FACULTY SCIENCE SOCIAL AND HUMANITIES

SSF1053 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE

WA23 SOCIAL WORK (UW6762001)
SEMESTER 1, 2021/2022

LECTURER: DR. NEILSON ILAN MERSAT

INDIVIDUAL REFLECTION ESSAY
TITLE: THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AND UPS & DOWNS OF SUHARTO
GROUP 13

NAME MATRIC NUMBER

NUR ZAHIRRAH BINTI MALIK 82033
 The research and observation process of the “Student Movement and the Rise and Fall
of Suharto” introduced me to wealth of perspectives on political research and challenged me
to think critically about the crisis that emerged during Suharto's ruling. I started with a broad
desire to learn more about how this political crisis could have happened. Throughout the
study, the spark of interest led me to discover an interesting subject about the strong support
and courage from the people especially students in developing and defending their country
thus making Suharto resign from his position as President of the Republic of Indonesia.
Through this, I have adopted some of the noble teachings and values that guide my personal
approach to observe of political events taking place in Indonesia countries.
First of all, what I can learn from this observation is that to be an excellent leader I
must be fair and honest in taking responsibility. For example, I should not misuse the power I
have for the benefit of myself or my family members. Instead, as a leader I must give priority
to the people. This is because they have given high trust and expectations to leaders to govern
fairly and equitably. During Suharto's rule there was uneven national development, and there
were significant differences between development at the center and the districts. The wealth
of the region is widely used for development in the city base. This has raised dissatisfaction
in a number of districts in Indonesia such as Aceh and Papua due to the development gap. I
have to always think about the affairs and welfare of the person being led or the community
because the policy or leadership that has ended actually brings public interest or benefit at the
same time to avoid harm. As John C. Maxwell said “The test of the leader is taking the vision
from me to we.”
The demonstrations that have been done by the student movement in Indonesia have
also taught me to use civil liberty in the right way to give ideas or views on certain issues
without breaking the law. For example, I can reprimands make to various parties whether it is
the leader of the country, religion or anyone in the hope of correcting mistakes or situations
that occur. But it also has to be voiced through the right medium so that it really makes an
impact. As a student I have to be willing to try and not to give up quickly so that I am not in
the hold of fear to voice and express opinions that may be very useful to make a change. I
also realize that by preparing myself with a through political education and having the nature
of openness in politics I will be able to fight for the right to speak well. If all youths care
about this right, of course the future of the country will be more secure. Students are an
educated group in society with high idealism and activism to express the conscience of the
oppressed majority. The cronyism and waste of national ringgit for a small group in society
can no longer be tolerated.
 Through this political event, it has taught me to make use of the space and abilities I
have to listen and see the phenomena going on around me especially the problems
experienced by society. All of that can be done by doing scientific movements with scholarly
discussions, public dialogues and seminars that brings up topics about phenomena occurring
in society especially those that are in order with my knowledge. As an educated person, I
must be able to adapt to this problem. Students do not need to do a demonstration like the era
of previous years because nowadays already a lot of space and media that can be saddle in
our struggle such idealism and truth.
In addition, by getting involved in this political event I was also able to increase my
self -confidence and courage. Self -confidence I mean not only the confidence to stand in
front of people but also the self -confidence to create something new, face challenges and
create success. The action of the student movement in Indonesia followed by a wave of
protests from other students was a response to various government policy products that were
considered not in line with the spirit. The 'rice crises' of 1972 and 1973 pushed many
Indonesians back into hard economic times and led to political instability, expressed mostly
again by student demonstration. At that time, students played such a significant role in
society by bravely defending the destiny of the people despite facing various risks and
challenges.

