22 Dialectal Variation in Korean Ross King 1 Introduction All human language is characterized by variation. Two well-known dimensions along which language can vary are gender and social class. But best known of all is dialectal variation, or the ways in which languages differ across geographic regions. ‘The question of how best to classify Korean dialects is a vexing one. All Korean scholars lament the lack of a scientific classification scheme based on well-defined and agreed-upon linguistic criteria. In practice, though, most scholars seem to agree ‘on six major dialect areas corresponding roughly to the modem provinces: (1) a central dialect area (including Kyonggi province, and most of Kangwén and Ch’ungch’ ng provinces), (2) the northwest (covering mostly P'yngan province, but, also parts of Hwanghae province), (3) the northeast (Hamgydng province), (4) the southwest (Chilla province), (5) the southeast (Kydngsang province), and (6) Cheju island. (See map below, from Sanggyu Yi [1995: 328], who takes it from Pydngje Kim [1988: 209].) Dialect subgroupings are arrived at on the basis of certain shared features or diagnostics. These diagnostic criteria for dialect classification can be divided into three broad types: (a) phonological and phonetic features, (b) grammatical features, and (c) lexical features (vocabulary specific to one or mote adjoining regions). Here we discuss only typical phonological and phonetic features, and save examples of grammatical and lexical features for the sections on specific dialects. ‘When examining Korean dialect evidence, the following phonological ~ phonetic features can play an important role in determining dialect classification: a. Vowel system: ‘+ number of distinct vowel phonemes + presence of (and environments for) umlaut (vowel fronting) b. Reflexes of earlier segments in the language: + treatment of Middle Korean (MK) intervocalic z, G, W; some dialects preserve these as s, g, and b, while others lose them entirely (this criterion mentioned below only when the dialect in question shows significant differences from standard Korean) ¢. Palatalization—t-palatalization, k-palatalization, and h-palatalization: + tpalatalization began in the southern dialects and gradually worked its way north, affecting nearly all dialects except the northwest (P*yOngan) and the far northeast (Yukchin, in north Hamgydng). Typical examples of t- palatalization are: We] pronounced 4A] ‘field’ + subject marker ee] pronounced "}4] ‘oldest son’ Dialectal Variation it Note that t-palatal reflected in spelling + k-palatal ch % or. aoa + h-palatal a> 4 4, Suprasegmental + piteh ace + distinctiy 2 Major Ke ‘The following map Unless otherwise n addition to this we Yongbae Kim (19! 1998). 21. Central ds The central dialee which is based onimensions along snown of all is ~aphic regions. one. All Korean on well-defined ss seem to agree srovinces: (1) a Kangwon and an province, but vince), (4) the ), and (6) Cheju it from Pyongje ured features or be divided into natical features, 3 regions). Here we examples of gical ~ phonetic ‘y some dialects y (this criterion ows. significant om: worked its way yOngan) and the examples of t+ Dialectal Variation in Korean 265 Note that t-palatalization is part of standard Korean (though it is not necessarily reflected in spelling). + k-palatalization refers to instances of kor’ =1 changing to ch % or ch’ ® a al ‘road’ | A ‘winnowing basket’ + h-palatalization refers to instances of hi & changing tos = 49 ‘older sibling’ 4. Suprasegmental features: + pitch accent (distinctive Hligh] and L{ow] pitches) + distinctive vowel length 2 Major Korean dialect groupings ‘The following map indicates the major Korean dialect subgroupings oe : Unless otherwise noted, this exposition below relies heavily on Sanggyu Yi (1995 addition to this work, I have also incorporated insights and data from the articles in Yongbae Kim (1992) and the special dialect issue of Sae Kugd Saenghwal (Winter 1998). 21. Central dialects The central dialects are closest in their various features to the standard language, which is based on the speech of educated, middle-class natives of Seoul, located in266 Korean Language in Culture and Society the middle of Kyénggi province. Technically speaking, the central dialects embrace at Teast three sub-dialects, corresponding to Kydnggi, KangwOn, and Ch'ungch’éng provinces. Some linguists include parts of Hwanghae province, too. Phonological ~ phonetic features Both Kydnggi and Kangwén dialects have a 10-vowel system i, e, a, i, 3, il 5, at, co. Younger KyOnggi speakers break ii and to wi and we, respectively, in non-initial syllables, yielding an 8-vowel system. The vowel system of North Ch’ungch’dng dialects is described as having anywhere from 7 to 10 vowels: i, (e), (ae), (i), (3), i, %, a, u, 0. In other words, in the Tanyang region, where ¢ and ae have been neutralized, and where i and 6 are realized as diphthongs wi and we, we find a 7- vowel system. Ch'ungeh’dng dialects treat ae (usually after © and 8) as ya or iya A)9 (standard saem *4) ‘spring,’ *])73 (standard saenggang “872) ‘ginger,’ 4+] (standard saeksi 4]) ‘new bride’; or as wae: 3H] (standard kkae 7) ‘sesame.’ South Ch'ungeh’éng dialects show many cases of vowel raising, e.g. 0 —> u: S22. > EP ‘pockmarked person,’ 8i] > S£8f ‘can’t do it’; and ¢ > & MIC} —> #8) ‘slice,’ ay > DE ‘suspenders,’ 4)tt > A)C} ‘strong,’ Hereafter, standard forms will be given in parentheses without the term “standard.” Tpalatalization in Kydnggi and Kangwon occurs in standard Korean, K- palatalization is found in some pockets in the south of Kyénggi bordering on Ch'ungeh'éng province, and in initial syllables only in parts of Kangwon, ¢.g.: J Al ‘road, 2} > BCH ‘deep,’ YA — A ‘winter kimchi.” Sporadic examples of hpalatalization are: $d > $14 “bad harvest,’ @ > 4] ‘strength.’ Palatalization is ‘mote widespread in Ch'ungch’dng and grows stronger as one moves further south because of the proximity to KyOngsang dialects. Here are some examples of Kepalatalization in Ch'ungch’éng: 214] > ZIT} “bear, endure,” 7ASe] > AE. ‘armpit,’ 7] — 4] ‘winnow,’ 2 —> 23 “ultimately.” Kyonggi and Ch’ungch’éng dialects have distinctive vowel length, as do most areas of Kangwén, but in the Yongdong region south of Kangniing, and in Yongw0l, ‘Chéngsén, and P'yongch’ang, the dialects also have pitch accent (Hligh] and Low). The only central dialect to preserve significant traces of MK -z-, -G-, -W- is Ch'ungeb'ang: MK z remains as s in many places, both word-internally and in compounds and derived words, and is more prevalent as one goes further south: “7-4 (4-4) ‘daikon radish,’ ©]4 (|-7) *fox,’ l= (°}-#) ‘younger brother.’ Again, itis Ch’ungch’éng's proximity to KyOngsang and its status a5 a transitional dialect which accounts for these features. Verb morphophonemics and/or other peculiarities Kyonggi dialects— There is a tendency to regularize the ‘®-irregular’ or L-doubling verbs of standard Korean: 7#- ‘split’ has the following paradigm: Dialectal Variation in Kynggi dialects BOT} ‘similar,’ 3 have the most wid: retrospective style This dialect also pr $2) Beh occurs r Ch’ungeh’ dng dial ‘The most stereotyp sentence ending —4 stereotyped as spet cases of diphthong ‘where?", Bll (2 “how?” Another ch ©} to form plain st it, don’t you?’, 2! (us)? Note that t! Oe), 0, Central dialect voc Standard Y= ‘quickly’ lz ‘now’ 14 ‘tight awa BEL “basket” 2.2, Northwe: 2.21. Pryongal ‘There is widespr coherent dialect northeast comer « Hamgydng groupiture and Socies } Kore Society Dialectal Variation in Korean 261 tots embrace a Standard Kyonggi Mangch'ong BSL gen “split and? 7S aad ‘if one splits’ ae ae “by splitting” oe Kydnggi dialects have also restructured verb bases ending in aspirates: EC} > in non-foitial HOU} ‘similar,’ Qo} > BLT} ‘deep, ST} > OT} ‘high.’ Kydnggi dialects vorungehéng have the most widespread use of -yo & for polite style. In this dialect, the formal | (ae), (i), (3), retrospective style in GE] T} ‘L witnessed that” cannot be used to one's superiors ae have been This dialect also prefers the long-form negation pattern for adjectives. Thus, SA i e, we find a 7- $2) Be} ocours rather than S| 7} Gt FTF ‘the weather is not good.” | ) as ya ot iya Ch’ungch’ ng dialects: ginger,” 24) ae 1 ‘The most stereotyped grammatical feature of Ch’ungeh’dng dialects is the use of the i a ae sentence ending? corresponding to standard -., and Ch’ ungeh’ dng speakers are i MU} slice? stereotyped as speaking reaaaalllly slooowlyyy. . . . Ch'ungch’6ng dialect has many | d forms will be cases of diphthongs corresponding to plain vowels in standard Korean: ae] cole) where?’, 27H (BOP show much?", AA (lap) twhy?, Iz CLBAD 4 Korean, K- show?” Another characteristic feature of Ch’ungch’éng dialects is the use of particle ifeccdering ton oF to form plain style, as opposed to polite style forms in =f: 311 9F? “(you) have von, eg: a it, don’t you”, =LCHOF ‘it’s big,’ *F7} 2}°#? ‘are you saying somebody is ‘watching | (us)? Note that this feature, like a number of South Ch’ungch’éng endings (e.g. | fic examples of Daltalization is T], LU], -7), 8-7) can also be found in Cholla dialects. further south Central dialect vocabulary examples Standard Ch'ungeh’dng Standard East Kangwon | E ‘quickly Sa AF ‘azalea’ g See Ae now APE 2155 “iron” Be land few.” O14 ‘tight away’ 1] ZG ‘sleepiness’ 74S Gy -W- BFL basket’ GA] (Tanyang),

‘kaoliang’ a7) | ernally and it ‘ZU (Ch'éngju), BAe heat itup’ 42 ser south: 24° 2-72] (Vongdong) i | er.” Again, itis I dialect which 2.2. Northwest (P'yéngan, Hwanghae provinces) 2.2.1. Ptyongan dialects ‘There is widespread agreement that North and South P'y6ngan together form a coherent dialect grouping, with the exception of Chasing and Huch’ang in the | northeast comer of North P*yéngan, which belong linguistically to the northeast or | ‘bs of standard : ‘Hamgydng grouping.268, Korean Language in Culture and Society Phonological ~ phonetic features P'yongan dialects have 8 vowels (i, ¢, ae, &, 3, a, u, 0). Corresponding to standard 2 this dialect has wae, oi, o, e, and we: # ($1) ‘unit of weight,’ }™+ (21°) ‘bask,’ Be] (SEH ‘coagulate,’ 2.211 (13) ‘left side,’ Ze] (4) ‘raw fish.” Corresponding to standard ii 7] this dialect has wi and u: 7] (74) ‘ear,’ AE AEH ‘rest,’ "SUF (S44) “donkey,” BEF (HHI) ‘wheel,’ AHF (A) ‘son-in-law.” P'ydngan dialects have 10 diphthongs: ye, yd, ya, yu, yo and wi, we, wae, w0, wa. Earlier yV and wV lose their glides (y or w) after -, 2, A, %, %, Moreover, standard yd is realized as e: ¥) (#4) ‘rice plant,’ 7}¥144 (724) ‘while going,’ SRE (CE FUE A) ‘yanghan, gentleman,’ Y's (2% #74) ‘order,’ A (QF — it) ‘current, first class,’ 2 (7B (7) ‘completion,’ 7F504 PHL — FAITH ‘went’ (honorific), 8A] CHA) — 8) 8} 0} 41) “rubs and,’ 271) (S4]A] — $9] 0 4) ‘melts it and,’ AEF BH) “lost.” Pydngan dialects are virtually unique in that they never underwent the wave of palatalization which came out of the south and swept over most of Korea starting in the eighteenth century. (The Yukchin dialects in northernmost Hamgyng were also spared from palatalization.) Thus, P’yOngan dialects show neither the t-palatalization that has affected even the standard language, nor the k- and h-palatalizations prevalent in southern and northeastem dialects. Whereas most dialects of Korean pronounce %, *, % as ch, ch’, tch, respectively, P'ySngan dialects pronounce 1s, is", 1s’, Historically, -, ©, %, © did not palatalize before i, y, either, nor did initial n before i, y drop as it did elsewhere in Korea: 4} (°]"} — MK 4%) ‘forehead,’ AN (AR) ‘hunting,’ 3% (BZ — 3 — YZ) ‘elderly gentleman,’ +O G4 <— WR — SA AA) Tune! BQ) ‘straw,’ BS (AA] — AC] Kt) sheaven and earth,’ $2} (S8} — Fe +8 ‘middle school,” Ct (standard FT — MK tyohta) ‘good, 7] (71 — C71) ‘over there,” ES CE — ai) “schoolmaster.” ‘As one might expect in light of these palatalization facts, Pyéngan dialects also preserve # after coronal consonants: 44" (31H) ‘bland,’ SC+ (TH) ‘mushy,’ 2a (17) Yeh) “dizzy, confused.” P'ydngan dialects have distinctive vowel length (although the length is not marked in the orthography). Verb morphophonemics and/or other peculiarities ‘The shape of the standard infinitive vowel -d/-a -01/-°} is here just -a -°F, regardless of the quality of the preceding vowel: kaniirasd mot ssiiganniinde 7°} & 2BKE0] HEA BE AABVEE) ‘it’s too flimsy to use," peaeji-ril kaduara 32) S EOF (1 THF] eh ‘put the pig away.” In addition to the subject marker ©], P'yéngan has another subject particle, #/#l. For example, We} LHASA (H7} L5RO}.A) ‘I did it.’ For standard future- presumptive -2, P'ySngan has -21/-7}4] and ~@/-%: SPCb (8b2RTH) ‘will do,” EAS. (7FRVR) “will go,” ACE (AEH ‘will eat,’ "| 7b) 2 (2 Ae 2) will eat’; HAE, BBUF (BHE] CH ‘will do,’ WAT, BOB (Yee H ‘will a a Dialectal Variation take charge of.’ Fi Both Sk past -2 combine 1 and -@1? respectiv (someone) eat?” 4 dialects, P*yongan P'ydngan dialect » Standard opel] ‘gran ohH A) ‘unch D4 ‘red peppe 3 ‘black pep AACE ‘cheap’ ]¢} ‘expens BY Sjust now’ THA) ‘again’ 2.2.2. Mwanghi Scholars have bee them with P*yéngi them (somewhat 1 aside as a special t Phonological ~ ph Hwanghae dialects yae, Ya, yt, yo and the first syllable, : others. Hwanghae P*yongan dialects: ‘Standard 1 7]-2} “by fee *87]-1 ‘by pu ‘The Hwanghae dia H-palatalization ¢ K-palatalization is,‘ure and Society to standard 6 (AH “bask,” ) ‘raw fish.” “ach aeh on-in-law." wae, w6, wa %, Moreover, = going,’ SNE “order, U5 BORE and,’ AIA} it the wave of rea starting in ng were also -palatalization galatalizations 21s of Korean ‘nounce ts, ts", ve did initial n ) “forehead,” weeded ith) ‘heaven Th < MK — WIE) 1 dialects also 1h) *mushy,” is not marked ©}, regardless aeoby & rit kaduara article, 2/3] dard future =) ‘will do,’ LAS) 2.217) ‘will i Dialectal Variation in Korean 269, take charge of.’ For standard past tense -91/-Si, P’yongan has -3/-2, oT: APLC} CEH) ‘caught,’ WHA .L (ANOVA) ‘caught.’ When the future 2 and past -2 combine wit the iterrogative endings in -=14? and -U1? they produce 24? land -C'? respectively: 82+? (844142) ‘will (someone) do?” "1222 (AAY ‘will Gomeone) eat?” $7 (SHU “did (Someone) catch?” Like some other Korean dialects, P’yingan has just three speech levels: low, equal, and respect. P'ydngan dialect vocabulary examples Standard Pryongan Standard Pryongan go} 2] ‘granddad’ + Zo}A|¥), eh] 712]7} eh take along’ m7 Aowia), au) ‘UES ‘dumplings’ = EE gop) a} OWS 2 ‘kids’ shoes’ EF Sopa) ‘uncle’ Boh} _ AAS ‘almost ae ated pepper’ Y7H1, B,D WA together” OS 3% black pepper” SFE FE ‘mostly” Ae} ALC} ‘cheap’ st} & ‘always” Be HARE} expensive’ AFCh #4) ‘terribly’ Ash PY justnow’ aE E ‘right away" 4 T}A] ‘again’ aH 2] ‘quickly’ aay 2.2.2, Hwanghae dialects Scholars have been divided over how to classify Hwanghae dialects; some include them with P'yéngan province dialects as part of the northwest group, others include them (somewhat uncomfortably) with the central dialects, and yet others set them aside as a special transitional group between central dialects and northwest dialects, Phonological ~ phonetic features Hwanghae dialects have 9 vowels (i, ¢, ae, [5], %, 6, a 0), and 10 diphthongs: ye, yae, ya, yu, yo and wi, we, wae, W0, wa, However, ¢ and ae are only distinguished the first syllable, and 6 is unstable, appearing as such in some words and as we in others. Hwanghae dialects treat the so-called infinitive suffix -6 -©} differently from P’yéngan dialects: Standard Hwanghae P*yongan 2} 7]-0] “by feeding’ aA all *§7)-21 “by pulling’ BA gal ‘The Hwanghae dialects have undergone t-palatalization just like the Kyénggi dislects VEpalatalzation can be found in regions other than Hwangju and Pongsan, and kcpalatalization is not found at all.270 Korean Language in Culture and Society In its suprasegmental features, Hwanghae is somewhat unusual in that it is virtually the only dialect area (besides Cheju Island) to lack both distinctive vowel length and pitch accent. Verb morphophonemics and/or other peculiarities Like P'yéngan dialects, in addition to °1/7F for the subject marker, Hwanghae also has 2}, #, #]. Some typical Hwanghae question endings are: -U47f, -*] 7, -71, -7)24, -©]. Example: 217] Zhe} 940]? (0}¢] 3k} 8442) “Where have you been?” Hwanghae dialect vocabulary examples Standard Hwanghae Standard Hwanghae what ‘side dishes’ 171) ‘Gal bridle’ sa GL ‘red pepper’ a7) ¥# ‘black pepper’ a= EH “pouch? — 7A SAIC} ‘fling down’ 87}E1C} t= ‘evening glow’ 2712) Each “ainty* each 23. Northeast (Hamgyéng) ‘The body of published research on Hamgyéing dialects (including Yukchin dialect) is not substantial, but it is common to distinguish north and south Hamgyong sub- dialects. T’aegyun Kim (1983) recognizes three sub-areas within North Hamgydng: the Musan region, the Salip region, and the Yukchin region in the extreme northeast. Some scholars (¢.g., Zhio and Xun 1986) are of the opinion that the region should be classified as a new, seventh independent dialect, while others prefer to view it as a conservative dialect island within Hamgy®ng. Phonological ~ phonetic features There is a great deal of disagreement in the literature about vowel inventories for both the North Hamgyéng (including Yukchin) and the South Hamgydng dialect, depending on when and where the data was collected. According to both Ramsey (1978: 58) and Kidong Yi (1993: 22-4), South HamgyOng Pukch’dng dialect has 10 vowels (i, ¢, ae, 6, i i da, u, 0), and 11 diphthongs (ye, yae, ¥%, ya, yu, yo and wi, we, wae, wé, wa). But Ch’unggu Kwak (1998) reports an ‘unstable 8-vowel" system for a recent defector from Hamju, By contrast, the traditional Yukchin dialect has an 8-vowel system, replacing and ii with we and wi, respectively. Earlier Yukchin materials maintain a clear distinction between e and ae, as do living speakers of this dialect in the former USSR, but North Korean scholars claim these vowels have merged in contemporary Yukchin dialect. Ch'unggu Kwak (1998) writes that Yukchin speakers from China have a 9- vowel system, and have innovated ii, whereas dialects from further south are moving toward an 8-vowel system by moving > iand — e. j = Dialectal Variation it Diphthongs in 1 absolute word-initi before y, as well : mel) CS) ‘f Yukchin dialect all (@P ‘short,’ tyol wae, w6, wa lose tt ‘Umilaut is ram Hamgyéng dialects due also to an earli their citation form original ito i afte }e1P14) ‘mothe = is pronounce: positions, except t feature was first n (1987) for Soviet 1 MK -z- is usua FAL GHP) ‘m ‘dandelion,’ #7] “evening glow,’ % and ‘p-irregulat’ (CLEP ‘was hot South and Not and pronounce 7 (He) "bad harve (A) ‘road,’ ete. pronounces *, 7 its refusal of tp Moreover, Yukch Vi vs. Isy + Vi, (2.2) ‘by hance North and Sot before i, y and na “bean” whereas, negative particle only ng. ‘A major featu is distinctive pite South have just I distinctive H pit Songjin, and Tar least in first sylla Hamgyong di those dialects wure and Society 1 in that it is stinctive vowel Awanghae 1, AVA, ~ e you been?” Hwanghae a iL areeh each chin dialect) is lamgyong sub- ‘th Hamgyong: ‘eme northeast region should to view it asa tories for both zyOng dialect, both Ramsey dialect has 10 yu, yo and wi, vowel’ system ny, replacing & vimain a clear former USSR, orary Yukchin hina have a 9- ith are moving Dialectal Variation in Korean mn Diphthongs in Hamgydng dialects, as in Kyéngsang dialects, can only occur in absolute word-initial position. This is due partly to the palatalization of =, tw, = before y, as well as to the sound change 2 — 4}, as in Al, A") (81) “tongue,” wel7] CHS) ‘flea, A, AS (1S) ‘winter,’ 173 CF) “viewing.” But Yukchin dialect allows combinations like ©}, Ti, 3, 77 and UF, Vi, 2, Ht: r'yaniida (AED ‘short, tyohta (ETH) ‘good,’ nyaegi (01°F?) ‘story,’ ete. The diphthongs we, ‘wae, w6, wa lose their w after consonants ‘Umlaut is rampant in Hamgydng dialects, thanks in large part to the fact that Hameyéng dialects until recently had only °l (and no 74) for the subject marker, and due also to an earlier process whereby many nouns in Hamgyéng incorporated °} into their citation forms, Whereas Hamgysng dialects other than Yukehin have fronted original # to # after 2, ©, *, Yukchin dialect keeps the original vowel: ~2.F4 (2}e} 244) ‘mother-in-law,’ ®1& (74 2) ‘several days.” s pronounced as a tap, or (more often) as a tilled [1] (two or three taps) in all positions, except before another ©: irtsiigi (QL) ‘early,’ targi (Bt) ‘chicken.’ This feature was first reporied by Yéngsun Han (1967: 148), and was described by King (1987) for Soviet Korean (which has its origins in Hamgyong dialects) “MK -2-is usually feflected as -5-, MK -G- as -f-, and MK -W- as -p-, Examples: PA) (GR) ‘manger’ UA] (Bel) ‘shepherd's purse,” Seed sa) ‘dandelion,’ “$71 (Ed << MK kumki) ‘hole,’ 2273 (1) ‘shelf, eRe] (eS) ‘evening glow,’ 4)3] (4) ‘cold, 8427, & 422} (Z}) ‘alone.’ The ‘s-irregular’ and ‘p-irregular’ verbs of standard Korean are regular in HamgyOng dialects: 10b6-tta (€) CH ‘was hot,’ pus-ds6 (34014) ‘pours and so/then.” South and North Hamgyong dialects have undergone t-, h-, and k-palatalization and pronounce % and % as ch and ch’, respectively, as in standard speech: $a (Ha) “bad harvest,’ 4B (BA) “older sibling,” chirtymi (7B) ‘oil; butter,’ chiri () ‘road,’ ete. But Yukchin dialect has only sporadic. h-palataization and pronounces %, % a8 ts, ts’. Thus, Yukchin dialect patterns with P'yongan dialects in ite refusal of epalatalization (but, unlike P'yéngan dialects, retains earlier /Cy/). Moreover, Yukchin preserves the MK distinction between syllables of the type /s + Vi vs. Isy + Vi eg, syubagi (PYF < earlier syupak) ‘watermelon,’ but sonillit (&2.B) ‘by hand’ (see Xuan et al. [1990] for more on this). North and South Hamgydng dialects have a pervasive rule which drops» and ng before i, and nasalizes the preceding vowel. Thus, 'di (= MK k’ong —» %) means “bean” whereas k’oi (~ MK koh —>52) without nasalization means “nose.” The negative patticle is ai ( MK ani ~ ©}+). In the Yukchin dialect, this rule affects only ng. "s major feature of Hamgyéng dialects which they share with Kyongsang dialects is distinctive pitch accent. Most dialects in the North (including Yukchin) and the South have just H and L surface pitches, and Hamgydng preserves the MK locus of distinctive H pitch. Ch'unggu Kwak (1991) has shown that the Kilchu, Haksong, SOngjin, and Tanch’én regions of North Hamgydng preserve the MK rising tone, at least in first syllables. Hamgydng dialects are usually described as lacking distinctive vowel length, but those dialects which preserve the MK rising tone have long vowels, and other272 Korean Language in Culture and Society dialects, even if they do not preserve original MK length, nevertheless have numerous long vowels as a result of complex compensatory lengthening processes at the boundaries between noun and particle and between verb stem and ending. The southernmost areas of South Hamgydng, in the transitional region, show different reflexes of pitch accent. Thus, Yénghiing and Anbyén both have distinctive vowel length (but no pitch accent), whereas Koan and Munch’n, like the Hwanghae and Cheju dialects, have neither vowel length nor pitch accent (Sanggyu Yi 1995: 390). Verb morphophonemics and/or other peculiarities Hamgyong dialects preserve a number of alternations in both nouns and verbs which can be traced back to MK. In the case of nouns, one finds, for example, UF (MK namk-) ‘tree’: 87) (subject), 'F=2 (object; possessive), ‘t7il (dative), ‘SFE (instrumental), ‘S24 (topic), U-#7} (comitative), 7-7} = (like), UF-bAN7] ‘tree branch’ ‘As mentioned earlier, for the standard subject marker °1/7}, Yukchin and North Hamgyéng have just ©] (or its reflexes via umlaut), but other Hamgyong dialects further south also show °1/7. Corresponding to the standard object marker Hamgyong dialects have 2. (7 after rounded segments) alternating with £ ‘Note that this shape is also found in Myongju and Samch’dk in Kangwon province. Some of the Hamgydng connective endings are different from the standard ones; for (2)U7}, one hears -(2)47Y, 2474, (2)U7FE). Negation in compounds behaves differently from standard; for the standard negative an VI-0 V2 one finds, e.g., mdgd ai passo (% 80} Yk) ‘didn’t try eating it,’ mar ara mo tiirsso (2 E WoEA) ‘can’t make out what is said,” etc. Like many other dialects, Hamgyéng has just three speech levels: high, equal, and low. Hamsying dialect vocabulary examples Standard Hamgyong Standard Hamgyong % ‘earth’ B71 (hargi) ZS ‘chimney FA AP] ‘frog’ ate) PE ‘parents’ oAeel) 1 ‘fox’ 7, 7, B71 RUA ‘side dishes’ Be), BA 13 tangs? Fen AS ‘winter’ sare] 24, Southwest (Cholla) Both North and South Cholla dialects have 10 vowels: i, e, ae, ti, 6, i, 6, a, u, 0, Some regions in the center and to the west in South Cholla have neutralized ¢ and ae, yielding a 9-vowel system. Diphthongs in North Cholla are subject to certain restrictions within morphemes; thus, yV diphthongs lose their glide after n and r, and Dialectal Variation WV diphthongs | following diphthc In South Chil nouns like: 4 BF (BI) ‘mo earlier i t0 i aft “bead,” 714) (7F post.” This. fron boundaries. In some cases, an earlier date, « board,’ 3-5-4 ( Cholla has just a UF (BH) ‘whe ‘Umlaut operat 50) (EB) ‘sm ‘rabbit’; but 41a ‘fly,’ 12] (not * ‘There are many widespread acros Maw’ (subject), Tensification and South Chol (E712) ‘plot,” ‘corn,’ $7) (F K- and h-pala (QU) ‘endure (BEF) ‘tongue MK -z- rema (2) “fox,” (13) ‘wild grap In terms of su Verb morphopho. Cholla dialects 1 25 (48, 2b "JO for stance ‘since,’ and -22 One of the HONEY, eg appears in parts function, it corm perhaps slightly questions, commture and Society have numerous cesses at the d ending. The show different itinctive vowel Hwanghae and 1995: 390). id verbs which sessive), ‘dal sin and North zydng dialects marker 2/3, with 2%), nn provines standard ones; Negation in. re an VI-6 V2 ara mo tio other dialects, Hamgyong za lal (Sel) go), a4 SH] 4, u, 0. Some ved ¢ and ae, ict to certain r mand r, and Dialectal Variation in Korean m3 wV diphthongs lose their glide after any labial consonant. South Cholla has the following diphthongs: yae, v3, ya, yu, yo and w9, wa In South Chilla one finds final u corresponding to standard i after m, p, k ng in nouns like: UA2 (31) ‘buterfly, ASF (AP) ‘spider,’ 2 (271) ‘strainer,’ 25 (12.71) ‘mosquito,’ etc. Like Kydngsang dialects, South Chélla dialects front earlier if to i after coronals (typically 4): "142 (P1<) “farmband,” “bead,” 7H (7) ‘chest,’ HAG C22) ‘swelling,’ B12 (=) ‘government post’ This fronting process occurs both inside morphemes and at-morpheme boundaries. Tn some cases, South Cholla words ending in a vowel appear to have suffixed -i at an earlier date, causing umlaut: 1%) (LH) ‘shadow,’ EP} (SAH) ‘cutting board,’ So (315-01) ‘mackerel,’ $4] (41) “trout.” But in other cases, South Cholla has just « final simple vowel corresponding to final -Vy in standard Korean: BEF (HER) “wheel,” BP (HA) ‘rock,’ Et CAA) “rake.” ‘Umlaut operates freely within words, but not usually across coronal consonants: e]} CEU) “snapper, 2] (6}5)) “mother,” °F!) (8) “father,” 171 (E71) “tabbit'; but ¥1€1- (not *24)'2-) ‘endure,’ 821- (not *#]21-) “fall,” 2] (not *silz]) ‘iy 2) (not *72}) ‘head,’ 1 (not #91174) show,’ FH] (not CHA) ‘again.’ ‘There are many exceptions, such as H2]™) (TL2] ™]) ‘iron.’ Umlaut is also quite widespread across morpheme boundaries: "¥) (tel) ‘rice’ (subject), wy] CHL, Slaw’ (subject), 7] 28t+ (847) 2bH) ‘don’t want to do it.” "Tensification of originally lax word-initial consonants is widespread in both North and South Cholla: 53: CFP) ‘tofu,’ Bet CCH “bathe, shampoo,’ 712} (BAA) ