Journalism Practice

ISSN: 1751-2786 (Print) 1751-2794 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjop20

Negotiating Journalistic Professionalism

A case study of OhmyNews in a participatory media climate

Deborah S. Chung & Seungahn Nah

To cite this article: Deborah S. Chung & Seungahn Nah (2014) Negotiating Journalistic
Professionalism, Journalism Practice, 8:4, 390-406, DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2013.813198

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2013.813198

Published online: 22 Jul 2013.

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 NEGOTIATING JOURNALISTIC
PROFESSIONALISM
A case study of OhmyNews in a participatory
media climate

Deborah S. Chung and Seungahn Nah

South Korea’s OhmyNews reports unique consequences of citizen reporting and participation.
While many citizen news operations have come and gone, OhmyNews has been remarkably
successful and has become one of the most powerful news sites in its country. This case study
explores the concept of journalistic professionalism among OhmyNews citizen journalists and
assesses whether perceptions of their journalistic work align with Singer’s dimensions of
professionalism (i.e., cognitive, normative and evaluative dimensions). We then compare these
perceptions to those of professional journalists within the organization and integrate them into
journalistic role conceptions. Findings show that both groups work through collaboration, checks
and balances, and a negotiation of autonomy. Both benefit from the partnership and share
similarities, rather than differences, in their effort to remain sustainable in contemporary media
culture.

KEYWORDS citizen journalism; gatekeeping; journalistic professionalism; journalism role

conceptions; OhmyNews; professional journalism

Introduction
Media scholars have long criticized the traditional press for functioning as a vehicle
for expert transmission (Christians, Ferre, and Fackler 1993) and deciding what qualifies for
inclusion in the daily diet of public information (White 1950). Critics argue that media
largely produce messages independently of their news audiences and impose a one-way
discussion, generating hierarchical, disconnected relationships (Habermas 1962; Schultz
1999). However, newer interactive communication technologies, such as blogs and wikis,
have brought about new-found enthusiasm concerning the prospects for a dialogic
journalism. Such practices may provide a unique space for traditionally neglected
audiences to participate as engaged citizens and in the process produce a more
meaningful journalism through commenting, sharing, rating, tagging and even producing
news (Picone 2007).
The activity of ordinary citizens producing, disseminating and exchanging news and
information through various platforms, including blogs, forums and collaborative publish-
ing systems, has been broadly described as citizen journalism (Bowman and Willis 2003;
Nah 2008). For example, there exist more than 1000 citizen and community news sites in
the United States and other parts of North America,1 suggesting citizen networks and their
activities are growing and potentially exerting influence on current journalism practices
and society’s conceptualization of its culture.

Journalism Practice, 2014

Vol. 8, No. 4, 390406, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2013.813198
# 2013 Taylor & Francis
 CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND PROFESSIONALISM AT OHMYNEWS 391

While various citizen media organizations exist globally, there is still, however, little
clarity about what contributions citizen journalists actually make toward contemporary
journalism and how their work compares to those of professionally trained journalists.
Research shows newsrooms have made various attempts to implement practices inviting
audience participation (Domingo et al. 2008; Hermida and Thurman 2008; Lewis, Kaufhold,
and Lasorsa 2010; Paulussen et al. 2007; Robinson 2011). While these reports are
informative in identifying how audience participation is taking place globally, they focus
primarily on news audiences and user-generated content (UGC) in general, with little focus
specifically placed on citizen journalists*a group distinct from ordinary citizen con-
tributors. Additionally, much of this discussion is placed in the context of newsroom
editors’ perceptions as opposed to those of the actual audiences contributing content (i.e.,
news stories).
Using Singer’s (2003) three dimensions of the sociological concept of profession-
alism, this case study examines the perceptions of citizen and professional journalists at
one of the most successful citizen journalism operations in South Korea and around the
world (Allan 2006; Bowman and Willis 2003): OhmyNews. Following an investigation into
citizen journalists’ perceptions regarding their activities as legitimate sources of informa-
tion, a comparison of those perceptions is made with their professional counterparts.
Finally, these perceptions of journalistic professionalism are examined in the context of
journalism role conceptions.

Audience and Citizen Participation in Journalistic Activities

Citizen participation is happening globally (see Allan and Thorsen 2009) but is
approached in unique ways generating varying prospects for audience engagement.
Studies focusing on newsrooms in Europe and the United States generally suggest the
traditional professional media culture, which works from a top-down, one-way information
delivery model, may function as the main factor hindering the integration of participatory
opportunities (Domingo et al. 2008; Hermida and Thurman 2008; Lewis, Kaufhold, and
Lasorsa 2010; Paulussen et al. 2007). This monopoly that journalists retain over the
information domain comes with the professed professionalism of their occupations. While
various reports point to the strained relationships between professionally trained journalists
and ‘‘amateur’’ content contributors, recent investigations by Robinson (2011) and
Robinson and DeShano (2011) reveal more negotiated and optimistic approaches toward
journalistaudience adjustment and adaption to changing notions of journalism and
information production. For example, Robinson and DeShano (2011) found bloggers and
professional local reporters exhibited both converging and diverging practices and aimed
for common goals, such as social responsibility and entitlement to knowledge. However,
they note citizen contributors have not yet attained full membership in the interpretive
community of journalists.
The accounts described by South Korea’s successful OhmyNews seemingly fall closer
to the observations by Robinson (2011) and Robinson and DeShano (2011). OhmyNews is
regularly cited as a leading institution in participatory journalistic collaboration between
news professionals and news audiences (Allan 2006). With the motto ‘‘every citizen is a
reporter,’’ OhmyNews is considered an innovator in participatory journalism and routine
392 DEBORAH S. CHUNG AND SEUNGAHN NAH

inclusion of UGC into news presentation. It boasts over 70,000 citizen reporters
worldwide,2 who contribute full news stories, and about 90 full-time staff members. Its
founder, Yeon-ho Oh, reports being determined to counter the eroding journalistic
culture in South Korea and revitalize it (Allan 2006). Indeed, OhmyNews has become one
of the most powerful news sites in the country, directly challenging the hegemony of
established traditional media outlets (Chang 2009) and also gaining much worldwide
attention. Most importantly, it has sustained its approach toward working with citizen
journalists. The 2010 year marked the 10th anniversary of its launch as a solely online
news organization.
This study targets a successful citizen journalism operation and aims to identify how
citizen journalists view their professional journalistic contributions to OhmyNews in light
of the considerable documentation of various tensions between citizen and professional
journalists worldwide. Further, this study examines how trained journalists identify and
settle their professional practices with citizen journalists who also contribute full news
stories. Thus, the present case study offers perspectives from both professional and citizen
journalists focusing on the interactions between these two parties that may inform an
emerging sustainable model for negotiated collaboration.

Singer’s Three Dimensions of Professionalism

The present media environment is being redefined through a deluge of new
information providers. Do these new storytellers, then, also share a similar kind of
professionalism to that espoused by their professional counterparts? This study seeks to
identify such perceptions by employing Singer’s three-dimensional concept of profes-
sionalism (2003) to inform ideas regarding how citizen journalists at OhmyNews view their
journalistic activities. The question of whether journalism is a profession is a long debated
topic, but many suggest there are indicators among journalistic practices, values and
behaviors characterizing it as being a profession (Shoemaker and Reese 1996). While the
profession of medicine, for example, holds a legal monopoly, journalism is based on a
monopoly of practice rooted in economics and status (Meyers et al. 2012). Overall,
professionalism is broadly recognized as associating occupations with power and prestige
(Larson 1977). Singer (2003) states, while the list of attributes defining an ideal profession
varies, there is still general agreement regarding certain dimensions. She identifies three
dimensions from the sociological construct of professionalism*cognitive, normative and
evaluative dimensions*and applies them to journalism.
First, the cognitive dimension of journalism is related to the body of knowledge and
techniques that professional journalists apply in their work. This knowledge base and
training (e.g., reporting and writing) distinguishes professional information providers from
their consumers. Surveys on the rising number of accredited journalism programs and
students3 point to the importance of education and training within this discipline.
Second, the normative dimension suggests journalists have long maintained that
they provide a public service in a democratic society. The mass media have traditionally
established shared collective experiences, common symbolic anchors for sorting out
political life, and representations of society to its publics (Althaus and Tewksbury 2002).
Journalists also abide by a set of codes of ethics, which includes seeking truth, minimizing
harm, acting independently, and being accountable.4 Thus, journalists are privileged in a
 CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND PROFESSIONALISM AT OHMYNEWS 393

sense that they are safeguarded by society (i.e., protected by the First Amendment) in
carrying out their duties.
Third, the evaluative dimension focuses primarily on autonomy. Professional
journalists are largely considered free from external forces seeking to impose controls
on their activities (McDevitt 2003). They are expected to work independently without
compromising their integrity in the public’s interest, thus, making their work accountable
(Newton, Hodges, and Keith 2004). Along with such claims to autonomy comes prestige
for the very act of serving the public.
Singer’s (2003) three-dimensional conceptualization of professionalism offers a
useful framework concerning journalistic activities in society. Based on this conceptual and
analytical framework, the following three research questions are proposed:
RQ1: What are citizen and professional journalists’ perceptions of citizen journalistic
activities reflecting the cognitive dimension?
RQ2: What are citizen and professional journalists’ perceptions of citizen journalistic
activities reflecting the normative dimension?
RQ3: What are citizen and professional journalists’ perceptions of citizen journalistic
activities reflecting the evaluative dimension?

Journalism Role Conceptions and Functions in Society

The question regarding journalists’ roles in society has also been a classic topic
of discussion since Lippmann (1925) and Dewey (1927) regarding citizen participation
and the conditions of the public sphere in a democratic society. The literature on
journalists’ roles and functions revealed initially two role types: neutral and participants
(Johnstone, Slawski, and Bowman, 1976). Early evidence pointed to journalists’
preference for the neutral, informative role (Janowitz 1975; Johnstone, Slawski, and
Bowman 1976; Tuchman 1978). However, research spanning four decades has found
both stable and also shifting conceptions of journalists’ functions in American society
(e.g., Weaver and Wilhoit 1986, 1996; Weaver et al. 2007). In their most recent survey,
Weaver et al. (2007) identified four roles and found prominence for the interpretive/
investigative role and a minority attitude for the adversarial role. There was a steep
decline in the disseminator role and a marked increase in the populist mobilizer role
(Weaver et al. 2007).
Recent scholarship (Nah and Chung 2009, 2012; Chung and Nah 2012) has examined
the roles citizen journalists may play and how their journalistic role conceptions compare
to those of professionals from a wide variety of perspectives. For instance, news editors
and online community news audiences rated journalistic roles higher in importance for
professional journalists than those of citizen journalists (Nah and Chung 2009, 2012).
However, it is notable that in yet another study, citizen journalists themselves rated
specifically the mobilizer and civic roles more prominently for citizen journalists (Chung
and Nah 2012). In sum, certain perceptions of journalists’ roles have remained consistent
while others have evolved. More importantly, journalistic roles of citizen journalists have
been recognized as important but to different degrees for varying populations. Thus, it
would be worthwhile to identify how citizen journalists at OhmyNews articulate their
professional functions to society and compare them with the corresponding views of
professional journalists who work with them.
394 DEBORAH S. CHUNG AND SEUNGAHN NAH

Subsequently, based on the above discussion of journalists’ roles, the following

research question is also proposed:
RQ4: To what extent do OhmyNews citizen and professional journalists perceive citizen
journalists as performing journalistic roles in society? In other words, how are the
three dimensions related, if at all, to the idea of citizen journalistic role
conceptions?

Method
In that clarity of citizen journalists’ activities and their roles are based on their own
rhetoric of experiences, interviews are particularly well suited in helping the researcher
understand these social actors’ own perspectives (Lindlof 1995). This approach is based on
the interpretive research tradition where the goal is to understand how and why certain
behaviors occur in the social world through those who have first-hand knowledge of
related experiences. Thus, in-depth interviews (Lindlof 1995) were employed to collect
expert perspectives from the very social actors involved in producing news stories through
OhmyNews*citizen and professional journalists. Professional journalists were also
interviewed to provide comparison and validation of perspectives between these groups.
Both groups are socially positioned in a way that they can articulate something
meaningful about the phenomenon being examined. Interviews can assist in uncovering
how citizen journalists and professional journalists at OhmyNews view their activities as
journalists and also comment on the exchanges between both groups as they form certain
roles toward society as informational sources for a prominent online news organization in
South Korea.
Semi-structured questions were formed in order to carry out the in-depth
respondent interviews, which allowed the participants to share detailed accounts of their
activities with OhmyNews. The interviewer used a standardized protocol of open-ended
questions for both groups regarding the similarities and/or differences between citizen
and professional journalistic practices and their subsequent roles in society. Each
respondent was treated as an authoritative speaker on behalf of his/her own actions
and experiences.
Because OhmyNews was founded in 2000 and, like other online and social media,
may have many inactive participants (Gaudin 2010), a sampling frame was created based
on those individuals who had submitted content to OhmyNews in the past year in order to
glean more meaningful perspectives. Thus, in this study, citizen journalist participants
were defined as any citizen who had registered with OhmyNews and had submitted
stories in the most recent given year (from launch of invitation message). Professional
journalists were defined as individuals employed by the OhmyNews organization who
have a responsibility for the preparation or transmission of news stories or other
information (Weaver and Wilhoit 1996) for the news site.
The OhmyNews headquarters distributed a recruitment message to 2871 individuals
in October 2011. In total 2540 emails (88.5 percent) were successfully sent, and of those
email messages, 763 individuals (30 percent) opened the recruitment message by the
second day of initial circulation. In recruiting participants from the professional staff at
OhmyNews, the internal online message board was used to circulate an invitation
message. About 90 individuals had access to this system. A total of 61 individuals had
opened the message on the message board by the second day the message was posted.
 CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND PROFESSIONALISM AT OHMYNEWS 395

The in-depth interviews for both groups were conducted in November and December of
2011 in Seoul, South Korea. All interviews were recorded with the permission of the
participants.
Following general questions regarding history of contributing activity to Ohmy-
News, citizen journalists were asked a series of questions about their perceptions of the
distinctions between citizen and professional journalists, the submission process and any
interaction or exchange with the professional staff, and the extent of agency they assume
in the participation process. Then, they were asked about their role conceptions regarding
both citizen and professional journalists. Regarding professional journalists, initially
general organizational questions about goals and history were asked. They were also
asked about the expectations of citizen journalists and the standards for acceptance and
rejection of contributions. Then, participants were asked the same questions as citizen
journalists regarding the distinction of activities between both groups, interaction/
exchange and role conceptions between citizen and professional journalists.
All interviews were conducted in Korean. Both researchers involved in the project
were fluent in the English and Korean languages. In analyzing the data, every effort was
made to allow the data to speak through the ideas shared by the participants. The
collected texts were first thoroughly transcribed and then carefully translated. Then, the
transcripts were given initially preliminary and then multiple detailed readings with a
purposeful approach by both researchers to identify pervasive patterns and themes in
participants’ responses regarding the three dimensions of professionalism. The data were
then sorted and classified based on repeatedly emerging trends. Subsequently, these
notions were prioritized based on the interrelated ideas surfacing throughout the
narratives of both citizen and professional journalists’ articulated experiences providing
explanation and interpretation into the participants’ complex journalistic processes as
source. Through this framework, we were able to compare and contrast respondents’
positions and ideas and finally arrive at an assessment regarding how professionalism was
integrated and viewed by both groups of informants.