With this observation as well, I also learned a lot of new knowledge. This study has
improved my thinking ability to analyse and evaluate an event or matter discussed. I am
increasingly understanding what the needs of the community especially the students and the
reasons they are doing these protest or demonstrations. With a high patriotic understanding,
the preservation and empowerment of unity can be easily formed. I hope I am able to raise
awareness of the current political dynamics and apply mature politics in society. The
patriotism agenda must continue to be ignited in my country and not just seasonally but the
spirit of patriotism also needs to be lived because it is the core to national defence.
Individuals who have a high patriotic spirit will also always strive to advance themselves and
their country in order to achieve progress and development quickly, on a level with other
developed countries. Therefore, all parties must work together and play their respective roles
so that the patriotic spirit can be nurtured in future generations. Hopefully, the Malaysian
nation will continue to move forward with a spirit of true love for the country.
 FACULTY SCIENCE SOCIAL AND HUMANITIES
SSF1053 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE
WA23 SOCIAL WORK (UW6762001)
SEMESTER 1, 2021/2022

LECTURER: PROF NEILSON ILAN MERSAT

INDIVIDUAL REFLECTION ESSAY
TITLE: THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AND UPS & DOWNS OF SUHARTO

GROUP 13

NAME MATRIC NUMBER

SANDRA ANAK SPENCER LEE 82125
 Our group agreed on a topic that referenced the student movement and the rise and fall of
Suharto. The goal of this project is for us to grasp the relationship between political events
and the principles we've learned about in political theory. Despite having some trouble
grasping the chosen topic, my group was able to complete this task successfully. Nonetheless,
we completed this assignment successfully through virtual collaboration. After reading the
more article and reflecting about the student movement and the rise and fall of Suharto. This
topic gave me the opportunity to not only learn about a certain topic in history, but also to
learn another country's history.
Suharto, as we all know, was an Indonesian Army officer and politician who served as
the country's second and longest-serving President. For most people who know Suharto, his
name is synonymous with corruption, collusion, and nepotism. Only a few consumers are
concerned that he is the Father of Development ‘father of development’. I was shocked in this
research when students pushed political groups and where they played a critical part in the
leadership transition from Sukarno to Suharto. Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Indonesia (KAMI),
a student union supported by the military and encouraged by Suharto personally, is the most
influential of these organisations. The goal of the group was to depose Sukarno and, more
significantly, to keep Suharto in power. Sukarno was the first president of Indonesia, serving
from 1945 to 1967. He was an Indonesian leader, politician, patriot, and revolutionary.
Sukarno was the leader of Indonesia's fight for independence from Dutch colonialists. My
thoughts on the matter are Suharto's government inherited a state of economic, social and
political instability this is the particular reason for the circumstances where Suharto
prohibited student organisations from fighting corruption. In spite of the fact that Suharto's
opposition to the organisation, the students did not easily withdraw or give up, and even
stood up to fight the demonstration. They persisted in their protests, however, and this
eventually resulted in the transfer of effective authority to Suharto on March 11, 1966. In
economy along the lines of the 'rice crises' of 1972 and 1973 forced many Indonesians back
into hard circumstances and contributed to political instability, which was largely manifested
through student protests. The protests culminated in the so-called Malari riots in early 1974.
(Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari or January 15th Catastrophe). The Malari riots had far-
reaching consequences, particularly for the free expression of criticism. Shortly that,
hundreds of Indonesians, along with many students, were put on trial, and important student
leaders as well as some faculty members were imprisoned. Critical journalists were also
imprisoned, and six of Jakarta's most independent publications were closed down, including
two that had supported Suharto from 1965 to 1967.
As demonstrated by the organisation KAMI ban by Sukarno, the central government
established increasing control over students, including a requirement that they get a
permission for all on-campus activities and restrictions requiring formerly party-affiliated
student groups to merge into a single government-controlled organisation. Academic freedom
and free expression were steadily curtailed. However, this was very unfortunate. Following
the May 1977 parliamentary elections, a massive student protest movement erupted. Public
scepticism of the government grew, with critics continuing to target economic measures seen
as preferring a small group of affluent entrepreneurs with access to Suharto. As a
consequence, following the 1978 protests, the authorities repressed the entire college
community. As a result of previous student protests, the government has banned political
expression and activities from campuses and placed student activities under supervision and
control university rector in the ‘Normalisasi Kehidupan Kampus’ policy and the
establishment of a Badan Penyelaras Kampus. This, in my opinion, is the greatest approach to
prevent riots and restrict media that may create issues, as well as to eliminate existing student
councils.
After that time in 1980’s persistent oppression and persistent hatred. Students were still
fighting for politics, and during the 1980s, students at Indonesian universities formed off-
campus discussion clubs where they read and discussed political and social theories. Students
began to join forces with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to defend the rights of
farmers who were evicted from their property for development or commercial use, and
workers who were denied the right to organise. Student activities were revitalize around the
turn of the decade. Following student protests, a new higher education law was passed in
1989, and a government regulatory decree released in 1990 (Government Regulation 30)
incorporated safeguards for academic and scientific independence of autonomy. Suharto
publicly advocated for broader access to Indonesian society. In spite of the fact that Suharto
is frequently associated with many issues, he has a kind and open attitude toward his country.
This is reflected on campus in the directive enabling the re-establishment of students across
the Senate campus for the first time in more than a decade. Some government authorities and
college administrators unwittingly began to allow more room for campus-based events at the
time. Many academics and intellectuals took use of the opportunity to push for more
fundamental change.
 To sum up all that have been stated for that I had learn is the importance of
communication with student among the Prime Minister, Suharto. Regardless, students have a
deficiency in the form of a lack of experience, contact with people, and intellectual support.
The student movement was a new social force that aimed to raise consciousness and fight for
political, economic, and social change. Every country nurtures a student movement. It is not
only a significant opportunity for students to participate in society, but it is also a terrific way
to stay connected and up to date. We can't deny that students have societal responsibilities.
Finally, if we want to vote in an election, we must vote for someone who has a strong sense
of being able to deal with crises and a strong sense of responsibility with the power that has
been given to protect human rights and serve the people's prosperity.
 FACULTY SCIENCE SOCIAL AND HUMANITIES
SSF1053 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE
WA23 SOCIAL WORK (UW6762001)
SEMESTER 1, 2021/2022

LECTURER: DR. NEILSON ILAN MERSAT

INDIVIDUAL REFLECTION ESSAY
TITLE: THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AND UPS & DOWNS OF SUHARTO

GROUP 13

NAME MATRIC NUMBER

NIMROD ANAK WILLIAM 81953
 Students and academics have played an important role in Indonesia's modern history,
particularly during the Suharto era, but many brave men and women have given their lives in
the fight for reform and independence. Few people will remember Suharto as Bapak
Pembangunan (the "father of development," as he was called in his younger years). An
achievement of nearly universal elementary education is one of the few bright spots in his
otherwise bleak history. In terms of higher education, he is credited with expanding the
Indonesian system by creating universities in all of the country's provinces and enabling
private providers. However, his New Order dictatorship tightened its grip on activity within
and around these institutions. There was minimal campus resistance to Suharto in the early
years of the dictatorship. Leftist students and researchers had been expelled, and those who
remained were overwhelmingly supportive of his dedication to globalisation. Tightening
control, on the other hand, became obvious in the early 1970s, and the university's aversion to
political activity, welcome of foreign investment, and strong ties to affluent businesspeople
brought criticism from some old campus supporters and a new generation of students.
Following a series of anti-corruption demonstrations, student protests were outlawed
on January 22, 1970. The findings of a Suharto-appointed panel, which discovered rampant
corruption throughout government, provoked these protests. Suharto announced that he
would use whatever force at his disposal to combat resistance to the project, but student
demonstrations continued in the following years. These were directed against growing
foreign influence, the government's open welcome of foreign money (mainly Japanese in the
early years), and dismal economic conditions, as well as persistent corruption. The 'rice crisis'
of 1972 and 1973 forced many Indonesians back into hard times economically and led to
political unrest, which was mostly manifested through student protests. The demonstrations
culminated in the so-called Malari riots in early 1974. (Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari or
January 15th Catastrophe). During a visit by Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka, tens of
thousands of students took part in rallies that resulted in violence, looting, and fires. The most
conspicuous emblem of Japan's presence in Indonesia was targeted by the students: the
showroom of Astra, a local company that imports Toyota vehicles from Japan. The protests
were brought under control a day later, but only after 11 protestors were slain by army
personnel. In 1977, following legislative elections in May of that year, a large student protest
movement erupted. Critics continued to oppose the government's economic policies, which
they perceived as favouring a small group of affluent entrepreneurs who had access to
Suharto. Student leaders in the major student cities staged a series of rallies in the run-up to
the general session of parliament, which was set to hold presidential elections in March 1978
(with Suharto up for a third five-year term), calling for Suharto's replacement and an overhaul
of the economic and political system. The government stepped in, banning political
expression and placing all student activities under the supervision and control of university
rectors through a policy technically termed as 'Normalization of Campus Life' and the
formation of a 'Campus Coordinating Body.' Student governments were eliminated, college
periodicals were strictly restricted, and public gatherings about current events were
prohibited. The military and the Ministry of Education and Culture now hold rectors
accountable.
The widespread security presence on campus and the government's aversion to
unfettered political expression harmed the whole academic community during the 1980s.
Central government control over promotion choices, denial of travel rights to critical
professors, monitoring academic seminars, and press and book censorship were all used to
put pressure on faculty to conform. Faculty at public universities were forced to pledge fealty
to the Golkar party as government servants and to dress in civil servant uniforms on certain
days each month. To serve the children of an increasing middle class, economic expansion
led in dramatic increases in total enrolment and a profusion of new private higher education
institutions. At the same time, a growing number of Indonesians (including a significant
portion of the country's emerging middle class) were calling for more freedom of speech and
greater citizen engagement in the political system. In the 1980s and 1990s, Indonesia's
universities began to grant greater academic freedom and scientific autonomy. Suharto
himself publicly endorsed broader openness in Indonesian society. Some government
officials and campus administrators began to allow more room for campus-based activities.
Faculty as well as students became more active and vocal on social and political issues in the
1990s.
Public calls for reform and transparency persisted, and students organised an open
ballot campaign calling for an election boycott in the run-up to legislative elections in May
1997. Social scientists at universities and even government research agencies are increasingly
calling for reform. Indonesia was heavily damaged by the monetary crisis that swept
Southeast Asia in 1997 and 1998. Suharto's downfall began in January 1998, with the
collapse of the Indonesian rupiah and an outpouring of calls for an end to his 32-year
dictatorship. However, opposition leaders failed to mount a serious challenge to Suharto, who
was unanimously re-elected to a seventh five-year term by Indonesia's parliament. Once
again, the student protest movement became the focal point of resistance across the country.
The country was on the verge of exploding in May 1998. Politics had disillusioned the
average citizen. People were heavily struck by high costs for essential needs, but government
subsidies on commodities like gasoline, rice, sugar, and cooking oil were eliminated as part
of the IMF packages, and daily price spikes occurred. The youth were enraged and furious,
but they also symbolised the desire for change. In 1998, Indonesia's President Suharto
announced his resignation and Vice-President BJ Habibie became the new President of the
Republic of Indonesia. In May 1998, thousands of demonstrating students occupied the
grounds, lobby and roof of the parliament building in Jakarta. On 20 May, half a million
Indonesians marched in Yogyakarta and large demonstrations were held in Surakarta, Medan,
Bandung and other cities.
In conclusion, as it continued aggressively from the late 1980s to the 1990s, dissidents
such as students, intellectuals, pro-democracy activists, and representatives of various NGOs
began to openly criticize and oppose the regime. The regime's failure to meet these new
requirements, along with Suharto's old age, aroused the well-known perception that the time
for political change had come. On the other hand, the isolationist political structure of the
New Order lacked the intentional political capacity to carry out such reforms. Instead, it used
quasi-democratic political forces to draw fake political agreements across the country amid
the aspirations and agendas of the president and the government. Along with the regime's
coercive guiding principles and providing material benefits for the president in lieu of
political allegiance, political institutions have helped maintain political prestige, which is
largely the firm position of President Suharto. These agreements were signed in 1996. They
met through a growing alliance of rival groups, and although the regime's response was
ambiguous, it heralded a political catastrophe that eventually led to Suharto's death years later
with local financial disasters.

FACULTY SCIENCE SOCIAL AND HUMANITIES

SSF1053 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE
WA23 SOCIAL WORK (UW6762001)
SEMESTER 1, 2021/2022

LECTURER: DR. NEILSON ILAN MERSAT

INDIVIDUAL REFLECTION ESSAY
TITLE: THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AND UPS & DOWNS OF SUHARTO
GROUP 13

NAME MATRIC NUMBER

SHARUL MIZAM BIN MOHAMAD 82138
 The public knows that the power of students is very powerful because behind them there
are millions of people who support them. the power of students is very much needed when a
country is experiencing chaos in various aspects such as political, economic and social. As
we can see in Indonesia the power of students is so strong that they can overthrow an order or
regime, students in Indonesia can see that only themselves can change the political culture in
their country, they can also see that they are as the voice of the people or the fighters of the
people. Students in Indonesia demonstrated on a large scale so that some were killed, injured
as a result of opposing a government, they still fought so that at one time the demonstration
could not be controlled by the authorities in Indonesia.
It is also common knowledge that the transition of power in Indonesia takes place where
the old order becomes the new order. On March 11, 1966, Indonesia was shaken and stuck in
chaos. Exactly on that day, President Seokarno signed a document that gave temporary
authority to Suharto at that time, to take actions that can address the problems that arise in
order to maintain peace and stability of the country. President Suharto has ruled for more than
30 years in Indonesia, after giving him temporary power, he immediately banned the policies
or ideas pursued by the ministers under him. He also continued to change the political
structure and so on. Although at that time, Seokarno still held the post of president but slowly
full power was taken over by General Suharto until he was formally declared as the
Indonesian president who replaced Seokarno.
To your knowledge, the current economic growth condition of Indonesia under the
leadership of President Seokarno is very bad due to the political turmoil triggered by
President Seokarno and his regime. This has an impact on economic growth in Indonesia
because, President Seokarno has severed diplomatic relations with western countries, he
argues that Indonesia does not need help from western countries if it has economic problems.
As a result, President Suharto introduced a new order to the Indonesian people, the beginning
of the new order had a positive effect, where the economic growth of Indonesia from 1974 to
1982 increased rapidly above 5% was maintained. However, President Suharto's ideas were
also opposed by the people, who argued that the government was more focused on
investments from abroad, meanwhile, large investment opportunities were only given to
Indonesians who were military officers or friends of the elite. suharto and a small group of
Chinese descent. This causes the people or society to oppose the ideas of President Suharto.
In addition, the indigenous Indonesian entrepreneurs have to compete with large
entrepreneurs from abroad or within the country, this also has an impact on the community's
source of income, indirectly also leads to dissatisfaction of the people to the government.
Fed up with corruption, favoritism by President Suharto and his regime, the people
demonstrated, thousands of people were involved in the demonstration, including students in
1974. At that time, a visit took place where the Prime Minister of Japan visited Jakarta. also
this demonstration was held as a malari demonstration. Such a thing, is a terrible thing for a
leader, it also warns the leader that it is not arbitrary to control the entire contents of the
country. Fearing more fierce opposition from millions from every corner of Indonesia,
President Suharto pursued ideas that put more pressure on the people not to speak out. He
blocked or closed down newspaper factories and arrested analysts without any conference.
He also reduced investment from foreign countries and focused more on investment in
indigenous Indonesian entrepreneurs, this could indirectly silence some people who rebelled.
In the end, as reported by the news in Indonesia about the re-candidacy of President
Suharto has made the situation in Indonesia become hotter causing the student movement in
Yogyakarta to be more active to move more massively. The appointment of Suharto and his
son, Bj Habibie, as president for the seventh time for 5 years from 1998 to 2003 by the MPR
general session, but was greeted by students with a demonstration on Sunday, March 8, 1998,
which coincided with the supersemar commemoration. Following the victory of the Suharto
regime, as many as 30,000 students in Yogyakarta went to the field to carry out large-scale
demonstrations while chanting the words "Merdeka and Allahu Akhbar" to color the
demonstrations on the UGM campus, they want the formation of a clean government, free
from corruption and so on. In addition, similar demonstrations were also held in colleges in
several other major cities in Indonesia. However, in some places such as Surabaya and Solo,
there were fights between security officers and protesters. This was discussed by the
Indonesian minister of education and culture, Wiranto Arismunandar, who said that students
made the country's politics more chaotic.
Exactly on April 2, 1998, students planned to make a long march from Mandaran UGM
to Gedung DPRD located on Jalan Malioboro, but as soon as the plan was blocked by the
authorities where they were ready in front of the campus, the authorities offered buses to
facilitate them. moving without anything bigger happened, but the student turned down the
offer and was stubborn to walk down malioboro street until a fight broke out between the
student and the authorities on duty off campus. On April 21, 1998, students with the
community, religious groups, students and artists gathered in front of the sabha pranama
building of UGM. The protesters have reached 15,000 more people moving with the aim of
calling for cleaner political change, good governance while expressing concern to the
motherland, their country Indonesia. The climax of the student and people's demonstrations
was on May 8, 1998 when after Friday prayers, they expressed concern for the country and
wanted immediate reforms and the rejection of Suharto as president. When the evening came,
the students from Jalan Gunjayan moved towards UGM on Jalan Malioboro to join the
demonstration line there.
Bloody events in Genjayan, coupled with events elsewhere such as the Trisakti tragedy
in Jakarta that killed 4 students made the desire of students and the people to overthrow
Suharto and his regime stronger. This event led to larger demonstrations that came to join the
ranks from every corner of Indonesia. Finally, on May 21, 1998, Suharto's rule ended, the
new order also fell and reforms finally materialized.
In conclusion, from the events of the fall of president suharto and his regime, it inspired
me where I can see that a student has the power to speak out loud and bold, but in the right
direction without violence that harms society and others. In addition, this event taught me that
seeing a flaw in the politics of the country or in other matters, we need to speak up or take
appropriate action, not just turn a blind eye and remain silent. There is no denying that this
event taught us all that the educated such as college students, students, religious groups and
others, are the voice of the people or the people's fighters. Therefore, we need to open our
eyes and speak out and dare to express our opinions if there is something flawed in all things
around us.

FACULTY SCIENCE SOCIAL AND HUMANITIES

SSF1053 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE
WA21 POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT STUDIES (UW6313002)
SEMESTER 3, 2021/2022

LECTURER: DR. NEILSON ILAN MERSAT

INDIVIDUAL REFLECTION ESSAY
TITLE: THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AND UPS & DOWNS OF SUHARTO
GROUP 13

NAME MATRIC NUMBER

RISHA RAJANOR ABDULLAH 76638
 Regarding the political event that my group and I chose to study and analyse in-depth,
chose to focus on the Student Movement during the ups and downs of Suharto. Based on this
political event, I believe it was an eye-opener for me because of the visuality of power and
how society has a strong voice of opinions. More specifically, this event was linked to the
power of university students, who were very critical of how their president was running the
country at that time. As we all know, principled young people are always known to present
logical arguments and new perspectives on any issue that arises in this world. In this case, our
single and most important logic is that we are the future of the country in which we live. We
have the right to speak up for our own future because the current leaders, or anyone in charge
of the country, will not be seated in their comfortable seats indefinitely. It is the youth who
will lead the country in the future, and we certainly want it to be led better and better as time
passes.
University students are a dynamic group because we still live in a normal society and
group of people. One of the benefits of presenting ourselves with fresh idealism and the
renewal of a particular nation is the rush of adrenaline. They will be involved in the processes
of change in society and the nation in a variety of ways, including both breakthrough and
social control movements. In these circumstances, these people will become a force capable
of mobilizing other components of the Indonesian political system. Movements on and off
campus will pose a serious threat to the government if they deviate from the mandate of the
people's aspirations. Prior to the implementation of political events that would have shaken
Indonesia, namely prior to the overthrow of President Suharto's government, students as
educated people theoretically had a critical awareness that was far higher than the public in
understanding and assessing patterns of the leadership of someone to live the wheels of
government. When the national leadership system causes an economic crisis, students' critical
awareness drives them to take moral action. Concerning economic conditions, social
discontent, unfair government foreign policy, dissatisfaction with the authorities, and
undemocratic politics all contributed to the emergence of the student movement.
In revolutionary movements, the student movement is merely a catalyst. Student
awareness is merely a call to action, it has not yet manifested itself in the form of a new
political paradigm. The determination of age, student status, moral strength, and control is
insufficient to implement this paradigm. Regardless, a change occurred, and that was
sufficient political proof of the movement's success. Students should consider joining an
organization that fights for people's goals, as well as being able to fight for the state of the
state or government, and not allowing political opponents of the government or political
groups to take advantage of the students' struggle for their political interests. Rather than
embracing the government system, which clearly undermines students' critical character and
freedom of thought, students should continue to struggle in the direction of the people's
interests.
 The student movement that needs to be highlighted during this event was a huge
inspiration to me. They were a dedicated and enthusiastic observer of national events even as
a student. During this period, the student movement would play an important role in the
context of change, openly voicing their opinions through mass actions and demonstrations. It
also emphasized the issues with student roles, functions, and assignments, which began to
shift and were eroded by personal interests. Students' role and function as agents of change
and control over government policy did participate in the politics offered by the New Order
because they felt they needed to get rid of Suharto. The fact that those students recognized
the problem and did something about it demonstrates how inspirational they are as a person.
Let us not forget Suharto, the central figure in this story. Suharto was instrumental in
preventing a communist takeover of the country during the Sukarno era. Suharto, as a result,
vanquished the communists with his military prowess, bolstering his image as a great patriot
annihilating traitors. The country adopted capitalism, bringing in foreign capital, and ensured
that in the years to come, the archipelago's standard of living increased tenfold, eventually
leading to a situation in which Indonesia could end up becoming a Southeast Asian economic
giant. But, perhaps, more importantly, he kept the archipelago nation together. See, ruling
over a large country is difficult, and ruling over a country with over a thousand islands is
even more difficult. However, Suharto went on to successfully impose the Pancasila in the
country. Some people believe that there was no corruption during the Suharto regime. The
rupiah will continue to deteriorate, having already lost thousands of percent in value over the
last few decades. They are also unaware that, despite the fact that Indonesia gained
independence in 1945 and was liberated from the hands of the colonial government in the
1960s as a result of numerous international treaties signed during the 32 years of the New
Order government, some areas still feel colonized. Those who are nostalgic for life under
Suharto either did not know about the dark side of that era or were simply blinded by the
convenience that they experienced and turned a blind eye to everything else. What I can say
here is ignorance is bliss. In other words, he was a powerful and capable ruler. Of course,
corruption exists, but let me tell you something. A leader can be corrupt while also doing
good for his country, and it is entirely up to him if he wants to do good. Suharto did, and it
was precisely this that earned him Indonesians' admiration.
Finally, this event had a significant impact. The exposure to this event is completely
out of our local minds. If only this event was taught and included in the school curriculum,
more young people's eyes would be opened. Students, never give up fighting for the public
good. Students involved in student organizations should remain independent students fighting
for a moral force rather than a political force, which is the sum of the political interests of
certain vested interest groups. This demonstrates that our voices were heard. This is also to
remind us that if we see wrongdoing in any organization or group of people above us, we
should not just keep our mouths shut. The figure of the student movement as the main
element involved can be interpreted as positive things that existed in Suharto's era such as the
basis of thinking about the truth as a reference for thinking that should still be owned by
students at any time. Another thing to consider is that the events that led to President
Suharto's demise in 1998 can be used as a mirror and a very valuable lesson so that when it
comes to determining a leadership, whether central or regional, it should be more selective in
choosing a leader, namely someone who has a sense of crisis or high social sensitivity to the
fate of the people and has made high sacrifices in fighting for the interests and aspirations of
the people.