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Journal of Offender Rehabilitation


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Impact of Horticultural Therapy on Psychosocial Functioning Among


Urban Jail Inmates
Jay Stone Ricea; Linda Lremyb
a
Sheriff's Department, b Institute for Health Policy Studies, University of California, San Francisco,
USA

To cite this Article Rice, Jay Stone and Lremy, Linda(1998) 'Impact of Horticultural Therapy on Psychosocial Functioning
Among Urban Jail Inmates', Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 26: 3, 169 — 191
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1300/J076v26n03_10
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J076v26n03_10

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Journal of Offender Rehabilllallon,Vol. 2.5 (3/4), 1998. Pp 169491.
0 1998 by The Haworth Press, hc. All r/gh/s reserved
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Impact of Horticultural Therapy


on Psychosocial Functioning
Among Urban Jail Inmates

JAY STONE RICE


San Francisw Sherifb Depar/men/

LINDA L. REMY
Universify of Calilornia, San Francisco

ABSTRACT This study investigated the impact of the San Francisco


Sheriffs Department horticultural therapy program on inmate psychosocial
functioning. Forty-eight countyjail inmates, matched by sex and race, were
randomly assigned to the Garden Project or other New Generation Jail
programs. The TCU Self-Rating Form was administered to subjects at
baselinc prior to assignment, at discharge from the jail, and three months
post-relcasc. Changcs in psychosocial functioning while in treatment and
post-release are examined within the context of inner city social ecology.
Horticultural therapy’s clinical relevance in cultivating healthy self devel-
opmcnt is explored in light of the psychological theories of Heinz Kohut
and Carl Jung. [Ar.iicle copies available for afee fmnr 7he Haworth Document
Delivery Service: 1-800-342-9678, E-mail address: gelinfo@taworth.corIt/

The roots of urban horticultural therapy may be found in the poor, over-
crowded, and dilapidated inner cities spawned by industrialization. Almost 100
years ago Campbell (189611975) describes a garden started by the Children’s
Aid Society in a poor wharf area of New York. This small plot was planted
with scented flowers to cover the smell of raw sewage. Plants started in this
garden’s small greenhouse were given to school children to grow in home
I70 JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION

window boxes. On sunny days children would bring their plants to the park
to receive dircct light and would acquire the sun’s bcnefit as well. Flowers
grown by this mission were given to the poor, the aged, prisoners, and thosc
who were sick. One year 160,000 bouquets were given away.
Urban horticultural therapy programs have contributed to community
pride, slum rehabilitation, lessening of vandalism, and increased self
worth in communitics across the United States (Burkhart, 1972; Lewis,
1996). Horticultural therapy also has been uscd to treat the predominantly
inner city residents incarcerated in our jails and prisons. Nineteen per cent
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of state prisons have fonnal or infonnal horticultural therapy programs


(Rice, 1993).
The need for statistical evaluation of horticultural therapy programs has
been noted (Berry, 1975; Francis & Cordts, 1992; Relf, 1981; Tereshko-
vich, 1973). Assessing the efficacy of horticultural therapy requircs taking
account of thc multiple factors influencing the population being served. A
social ecological analysis of San Francisco’s inner city jail population
found an intersecting pattern of psychological, social, and physical life
traumas which undermine family stability and adversely impact self devel-
opment (Rice & Remy, 1994).
Bronfenbrenner (1975) calls for the development of an experimental
human ecology to adequately assess and treat individuals and the contexts
which help to shape them. The importancc of addressing the context as wcll
as the individual is inherent in horticultural therapy. This perspective gener-
ates a moral imperative for developing healthy psychological, social, and
physical environments which enhance human survivability and growth. Hor-
ticultural therapy’s impact on inmate psychological and social fimctioning
while in treatment, the retention of trcatment effects post-releasc, and its
relationship to other treatment interventions will be discussed in this paper.

RELATED STUDIES

Inner Ciiy Self-Developrnent

Bronfenbrenner (1979) and Garbarino (1992) ascribe dcvelopmental


significance to the quality of the physical environment. Bronfenbrenner
notes psychology and sociology emphasize social class and parcntal char-
acteristics and underrate thc impact of locality on child development.
Studies generated within the field of environmental psychology suggest
impoverished environments can precipitate physical and psychological
deficits (Hambrick-Dixon, 1988; Home1 & Bums, 1989; Moser, 1988;
Ricciuti, 1977).
.Jay Stone Rice aiid Linda L. Reaiy I71

McCann and Pcarlman (1990) suggest that an infant growing up in


poverty may develop an inner sense of deprivation. Parental beliefs
regarding life’s possibilities or limitations also are likcly to bc influenced
by environmental and social conditions, and these beliefs, in turn, may
shape thc development of the child’s beliefs and aspirations. Support for
this is found in sociological self-esteem research (Burke, 1980; Rosen-
berg, 1979; Rosenberg & Simmons, 1971).
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Trarrrna’sInfluence on Self-Development

In previous papers, the authors discuss the role of trauma in the gencsis
of an inner city jail population (Remy, Rice, Maitino, & Roop, in progress;
Rice & Remy, 1993,1994). Path analysis determined the causal ordering
and relative importance of various environmental influences. Endemic
family instability and childhood victimization predicted drug use and
criminal justice involvement.
Because the issues of crime and criminals generate strong emotions and
idcological stances, the authors chose to view this population through the
lcns of Kohut’s self psychology. Kohut (1984) bascd his theory on the
perception of the “experience near.” Understanding his patients’ subjec-
tive life expericnce enabled him to diagnose and treat their maladaptive
patterns of self protection.
Kohut (1971, 1977) asserts repeated and traumatic empathic failures in
childhood contribute to the cxperience of self-fragmentation, thereby
impeding the experience of wholeness. Depression, hostility, as well as
substancc abuse and antisocial behavior, may be manifestations of self-
fragmentation (McCann & Pearlman, 1990).
Rehabilitation does not adequately describe the treatment needs of most
county jail inmates. Their early history of trauma and loss cxperienced
within an impoverished social and physical environment has hindered the
development of a cohesive core self. Inner psychological turmoil
advcrscly effccts the ability to concentrate and retain information from the
external environment (LaGreca & Stringer, 1985; Ogdon, 1984). The
resultant confusion contributes to the experience of inner pain (Kaplan,
1995). All of thcsc factors engender a profound sense of hopelessness.
Succcssfi~ltreatment for county jail inmates must address their arrested
development. Treatment must be provided with respect, understanding,
and support within an environment conducive to learning new skills and
ways of relating to othcrs.
172 JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION

Horticultural Therapy and Self-Developttient

I remember the older guys would tell you how great reform school was.
It was also a placc where inner-city kids could have fun in a rural area.
To me, reform school was a gas. Sometimes we would plan our juvenilc
activities so we could go to court in March or April and get sentenced to
six months and spend spring and part of the summcr in refom school. It
was f i n to get away from the city; you had your buddies therc. (C. S.
Dutton, quoted in Rothstein, 1990, p. B3)
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The Garden Project operated by San Francisco Sheriff’s Department


seeks to cultivate self-worth in inmates who have what Goffinan (1963)
termed “spoiled identities.” Kohut (1984) describes a developmental need
to feel some likeness with others which he called alterego/twinship. This
need may be particularly relevant to discnfranchised county jail inmates,
for the satisfaction of this need leads to the feeling of being like others and
connected to the human community (Baker & Baker, 1987).
Detrick (1986) differentiates the two aspects of Kohut’s conccptualiza-
tion. He suggests twinship occurs in relationships where skills are trans-
mitted. Within this context, skills represent the means for expressing self
through the accomplishment of goals. Detrick refers to Kohut’s (1984)
description of a patient’s meinoiy of kneading bread alongside her grand-
mother as an example of twinship. Detrick places alterego experiences
within the realm of group activities which afford one a sense of belonging,
derived from the group and direction, drawn from the group leader. The
Garden Project may provide county jail inmates with the opportunity to
meet thesc needs in a healthy fashion.
Nature and Competence

The tasks facing county jail inmates returning to the coinmunity are
daunting. Often they must find housing, work, and resolve troubled family
relationships. They also must resist returning to substance use and crimi-
nal activity. In essence, they must competently redirect the course of their
lives.
Kaplan (1 995) states that natural environments promote competencc by
providing restorative experiences and catalyzing fascination, which relies on
involuntary attention. Restorative experiences aid reflection while fascination
enhances the ability to direct attention. Kaplan and Kaplan (1989) define
reflection as a means of extracting meaning from the past which affords an
opportunity to plan and anticipate hture experiences. Direct attention is the
capacity to focus on a task by inhibiting all internal and external distracting
impulses.
Jay Sforie Rice arid Lirida L. Rerny I 73

Reflection and direct attention are compromised when one faces ovcr-
whelming survival tasks or experiences considerable inner turmoil.
Inmates often return to psychological, social, and physical environments
which may significantly hampcr their ability to begin a new life.
In addition to facilitating reflection and direct attention, natural restor-
ative experiences also appear to influence the desire for new cxperiences.
Cimprich (1992, 1993) randomly assigned breast cancer patients to an
experimental group which required participation in three 20 minute restor-
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ative activities weekly or a control group which was not told about restor-
ative experiences. Patients were provided with a broad range of rcstorative
experiences, but they generally selected walking in nature or gardening.
Paticnts who participated in restorative activities were more likely to begin
new projects after leaving the hospital, whercas patients in the control
group did not. The restorative environment provided by the Garden Proj-
ect may help inner city county jail inmates reflcct, direct their attention,
and begin to reshape their life patterns.

METHODS

Facility and Prograrii Philosophy

The San Francisco Sheriffs Departmcnt’s comprehensive correctional


treatment philosophy has evolved over the past 20 years. This approach
integrates two guiding principles: emphasis on inmate personal account-
ability and a progressive understanding of the social ecological factors
fueling the growth of the jail population. The department’s commitment to
providing programs which will help inmates successfully rejoin their com-
munities is reflected in the opening of a modified “new generation” pro-
gram facility in 1989. Jail administrators, working with architects and
psychologists developed this model to facilitate the linking of custody
with treatment (Gettinger, 1984). A facility with more normal features,
such as dormitories with walls and doors, communicates an expectation
that inmates will behave appropriately. Conversely traditional jails may
evoke more primitive destructive responses with their emphasis on bars
. and cells. Their are fewer reports of property destruction in new genera-
tion facilities.
Afler the new Program facility was opened, the department initiated a
modified direct supervision model. In direct supervision, custodial staff
are trained to be leaders, advisors, and role models for the inmates. Staff
members are present in the dorms 24 hours a day. This prevents the
development of inmate hierarchies maintained by violence and intimida-
I 74 JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REflAOILITATloN

tion. The custodial staff is cmpowered to help design and iinplcment


programs and resolve conflicts on the dorm level. Discord betwecn
inmatcs and staff has been reduced in direct supervision facilities (Zupan,
1991).
The department fostcrs creativity, self-respect, and conncction to the
community by actively promoting art and cultural events. Poetry, art and
plays created by inmates participating in jail programs have been per-
formed for the larger community. These events help dispel the stereotypes
of those incarcerated while decreasing the alienation and isolation many
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inmates experience. San Francisco is a multicultural community. Respect,


understanding, and apprcciation for this diversity is cultivated by rcgularly
scheduled cultural awareness activities. Thcse programs are often linked
to holiday celebrations, designated heritage months, and significant social
or political events. The department further promotes family and commu-
nity health by inviting the families of inmates and custodial staff to thesc
art and cultural events.
To be transferred to the program facility, inmates must sign an agreement
pledging an exemplar standard of behavior. They agree to non-violence, no
glorification of crime or drug usage, and no vcrbal expression of racism or
sexism. Failure to comply with these standards may result in being returned
to the other locked facilities. There are no offense-based restrictions on who
is placed in the program and trcatment facility. Sentences range from 30
days to six months with the average being three months.

Description of Garden Project

The horticultural therapy program was begun in 1984 by Cathrine


Sneed on thc county jail’s unused farm land. Organic gardening is used as
a vehicle to tcach inmates the benefits of productive work in a setting
which is conducive to personal reflection and growth. They are taught how
to cultivate and nurture life and to better care for themselves.
At thc time of the study, inmates assigned to the Garden Projcct worked
from 8:30 a.m. to 2:OO p.m. five days a week. Their class typically begins
with group discussions linking gardening to their own developmncnt, the
health of thcir familics and their communities. Afterwards they are taught
specific organic gardening techniques, and thcn supervised work begins in
the field. Food and flowers grown by the project are donated to San
Francisco’s homeless shelters and a program which provides meals to
home-bound AIDS paticnts.
Jay Stoiie Rice arid Lirida L. Reiny I 75

In July, 1991, a random one-day snapshot dcinographic profile was


determined for approximatcly 330 inmates in the program facility as of the
survey day. Every third classification card was drawn for 110 inmates.
African Americans constituted 34.5% of the population; 18.2% were Cau-
casian; 34.5%, Hispanic; 8.2%, others. Males comprised 84.5%. About
40% of the facility population was under the age of 25.
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Since 15.5% of the inmates were women and 18.2% Caucasian, the
decision was made to block on scx and ethnicity. This represented an
oversampling of Whites and females. Hispanics were dropped from the
study because few English-speaking Hispanic male subjects were willing
to be in the study. There were very few female Hispanic inmates in the
program facility.
All but six subjects were under the age of 30. Approximately 58% had
not completed high school and 62% were unemploycd. The majority of
inmates came from seven lower income ncighborhoods. Inmates had been
sentenced predominantly for drug or drug related offenses.
Baseline data was collected from 57 inmates incarcerated at San Fran-
cisco Sheriffs Department’s Program Facility. Forty-eight inmates were
randomly assigned to the Garden Project or other new generation jail
programs. Subjects wcre interviewed at discharge from the jail and at least
three months post-release. For a complete description of methods see Ricc
(1993).

Measures
Thc full version of the TCU/DATAR Self Rating Form and the TCU/
DATAR Intake Form (Simpson, 1991), as revised by Remy (1991) to
include the Violence History Qucstionnaire, were used for this study. The
DATAR Project developed thcse instruments for use with addicts entering
drug abuse treatment. The intake form includes sections on family back-
ground and drug history. The Self-Rating Form includes short scales for
measuring psychosocial functioning. It includcs brief assessments of
depression, hostility, risk-taking, and dcsire for help (Simpson, 199 1).
This paper presents selected data gathered with thcse instruments. Com-
plete study data arc reported in Rice (1993).

Analysis

This study comparcd inmates participating in the Garden Project with a


group of inmates participating in other New Generation Jail programs.
I76 JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION

Data was entered two times into dBASE 111 Plus files and rcad dircctly
from there into SAS datasets. The data were 100 percent verified using
SAS programs. Simple univariate descriptive statistics including frequen-
cies, means, and variable distributions were obtained. Bascd on these
initial results, variables were eliminated or recoded as appropriate.
Next, sets of variables reflecting temporal and ecological ordering were
subjected to bivariate analyses including cross-tabulations, tests for diffcr-
ences of mcans, and corrclations including reliability (Carmincs & Zellcr,
1979; Fleiss, 1981; Glantz, 1987). Some sets of variables were subjected
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to factor analysis, using the principle components solution with varimax


rotation. The purpose of these activitics was to reducc the study variablcs
to a manageable number by means of scale construction.
The resulting variable sets or blocks were used to formally tcst the
ecological models, using standard rcgression and analysis of variance
techniques (Asher, 1983; Broota, 1989; Cohen & Cohen, 1983; Keppel &
Zedeck, 1989). After the baseline operating model was determined, the
explanatory variables were retained for repeated measures analysis of
variance and covariance to determine whether the Garden Project miti-
gated the influence of the earlier variables on post-discharge functioning.

FINDINGS

Stability of Parenting During Childhood

Data depicting intactness of family during childhood is summarized in


Figure 1. By adolescence, 24.6%of the subjects no longer lived with their
mothers. By the age of seven, one-third did not live with their fathers; by
adolescence, this grew to almost 2:3. Nearly 1:4 subjects lived with grand-
parents before the age of six; by adolescence this decreased to less than
1:s. About 1:5 lived with foster parents and others before the age of six; by
adolescence this increased to almost 1:3. In summary, by the time they
reached adolescence, a significant proportion of the inmates had lost the
support of their mothers, their fathers, and their extended family. These
numbers suggest significant issues associated with attachment and loss,
and with the continuity of care children need to grow and thrive (Bowlby,
1969, 1973).

Childhood YictiniizationHistory

Standard measures of child abuse and neglect were commonly reported


by the subjects. These included the following indicators of neglect: left for
.fuy Siotie Rice and Litidu I. Reny I77

o Flgure 1: Family Intactness Durlng Childhood and Adolescence


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13 to 18
12

Family Intactness ("A) cn

periods without carctakcrs (42%), periods of time without food (28%),


kept home from school (28%). Physical abuse was reported by 63% of
subjccts, and sexual abuse by 28%. One in two subjects saw their parents
hurt each other while fighting.
In addition to thcsc standard measures, subjects reported high rates of
other types of violence directed toward them as child victims, as adults
victimizing their partner, and for their partner victimizing them. These
are displayed in Figure 2: yelling, drunkenness, fighting, throwing,
physically hurting, wcapon threats, physical injury, and treatment for
injury. Females were more likely than males to report violent families.
Whitcs experienced more childhood victimization than African Ameri-
cans. They reportcd significantly more beatings, injuries, and parental
fighting. Whites and African Americans were equally likely to have been
neglected.
I78 JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION

0 Figure 2: Vlctimlzatlon Experlences by Type and Source

100

80
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60

40

20

Victimization Type (“A)

Understan ding Zit niate Functioning

To understand the forces influencing substance use and psychosocial


functioning at baseline, a series of stepwise multivariate regressions were
completed. Each model initially included sex, race and all causally prior
variables significantly correlated with the dependent variable. Variables
non-significant at the .05 level in the multivariate regression were elimi-
nated using stepwise methods.
In multivariate regression, the magnitude of the regression coefficient
provides a mcasure of the direct influence of one variable on another while
siinultaneously controlling for the other relevant variables. The causal
path coefficients (pc) equal the standardized partial regression estimates
obtained from ordinary least squares regression analysis (Asher, 1983).
Jay Siorie Rice arid Linda L. Remy I79

Substatices Used
Figure 3 displays baseline summaries for the most frequently used
substances, indicating for each substance whether subjects had used in the
thirty days before incarceration, in the last year, or ever. Women were
more likely than men to have used cocaine, heroin, and heroin mixed with
cocaine. Whites were more likely than African Americans to have used
every class of drugs. The subjects reported using from 2 to 17 substances.
The average number reported was 9.61 (S.D. 4.18). Number of drugs used
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was predicted dircctly by White ethnicity (pc = 0.50), parental fight-


ing (pc = 0.27), paternal detachment (pc = - 0.22), non-deviant mother
-
(pc = - 0.32), and the age of fust licit drug usc @c = 0.35),(F = 12.978, P =
0.0001, Adjusted R-Square = 0.5168), and was predicted indirectly by
paternal detachment and parental loss through the age of first licit drug
use.
In the ANCOVA, variables predicting the baseline levels of drug use

0 Figure 3: Substances Used by Recency of Use

Ever use
thin year

nonth

Substance Used (%)


180 JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION

were not significant in predicting change at follow-up. Rather, the race


effect was eliminated and a main condition effect emerged (Fwithin) = 5.92,
P = 0.0204) which was strengthened by Length of Stay (LOS) (F(Within) =
4.95, P = ,0329). This means that the effect of LOS on the number of drugs
used is different for the two treatmcnt conditions. Subjects in both condi-
tions decreased the variety of drugs they used, and thosc in the garden
reported the greatest dccrcase in drug use. The treatment condition effect,
combined with length of stay, was the sole predictor of change.
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Subject Self Rating

The TCU Self Rating Fonn is a self-administered instrument containing


psychosocial and cognitive hnctioning scales. Scales addressed here are
depression, hostility, risk taking, and desirc for help. Each item in the
instrument was rated on a 5-point Likert scale (nevcr = 0, rarely = 1,
sometimes = 2, oftcn = 3, almost always = 4). The scoring procedures
described by Siinpson and Joe (1992) were followed in creating the Self
Rating Scales. The reliability of these measures was determined to be
similar to their findings. See Rice (1993) for the means, standard devi-
ations, and reliability statistics for the TCU Self Rating Scales at baseline,
discharge, and follow-up, and the inter-scale corrclation coefficients at
baseline.
Repeatcd mcasures ANCOVA were performed to predict changes in
subject psychosocial functioning from baseline to dischargc to follow-up.
In this paper the authors highlight specific influential variables with
respect to the horticultural therapy program. To facilitate presentation of
the results, the covariates were cut at their modal values.

Depression

The TCU Self-Rating Form assessed depression by determining how


often the subject felt sad or depressed, lonely, interested in life, hopeful
about future, extra tired or run down, unimportant to others, worried, or
had thoughts of committing suicide. Baseline depression was predicted by
subject’s sex (pc = 0.28), maternal detachment (pc = 0.24), number of crime
typcs committed @c = 0.23), and poor current family relations @c = - 0.33)
(F = 11.454, P = 0.0001, Adjusted R-square = 0.4275), and was predicted
indirectly by childhood problems, age of first arrest, and number of drug
types used. Females, subjects with cmotionally detached mothers, subjects
who had committed more crimes, and subjects who had poor current
family relations were the most depressed at baseline.
Juy Stotie Rice arid Litida L. Retny 181

Figure 4 sunimarizes results of the repeated measures ANCOVA by


treatment condition and maternal detachment. Maternal detachment repre-
sented statements that mother didn't love me, spend time with me, warn
me about drugs, and was not a good parent. Subjects with attached moth-
ers were not depressed and showed no change from baseline to follow-up.
Subjects with detached mothers were more depressed. They became lcss
depressed after participating in either condition, with the greatest rate of
change shown by subjects in the horticultural therapy program. Subjects
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with detached mothers who were in the standard condition returned to


baseline depression at follow-up. Subjects in the garden condition who
had detached mothers were not significantly different from subjects with
attached mothers at discharge from the jail and this was sustained at
follow-up.

0 Figure 4: Depression by Maternal AttachmenVDetachment and


Treatment Condition at Three Intervals

.-.
- .-*
"-
2.0--
.-. - .-
182 JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION

Hostility

The TCU Self-Rating Form evaluated hostility by asking subjects how


often they felt mistreatcd by others, liked others to be afraid of them, had
urges to fight or hurt others, had a hot temper, experienced their temper
getting them into fights or other trouble, got mad at other pcople, had
carried wcapons, and felt a lot of anger inside. Baselinc hostility was
predicted by childhood injurics from abusive parents (pc = 0.24), child-
hood sexual abuse @c = 0.22), number of drugs used (pc = - 0.26), and
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number of crime types committed @c = 0.68) (F = 14.989, P = 0.0001,


Adjusted R-square = 0.4998). Subjects who had been injured andor sexu-
ally abused during childhood, who used fewer drugs and committed more
crimes were more hostile. Hostility was predicted indirectly as well by
White race, maternal detachment, paternal deviance and adequacy, child-
hood neglect, childhood beatings, parental violence, childhood problems,
younger age of first licit drug use, and younger age of first arrest.
Path analysis seemed to suggest number of criincs was the largest
predictor of hostility, However number of crimes was predicted by child-
hood problems which in turn was predicted by victimization and maternal
detachment. Even with simultaneous equations, childhood injury remained
a dircct influence, suggesting it is the engine behind subject hostility at
baseline.
Subjects who had never been injured in childhood had lower hostility
scores, and there was no changc ovcr time for thosc subjects. All the
change was in those who had been injured. Figure 5 summarizes results of
the repeated measures ANCOVA by treatment condition and racc, for
those who reported childhood injury. Injured White subjects in the garden
became significantly less hostile by discharge and returned to baselinc
levels at follow-up. Injured African Americans in the garden were slightly
more hostile at discharge and significantly less hostile at follow-up, partic-
ularly in comparison to African Americans in the control condition.

Risk-Taking

The TCU Self-Rating Form assessed risk-taking by asking subjects


how often they liked to take chances, liked the “fast” life, liked friends
who were wild, liked to do things that were strange or exciting, liked to
avoid anything dangerous, only did things that felt safe, and were very
careful and cautious. Baseline risk-taking was predicted by White race @c =
0.36) and number of crime types committed (pc = 0.44) (F = 22.24, P =
0.0001, Adjusted R-square = 0.4314). It was predictcd indirectly by child-
hood problems, younger age of first arrest, and number of drug types used.
Jay Stone Rice uiid Lindu L. Remy I83

0 Figure 5: Hostillfy by Ethnlclty and Treafment Condition at Thret


Interval!

2.8--

2.6.-
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II
Baseline

- Std-Black -Garden-Black
Discharge

* Std-White - Followup

Garden-White

Figure 6 summarizes results of the repeated measures ANCOVA by


treatment condition and race for risk-taking behavior. White subjects
reported a significantly higher level of risk-taking than African Americans at
baselinc (T = -4.52, P = O.OOOl), discharge (T = -2.80, P = 0.01), and
follow-up ( T = -4.77, P = 0.0001). White subjccts in the garden expressed
less interest in risk-taking behavior at discharge and returned to baseline
level at follow-up. Whites in other new generation programs never
changed. African American subjects in the standard condition reported a
drop in risk-taking at follow-up.
Desire for Help
The TCU Self-Rating Fonn evaluated subjects' desire for help by ask-
ing how much they agreed or disagreed that they needed help in dealing
with drug use, it was urgent to find help immediately for drug use, were
184 JOURNAL O F OFFENDER REHABILITATION

0 Figure 6: Risk Taking by Ethniclty and Treatment Condition at


Three Intervals

2.84
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1'.o Discharge
. Followup
2
Baseline
I a. Std-Black- Garden-Black - + Std-White --t Garden-White I

tired of the problems caused by drugs, would give up friends and hangouts
to solve drug problems, could quit using drugs without any help, felt their
lives had gone out of control, and wanted to get their lives straightened
out. Baseline desire for help was predicted by high parental violence
during childhood (pc = 0.41), older age of first incarceration (pc = 0.39),
and good current family relations (pc = - 0.40) (F = 18.768, P = 0.0001,
Adjusted R-square = 0.4877). It was predicted indirectly by maternal
detachment, paternal deviancy, parcntal loss, childhood beatings, and
childhood problems.
Before cntcring covariates, a main effect for the Garden Project was
observed (F(Within) = 4.91, P = .0097). Figure 7 portrays subjects in the
standard treatment steadily decreased their desire for help, while subjects
in the garden maintained their desire for help throughout the study period.
Participants in the Garden Projcet succcs~fullymaintained their desire for
Jay Storie Rice arid Lirida L. Rerriy I85

0 Figure 7: Deslre for Help by Treatment Condition at Three Intervals


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2.0-
1.8 --
1.6 --

1.4--

1.2--

1.o-t- I

help regardlcss of the childhood victimization histories. The tragedy is that


continued help was available for so few inmates upon release.

DISCUSSION
The impact of San Francisco Sheriff's Department horticultural therapy
program can best be understood in relation to the occurrence of childhood
victimization and loss in jail inmates. An ecological analysis of the inner
city jail population provides important clucs for understanding the Garden
Project's influence on psychological and social functioning during treat-
inent and upon return to thc community.
Horticultural therapy treatment effects retained at follow-up included
lower depression in subjects who had emotionally detached mothers,
rcduced numbers of substances uscd, and a sustained desire for help. Some
186 JOUlwAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION

horticultural thcrapy treatment effects impacted Whites and African


Americans differently. Reduction in hostility and risk-taking were not
sustaincd at follow-up for White subjects. At follow-up African American
subjects in the garden exhibited decreased levels of hostility, whereas
African American subjects in the control condition showed reduced inter-
est in risk-taking behavior. The influence of race on treatment outcomes
may reflect the higher levels of childhood violcncc reported in thc families
of White county jail inmates.
Gains shown by subjects participating in the garden were not always
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retained at follow-up. This suggests subjects require transitional support


and assistance post relcase. Case management provides links to often
uncoordinated social services via an interpersonal, supportive relationship
(Savarese, Detrano, Koproski, Weber, 1990). Support systems help people
adapt to life transitions, crises, and stresses. Using guidance and feedback,
case managers provide opportunities to develop problcm-solving capabili-
ties and emotional mastery. Caplan (1974) believes case managers serve as
sources of comfort and stability in a stressful environment.
Research has shown case inanagemcnt maximizes appropriate utiliza-
tion of services, promotes reintegration of clients into the community, and
improves the quality of clients lives’ (Sherwood & Morris, 1983; Goering,
Wasylenki, Farkas, Lancee, & Ballanlyne, 1988; Franklin, Solovitz,
Mason, Clemons, & Miller, 1987). Without this bridge to the community,
treatment gains are likely to be lost post-release, when former inmates
have to struggle once again to survive in extremely adverse life conditions.
The majority of San Francisco county jail inmates are incarcerated for
substance abuse related charges. This study determined that the reduction
in thc number of types of drugs used post-release was greater in subjects
who were in the Garden Project. This suggests horticultural therapy may
be a particularly relevant jail trcatment intervention for this population.
Carl Jung’s insights on the human need for a relationship with land may
help to explain this treatment effect. As an observer from a more agrarian
society, Jung noted in a 1950 interview that Americans suffered from the
rapid urbanization of their country (Carol, 1977). Jung’s evolutionary
based theory of psychology suggests that we retain the primate’s territorial
needs and can more readily tap our psyche’s instinctual knowledge when
this need is met. Jung statcd that “If I do not have what my psyche nccds,
I become dangerous” (p. 203). In a 1957 interview, Jung positcd that thc
American proclivity for drug use and abusc was linked to disconnection
from our natural instincts (Jung & Evans, 1977). This unniet need is likely
greatest in decaying inner cities.
Our current crimc rate and burgeoning criminal justice system engender
Jay Stone Rice and Lindu L. Resiy 187

pervasive hopelcssness within both jail inmates and society at large. This
study determined that subjects participating in the Garden Project sus-
tained their hope and desire for hclp throughout the treatment and fol-
low-up period. The authors observed that media accounts of the Garden
Project, often including images of inmates caring for plants, also conveyed
hope to society at large.
Turner (1985, 1989) calls for a new approach to ecological thinking
which bridges the imagination gap betwcen protected wildcrness areas and
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exploitcd landscapes. He cites the ecological restoration of prairie lands in


the Midwest as an example of how we must remove negative intluenccs to
the environment and carcfully work to restore a healthy ecosystcm. The
decaying communities county jail inmates return to call for similar atten-
tion. The Garden Project shows how horticultural therapy may help create
greener environments while cultivating healthy self development. Turner
(1989) notes that nature by itself is incapable of healing all of our errors.
He argues our imperilcd biosphere “needs our best talents if it is to sur-
vive” @. SO). This is equally true for our imperiled social environment.

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AUTHORS’ NOTES

Jay Stone Rice, PhD, has been a program consultant for San Francisco
Sheriff‘s Department since 1989. He was the principal investigator for an
exploratory study of the effectiveness of the Sheriffs Department’s innovative
Garden Project and the impact of early trauma and loss on the county jail
inmate population. He has written about the social ecology of inner city family
trauma, trauma’s relationship to substance abuse and crime, and gardening as a
treatment intervention. He has consulted on the development of ecologically
sensitive treatmcnt programs. He is also a clinical supervisor and family
therapist in private practice.
........... --**__-L__-
I ..-
..................

Jay Stone Rice and Linda L. Reniy 191

Linda L. Remy, PhD, is the principal research analyst for the Health Eco-
nomics Research Group at the Institute for Health Policy Studies, University
of California, Sen Francisco. She has been the principal investigator, project
director, senior methodologist, or senior statistician on dozens of studies
influenced by social ecology. Dr. Remy-h-s-taught undergrRdmte and graduate
courses in research methods and human development, and supervises students
for their theses and dissertations.
This research was supported in part by the William Alexander Gerbode
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Foundation, the Bothin Foundation, and San Francisco Sheriff‘s Department


Inmate Welfare Fund. The interpretations and conclusions do not necessarily
represent the position of the funding agencies or San Francisco Sheriffs
Department. This paper was derived from the principal author’s doctoral
.
dissertation. An earlier version of this paper was presented at The Healing
Dimemions of People-Plant Relations: A Research Symposium, University of
California, Davis, California, March 24-27,1994. The authors thank Meredith
Sabini, PhD,for providing the materials on Jung and nature.
Address correspondence to Dr. lay Stone Rice, 1623-D Fifth Avenue, Suite 6,
San Rafael, CA 94901-1828 (E-mail: jsricc@well.com). .

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