The Sample
Sixteen citizen journalists participated in the interviews. The average interview lasted
about 46.14 minutes, ranging between 25 and 103 minutes. Five were conducted face-to-
face, and 10 were conducted via telephone.5 One interview was conducted through email
because the participant resided in a foreign country where the time zone made it difficult to
coordinate interview schedules. Citizen journalist participants’ occupations ranged from
professor, high school teacher, graduate student, college student, high school graduate,
interior designer, manager at a large company and retiree. Five citizen journalist
participants were female. About a fifth had registered with the site from its launch, but
most had registered with OhmyNews within the past three years. Their story submission
frequencies ranged from ‘‘more than 10 times a day’’ to ‘‘very rarely in recent years.’’ About
90 percent of the participants have had their stories published on the site.
Nine professional journalists were interviewed, and all interviews were conducted
face-to-face. The average interview lasted about 53.4 minutes, ranging between 30 and 88
minutes. Among those who participated were the editor-in-chief, editorial staff members,
publishing and education director, political team leader and social media editor. Three
females participated in the interviews. Most of the professional participants had been with
396 DEBORAH S. CHUNG AND SEUNGAHN NAH

OhmyNews on average for about eight or nine years. In this report, we are careful to
protect the anonymity of participants from both groups and have, thus, masked their
identities by using altered subject initials.

Findings
Analysis of the data reveals both citizen and professional journalists recognized the
professional roles undertaken by citizen journalists. The findings also point to comple-
mentary collaboration of labor, checks and balances of services, and negotiated autonomy
between the two groups with both identifying strengths and weaknesses of each other.
This sometimes overlapping and sometimes distinctive division of labor was then placed
in the context of the roles journalists play in society.

*
Cognitive Dimension Complementary Collaboration
Citizens’ views. Many participants recognized the specific training6 and education
professional journalists undergo as part of their occupational qualifications. While they
identified training as a potential distinction between professional and citizen journalists,
they generally did not consider training to be a hindrance for citizen journalists to function
as informational sources. Instead, they underscored the specialized expertise and
knowledge citizen journalists bring to the table. ABC, a college student, noted that the
lack of training among citizen journalists makes it difficult for them to write stories that fit
into the stylistic framework of modern journalistic writing. However, he also pointed out
that professional journalists are unable to understand the authentic experiences of citizens
who experience them firsthand: ‘‘Professional journalists have a breadth of expertise in
many different areas, but in actuality, they lack depth in terms of any one particular area.’’
For example, a professional journalist on the education beat can report about stories
that are happening within the Korean high school system. However, an actual high school
teacher can write about these stories through first-hand observations and interactions
within that authentic setting without having to go through several sources to substantiate
her/his account. DEF, a high school teacher, said:
As someone working within an educational setting, I wanted to share useful stories with
my students. Because of the college entrance exam, my students were constantly
studying and were unable to do anything else, so they were missing out on other
creative and meaningful activities. So I wanted to communicate that education can also
happen through reading and discussion, but the reality is that the educational system
and the media in Korea focuses on the college entrance exam. For the future of our
country, I wished to share an innovative/alternative way to approach education.
Similarly, GHI, a designer, believed that his position as a citizen enables him to do
certain things better than professional journalists. He claims the skills of citizen journalists
are sometimes equally as refined as professional journalists. He comments sometimes
professional journalists work from limited information or even distort information with a
lack of social criticism. Because of these gaps, he has taken up the challenge of becoming
a citizen journalist.
In these ways, citizen journalists at OhmyNews believe they bring something special
to the reporting of contemporary news. While professional journalists report on various
 CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND PROFESSIONALISM AT OHMYNEWS 397

public affairs information and rely on conventional journalistic practices through their
training of journalistic story-telling techniques, citizen journalists report on a diversity of
stories*sometimes public affairs, sometimes features on personal accounts of their daily
livelihood*through an alternative lens, from the bottom up.

Professionals’ views. These comments by citizen journalists are enthusiastically

supported by professional journalists at OhmyNews. JKL, who oversees most of the
editorial processes, expressed his high expectations regarding submissions from citizen
journalists, even claiming many write equally as well or even better than professional
journalists in capturing the news. ‘‘The distinction is not based on news writing ability . . . I
have the expectation that a story written by a citizen journalist who has certain expertise
in a specific area could be more authentic.’’ Similarly, MNO, who is a member of the
editorial team, echoed the critical role citizen journalists perform through their expertise in
specific fields.
From a contextual point of view, individuals with 1020 years of experience in their
particular fields (e.g., school) can work the scene more skillfully than reporters (e.g.,
education reporter) with three to four years of training. Their stories will not necessarily
follow the traditional journalistic format. However, those in the field know the deeper
educational issues that need to be addressed . . . professional journalists are not
necessarily always the professionals. In fact, citizen journalists can be the ‘‘real’’
professionals.
Others also acknowledged professional journalists at times play supplemental roles
to citizen journalists, for example, on ‘‘exclusives.’’ As these comments reveal, the
professional journalists clearly have expectations from their citizen journalists and believe
their contributions make OhmyNews’ coverage deeper, more authentic and more
meaningful to their readers.

Normative Dimension: Checks and Balances of Public Service

Citizens’ views. Singer (2003) suggests the normative dimension is the area criticized
most and is seen as the line distinguishing those who practice respectable journalism
versus those who practice journalism that is below the expectations of professionally
trained individuals. Such criticism is directed at the perception that those who have not
undergone the education and preparation of a professional journalistic career may lack the
public service commitment to society and may, therefore, disseminate information that
will not be in the public’s best interest*information failing to equip citizens to live
competently in a democratic society. As seeking truth and credibility of information are
important aspects of professional journalists’ public service orientation, many have
expressed concern in terms of the veracity of information circulated to the public by non-
professional journalists.
However, such concerns regarding factual and trustworthy content have been
directed toward professional journalistic practices as well. Many participants expressed a
serious concern regarding the present political state of Korea and its close relationship
with mainstream media organizations. They explained that in Korean society the major
media organizations, along with the conservative party, have maintained power and,
therefore, tend to publish stories aligning with each other’s goals. BCD, a male citizen
journalist who had registered with the OhmyNews site in 2009, claimed it is generally hard
398 DEBORAH S. CHUNG AND SEUNGAHN NAH

to come about good, honest reporting. He underscored the privileges mainstream media
reporters reap and criticized their often restricted and idle coverage through self-
regulation.
Citizen journalists, thus, believed their coverage of authentic stories may allow them
to carry out certain journalistic activities better by providing more accurate, and therefore,
truthful coverage of society to the public. For example, YZA, an elementary school teacher
and graduate student, said she wanted to contribute to writing stories*stories that tell
themselves and do not go through a severe editorial process serving large media
institutions*and share them with the public. This statement implies citizen journalists can
help build a healthier society in which diverse and fuller perspectives are shared and
where power is not concentrated on a select few individuals or institutions. Thus, it
appears citizen journalists may also work from a sense of social responsibility that is often
seen as absent from contemporary journalism.
While these citizen journalists believe that their work may be equally or even more
dedicated to serving the public than professionals’, they indicate that a gatekeeping
process exists at OhmyNews, which helps to ensure credibility and accountability of their
stories. In other words, citizen journalists’ stories are not liberally published. They have a
personal space on the OhmyNews site where individuals can see if their stories were
published or rejected. The site also shows where and how stories were published or why
they were rejected. For example, some stories stay in a ‘‘clinic’’ in which contributors can
view editorial changes and comments.
Most felt the editorial process was not overly confining but instead was a step
toward quality control. As EFG, a male university professor who has been a registered
member with OhmyNews since its inception, said, ‘‘[The editing is] more structural than
contextual. So I said sure. Whatever leaves my desk, I rely entirely on them in terms of
format.’’ Unlike bloggers and individuals who share general user-created content, the
content produced by citizen journalists at OhmyNews is examined first by professional
journalists, so the output has been screened prior to publication.

Professionals’ views. OhmyNews staff shared that a gatekeeping process is part of

the citizenprofessional partnership. While the editorial team screens and filters stories,
staff stated there is no discrimination between stories submitted by citizen or professional
reporters. Instead the editorial team follows general journalistic standards, such as
uniqueness, immediacy, depth and authenticity of the stories when making their
selections. Citizen-produced content is featured prominently and on the site’s front page.
Credible and accountable coverage is a continuous concern for staff members. Thus,
the 13-person editorial department, who are the key personnel dealing with the citizen
journalists, acknowledged the systematic review process of citizen submissions. They
generally look for defamation, facts that have not been verified and one-sided statements.
HIJ, another editorial team member, said,
When necessary, we even consult a lawyer. We perform cross checking. When that isn’t
done, we involve the professional journalists to do the cross checking to support the
citizen journalist. For example, a homemaker may have a difficult time contacting a
governmental office. Sometimes we have both citizen and professional journalists’
bylines together.
Thus, while there is a range of perceptions regarding the level of editing and cross
checking from headquarters, it was clear that the editorial team goes to great lengths to
 CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND PROFESSIONALISM AT OHMYNEWS 399

ensure the credibility and truthfulness of citizen journalists’ stories. Although OhmyNews
has been sued several times, interestingly, citizen journalism stories have been sued less
than those written by professional journalists. As editorial team member KLM said, ‘‘We
accept that the level of credibility may be perceived as lower, but that is not always the
case . . . This can happen when one is not a professional journalist . . . Citizen journalists are
in fact quality informational sources.’’

Evaluative Dimension: Questionable Autonomy and Negotiated Status

Citizens’ views. The evaluative dimension focuses primarily on autonomy, and such
independence from external control has been viewed as a special kind of authority
warranted for the journalism profession. Alongside such authority also comes the
recognition and prestige of being able to act freely from forces that seek to impose
control over the flow of information.
However, there is a diversity of opinions regarding how much autonomy citizen
journalists retain while working with OhmyNews. For example, QRS, who is entering college
in the following year and has been an active community volunteer, commented if his stories
did not seem to align with progressive media ideals similar to those of OhmyNews, he was
contacted by staff, or his piece simply did not get published. ‘‘They don’t say these things
directly, but basically these kinds of stories do not get published. After receiving such
phone calls, I try to revise my work based on OhmyNews’ editorial directives.’’
Others made more qualifying evaluations regarding the extent to which they were
able to work independently as sources, pointing to the fact that there is less autonomy
than on personal blogs or cafés but more independence than offered by other news
organizations. However, many citizen journalists, including QRS, still chose to publish with
OhmyNews rather than other more open spaces, such as personal blogs or open forums.
The prestige attached to the occupation of professional journalists may be a key
contributing factor attributed to such decisions.
For example, YZA states ‘‘the fact that I can submit a story as a ‘citizen reporter’ was
quite attractive rather than being considered merely a school teacher. I am being funded
by the 100,000 club7 and some ads.’’ GHI also says ‘‘if you publish something on
OhmyNews, many people can be informed and have greater influence. Many people can
also read the stories, and my story can be treated equally as those from the mainstream
news organizations.’’
There is a lure exuded by OhmyNews as a news organization in general and as a
progressive media operation in particular toward certain citizen journalists. OhmyNews,
while inviting and encouraging citizens to participate in the traditionally exclusive activity
of reporting, is still managed and operated by professionally trained journalists. TUV, a
retired business owner and writer, thus, criticizes this ‘‘psychological move’’ made by
Mr. Oh and OhmyNews and the illusion it has created for citizens:
I view Mr. Oh’s slogan (i.e., ‘‘Every citizen is a reporter.’’) as a marketing strategy. It was a
way to attract curiosity and attention. From the very beginning, it was a marketing move.
Thus, it planted the idea that you can be a reporter, that you are doing something
meaningful and will be gratified. The word/occupation ‘‘reporter’’ was the clincher . . . By
anointing you as a ‘‘reporter,’’ OhmyNews attracted a lot of attention.
The above comments suggest both OhmyNews and citizen journalists take
advantage of and coopt each other’s unique positions. OhmyNews, with a slogan that
400 DEBORAH S. CHUNG AND SEUNGAHN NAH

seemingly invites everyone to participate in becoming an informational source through a

well-received progressive online newspaper, capitalizes on the fresh, diverse perspectives
supplied by citizen journalists. This gives off an impression to the general public that
OhmyNews shares stories that are detached from organizational ties and control,
separating them from other mainstream media sources. Citizen journalists, on the other
hand, believe they are contributing something innovative to traditional journalistic
practices through their specific expertise coming from their various specialized occupa-
tions and their unconstrained views toward telling stories. However, in reality, they are also
working from the expectation that OhmyNews would function as a shield for contextual
and/or structural issues and are climbing aboard its prominent platform to publish their
stories and ultimately influence a larger mainstream audience.

Professionals’ views. The professional journalists at OhmyNews generally believe

there is a relatively high level of autonomy for citizen journalists. However, others
expressed there was much interaction before publishing a story and, thus, an emotional
toll on the exchanges. Editorial team member PQR explained some citizen journalists were
unhappy when asked to make revisions and felt the multi-level reviews hindered their
performances. She carefully expressed her frustrations in these iterations with citizen
journalists. ‘‘We try not to hurt their feelings . . . we try to explain, for example, why a
certain story wasn’t selected. We can’t make everyone happy.’’ She also expressed the
frustration of the high turnaround and dropout rate. Such comments reveal the fragile
nature of working with citizen journalists. While both OhmyNews and citizen journalists
appear to be capitalizing on their interactions with each other as they strive to make
journalism more meaningful for the public, perfecting the effort was often challenging and
frustrating for both groups.
However, the lure, again, may be that unlike blogs or general UGC, OhmyNews
provides an attractive platform. Citizen journalism stories at OhmyNews are not
anonymous. They have a clear byline. They sometimes work together with professional
reporters at OhmyNews and share that byline. As pointed out by many professional staff
members, citizen journalist stories are often on the front pages of the site, which is a
departure from other mainstream media organizations where citizen-contributed stories
are buried. On occasion, some citizen journalists also receive press passes. In addition to
such shared acknowledgement, OhmyNews also, at times, selects winners of well-received
stories and also awards medals. Thus, the citizen journalists are recognized when they
produce ‘‘good work’’ and are elevated with a sense of prestige in their activities, similar to
those at the professional level (e.g., Pulitzer Prize).

