, Meir
Dizengoff24 denied the veracity of the report and said that “entry of vendors is allowed
in it [Tel Aviv] to anyone who wants under the condition that he does not disturb the
inhabitants with his screaming”.25 This example shows that the newspaper offered space
to Zionists to deny such reports. It occurred not only on this occasion, but also one year
later with regard to another episode, discussed below.
According to an article written by a correspondent and a comment attached to it by
the editors of Filas n in February 1914, the kh mb sh of Jerusalem, at the instiga-
tion of the Zionists, had forbidden Jews to buy oranges which were not certified by him.
This prohibition was tantamount to a boycott of Arab oranges. The editors estimated
that Jewish settlements controlled at the time approximately one-third of the orange pro-
duction in Palestine.26 Ten days later, the Jerusalem correspondent confirmed that this
boycott was still ongoing and had negatively affected non-Jewish fruit vendors.27 An ar-
ticle published in April 1914 summarises recent boycotts and incidents. Among others,
it mentions “[the] Jewish boycott of local orange merchants in Jerusalem [...] and the
boycott of al-Mitr , a coal trader in al-Mansh ya”.28 Another column on the same page
reports that the boycott had intensified recently and “the Jews cannot be seen buying
anything from a Muslim or a Christian that can be found in [a shop owned by] another
Jew”.29 Furthermore, “the same situation obtains in the artisan trade: the masons, car-
penters, blacksmiths and their workers are all Zionist immigrants, so you almost cannot
find a Jewish business in which there would be a sign of a different [non-Jewish] inhab-
itant of the country”.30 In the summer the newspaper published a short article claiming
that the Zionists had begun “to bring Jewish masons from Austria and Italy”.31
The Anglo-Palestine Bank appeared again on the pages of Filas n with respect to the
boycott. This time, the coverage concerned a case where the director of its branch office
in Gaza had ordered his guard to buy drinking glasses. When he found out they had been
purchased from a Muslim shopkeeper even though there was a Jewish retailer in Gaza
who also sold glassware, he asked the guard to return the glasses and purchase them

23
F Tal Ab b [In Tel Aviv]. In Filas n, 7 June 1913, 243–40, p. 3.
24
Dizengoff was a cofounder of the town, and from 1911 he headed its neighbourhood committee.
HELMAN, A. Young Tel Aviv: A Tale of Two Cities, p. 3.
25
Takdh b [A Denial]. In Filas n, 11 June 1913, 244–41, p. 3.
26
Akhb r al-jih t: al-Quds li mur silin : Burtuq l Y f ar f wa kath r [News from the Provinces:
Jerusalem by Our Correspondent: Jaffa Oranges are Exquisite and Plentiful]. In Filas n, 4
February 1914, 304–7, p. 3.
27
Mas alat al-burtuq l [The Orange Affair]. In Filas n, 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 3.
28
al- araka a - ahy n ya: al-Yah d yac sh n bi sal m [The Zionist Movement: The Jews Live in
Peace]. In Filas n, 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-mul aq [supplement], p. 1.
29
al- araka a - ahy n ya: al-Yah d l yuq tic n al-wa an y n [The Zionist Movement: The Jews
Are Not Boycotting the Natives]. In Filas n, 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-mul aq [supplement],
p. 1.
30
Ibid., p. 1.
31
al- ja il bann ’ n [The Need for Masons]. In Filas n, 8 July 1914, 334–37, p. 5.

129
8. Other Zionism-Related Topics

from the latter.32 One week later, the newspaper published a denial of this report sent
by one of the directors of the Anglo-Palestine Bank, M s ar-Raww s.33 After another
two weeks, the correspondent of Filas n from Gaza confirmed his previous account and
supplied additional information, including the names of the shopkeeper and the shop
affected by the boycott.34
A short article from February 1914 compared the different approach of the govern-
ment towards boycotts in Asia Minor and in Palestine. The winter of 1914 witnessed a
Muslim boycott aimed against Ottoman Greeks and other Ottoman Christians in Ana-
tolia.35 Filas n published a short piece concerning a meeting of members of a boycott
organisation in the Kadıköy district of Istanbul at which they had decided to expand
the scope of the boycott to cover all goods from Christians. The government did not
tolerate this movement and its activities and arrested the members of this organisation,
who were to be brought to trial. At the end of the column, the author wonders about the
double standard of the government: “We are asking why Muslims of Istanbul are not
allowed what was allowed and is allowed to the Israelites every day in Jerusalem?”36
A short column based on an article from the French magazine L Echo sioniste dealt
with the problem which haunted the Jewish immigrants of both the first and second
Aliyah until a solution was found in the form of the kibbutz.37 It concerned the lack of
competitiveness of the European Jews compared to the Arabs in agricultural work and
the possible solution of employing Yemenite Jews.38
The native population did not respond in a like manner. As Y suf al-c s mentioned
in an editorial, the natives preferred the cheapest shops and did not care about its own-
er’s religion.39 It seems that a reciprocal Arab boycott of Jewish businesses only oc-
curred in Hebron at the beginning of spring 1914 and was reportedly initiated by the
local authorities.40 Previously, in mid-1911, Naj b Na r had promoted a boycott aimed
at Jews in Haifa, but apparently without success.41

32
Ghazza – li mur silin [Gaza – By Our Correspondent]. In Filas n, 17 June 1914, 328–31, pp. 2–3.
33
Ta khabar [A Correction of a Report]. In Filas n, 24 June 1914, 330–33, p. 2.
34
Wa bacda dh lika [And after That]. In Filas n, 8 July 1914, 334–37, p. 5.
35
For more information on this boycott movement, see CETINKAYA, D. Y. The Young Turks and
the Boycott Movement: Nationalism, Protest and the Working Classes in the Formation of Modern
Turkey, pp. 160–203.
36
Tacm m al-muq aca [Diffusion of Boycott]. In Filas n, 7 February 1914, 305–8, p. 2.
37
SHAFIR, G. Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914, pp.
168–186.
38
al-Ikh al-k dhib [False Brotherhood]. In Filas n, 18 July 1914, 337–40, p. 5. For information
on the Zionist attempt to promote Yemenite immigration to Palestine, see SHAFIR, G. Land,
Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914, pp. 91–122.
39
AL- C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.
40
FISHMAN, L. A. Palestine Revisited: Reassessing the Jewish and Arab National Movements,
1908–1914, p. 73.
41
MANDEL, N. J. The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, p. 123.

130
 8. Other Zionism-Related Topics

The Beilis Affair42

The Beilis affair, which took place in Kiev in the years 1911–1913, is one of the best-
known cases of blood libel.43 In the summer of 1911, a Jewish factory manager, Me-
nachem Mendel Beilis, was detained and at the beginning of the next year officially
charged with commiting a ritual murder of a thirteen-year-old Christian boy, Andrei
Iushchinskii. The investigation of the case was manipulated in order to direct the ac-
cusation at the Jewish community. Eventually, the charges were divided into two parts.
One pertained to the guilt of Beilis himself; the other was concerned with the question
of whether a ritual murder was committed. The trial lasted for more than a month (25
September–28 October 1913).44 Ultimately, the court decided that Beilis was not guilty
(the vote was tied, which according to Russian law meant his acquittal). However, the
jury reached the conclusion that ritual murder did, in fact, occur. At the turn of the year,
Beilis together with his family left Russia for Palestine, and after World War I they
moved to the United States.45
Filas n devoted more than ten articles46 to the Beilis affair and its aftermath. The
crucial ones were published while the trial was ongoing. Even though the newspaper’s
editorial line had by that time become clearly anti-Zionist, the editors did not use this

42
This subchapter deals with the affair very briefly. I have discussed it in much more detail in
“The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century”: The Beilis Affair in Filastin Newspaper. In Jerusalem
Quarterly, Summer 2016, No. 66, pp. 99–108.
43
Blood libel is an accusation directed at Jews of perpetrating ritual murder, usually on a Christian
child, to acquire blood for religious rituals, particularly for matzo bread. The history of the blood
libel reaches back into the 12th century and is first attested in England. WEINBERG, R. Blood
Libel in Late Imperial Russia: The Ritual Murder Trial of Mendel Beilis, p. 4.
44
The dates in this paragraph are given according to the Julian calendar, which was used in Russia
at that time. In order to arrive at the date according to the Gregorian calendar, thirteen days need
to be added.
45
WEINBERG, R. Blood Libel in Late Imperial Russia: The Ritual Murder Trial of Mendel Beilis,
pp. 1–69. Jay Beilis et al. (ed.). Blood Libel: The Life and Memory of Mendel Beilis. Chicago:
Beilis Publishing, 2011, pp. 1–230.
46
I tij j wa muẓ hara [Protest and Demonstration]. In Filas n, 22 October 1913, 282–79, p. 3; al t
“Beilis” [A Prayer for “Beilis”]. In Filas n, 22 October 1913, 282–79, p. 2; ad mas alat Beilis
f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 22 October 1913, 282–79,
p. 1; AL- C S , Y suf. Macarrat al-qarn al-cishr n [The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century]. In
Filas n, 25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 1; ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the
Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 1; Tabri at Beilis [Beilis s Acqu-
ittal]. In Filas n, 12 November 1913, 288–85, p. 3; Akhb r shatt : Dhakarat jar dat ar-R tsh anna
“Beilis” […] [Diverse News: The Newspaper ar-R tsh Mentioned that “Beilis” […]]. In Filas n, 3
January 1914, 296–93, p. 2; Akhb r shatt : Bari a Beilis al-Isr ’ l [...] Kiy f [...] [Diverse News:
Beilis the Israelite departed from […] Kiev […]]. In Filas n, 24 January 1914, 301–4, p. 2; Beilis
f Filas n [Beilis in Palestine]. In Filas n, 303–6, 31 January 1914, p. 3; Beilis f Y f [Beilis in
Jaffa]. In Filas n, 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 1; Beilis wa Rothschild f Filas n [Beilis and
Rothschild in Palestine]. In Filas n, 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 3; Had th maca Beilis (Awwal
ad th li jar da cArab ya) [Interview with Beilis (First Interview with an Arabic Newspaper)]. In

131
8. Other Zionism-Related Topics

affair to criticise the Jewish community. On the contrary, the editor-in-chief, Y suf al-
c
s , vigorously defended Beilis and the Jews against the accusation.47 He was firmly
convinced of Beilis’s innocence. In an editorial, in which he called this whole affair
“The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century”, he wrote: “We said in the previous issue and
repeat that their accusing the Jews [al-Yahūd] of shedding blood to perform a religious
ritual is a fabrication with regard to those who believe it; an abomination with regard to
those who spread it; and a disgrace to the twentieth century, during which, if minds are
not liberated from the shackles of ignorance, God will never liberate them.”48
The handling of this affair by the newspaper demonstrates that in spite of its clearly
anti-Zionist editorial line, the editors did not abandon their objectivity. What is more,
they could have looked the other way, but, on the contrary, they refused to remain silent
in the face of injustice: “Everyone who follows what this newspaper writes knows that
we have spared no effort in criticising the Israelites as a religious community [al-umma]
isolated from the rest of the communities [al-umam], and in the fight against those
among them we call Zionists [ ahyūn y n] as a group setting its sights on our physi-
cal destruction and our moral subjugation in this Palestinian land [al-buqca]. But God
[does not allow us] to sacrifice the truth on the altar of purpose [cal madhba al-gh ya]
or to pass in silence over the rebuttal of falsehood and slander even if it concerns our
adversary.”49
Y suf al-c s was familiar with Judaism and its principles and based his arguments
on this understanding.50 In the following passage, he logically infers the baselessness
and fabricated character of the ritual murder accusation. “We highly esteem the Jews
[al-Yahūd] as adherents of a religion sent down from heaven. A sound mind does not
accept they would commit such an atrocity … a religion that has forbidden to its fol-
lowers [the meat of] strangled [animals] and the blood of birds and animals permitted to

Filas n, 18 February 1914, 308–11, p. 2; Beilis mu allif [Beilis Is an Author]. In Filas n, 21

March 1914, 318–20, p. 2.
47
In the past, other Arabic periodicals had briefly dealt with the ritual murder accusation. In 1903
al-Muqta af and in 1910/1911 al-Hil l responded to readers’ inquiries, and both defended Judaism
and Jews against this libel. The arguments presented in al-Hil l are similar to Y suf al-c s s
reasoning. GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab
Encounter, pp. 159–161.
48
AL- C S , Y suf. Macarrat al-qarn al-cishr n [The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century]. In Filas n,
25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 1.
49
Ibid., p. 1.
50
It is possible that he came across Shimon Moyal s book at-Talmūd: A luhu wa tasalsuluhu wa
d buhu [The Talmud: Its Origin, Transmission, and Ethics]. This introduction to Talmud, which
was published in 1909, was intended for an Arab audience. However, in his defence of the Jews
against the blood libel Y suf al-c s did not include Moyal s argument of “the impermissibility of
human sacrifices in Jewish law”. GRIBETZ, J. M. An Arabic-Zionist Talmud: Shimon Moyal’s
At-Talmud. In Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society. Fall 2010, Vol. 17, No. 1, pp. 3–5.
For more details on Moyal s book, see ibid., pp. 1–30; GRIBETZ, J. M. Defining Neighbors:
Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter, pp. 198–221.

132
 8. Other Zionism-Related Topics

all people is too sublime to order the shedding of blood of a human being for a religious
cause, even if that human being is an irredeemable infidel in the eyes of those professing
this religion.”51
Furthermore, the newspaper reported on the responses of the Jewish community in
the city of Jaffa to this affair.52 It informed its readers about Beilis s acquittal immedi-
ately after it occurred.53 Later, it publicised his departure from Russia and his journey
to Palestine.54 After Beilis s arrival, Filas n described his welcome by huge crowds in
Jaffa and Tel Aviv,55 and published an interview with him.56
One more thing worth mentioning is the attitude of the newspaper to Beilis s immi-
gration to Palestine. All articles dealing with his intention to come to Palestine and his
arrival are devoid of any kind of criticism, despite his being a Russian Jew coming with
his family to settle in Palestine. I assume that the sympathy of the editors for Beilis and
his plight was so strong that it left no space for even a hint of disapproval.

51
AL- C S , Y suf. Macarrat al-qarn al-cishr n [The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century]. In Filas n,
25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 1.
52
ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 22
October 1913, 282–79, p. 1; ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis Affair
in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 1.
53
Tabri at Beilis [Beilis s Acquittal]. In Filas n, 12 November 1913, 288–85, p. 3.
54
Akhb r shatt : Dhakarat jar dat ar-R tsh anna “Beilis” […] [Diverse News: The Newspaper ar-
R tsh Mentioned that “Beilis” […]]. In Filas n, 3 January 1914, 296–93, p. 2; Akhb r shatt :
Bari a Beilis al-Isr ’ l [...] Kiy f [...] [Diverse News: Beilis the Israelite departed from […] Kiev
[…]]. In Filas n, 24 January 1914, 301–4, p. 2.
55
Beilis f Y f [Beilis in Jaffa]. In Filas n, 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 1.
56
Had th maca Beilis (Awwal ad th li jar da cArab ya) [Interview with Beilis (First Interview with
an Arabic Newspaper)]. In Filas n, 18 February 1914, 308–11, p. 2.

133
 CONCLUSION

Despite the shortness of the period during which the newspaper Filas n was published
before World War I (1911–1914), its editorial policy with regard to Zionism went through
profound changes, ending up entirely different than when it began. In the first year and
a half, the newspaper s perspective on Zionist settlement seemed ambivalent. The edi-
tors offered space to other authors to discuss and reflect on various aspects of Zionist
colonisation, but they themselves avoided taking part in the discussion and maintained
neutrality. Moreover, a close reading of the relevant articles shows that they harboured
a causiously favorable attitude to Zionist colonisation. In mid-1912, Filas n s editor-in-
chief, Y suf al-c s , summarised the newspaper s position in a leading article: “we have
said and are still saying that we do not believe in the existence of danger in the Israelite
colonisation of our vast open country; no, we even see some benefits from it”.1 Para-
doxically, this article, which was published on 5 June 1912, represents the beginning of
a gradual transformation of the newspaper s attitude towards Zionism. I have identified
two defining moments in this transformation.
The first shift took place in the latter part of 1912, during which the editors gradu-
ally arrived at several conclusions. First, they began to perceive that Jewish immigra-
tion had significant detrimental effects on the Arab Palestinian urban economy and the
social conditions of the native urban non-Jewish population, because of the exclusivism
of the Zionists. Y suf al-c s based this conviction on his observation of the situation in
his hometown of Jaffa. Subsequently, the editors also began to see Zionist colonisation
as harmful to the native inhabitants of the rural areas as they realised that it was taking
place at the expense of the Arab Palestinian peasants. This is substantiated by the fact
that at the end of the year, the newspaper ceased to consider Zionist land purchases as
ordinary real-estate transactions and began to criticise them and mobilise public opinion
and the authorities against them. This occurred first with regard to the Jar sha mills on
the al-cAwj river in December 1912.
There were other reasons behind this first shift. The discriminatory policy of the
nominally Ottoman Miqve Yisra el (Netter) school against native students was a hard
blow to the inclusive Ottomanism of the editors. Furthermore, the editors noticed that

1
AL-C S , Y suf. Naskut wa yun iq nan [We Are Silent and They Make Us Speak]. In Filas n,
5 June 1912, 142–41, p. 1.

135
Conclusion

some Jewish journalists and contributors, including Ottoman Sephardim (who were of-
ten called “our Israelite brothers” in the newspaper), were actively participating in a
Zionist propaganda campaign in the Arabic periodical press. Filas n published articles
and responses by several Jewish authors, including Menashe Meirovitch, . Frumkin,
Abraham Ludvipol, Shimon Moyal, Nissim Malul and David Yellin, and devoted sig-
nificant space to discussion of their activities. The editors directed special attention to
Shimon Moyal s slanderous writings published under concocted identities in various
Arabic-language periodicals.
At the turn of 1913, Filas n printed several articles on the political ambitions of
the Zionists, but these were either republished from other newspapers or written by
contributors. Furthermore, at the beginning of February 1913 Y suf al-c s stated that
if the land purchases continued, Palestine might eventually end up in the hands of the
Zionists.2 Nevertheless, it seems that during the first half of the year the editors still did
not pay close attention to Zionist political ambitions or consider Zionist colonisation a
menace to the Palestinians.
In the summer and autumn of 1913, another significant change took place, which
resulted in Filas n starting to perceive Zionism as an acute political, demographic and
existential threat to native Arab Palestinians. By the end of the year, the newspaper had
forcefully joined the anti-Zionist campaign, stepped up its coverage of Zionist activities
and become a determined and unwavering anti-Zionist periodical. This was caused by
several events, the most significant of which were the Zarn qa affair, the proposed sale
or long-term lease of the enormous former private estates of Sultan Abdülhamid II and
the Eleventh Zionist Congress. The editors themselves emphasised the importance of
the last as being responsible for awakening their awareness of Zionists’ political am-
bitions. However, the other events mentioned above were of comparable significance
in this regard. Moreover, each of these events strengthened the impact of the others.
Whereas the Zarn qa incident manifested the self-confidence of the Zionists and their
determination to appeal to arms even for a petty cause, their endeavour to get hold of
Sultan Abdülhamid II s çiftliks in Palestine revealed the scope of their territorial am-
bitions and their appetite for expansion. Furthermore, the Eleventh Zionist Congress
exposed their political ambitions and their efforts at nation formation. In addition, the
Balkan Wars and their results provided the necessary context for what separatist and ir-
redentist nationalist movements of European provenance were intent on and capable of.
The fact that in the summer of 1913 the term “danger” began to be used frequently in
the discussion of Zionism backs up the previous assertions.
Furthermore, a couple of changes which occurred in the language used by the editors
are worth mentioning, because they confirm the aforementioned contentions. Previous-
ly, the editors, when talking about Jews, had used the term “Israelites [al-Isr l yūn]”.

2
AL-C S , Y suf. al-B b wa Filas n [The Pope and Palestine]. In Filas n, 5 February 1913,
210–7, p. 1.

136
 Conclusion

In the summer of 1913, they introduced the term “Jews [al-Yahūd]” and started to em-
ploy the two interchangeably. Since they had previously insisted on using the word “Is-
raelites”, which they understood in religious terms, as they considered Jews adherents
of Judaism and refused to recognise them as a race (and a nation), the introduction of the
term “Jews” indicates a significant shift in their perception. Another indication of the
change is the increased occurrence of the terms “Zionist” and “Zionism” in article head-
ings. Such usage was rare in the previous period. In the second half of 1911 it occurred
in three titles, and over the following year in five. The first half of 1913 witnessed a
slight increase, with six titles. However, in the last six months of 1913 the number grew
significantly to nineteen, and in 1914 there were twenty-seven articles whose heading
included the terms “Zionist” or “Zionism”.3
In connection with Zionism, the newspaper discussed a broad range of topics. Some
were treated more frequently than others, among them Zionist land purchases, either
accomplished or attempted. Furthermore, articles on violent conflicts between the two
communities, boycotts and discrimination against Arab Palestinians on the part of Zion-
ists also regularly appeared in the newspaper.
There is no doubt that at the time Filas n was established, several other Palestinian
and Syrian newspapers (e.g., al-Karmil, al-Muqtabas, al-Muf d) were already staunchly
anti-Zionist.4 Similarly, many other Palestinian and Syrian journalists, notables, politi-
cians and officials (e.g., Naj b al-Kh r Na r, R al-Kh lid , Shukr al-cAsal ) were
by that time aware of the political ambitions of the Zionist movement and had written
about them and publicised them.
Filas n s editors dealt with Zionism (as with other matters) with an open mind. In
fact, they were seeking to find answers to their questions. They refused prejudices, fa-
naticism and religious intolerance. Being inclusive Ottomanists and secularists, they
considered both Muslims and Jews to be their Ottoman brothers. The editors opened
the newspaper to comments from both supporters and opponents of Zionism in order to
initiate a discussion that would produce a definitive answer about this movement. When
their former assumptions about Zionism proved to be wrong, they began to modify them
until they finally collapsed under the weight of evidence. Consequently, the analysis of
Filas n s content offers us a unique opportunity to witness the gradual yet fundamental
transformation of its editors’ attitudes to Zionism and place it in a broader context. To the
best of my knowledge, this is the only case in pre-WWI Palestine in which it is possible
to observe in detail, and with its underlying reasons, such a metamorphosis on the part
of prominent journalists from cautious sympathy to Zionism to staunch anti-Zionism.

3
The number of issues for the entire year of 1914 which I had at my disposal was similar to the
number of issues from the second half of 1913, even though the total number of pages was higher
due to the increased volume of the newspaper from mid-June 1914.
4
For a discussion of the coverage of Zionism by various Arabic newspapers between the Young
Turk Revolution of 1908 and World War I, see KHALIDI, R. Palestinian Identity: The Construc-
tion of Modern National Consciousness, pp. 119–144.

137
Conclusion

The discussion of Zionism in Filas n reached its peak just prior to the outbreak of
World War I. At that time, the newspaper was already an unequivocally anti-Zionist
periodical, and the editors had apparently suppressed all recollection of their previous
more favourable perspective.

138
 APPENDIX 1

A CHRONOLOGICAL LIST
OF ARTICLES ON ZIONISM1 PUBLISHED
IN FILAS N IN 1913–1914

1913

Nab dh cUy n Q ra [The Wine from Rishon le-Zion]. 1 January 1913, 202–101, p. 3.
c
Ar at wid d akhaw ya –il – jamc yat “ k ” al-Isr l ya al-isticm r ya [A Petition of
Brotherly Friendship to the Israelite Colonisation Association “JCA”]. 15 January
1913, 204–1, p. 4.
al-Mas ala al-cArab ya [The Arab Question]. 15 January 1913, 204–1, p. 4.
a - ahy n y n wa al-cawda il Filas n [The Zionists and the Return to Palestine]. 18
January 1913, 205–2, pp. 1–2.
Sims r mutaq cid. al-Quds – li ib at-tawq c: Allahumma kadhaban wa adaqahum
[A Retired Middleman. Jerusalem – by the Below-Signed: O God [!] He Has De-
ceived Me and Told Them the Truth]. 22 January 1913, 206–3, pp. 2–3.
c
rif c rif. Il muta arrifin al-jad d: “a - ahy n y n wa Ab Sh sha” [To Our New
Governor: “The Zionists and Ab Sh sha”]. 25 January 1913, 207–4, pp. 3–4.
al-Quds – li a ad al-mur sil n: Qaryat Ab Sh sha [Jerusalem: By One of the Corre-
spondents: The Village of Ab Sh sha]. 29 January 1913, 208–5, p. 3.
arakat al-i l [The Reform Movement]. 29 January 1913, 208–5, p. 3.
al-Batriark ya wa ad-das is [The Patriarchate and Machinations]. 1 February 1913,
209–6, p. 4.
Y suf al-c s . al-B b wa Filas n [The Pope and Palestine]. 5 February 1913, 210–7, p. 1.
Siy sat at-tahw l maca al-curb n wa al-fall n [A Policy of Exaggeration towards the
Bedouins and Peasants]. 5 February 1913, 210–7, p. 3.
al-Mamlaka al-cArab ya [The Arab Kingdom]. 8 February 1913, 211–8, p. 4.
Tij rat al-burtuq l [The Orange Trade]. 19 February 1913, 214–11, pp. 2–3.
Manc bayc aw n Jar sha [Prohibition of the Sale of the Jar sha Mills]. 22 February
1913, 215–12, p. 3.

139
Appendix

M akthara sam sira [How Many Middlemen There Are!]. 22 February 1913, 215–12,
p. 3.
al- th r al-Isr l ya [Israelite Monuments]. 26 February 1913, 216–13, p. 2.
aw n Jar sha wa w b r Mulabbis [The Jar sha Mills and the Engine of Petah Tikva].
26 February 1913, 216–13, p. 3.
Ma fil Filas n [The Masonic Lodge in Palestine]. 26 February 1913, 216–13, p. 3.
Sam sirat a - ahy n y n [The Zionist Middlemen]. 1 March 1913, 217–14, p. 3.
Mustaqbal Filas n [The Future of Palestine]. 12 March 1913, 220–17, p. 3.
al-Ludd – li mur silin [Lydda – by Our Correspondent]. 15 March 1913, 221–18, p. 3.
Ish c t as-s [Malicious Rumours]. 19 March 1913, 222–19, p. 3.
Na a li al-muta arrif al-jad d [Advice to the New Governor]. 22 March 1913, 223–20,
p. 3.
Kayfa yursil n at-taq r r [How They Send Reports]. 22 March 1913, 223–20, p. 3.
Awwal N s n. ayf [April Fools Day. Haifa]. 5 April 1913, 227–24, p. 2.
al-Yah d f Rafa [Jews in Rafa ]. 5 April 1913, 227–24, p. 3.
al-Mustacmir n al-Isr l y n f Filas n [Israelite Settlers in Palestine]. 9 April 1913,
228–25, p. 2.
a - ahy n y n wa Rafa [The Zionists and Rafa ]. 12 April 1913, 229–26, p. 2.
Tacy n [Appointment]. 16 April 1913, 230–27, p. 3.
Filas n [A Palestinian]. Hal ta lu al-l markaz ya f Filas n [Is Decentralisation Ap-
propriate for Palestine?]. 19 April 1913, 231–30, p. 1.
al-Yah d f al-c lam [Jews in the World]. 23 April 1913, 232–29, pp. 1–2.
c
d al-fi cinda al-Isr l y n [Passover among the Israelites]. 23 April 1913, 232–29, p. 3.
al-Isticr a - ahy n al-kab r f Dayr n li mand bin al-kh [A Great Zionist Parade
in Rehovot by Our Special Reporter]. 3 May 1913, 233–30, p. 3.
Istiq la [Abdication]. 3 May 1913, 233–30, p. 3.
Tacy n [Appointment]. 7 May 1913, 234–31, p. 3.
c
d y t Filas n [Palestinian Antiquities]. 10 May 1913, 235–32, p. 1.
Ta arruf cinda far qayn [Extremism among the Two Factions]. 14 May 1913, 236–33,
pp. 1–2.
Sal m Ma m d Sh h n. Ris la ma j ra [A Paid Letter]. 17 May 1913, 237–34, p. 3.
Kaf kum bayc al-awq f [Enough of Selling Waqfs!]. 17 May 1913, 237–34, p. 4.
Kull yat al-fun n f ayf [The Technical School in Haifa]. 21 May 1913, 238–35, p. 1.
fiẓ Bak as-Sac d wa Nis m Mal l [ fiẓ Bey as-Sac d and Nis m Mal l]. 21 May
1913, 238–35, p. 3.
al-Qu n f Filas n [Cotton in Palestine]. 24 May 1913, 239–36, p. 2.
Mas c a - ahy n y n f ar al-Mukhayzin [Zionist Endeavours in the Lands of al-
Mukhayzin]. 28 May 1913, 240–37, p. 3.
Mu walat al-i r q [Attempt of Arson]. 28 May 1913, 240–37, p. 3.
Yah d Am rk wa S riya [Jews in America and Syria]. 31 May 1913, 241–38, p. 3.
Tajw l al-muta arrif [Travels of the Governor]. 31 May 1913, 241–38, mul aq [supple-
ment].

140
 Appendix

Muẓ har t al-Isr l y n [Demonstrations of the Israelites]. 4 June 1913, 242–39, p. 3.

c
U fat al-muta arrif [His Grace the Governor]. 7 June 1913, 243–40, p. 3.
F Tall Ab b [In Tel Aviv]. 7 June 1913, 243–40, p. 3.
Takdh b [A Denial]. 11 June 1913, 244–41, p. 3.
Khi b Isr l [A Speech of an Israelite]. 14 June 1913, 245–42, p. 3.
I tij j ah l Bays n [Protest of the Inhabitants of Bays n]. 18 June 1913, 246–43, pp.
2–3.
Muft wa kh mb sh Sal n k [Muft and the Chief Rabbi of Salonika]. 21 June 1913,
247–44, pp. 1–2.
al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. 12 July 1913, 253–50, p. 1.
Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him min bayc al-ar al-mudawwara al-Filas n ya bi al-
maz d. [Take Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger [that Lies] in the Selling of the
Palestinian Çiftliks in an Auction]. 19 July 1913, 255–52, p. 4.
Macraka agh ra [A Small Battle]. 26 July 1913, 257–54, p. 3.
Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him 3 [Take Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger 3]. 30 July
1913, 258–55, pp. 1–2.
al-Isr l y n wa al- arb [The Israelites and the War]. 30 July 1913, 258–55, p. 2.
Madrasat al-jumn z al-Isr l ya [The Israelite Gymnasium School]. 30 July 1913, 258–
55, p. 3.
Qa f al-cinab al-mash m [The Picking of the Ill-Omened Grapes]. 30 July 1913, 258–
55, p. 3.
Y suf al-c s . al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. 2 August 1913, 259–56, p. 1.
F ris an-Nac ma ( rith ibn cAbb d). Ba ic ghayrin : Qa f al-cinab al-mash m [What
Others Have to Say: The Picking of the Ill-Omened Grapes]. 2 August 1913, 259–56,
pp. 2–3.
ad qa li al-Yah d f al-Quds [A Garden for the Jews in Jerusalem]. 2 August 1913,
259–56, p. 3.
Ilgh al-waraqa al- amr [Abolishment of the Red Paper]. 2 August 1913, 259–56,
p. 3.
al-Mu tamar a - ahy n [The Zionist Congress]. 2 August 1913, 259–56, p. 3.
al- araka a - ahy n ya [The Zionist Movement]. 2 August 1913, 259–56, p. 4.
Tilighr f t: al-Ar al-mudawwara [Telegraphs: The Çiftliks]. 6 August 1913, 260–57,
p. 2.
Qat l [A Killed Person]. 6 August 1913, 260–57, p. 3.
Ictid wa sariqa [Assault and Robbery]. 6 August 1913, 260–57, p. 3.
Tad rak al-kha ar ad-d him 4 [Take Steps to Prevent the Sudden Danger 4]. 9 August
1913, 261–58, pp. 1–2.
Nuww b Filas n f al-mu tamar a - ahy n [Palestinian Delegates at the Zionist Con-
gress]. 9 August 1913, 261–58, p. 2.
al-Yah d f R m niy [Jews in Romania]. 9 August 1913, 261–58, p. 3.
al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. 9 August 1913, 261–58, p. 3.
Ni f takdh b [Half Denial]. 9 August 1913, 261–58, p. 3.

141
Appendix

ayf [Haifa]. 13 August 1913, 262–59, p. 3.

al-Yas c y n f al-Quds [Jesuits in Jerusalem]. 13 August 1913, 262–59, p. 3.
al-Quds – li mur silin : Aqw l a - u uf al-Isr l ya [Jerusalem – by Our Correspon-
dent: Reports of the Israelite Papers]. 13 August 1913, 262–59, p. 3.
Ta y q l f ida minhu [Restriction that Offers No Benefit]. 16 August 1913, 263–60,
pp. 1–2.
N dira [Incident]. 16 August 1913, 263–60, p. 3.
al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. 20 August 1913, 264–61, p. 3.
D wud Bak M y l. Radd [Reply]. 20 August 1913, 264–61, p. 3.
al-cIr q wa Filas n [Iraq and Palestine]. 23 August 1913, 265–62, p. 2.
Kayfa yuzayyif n al-akhb r [How They Falsify News]. 27 August 1913, 266–63, p. 2.
Na a [Advice]. 30 August 1913, 267–64, p. 1.
F ris an-Nac ma (al- ris ibn cAbb d). Qa f al-cinab al-mash m (radd cal radd) [The
Picking of the Ill-Omened Grapes (A Reply to a Reply)]. 30 August 1913, 267–64,
pp. 1–2.
D wud M y l [David Moyal]. ar-Radd cal at-tacl q [A Reply to a Comment]. 30 August
1913, 267–64, p. 2.
A ad al-muttaham n bi dithat Zarn qa [One of the Accussed in the Zarn qa Incident].
30 August 1913, 267–64, p. 3.
Sulaym n at-T j al-F r q : urr ya am isticb d wa al-cadl aw istibd d [Freedom or
Subjugation and Justice or Tyranny]. 30 August 1913, 267–64, al-mul aq [supple-
ment], p. 1.
Muh jir al-Yah d [Jewish Emigrants]. 3 September 1913, 268–65, p. 2.
al-Ar al-mudawwara [The Çiftliks]. 3 September 1913, 268–65, p. 2.
Mas alat Zarn qa f al- sit na [The Zarn qa Affair in Constantinople]. 3 September
1913, 268–65, p. 3.
al-Malik wa al- kh mb sh [The King and the Chief Rabbi]. 6 September 1913, 269–
66, p. 1.
Tilighr f t ash-sharik t, Reuter [Companies Telegraphs, Reuter]. 6 September 1913,
269–66, p. 2.
al-Mu tamar a - ahy n [The Zionist Congress]. 10 September 1913, 270–67, p. 3.
al-Mu tamar t a - ahy n ya [The Zionist Congresses]. 13 September 1913, 271–68,
p. 1.
J mica Isr l ya f al-Quds [Israelite University in Jerusalem]. 13 September 1913,
271–68, p. 3.
c
Aynt b Efendi [Antébi Efendi]. 13 September 1913, 271–68, p. 3.
F Mulabbis [In Petah Tikva]. 17 September 1913, 272–69, p. 3.
a - ahy n y n yuq ic n al-wa an y n [The Zionists Boycott the Natives]. 20 Septem-
ber 1913, 273–70, p. 2.
aw dith al-qatl wa al-jar [Incidents of Killing and Injury]. 20 September 1913, 273–
70, pp. 2–3.
a - ahy n ya [Zionism]. 24 September 1913, 274–71, p. 2.

142
 Appendix

al-Majlis al-cum m [The General Council]. 27 September 1913, 275–72, p. 3.

Y suf al-c s . Zin hu li tacrif hu [Weigh Him to Know Him]. 1 October 1913, 276–73,
p. 1.
c
An al-mu tamar a - ahy n [On the Zionist Congress]. 1 October 1913, 276–73, p. 2.
S riy wa Filas n –5– [Syria and Palestine –5–]. 4 October 1913, 277–74, pp. 1–2.
a - ahy n y n wa Turkiy [The Zionists and Turkey]. 4 October 1913, 277–74, p. 2.
Akhb r ahy n ya [Zionist News]. 4 October 1913, 277–74, p. 3.
Khalaf cAynt b Efendi [Successor of Antébi Efendi]. 8 October 1913, 278–75, p. 2.
Mashghal f madrasa Isr l ya [A Workshop in an Israelite School]. 8 October 1913,
278–75, p. 2.
J an min a ad af il ath-thaghr m ya t [We Have Received the Following from One
Learned Man of the Seaport]. 8 October 1913, 278–75, p. 3.
al-Quds – li mur silin : al-Amr al-wiz r [Jerusalem – By Our Correspondent: Ministe-
rial Decree]. 11 October 1913, 279–76, p. 3.
Y suf al-c s . Ir am hum yar amukum All h [Have Compassion for Them, God Will
Have Mercy upon You]. 15 October 1913, 280–77, p. 1.
Ilgh al-waraqa al- amr [Abolishment of the Red Paper]. 15 October 1913, 280–77,
p. 3.
I tij j al- kh mb sh [Protest of the Chief Rabbi]. 15 October 1913, 280–77, p. 3.
al-Aw mir al-ma a [The Elastic Decrees]. 18 October 1913, 281–78, p. 1.
al-Ma kim a - ahy n ya [Zionist Courts]. 18 October 1913, 281–78, p. 1.
ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. 22 Octo-
ber 1913, 282–79, p. 1.
al t “Beilis” [A Prayer for “Beilis”]. 22 October 1913, 282–79, p. 2.
al-Lugha al-cIbr n ya badal al-cArab ya [Hebrew Language Instead of Arabic]. 22 Oc-
tober 1913, 282–79, p. 2.
al-Ma kim a - ahy n ya [The Zionist Courts]. 22 October 1913, 282–79, p. 3.
I tij j wa muẓ hara [Protest and Demonstration]. 22 October 1913, 282–79, p. 3.
Macarrat al-qarn al-cishr n [The Disgrace of the Twentieth Century]. 25 October 1913,
283–80, p. 1.
ad mas alat Beilis f Y f [The Reverberations of the Beilis Affair in Jaffa]. 25 Octo-
ber 1913, 283–80, p. 1.
Wa an . al-Ma kim a - ahy n ya [A Native. The Zionist Courts]. 25 October 1913,
283–80, p. 3.
Mas alat Zarn qa [The Zarn qa Affair]. 25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 3.
Rifqan bi al-muh jir n [Kindly towards the Immigrants]. 25 October 1913, 283–80, p. 3.
Kit b maft [An Open Letter]. 29 October 1913, 284–81, p. 3.
Kayfa tamma a - ul bayna Zarn qa wa D r n [How the Settlement between Zarn qa
and D r n Was Achieved]. 1 November 1913, 285–82, p. 3.
ad a - ahy n ya [The Reverberation of Zionism]. 5 November 1913, 286–83, p. 2.
al-Quds – li mur silin [Jerusalem – By Our Correspondent]. 5 November 1913, 286–
83, p. 2.

143
Appendix

Fi at a - ahy n ya [Two Zionist Parties]. 8 November 1913, 287–84, p. 2.

Sulaym n T j al-F r q . al-Kha ar a - ahy n [The Zionist Danger]. 8 November
1913, 287–84, p. 2.
Sulaym n T j al-F r q . Bay n [A Statement]. 8 November 1913, 287–84, p. 3.
a - ahy n y n wa al-cUthm n y n [The Zionists and the Ottomans]. 8 November 1913,
287–84, p. 3.
Il Filas n [To Palestine]. 8 November 1913, 287–84, p. 3.
J rj al-Kh r Sulaym n. Jur un al-arbaca [Our Four Wounds]. 12 November 1913,
288–85, p. 1.
Radd [Reply]. 12 November 1913, 288–85, p. 3.
Tabri at Beilis [Beilis s Acquittal]. 12 November 1913, 288–85, p. 3.
Aqw l a - u uf f tac l jar dat Filas n [Newspaper Reports on the Suspension of the
Newspaper Filas n]. 17 December 1913, 292–89, p. 2.
r al-mukhli n f sal mat al-wa an [Opinions of the Faithful on the Integrity of the
Homeland]. 17 December 1913, 292–89, p. 4.
Acm l a - ahy n y n [Actions of the Zionists]. 17 December 1913, 292–89, p. 4.
Silsila lam tanqa ic [The Chain Has Not Been Disrupted]. 24 December 1913, 293–90,
p. 1.
Aqw l a - u uf f tac l jar dat Filas n [Newspaper Reports on the Suspension of the
Newspaper Filas n]. 24 December 1913, 293–90, p. 2.
Jur un al-arbaca [Our Four Wounds]. 27 December 1913, 294–91, p. 1.
al-Kha ar a - ahy n cal Filas n [The Zionist Danger to Palestine]. 27 December
1913, 294–91, p. 1–2.
Li mur silin f al-Quds: al-cIbr n aw al-Alm n [By Our Correspondent in Jerusalem:
Hebrew or German]. 27 December 1913, 294–91, p. 3.
Taqr r qun ul [Consul s Report]. 31 December 1913, 295–92, p. 1.

1914

Mutafarriq t (Filas n) [Various (Filas n)]. 3 January 1914, 296–93, p. 2.

Akhb r shatt : Dhakarat jar dat ar-R tsh anna “Beilis” […] [Diverse News: The News-
paper ar-R tsh Mentioned that “Beilis” […]]. 3 January 1914, 296–93, p. 2.
al-Lugha al-cIbr n ya ay an [The Hebrew Language Again]. 3 January 1914, 296–93,
p. 3.
Madrasat al-fun n f ayf [Technical School in Haifa]. 7 January 1914, 297–94, p. 3.
Bayc Kafr r ya [The Sale of Kafr r ya]. 7 January 1914, 297–94, p. 3.
dithat al-Qubayba [Incident in al-Qubayba]. 7 January 1914, 297–94, p. 3.
Saf r al-Wil y t al-Mutta ida f Filas n [The Ambassador of the United States in Pales-
tine]. 14 January 1914, 298–1, p. 1.
F W d al-Qil [In the W d al-Qil ]. 14 January 1914, 298–1, p. 2.
Bank caq r [The Real-Estate Bank]. 14 January 1914, 298–1, p. 2.

144
 Appendix

al-Lugha al-cIbr n ya f al-mad ris al-Isr ’ l ya [Hebrew Language in Israelite Schools].

17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 2.
c
rif al-mawqit. al-Quds li ib at-tawq c (mas’alat an r Fircawn) [The One Who
Knows the Appointed Time. Jerusalem – Written by the Below-Signed (The Issue of
an r Fircawn)]. 17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 3.
c
al- Uthm n ya f at-talq [Ottomanism in Vaccination]. 17 January 1914, 299–2, p. 3.
Mu yidd n al- usayn . al-Quds – li ib at-tawq c; Il jar dat Filas n al-gharr ’ [Jeru-
salem – Written by the Below-Signed; To the Honourable Newspaper Filas n]. 21
January 1914, 300–3, p. 3.
Akhb r shatt : Bari a Beilis al-Isr ’ l [...] Kiy f [...] [Diverse News: Beilis the Israelite
Departed from […] Kiev […]]. 24 January 1914, 301–4, p. 2.
M yajibu tacr buhu [What is Necessary to Translate into Arabic]. 28 January 1914,
302–5, p. 1.
Yaq l n wa naq l [They Are Saying and We Are Saying]. 28 January 1914, 302–5, p. 3.
Akhb r Akh ra: al-Quds [Latest News: Jerusalem]. 28 January 1914, 302–5, p. 3.
Alm niy f S riy wa Filas n [Germany in Syria and Palestine]. 31 January 1914,
303–6, pp. 1–2.
Hiy j f al-Quds. Li mur sil f il [Turmoil in Jerusalem. By a Learned Correspondent].
31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 2.
Mas alat Zarn qa [The Issue of Zarn qa]. 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 3.
Beilis f Filas n [Beilis in Palestine]. 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 3.
Sharika Yah d ya [A Jewish Company]. 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 3.
Tharwa jad da f Filas n [New Wealth in Palestine]. 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 3.
Sharikat al-isticm r wa al-bin al-Inkl z ya li yamtadd [The English Company for Colo-
nisation and Construction to Expand]. 31 January 1914, 303–6, p. 3.
Akhb r akh ra (Qaryat al-Qubayba) [Latest News (al-Qubayba Village)]. 31 January
1914, 303–6, p. 3.
al-Kull ya al-Yah d ya f al-Quds [The Jewish University in Jerusalem]. 4 February
1914, 304–7, p. 2.
Akhb r al-jih t: al-Quds li mur silin : Burtuq l Y f ar f wa kath r [News from the
Provinces: Jerusalem by Our Correspondent: Jaffa Oranges are Exquisite and Plenti-
ful]. 4 February 1914, 304–7, p. 3.
al-Muh jir n al-wa an y n [The Native Emigrants]. 4 February 1914, 304–7, p. 3.
Qa acat Jah za qawl kull kha b [It Was Said at Just the Right Time]. 4 February 1914,
304–7, p. 3.
Aqw l al-Inkl z can al- araka a - ahy n ya [Reports of the English on the Zionist
Movement]. 7 February 1914, 305–8, pp. 1–2.
Ta m m al-muq aca [Diffusion of the Boycott]. 7 February 1914, 305–8, p. 2.
c

Tar q Ghazza [The Gaza Road]. 7 February 1914, 305–8, p. 3.

al-B r n Rothschild [Baron Rothschild]. 7 February 1914, 305–8, p. 3.
al-Mutafarriq t (al-c diy t f Filas n) [Miscellany (Antiquities in Palestine)]. 11 Febru-
ary 1914, 306–9, p. 1.

145
Appendix

ayf [Haifa]. 11 February 1914, 306–9, p. 2.

al-Khal l [Hebron]. 11 February 1914, 306–9, p. 2.
Yaq l n wa naq l [They Are Saying and We Are Saying]. 11 February 1914, 306–9,
pp. 2–3.
al-B r n Rothschild [Baron Rothschild]. 11 February 1914, 306–9, p. 3.
Mu tamar Inkl z Isr l f al-Quds [English Israelite Congress in Jerusalem]. 11 Febru-
ary 1914, 306–9, p. 3.
Mus cada li al-muz ric n al-Isr l y n [Assistance to Israelite Farmers]. 11 February
1914, 306–9, p. 3.
al-c lam al-Isr l [L’Univers israélite]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 1.
Beilis f Y f [Beilis in Jaffa]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 1.
Bay n al- aq qa [Manifestation of the Truth]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 2.
c
d ash-shajara [Day of the Tree]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 2.
al-Quds – li mur silin : Mas alat an r Fircawn [Jerusalem- By Our Correspondent:
an r Fircawn Affair]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 2.
Mas alat al-burtuq l [The Orange Affair]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 3.
Beilis wa Rothschild f Filas n [Beilis and Rothschild in Palestine]. 14 February 1914,
307–10, p. 3.
Wuf d al-Isr l y n [Israelite Delegations]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 3.
al-Usb c al-Isr l [The Israelite Week]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 3.
[No title]. 14 February 1914, 307–10, p. 3.
Had th maca Beilis (Awwal ad th li jar da cArab ya) [Interview with Beilis (First Inter-
view with an Arabic Newspaper)]. 18 February 1914, 308–11, p. 2.
H shim Ab Khadr et al. ditha f Tall Ab b [Incident in Tel Aviv]. 18 February 1914,
308–11, p. 2.
al-B r n de Rothschild [Baron de Rothschild]. 18 February 1914, 308–11, pp. 2–3.
Rothschild yatabarrac [Rothschild Donates]. 18 February 1914, 308–11, p. 3.
Wa minh [al-Quds] – li mur sil khar. Ar an-Nab M s [And from It [Jerusalem]
– By Another Correspondent. The Lands of an-Nab M s ]. 18 February 1914, 308–
11, p. 3.
Y suf al-c s . Khabar jad d [A New Message]. 21 February 1914, 309–12, p. 1.
Ghayrun yatakallam [Other than Us Talk]. 21 February 1914, 309–12, p. 3.
al-B r n Rothschild [Baron Rothschild]. 21 February 1914, 309–12, p. 3.
dithat Tall Ab b [The Tel Aviv Incident]. 21 February 1914, 309–12, p. 3.
Q ’immaq m Isr ’ l li Hayf [An Israelite Q ’immaq m for Haifa]. 28 February 1914,
311–14, p. 3.
Mabc th Isr ’ l can Filas n [An Israelite Deputy for Palestine]. 28 February 1914, 311–
14, p. 3.
Frans s Khayy . al-Aqall ya wa al-mabc th n [The Minority and the Parliament]. 28
February 1914, 311–14, p. 3.
Nuq at Tall Ab b [The [Police] Station in Tel Aviv]. 28 February 1914, 311–14, p. 3.
a - ayy ra “ ahy n ya” [The Airplane “Zionism”]. 28 February 1914, 311–14, p. 3.

146
 Appendix

Madrasat al-birr wa al-i s n al-Isl m ya wa i s n Rothschild [Pious and Charitable

Islamic School and Rothschild s Charity]. 4 March 1914, 312–15, p. 3.
ar-Ramla – li mur silin [Ramla – By Our Correspondent]. 4 March 1914, 312–15, p. 2.
Ayna al-alfay l ra? [Where Are the Two Thousand Liras?]. 7 March 1914, 313–16, p. 3.
Bish ra. Rajul [A Man]. 11 March 1914, 314–17, p. 2.
a - ayy r n al-cUthm n y n [Two Ottoman Pilots]. 11 March 1914, 314–17, pp. 2–3.
urr s al-mustacmar t a - ahy n ya yalbis n thiy b al-j nd rma [The Zionist
Settlements Guards Wear the Uniform of the Gendarmerie]. 21 March 1914, 317–
20, p. 2.
ris yaqtul badaw yan [A Watchman Kills a Bedouin]. 21 March 1914, 317–20, p. 2.
Beilis mu allif [Beilis Is an Author]. 21 March 1914, 317–20, p. 2.
Farans lan [France Belongs to Us]. 1 April 1914, 320–23, pp. 1–2.
Nid ’ wa istijd ’ li al-umma al-Yah d ya f al-c lam [An Appeal and a Plea to the Jewish
Nation in the World]. 1 April 1914, 320–23, p. 2.
Shuc r ash-shab ba [The Awareness of the Youth]. 1 April 1914, 320–23, p. 3.
Mitr N q l Mitr . Ris la min al-balda il jar dat Filas n al-gharr ‘ [A Letter from the
City to the Honorable Newspaper Filas n]. 1 April 1914, 320–23, p. 3.
al- araka a - ahy n ya wa qawl bac kib rin f h [The Zionist Movement and the
Statements of Some of Our Influential Personalities about It]. 4 April 1914, 321–24,
p. 1.
ar-Ramla li muk tib [Ramla by a Correspondent]. 4 April 1914, 321–24, p. 2.
Saf r ni f Filas n [Two Ambassadors in Palestine]. 4 April 1914, 321–24, p. 3.
Na a [Advice]. 4 April 1914, 321–24, p. 3.
Mustaqbal Filas n li al-Yah d [The Future of Palestine Belongs to the Jews]. 8 April
1914, 322–25, p. 2.
Tabarruc t al-b r n Rothschild [Donations of Baron Rothschild]. 8 April 1914, 322–25,
p. 2.
R mall h – li mur silin : Saf r Am rk [R mall h – by Our Correspondent: American
Ambassador]. 8 April 1914, 322–25, p. 3.
ad a - ahy n ya f Mi r [The Reverberation of Zionism in Egypt]. 8 April 1914,
322–25, p. 3.
Tac l jar da [Suspension of a Newspaper]. 11 April 1914, 323–26, p. 3.
Mul aq h dh al-cadad [A Supplement to this Issue]. 11 April 1914, 323–26, p. 3.
al- araka a - ahy n ya [The Zionist Movement]. 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-mul aq
[supplement], p. 1.
Rothschild wa Morgenthau [Rothschild and Morgenthau]. 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-
mul aq [supplement], p. 1.
al-Yah d yac sh n bi sal m [The Jews Live in Peace]. 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-mul aq
[supplement], p. 1.
al-Yah d l yuq ic n al-wa an y n [The Jews Are Not Boycotting the Natives]. 11 April
1914, 323–26, al-mul aq [supplement], p. 1.

147
Appendix

a - ahy n y n cUthm n y n [The Zionists are Ottomans]. 11 April 1914, 323–26, al-
mul aq [supplement], p. 1.
M dh yaq lu ad-dukt r Auerbach [What Does Doctor Auerbach Say?]. 11 April 1914,
323–26, al-mul aq [supplement], p. 1.
Tilighr f khar min ah l Filas n [Another Telegram from the Inhabitants of Palestine].
11 April 1914, 323–26, al-mul aq [supplement], p. 1.
Mabc th al-Yaman al-Yah d [A Jewish Deputy for Yemen]. 15 April 1914, 324–27,
p. 2.
al-Kha ar a - ahy n wa a - a fa al-cArab ya [The Zionist Danger and the Arabic
Press]. 15 April 1914, 324 – 27, p. 2.
uk ma Yah d ya imna uk ma cUthm n ya [A Jewish Government within Ottoman
Government]. 15 April 1914, 324–27, p. 2.
Bi mun sabat cawdat “Filas n” [On the Occasion of the Return of “Filas n”]. 6 June
1914, 325–28, p. 1.
at-Tabri’a ghayr al-ifr j [Acquittal is not a Release]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 1.
Ibrah m Sal m an-Najj r. al-Isr ’ l y n f Filas n [The Israelites in Palestine]. 6 June
1914, 325–28, p. 3.
Ibrah m Sal m an-Najj r. al-Isr ’ l y n f Filas n (2) [The Israelites in Palestine]. 6 June
1914, 325–28, pp. 3–4.
Raf q Bak al-cAẓm: Kalimatun f a - ahy n y n wa al-cArab [Our Address on Zionists
and Arabs]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, pp. 4–5.
Jirjis Kh r Ayy b. Nabbih al-awwal wa is aq ath-th n [Warn the First and Crush the
Second]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 5.
al- rith: Kalima muqta aba: Il nuww bin al-kir m [A Short Remark: To Our
Honourable Deputies]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 6.
a - ahy n ya imm kha ar caẓ m wa imm mith l asan [Zionism Is Either a Great
Menace or a Good Example]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 6.
Tac l jar dat Filas n wa mu kamatuh [The Suspension of the Newspaper Filas n and
Its Trial]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7.
Mu kamat jar dat Filas n: al-Muqaddima [The Trial of the Newspaper Filas n: Intro-
duction]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7.
al-Jalsa al- l [The First Session]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 7.
al-Jalsa al- l : ad-Dif c [The First Session: The Defence]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, pp. 7–8.
al-Jalsa al- l : al-Khul a [The First Session: Summary]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.
al-Jalsa ath-th niya [The Second Session]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.
Mu lacat al-muddac al-cum m [The Announcement of the Public Prosecutor]. 6 June
1914, 325–28, p. 9.
Qar r al- ukm [The Verdict]. 6 June 1914, 325–28, p. 9.
Ta’th r al- ukm cal al-jumh r [The Effect of the Verdict on the Audience]. 6 June 1914,
325–28, p. 9.
Radd cal az-zac m a - ahy n [A Reply to the Zionist Leader]. 6 June 1914, 325–28,
p. 11.

148
 Appendix

Ris la min al- sit na: Li a ad ac al-muntad al-adab f h [A Letter from Istanbul:
From One of the Members of the Literary Club in It]. 10 June 1914, 326–29, p. 1.
kh mb sh al- sit na wa jar dat Filas n [The Chief Rabbi of Istanbul and the News-
paper Filas n]. 10 June 1914, 326–29, p. 2.
Marfa al-Kha ra [The al-Kha ra Port]. 13 June 1914, 327–30, p. 2.
Ris la min al-balda [A Letter from the City]. 13 June 1914, 327–30, p. 4.
Laysa l wa an [I Have no Homeland]. 13 June 1914, 327–30, p. 4.
Ghazza – li mur silin [Gaza – By Our Correspondent]. 17 June 1914, 328–31, pp. 2–3.
Sharikat Anglo-Palestine Limited [The Anglo-Palestine Company Limited]. 17 June
1914, 328–31, p. 3.
Iqtir Raf q Bak al-cAẓm [The Proposal of Raf q Bey al-cAẓm]. 17 June 1914, 328–31,
p. 4.
c
Ta l jar dat al-Iqd m [Suspension of the Newspaper al-Iqd m]. 17 June 1914, 328–31,
p. 5.
a - ahy n y n yuhaddid n man yukh lifu mabda ahum min abn jinsihim [Zionists
Threaten Those Who Oppose Their Principle from among the Sons of Their Nation].
17 June 1914, 328–31, p. 5.
Macmal li al-akhsh b [A Wood Workshop]. 17 June 1914, 328–31, p. 5.
al-Kha ra qabla Y f [al-Kha ra before Jaffa]. 17 June 1914, 328–31, p. 5.
Mustashf ahy n [Zionist Hospital]. 17 June 1914, 328–31, p. 5.
Nazl Yah d kab r [A Large Jewish Hotel]. 17 June 1914, 328–31, p. 5.
Jamc yat al-Mak b y n [The Maccabean Association]. 17 June 1914, 328–31, p. 5.
an-Nah a al-wa an ya wa jamc y tuh [A Patriotic Renaissance and Its Organisations].
20 June 1914, 329–32, p. 2.
Ta khabar [Correction of a Report]. 24 June 1914, 330–33, p. 2.
Laysa kull Isr l ahy n yan [Not Every Israelite is a Zionist]. 24 June 1914, 330–33,
p. 5.
c
Adad al-Yah d f al-Quds [The Number of Jews in Jerusalem]. 24 June 1914, 330–33,
p. 5.
Jar dat al-Iqd m [The Newspaper al-Iqd m]. 24 June 1914, 330–33, p. 5.
alqat al-usb c [This Week’s Part of the Series]. 24 June 1914, 331–34, p. 1.
Mutafarriq t: Mu rabat al-lugha al-Alm n ya [Miscellanea: The Struggle Against the
German Language]. 27 June 1914, 331–34, pp. 1–2.
Ar as-Sidra wa al-Qubayba wa a - ahy n y n (il sam at shaykh al-Isl m) [The
Lands of as-Sidra and al-Qubayba and the Zionists (to His Eminence Shaykh al-
Isl m)]. 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 2.
J rj Kh r Ayy b: ad-Dif c can al- ay t [The Defense of the Life]. 27 June 1914, 331–
34, p. 3.
Rifcat Ab as-Suc d: an-Nah a al-wa an ya f al-Quds [A Patriotic Rennaisance in Jeru-
salem]. 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 3–4.
c
bir sab l. a - ahy n y n wa awq f Dayr ar-R m [The Zionists and the Religious En-
dowments of the Greek Orthodox Monastery]. 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 4.

149
Appendix

Mith l min at-Tacathmun il Raf q Bey al-cAẓm [An Example of Ottomanisation to

Raf q Bey al-cAẓm]. 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 5.
Dars f al-wa an ya [A Lesson in Patriotism]. 27 June 1914, 331–34, p. 5.
A a tacd l [The Most Correct Calculation]. 1 July 1914, 332–35, p. 5.
alqat al-usb c [This Week’s Part of the Series]. 4 July 1914, 333–36, p. 1.
F 24 uzayr n – li mur sil Filas n [On 24 June – By Filas n s Correspondent]. 4 July
1914, 333–36, pp. 1–2.
Manc al-muh jir n a - ahy n y n [Hindering of Zionist Immigrants]. 4 July 1914, 333–
36, p. 2.
M yur wa m l yur [What Is Shown and What Is Not Shown]. 4 July 1914, 333–36,
p. 2.
Jamc yat Filas n f al-Kull ya al-Am rk ya [Palestine Association at the American Col-
lege]. 4 July 1914, 333–36, p. 3.
Dacw Zarn qa wa D r n [The Zarn qa and D r n Lawsuit]. 4 July 1914, 333–36, p. 4.
Akhb r ahy n ya [Zionist News]. 4 July 1914, 333–36, p. 5.
al- al b [Milk]. 8 July 1914, 334–37, p. 5.
al-Bank al-caq r [The Real-Estate Bank]. 8 July 1914, 334–37, p. 5.
Muh jir Makd niy [Emigrants from Macedonia]. 8 July 1914, 334–37, p. 5.
al- ja il bann ’ n [The Need for Masons]. 8 July 1914, 334–37, p. 5.
Wa bacda dh lika [And after That]. 8 July 1914, 334–37, p. 5.
Y suf al-c s . Na wa ciẓa wa khi b [Advice, a Warning and a Speech]. 11 July 1914,
335–38, p. 1.
[1] al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s (Kit b jad d. aq ’iq majh la) Bi qalam az-
zac m a - ahy n s shk n – Tacr b mud r h dhihi al-jar da [The Zionist Political
Programme (New Book. Unknown Facts) Written by the Zionist Leader Ussishkin
– Translation into Arabic by the Director of this Newspaper]. 11 July 1914, 335–38,
p. 1.
al-Yah d f an-Nims [Jews in Austria]. 11 July 1914, 335–38, p. 2.
Tawf q Fara . ditha f h naẓar [An Unsolved Case]. 11 July 1914, 335–38, p. 4.
Ar as-Sirr f Bi’r as-Sabc [The Lands of as-Sirr in Bi’r as-Sabc]. 11 July 1914, 335–
38, p. 5.
at-Tayy r a - ahy n [The Zionist Movement]. 11 July 1914, 335–38, p. 5.
Ac al-majlis yusamsir n [Council Members Act as Middlemen]. 11 July 1914, 335–
38, p. 5.
Badaw Filas n [Palestinian Bedouin]. 15 July 1914, 336–39, p. 1.
a - ahy n y n f Filas n. Aqw l u uf rubb wa Am rk [The Zionists in Palestine.
Reports of European and American Newspapers]. 15 July 1914, 336–39, p. 2.
[2] al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s , al-fa l al-awwal, al-fa l ath-th n [The Zionist
Political Programme, First Chapter, Second Chapter]. 15 July 1914, 336–39, pp. 3–4.
Ar as-Sirr [The Lands of as-Sirr]. 15 July 1914, 336–39, p. 5.
Y suf al-c s . alqat al-usb c [This Week’s Part of the Series]. 18 July 1914, 337–40,
p. 1.

150
 Appendix

ash-Sharc al-Isl m wa at-tamalluk al-adžnab [The Canonical Law of Islam and the
Right of Possession of Foreigners]. 18 July 1914, 337–40, p. 1.
Ar as-Sirr (macl m tun jad da f h ) [The Lands of as-Sirr (Our New Information
about Them)]. 18 July 1914, 337–40, pp. 1–2.
[3] al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s , al-fa l ath-th n (t bic min qablihi), al-fa l ath-
th lith [The Zionist Political Programme, Second Chapter (Following the Previous
[Issue]), Third Chapter]. 18 July 1914, 337–40, p. 3.
Ar as-Sirr [The Lands of as-Sirr]. 18 July 1914, 337–40, p. 5.
Jamc ya cArab ya Isl m ya f d r al-mulk [An Arab-Islamic Organisation in the Capital].
18 July 1914, 337–40, p. 5.
al-Ikh al-k dhib [False Brotherhood]. 18 July 1914, 337–40, p. 5.
Ayna al-jamc ya al-cArab ya [Where Is the Arab Organisation?]. 18 July 1914, 337–40,
p. 5.
Ar as-Sirr – aw – Kit b All h wa kit b al-Wal d [The Lands of as-Sirr – and – The
Book of God and the Book of al-Wal d]. 22 July 1914, 338–41, p. 1.
[4] al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s , al-fa l ath-th lith (t bic min qablihi), al-fa l ar-
r bic [The Zionist Political Programme, Third Chapter (Following the Previous [Is-
sue]), Fourth Chapter]. 22 July 1914, 338–41, p. 3.
Tad rak al-awq f [Take Steps to Prevent [the Sale of] Religious Endowments]. 22 July
1914, 338–41, p. 5.
c
Da w Zarn qa wa D r n [The Zarn qa and D r n Lawsuit]. 22 July 1914, 338–41,
p. 5.
al-Quds – li mur silin : al-I tif l bi c d ad-dust r [Jerusalem – By Our Correspondent:
Celebration of the Day of Constitution]. 25 July 1914, 339–42, p. 2.
Wa minh – li mur sil f il [And from It – by Our Distinguished Correspondent]. 25
July 1914, 339–42, p. 2.
Waqf Sayyidn M s [The Religious Endowment of Our Prophet M s ]. 25 July 1914,
339–42, p. 2.
Bi’r as-Sabc li wak lin : Ar as-Sirr [Bi’r as-Sabc – By Our Representative: The Lands
of as-Sirr]. 25 July 1914, 339–42, p. 2.
Bayt La m – li mur silin : al-Yah d f Bayt La m [Bethlehem – By Our Correspon-
dent: Jews in Bethlehem]. 25 July 1914, 339–42, p. 2.
[5] al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s , al-fa l ar-r bic (t bic min qablihi), al-fa l al-
kh mis [The Zionist Political Programme, Fourth Chapter (Following the Previous
[Issue]), Fifth Chapter]. 25 July 1914, 339–42, p. 3.
a - ahy n y n yuzawwir n [The Zionists Are Falsifying]. 25 July 1914, 339–42, p. 4.
a - ahy n y n wa ash-shab ba [The Zionists and the Youth]. 25 July 1914, 339–42,
p. 5.
ilm Ab Kha r . Shuc r an-nash’ al-jad d [The Awareness of the New Generation].
29 July 1914, 340–43, p. 2.
al-Yah d f B l niy : cIẓa li Filas n [Jews in Poland: A Warning to Palestine]. 1 August
1914, 341–44, p. 2.

151
Appendix

[6] al-Br ghr m a - ahy n as-siy s , al-fa l as-s dis (t bic min qablihi) [The Zion-
ist Political Programme, Sixth Chapter (Following the Previous [Issue])]. 1 August
1914, 341–44, p. 3.
S dat al-wa an [The Masters of the Homeland]. 1 August 1914, 341–44, p. 3.
Sam sirat a - ahy n y n [The Middlemen of the Zionists]. 1 August 1914, 341–44, p. 5.
al- amm l al-am n [A Trustworthy Carrier]. 5 August 1914, 342–45, p. 3.
Takdh b ish ca [Denial of a Rumour]. 5 August 1914, 342–45, p. 3.
D w d Barak t. Min kull nabc qa ra [A Drop from Every Spring]. 8 August 1914, 343–
46, p. 4.
Ar as-Sirr [The Lands of as-Sirr]. 8 August 1914, 343–46, p. 5.

152
 Appendix

Filas n, 8 April 1914, 322–25, pp. 1–4

153
Appendix

Palästina. MEYERS Geographischer HAND-ATLAS. Leipzig: Verlag des Bibliogra-

phischen Instituts, 1905, No. 76.

154
 Appendix

Modern Palestine. The Harmsworth Universal Atlas. George Philip & Son Ltd., The
London Geographical Institute, 1906, No. 107.

155
 INDEX

c
Abdalfatt Efendi, 68 Arab Cultural Renaissance (an-Nahḍa al-
c c
Abdarra m, Mu ammad Efendi, 128 Arab ya), 16
Abdülhamid II, 1, 8, 9, 12, 54, 56, 57, 60, al-ar ḍ al-mudawwara (Çiftliks), 54, 56,
85, 87–88, 92, 94, 104, 136 57, 60, 87–91, 141, 142
Ab al-Jab n, Zuhd Efendi, 128 Ar ad-Daw q r, 86
c
Ab Kha r , ilm , 151 rif, c rif, 76–78, 139
Ab Kha r , Rash d, 62 al-cAr sh, 92
Ab Kishk, Mu ammad al-F ris, 37, 77 Arsl n, Am r Am n, 7
c
Abū Sh dūf, 30, 49 Art f, 42
Ab Sh sha, 12, 76–79, 139 al-cAsal , Shukr , 8, 36, 44, 113, 137
African Cigarette Company, 29 al-A far project, 88, 89, 91, 92
al-Ahr m, 17, 23, 24, 58, 112 al-A far, Naj b Ibr h m, 8, 88, 89
c
Akk , 4, 9, 29, 45, 58, 82, 91 Asia Minor, 130
Aleppo, 8, 16 al-A mac , 17, 30
Alexander II, 10 al-cAwj , 51, 135
Alexandria, 108 Ayy b, Jirjis Kh r , 76, 148, 149
c
Al , Mu ammad, 15 al-cAz zima, 83
c c
Al , Mu ammad Kurd, 73 z r , Naj b, 7
Alif B , 31
Aliyah, 10, 11, 33, 127, 130 Bar Giora, 96
American University of Beirut (see Syrian Barkai, 30
Protestant College) Basel, 10, 110, 111, 125
Amzalak, Haim, 93 Batr n, 29
Amzalak, Joseph, 93 Bays n (Beisan), 57, 88, 89, 91, 104, 141
Anatolia, 31, 88, 101 Bayt cAr f, 105
Anglo-Palestine Club, 93 Bayt af f , 80
Anglo-Palestine Company (Bank), 11, 72, Beilis, Menachem Mendel, 3, 6, 13, 14,
82, 94, 128–130, 149 63, 71, 123, 127, 131–133, 143, 144,
Anglo-Palestine Development Company, 145, 146, 147
93 Beirut, 9, 16, 17, 19, 29, 31, 47, 87, 89, 95
Antébi, Albert, 78, 94, 117, 142, 143 Ben-Shemen, 126
Ben-Yehuda, Eliezer, 93

157
Index

Bergheim, Melville Peter, 78

Berlin, 58, 115, 122 Gaza, 12, 26, 29, 55, 56, 81, 83, 84, 92, 93,
Bethlehem, 26, 85, 151 96, 98, 100, 112, 129, 130, 145, 149
Bi r as-Sabc, 83, 84, 150, 151 Ghand r, al-Khaw ja Ibr h m, 25
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 15 al-Ghawr , al-Ashraf Q n h, 8
Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchre, 28, Goldenberg, Aron, 94, 128
29, 76, 84, 86 Grey, Edward, 93
Great Revolt in Palestine, 17
Caesarea, 51, 85, 86 Greenberg, Abraham, 108
Cairo, 15, 19, 29, 94
Cevdet (Jawdat) Bey, 83 Ha am, Ahad, 116
Çiftliks (see al-ar ḍ al-mudawwara) add d, F yiz Efendi, 47
Chamberlain, Joseph, 92 ad qat al-Akhb r, 16
Constantinople (see Istanbul) Haifa, 2, 5, 13, 17, 22, 26, 27, 45, 91, 107,
Cornet, Lucien, 122 115, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 130,
Le Courier de L Egypt, 15 140, 142, 144, 146
Crimean War, 16 kh mb sh , 36, 70, 102, 129, 141, 142,
Cromer, Lord, 92 143
CUP (Committee of Union and Progress), an ny , Jurj ab b, 18, 21, 27, 28, 30,
9–10, 30, 49, 50, 67, 78 31
Hardegg, Löytveg, 117, 120
Damascus, 15, 19, 21, 31, 73 asan, Shaykh, 79
Damianos, 85, 86 Hashomer, 55, 96, 99
D r n (see Rehovot) ass n, Rizqall h, 16
Dayr n (see Rehovot) Hatt-ı Hümayun, 8–9
La Décade Egyptienne, 15 Hatt-ı Şerif (Edict of Gülhane), 8
Dizengoff, Meir, 129 Hayreddin Bey, Tâhir, 78
Djemal Pasha, Ahmed, 26, 98 Hebrew Teachers’ Association, 116
Dubrovna, 108 Hebrew University, 122, 126, 142, 145
Hebron, 10, 29, 65, 130, 146
L Echo sioniste, 130 Herzl, Theodor, 7, 10, 26, 27, 36, 92, 93,
Economic and Commercial Company, 37 108, 111, 125
Egypt, 1, 15, 16, 17, 24, 34, 51, 72, 82, ij z , Mu ammad Efendi, 65
92–94, 108, 147 Hilfsverein (Ezra), 13, 115–119, 121
Ekaterinoslav, 108 al- usayn , A mad c rif Efendi, 83, 84,
98, 112
Fara , Tawf q, 82, 150 al- usayn , Am n, 17, 31, 113
Far kh ya mills, 51 al- usayn , Mu ammad hir Efendi ibn
al-F r q , Sulaym n Efendi at-T j , 98, Mu af , 7, 11
126, 142, 144 al- usayn , Mu yidd n, 86, 145
Fay al, 31 al- usayn , Sac d Bey, 110
al-F la, 4, 8, 45

158
 Index

ibn M s , A mad, 104 Kahn, Zadoc, 7

al-Ikhl , 29 al-Karmil, 2, 5, 17, 18, 21–26, 34, 36, 45,
Iraq, 88, 89, 142 51, 66, 73, 79, 83, 84, 85, 89, 91–92,
al-c s , c s D wud, 3–6, 12, 13, 17, 27, 103, 107, 109, 112, 113, 122, 137
29–31, 33, 43, 44, 48, 49, 51, 59, 67, Kfar Tavor, 96
69–73, 86, 107, 109–114 al-Kh lid , R , 41, 47, 71, 77, 92, 113,
al-c s , ann cAbdall h, 17, 30 126, 137
al-c s , Raj , 31 al-Kh lid , Y suf iy add n Pasha, 7
al-c s , Y suf, 2–4, 6, 12, 23, 27, 30, 31, Khirbat Mu ammad al-F ris, 77
33, 37–43, 49, 50, 54, 56, 57, 59, 60, Khulda, 126
62, 73, 84, 86, 90, 109, 130, 132, 135, Kh r al-W d , 37, 51
136, 139, 141, 143, 146, 150 al-Kh r , Khal l, 16
Istanbul (Constantinople), 9, 16, 36, 55, kibbutz, 130
70, 73, 96, 99, 105, 121, 130, 142, 149 Kidron Valley, 13, 95, 101, 102
Iushchinskii, Andrei, 131 Kiev, 13, 131, 133, 145
Izza, Khal l Efendi, 99 Kift n, 29
Izza, cUthm n Efendi, 99 Knesevich, Andre, 92
Knesevich, Alexander, 92–93
Jacfar Pasha, Sherif (Shar f), 71
Jacobsohn, Victor, 126 Lansdowne, Lord, 92
Jaffa, 2, 11, 13, 17, 19, 20, 22, 24–31, Lämelschule, 115, 118–121
36–41, 44–47, 49, 51, 52, 59, 67–70, Lis n al- l, 17, 19
77, 80, 81, 83, 91, 93, 98, 103–105, al-Ludd (Lydda), 23, 105, 140
117–118, 122, 129, 131, 133, 135, 143, Ludvipol, Abraham, 38, 40, 48, 49, 53,
145, 146, 149 136
Jar sha mills, 46, 51, 67, 135, 139, 140 Luf all h Pasha, ab b, 88
al-Jaw ib, 16
Jenin (Jan n), 91 Macid Bey, Ahmed (A mad M jid Bey),
Jericho, 29, 86 78, 83
Jerusalem, 2, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, al-Maghrib , Mu ammad M s , 17
16, 18, 21, 24–31, 34, 42, 45, 48, 50, al-Maktaba al-Kh lid ya, 21, 113
54, 56, 58–59, 66, 69–71, 75, 77–79, Malul, Nissim (Nis m Mal l), 47–49, 51,
82–86, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98–103, 117– 53, 62, 65–66, 136
122, 125, 129, 130, 139, 141, 142, 143, al-Mansh ya, 129
144, 145, 146, 149, 151 Marj D biq, 8
The Jewish Chronicle, 69, 70 Marj ibn c mir, 45, 77, 87
Jordan,Valley, 88 Masm ya, 79
Jordan, River, 67 May Laws, 10
Jurn l al-Khid w, 15 McGregor, P.J.C., 93
Meirovitch, Menashe, 6, 34, 43–44, 48,
Kadıköy district, 130 53, 136
Kafr r ya, 77, 144 Mid at, Mu ammad Am n, 50

159
Index
Miqve Yisra el (Netter school), 27, 46,
47–49, 51, 53, 62, 121, 123,127, 135
Mir’ t al-A w l, 16
al-Mitr , 129
Morgenthau, Henry, 69–70, 147
Moscow, 108
Moyal, cAbdall h Nad m, 66
Moyal, David Efendi, 56, 72, 81–82, 97–
98, 105, 142
Moyal, Esther Azhar , 49, 66
Moyal, Shimon (Shamc n M y l), 12, 22,
37–39, 46, 48, 49–51, 53, 65–68, 132,
136
al-Mu’ayyad, 19
Muhd Bey, 46
al-Mukhayzin, 12, 79–80, 140
Mulabbis (see Petah Tikva)
al-Mun d , 17, 21
al-Muqa am, 2, 17, 77
M s , Shaykh, 79
an-Nac ma, F ris, 97–98, 141, 142
Nab M s , 86–87, 146, 151
Nab R b n, 46
N bulus, 9, 29, 58, 82, 86, 89, 91
an-Nahḍa, 16
an-Nakba, 81
Najj r, Ibrah m Sal m, 58, 64, 148
an-Nash sh b , cUthm n Efendi, 68
Na r, Naj b al-Kh r , 5, 17, 18, 21, 22,
44, 45, 90, 107, 109, 113, 114, 137
Nathan, Paul, 115–116, 119, 121
Nazareth, 4, 45
Netter, Charles, 47
Nordau, Max, 125–127
an-Nukhab, 29
Orthodox Renaissance, 18, 30, 74, 86
Ottoman Patriotic Party, 37, 98
Pale of Settlement, 10
Palestine Office, 5, 11, 38, 40, 45, 126
160
Petah Tikva (Mulabbis), 40, 42, 51, 56,
81, 105, 140, 142
Petasis, Nikiphoros, 84
al-Qubayba, 12, 76, 81–82, 105, 144, 145,
149
al-Quds, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 27, 28, 31,
66
al-Quds ash-Shar f, 15, 30
Rafa , 12, 62, 92–94, 140
R mall h, 69, 147
ar-Ramla, 23, 31, 77, 79, 81, 85, 103, 147
ar-Raww s, M s , 133
Rehovot (Dayr n, D r n), 12, 40, 42, 55,
56, 63, 95, 96–100, 103, 140, 143, 150,
151
Reiss, Ephraim Cohn, 118, 119, 121
Ri , Mu ammad Rash d, 7, 107–108
l Ri w n, 81, 85
Rif dy , 86
Rishon le-Zion (cUy n Q ra), 35, 42, 46,
53, 56, 97, 100, 105, 139
Ruppin, Arthur, 10, 11, 45, 81, 108, 126
afad, 10
Salonika, 36, 141
Satow, H.E., 93
awt al-cUthm n ya, 12, 65–68, 71
as-Safar , c s Efendi, 23
ahy n, Mu ammad Am n, 37
as-Sac d, A mad ilm , 48
as-Sac d, fiẓ Bey, 48, 51, 140
as-Salf t , al-Khaw ja Mikh l, 25
Selim I, 8
Sh h n, Mu ammad, 81
Sh h n, Sal m Ma m d, 140
ash-Shaw , al- jj Sac d Efendi, 83, 84,
112
Shevket Pasha, Mahmud, 10
Shidy q, A mad F ris, 16
Shu aybar, K mil Efendi, 128
 Index

as-Sidra, 12, 76, 81–82, 84, 85 Yellin, David Efendi (D wud Yal n), 118–
as-Sirr, 12, 76, 83–84, 112, 150, 151, 152 121, 123, 136
Simon, James, 116, 121
Sinai peninsula, 92–94 Zangwill, Israel, 108
Sokolow, Nahum, 126 Zionist Congress, 10, 13, 54, 57, 63, 67,
S q of Iskandar cAwa , 25 71, 110, 111, 125–127, 136, 141, 142,
Sursuq family, 87 143, 146
Syria (ash-Sh m), 1, 4, 8, 21, 26, 31, 34, Zionist Executive, 116
62, 72, 88, 89, 122, 137, 140, 143, 145 Zionist Organisation, 10, 11, 38, 45, 52,
Syrian Protestant College (American Uni- 108, 125, 126
versity of Beirut), 29

a - hir, Mu ammad cAl , 48

Tam r , Wahba, 49, 67,
an r Fircawn, 13, 95, 100–103, 145, 146
at-Taraqq , 30
a - ar b n, 83
a - ayyib, Sabc Efendi, 49
Technikum (Technion), 115–123
Tel Aviv, 12, 44, 72, 95, 103–106, 128–
129, 133, 141, 146
Tiberias, 4, 7, 10, 45
Tomb of Zechariah (see an r Fircawn)
The Truth, 98, 125

Uganda project, 92, 108

Ussishkin, Menachem, 6, 13, 107–114,
150
c
Uy n Q ra (see Rishon le-Zion)

Vienna, 57, 110, 125, 127

Vilayet law (Law for Provincial Adminis-
tration), 9

W d al-Qil , 86, 144

Wa d Bey, 104
al-Waq ’ic al-Misr ya, 15
waqf, 12, 29, 76, 78, 81, 82, 84–87, 88,
100 , 140, 149, 151
Weizmann, Chaim, 116
Die Welt, 70
al-Wu ayd t, 79

161
 ASIAN
AND Slovak
Academy
of Sciences

AFRICAN
STUDIES
is an academic journal published by the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Slovak
Academy of Sciences since 1965. It covers all subjects related to oriental linguistics,
history and culture as well as critical reviews of the latest publications on Asia, Africa
and the Pacific. Articles from Asian and African Studies are abstracted and indexed in:

SCOPUS, ERIH Plus, Bibliography of Asian Studies, The Central European Journal
of Social Science and Humanities (CEJSH), FRANCIS, EBSCO Historical Abstracts,
Slovak National Bibliography, Index Islamicus, Excerpta Indonesica, International
African Bibliography (IAB), Linguistic Bibliography Online, CSA Linguistics and
Language Behavior Abstracts, Ulrich’s Periodicals Dictionary (Proquest), World-Cat
Catalogue, Online Egyptological Bibliography.

For more information please contact Managing Editor

Martina Herbst on aassom@savba.sk.
STUDIA ORIENTALIA MONOGRAPHICA (SOM)

VOLUME I
Ladislav Drozdík: Non-Finite Relativization,
a Typological Study in Accessibility
studies syntactic positions compatible with relativization by non-finite relative
clauses. The typological orientation of the work appears in confronting the features
analyzed in four genetically and structurally different languages: Standard Arabic,
Hungarian, Turkish and Korean. Some selected features are confirmed also in Modern
Hebrew (in relation to Arabic) and Japanese (in relation to Korean). Price: 35€

VOLUME II
Anna Rácová: Modality in Bengali
The book describes the basic concepts and types of modality found in Bengali,
classifies them and concurrently shows through which linguistic means the
individual modal domains are expressed in Bengali within socio-cultural
environment. Close attention in particular is paid to the event modality, but the
propositional (epistemic) modality is also considered. The analysis presents both
similarities and differences in the expression of this cross-linguistic semantic
category between Bengali and other languages. Price: 35€
STUDIA ORIENTALIA MONOGRAPHICA (SOM)

VOLUME III
Martina Bucková: Māui: Polynesian Culture Hero.
Variations of Themes in Māui’s Mythological Cycle in East and West Polynesia.
The monography deals with the problem of Polynesian culture hero – in local mythol-
ogy named M ui. The purpose of this work is to summarise, analyse and compare in-
dividual motifs in the mythological cycle of this culture hero – who appears not only
in Polynesia, but also in the mythology of Melanesia and Micronesia. I concentrated
especially on searching the like and unlike motifs in eastern Polynesian and western
Polynesian myths. The focus lays in comparing the mythological motifs from M ui
cycle which relate to his most important actions – fishing up islands from the bottom
of the sea, lifting the skies from the earth, restraining the movement of the sun in the
sky, bringing the gift of fire and attempt at gaining immortality for mankind. Based
on information acquired the purpose was to build a typology and overview of differ-
ences in the selected individual myths about this culture hero. Price: 35€

VOLUME IV
Viera Pawliková-Vilhanová: The Production of History and Culture in Africa Revisited
The study traces the history of the writing of African history since the 1950s when
African history became radically redefined and reassessed and African historical
studies started to move beyond the limitations of the previous historical scholarship.
It attempts to reflect some of the difficulties specific to the study of African history,
to assess some of the developments and issues regarding the constitution of African
history as a field of academic specialisation in Africa and outside the continent, to
consider the traditions of African history writing and the theoretical and ideological
debates about past, present and future challenges African historical studies have
been facing, concentrating mainly on historical research and writing in some regions
of sub-Saharan Africa, Anglophone and Francophone. Price: 35€
STUDIA ORIENTALIA MONOGRAPHICA (SOM)

VOLUME V
Narasingha Prosad Sil: Critical Essays on Rabindranath Tagore’s
Thoughts on Love, Life, Gender, God, and Patriotism
“Rabindra Miscellany” is a critical study of some thoughts and writings of Ra-
bindranath Tagore, India’s most brilliant poet, philosopher, and polymath. The five
essays - one of them a translation of a chapter of the distinguished Tagore scholar
Niharranjan Ray’s book “Bharatiya aitihya o Rabindranath” - seek to offer a window
to the panoramic expanse of Tagore’s intellect and imagination that informed his
ideas of human and divine love, aesthetic consciousness, nationalism and cosmo-
politanism. The poet’s works discussed in this study highlight his evolving ideas
of this world and its inhabitants as part of a majestic cosmic order emanating from
a divine source that he never identifies with any divinity from the world’s leading
faiths. Yet he recognizes its presence in everyone’s soul and he designates this inner-
most [“antaratama”] divine presence as his God of Life [“Jibandebata”]. Price: 35€

For more information please contact Managing Editor

Martina Herbst on aassom@savba.sk