Roles: The Resilience of Traditional Media Functions

The discussion of professionalism among citizen journalists and the resounding
agreement expressed among the professional journalists at OhmyNews point to the
growing roles that citizen journalists also play as informational sources in society. As
several professional journalists pointed out, the boundaries separating trained profes-
sionals and citizen journalists are permeating. Citizen journalists may have discovered a
new-found position where they frequently provide supplemental coverage of news and at
times may also provide the primary coverage for specialized topics.
However, little consensus emerged in terms of specific roles that citizen journalists
perform as compared to professional journalists. Instead of gleaning newer roles, many,
 CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND PROFESSIONALISM AT OHMYNEWS 401

instead, proposed citizen journalists shared existing roles that traditional reporters have
long carried out*and at times performed those functions better. Some claimed citizen
journalists’ interpretation/analytical skills may not be on a par with professionals due to lack
of training. However, many noted this group might have a heightened sense of concern for
society and an increased notion of social responsibility through their relative organizational
autonomy, linking these qualities to the watchdog/adversary roles. Others claimed citizen
journalists have now taken up the responsibility of societal criticism, thus, filling in the gaps
for in-depth analysis and interpretation possible through their specialized expertise.
Additionally, many citizen journalists expressed the desire to share their own stories and
alternative views with the public, signifying an alignment with the populist mobilizer role.
However, this was discussed in the context of sharing their stories to a wide audience.
Still others claimed both groups work exactly the same but noted limits in terms of
citizen journalism influence. These observations were made by both citizen and
professional journalists. These inconsistencies are evidence that citizen journalists serve
varying roles, roles that are similar to the traditional press*sometimes performing certain
roles better than professionally trained journalists. As one participant noted, the real issue
is not about who performs what function but rather how both complement each other’s
limited reach, coverage and influence.
However, interestingly, many of the citizen journalists at OhmyNews expressed the
desire to share their stories with a wide audience, which reflects the traditional
disseminator function as identified by Weaver and his colleagues. In their most recent
survey, Weaver et al. (2007) identified a steep decline in this particular role. However, citizen
journalists most frequently voiced a wish to publish their stories with OhmyNews because
of its name value and authoritative status in Korean society, therefore, potentially reaching
a large audience. ABC said, ‘‘I am able to write about my observations and thoughts
regarding social issues/problems, and then I am able to communicate my stories to several
thousand people who will read my stories. Because of this, I write.’’ Such reasoning was not
uncommon among those interviewed. In fact, it was the predominant reason echoed by
citizen journalist participants for contributing their stories to OhmyNews.

Discussion and Conclusions

The interviews with citizen and professional journalists reveal a fairly rigid structure
for professionalism among citizen journalists’ practices at OhmyNews. Ideas reflecting
Singer’s three-dimensional model of professionalism were clearly present in the discus-
sions. The orientation of professionalism, thus, was recognized in the work of non-
professional, citizen journalists. Articulations regarding the cognitive, normative and
evaluative dimensions surfaced primarily through the self-expressed experiences of citizen
journalists and secondarily through the complementary observations shared by the
professional journalists.
Overall, both groups have developed a way for coexisting through careful teamwork.
While the partnership was often challenging, both highly depended on each other’s
contributions and expertise, which was clearly seen as outweighing the stress and strain
that accompanied the partnership. Unlike the experiences reported in various other
newsrooms in Europe and the United States, the participatory efforts described by
402 DEBORAH S. CHUNG AND SEUNGAHN NAH

OhmyNews’ citizen and professional journalists were that of a highly symbiotic relationship.
Much extant literature points to the controlling approach undertaken by newsroom
personnel when integrating citizen-produced content. Even those newsrooms that invited
and encouraged citizen participation were described as positioning UGC at the periphery
and drawing clear distinctions between professional and amateur-produced content. At
OhmyNews, however, citizen-produced content was treated as equally important and was
regularly showcased centrally. Professional journalists, in fact, often acted as supplemental
anchors for citizen journalism.
However, there are varying degrees of adjustments and fine-tuning both groups
undergo to make OhmyNews sustainable. Discussions within the cognitive dimension
pointed toward a ‘‘collaborative-complementary’’ model of shared work, compensating for
any limited coverage from each group. Within the normative dimension, citizen journalists
provided checks on professional journalists’ work, but professionals employed an editing
system to balance out inaccuracies, stylistic errors by citizen journalists indicating ‘‘checks
and balances of public service.’’ The evaluative dimension, however, revealed a more
‘‘negotiated-compromising’’ approach toward coexistence as informational sources.
Similar to the irony of professional membership, citizen journalists at OhmyNews worked
within the confines of organizational boundaries although considered more autonomous
than other mainstream news organizations. Additionally, citizen journalists clearly
articulated their desire to promote their stories to a larger audience and work through
the influence of the OhmyNews platform.
The gatekeeping function (White 1950) appeared to be intact even for OhmyNews,
but citizen journalists generally viewed it as a positive safeguard. As proposed and
recognized by Hermida and Thurman (2008) and Lewis, Kaufhold, and Lasorsa (2010),
gatekeeping seems to work well for the sustainability of this citizen journalism operation.
These studies suggest traditional newsrooms seek to expand their old journalistic practices
online and hope to carry out as little risk as possible. OhmyNews may also fall under that
category. However, these editorial steps were taken to help increase the quality of citizen
journalists’ contributions*just as editors screen professionally trained journalists’ copy*
and were not implemented to stifle citizen expression. The editing was done together at
the desired level of interaction by the individual citizen journalist.
What is unique about the OhmyNews approach is the clear recognition of the
necessity and quality of citizen journalists’ contributions. They work with citizen journalists
and share their professional hold on the information domain through a division and
collaboration of labor. Citizen journalists also strongly voiced the critical contributions
they made to OhmyNews and, thus, to society. They viewed their journalistic contribu-
tions as equally meaningful as their trained peers. In addition, they generally depended
on the editorial functions provided by central headquarters and also expected and
enjoyed status recognition (e.g., being elevated from high school teacher to ‘‘reporter’’).
Furthermore, citizens described their performance in terms of traditional journalistic
functions although no predominant pattern emerged in the discussion of these roles.
Rather than sharing alternative roles for citizen journalists, they articulated their work
within the framework of traditional roles of professional journalists. Most interesting is
their alignment with the disseminator role, a function perceived as decreasing in
importance among the professional journalistic community. While various emerging
information communication technologies allow for newer informational sources to
 CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND PROFESSIONALISM AT OHMYNEWS 403

participate in the mass communication process, participants were still clinging to

traditional functions of mass media through their ‘‘new-found’’ roles as information
providers. It may be important to note this role is a function whose elements have
changed over the decades, signifying its conceptual complexity (Weaver et al. 2007). As
Weaver et al. point out, disseminators are ‘‘a more ethically cautious and traditional
journalist’’ (2007, 151).
Several observations regarding the relationship between citizen and professional
journalists are drawn based on the above findings and interpretations. First, citizen
journalism and professional journalism can coexist. However, such a collaborative
approach is possible only when both parties involved recognize the other as offering
something meaningful as viable, legitimate sources of information. Second, both groups
can coexist when each group can compensate for the weaknesses of the other*meaning
both have ‘‘expertise’’ in a particular area considered critical to the other party’s
performance. Third, both citizen and professional journalists can coexist when both
have a similar perception of the roles they serve to society. As identified in the present
study, citizen journalists had developed similar views of their functions to society as those
of traditional professional journalists. Finally, the concept of professionalism within and
between both groups may function as the glue binding the activities of citizen and
professional journalists. These conclusions reveal there may exist more similarities in
behavior and ideology between the two informants involved rather than the differences
that have been highlighted so frequently. Once both groups (especially the professional
journalists) move beyond the skepticism stage and view each other as allies, the
similarities are more striking. The observation that both groups own a certain pride and
hold over specific areas of expertise, articulate public service orientations, work with an
editor, and enjoy status distinction support these claims and are the very reasons that
OhmyNews is able to sustain its model of citizen journalism. Further, as citizens of society
they both display a strong sense of community engagement or citizenship (see Nah and
Chung 2011). Ultimately, both groups of journalists benefit from this relationship and
believe they increase the quality of contemporary journalism.
While the findings from this study inform readers about how journalistic
professionalism and roles bind professional and citizen journalists, we caution readers
regarding the generalization of these findings. OhmyNews is a unique case where much of
its very existence depends on citizen journalists and their contributions, the Korean
political and economic environment, and the progressive nature of the organization
(Chang 2009; Kim and Hamilton 2006). Thus, the observations here are not fully
generalizable and may not be applicable to newsrooms in Western cultures and those
relying on more traditional orientations to journalistic practices.
Interestingly, however, while newer communication technologies have often been
seen as potentially facilitating a distribution of power to the public, they may contribute
toward egalitarian relationships only to a certain degree and may also result in further
reinforcing traditional conceptions of media functions (e.g., citizen journalist versus
general audience). Thus, the advancement of technology may serve to both challenge
previous notions of journalism but at the same time reinforce and restate existing
hierarchies of information distribution. Future studies examining citizen journalism
practices may further examine the role technology plays in the interrelationships and
interdependencies between professional and citizen journalists.
404 DEBORAH S. CHUNG AND SEUNGAHN NAH

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This project was supported by the University of Kentucky, College of Communication and
Information, College Research Activities Award.

NOTES
1. See http://www.kcnn.org/citmedia_sites/full_list.
2. About 70,000 registered citizen journalists exist with about 44,000 accepting electronic
messages from OhmyNews headquarters.
3. See Annual Surveys of Journalism and Mass Communication at http://www.grady.uga.
edu/annualsurveys/.
4. See Society of Professional Journalists’ Code of Ethics at http://www.spj.org/ethicscode.asp.
5. These individuals were living outside the Seoul metropolitan area.
6. Citizen reporter training workshops are offered by OhmyNews. They also maintain a
citizen journalist development school/education program.
7. The 100,000 club refers to OhmyNews’ efforts to organize a community of individuals
from the public who will pledge to fund citizen journalism endeavors at OhmyNews.

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Deborah S. Chung (author to whom correspondence should be addressed), School

of Journalism and Telecommunications, University of Kentucky, USA. E-mail:
dchung@uky.edu
Seungahn Nah, Department of Community and Leadership Development, University of
Kentucky, USA. E-mail: seungahn.nah@uky.edu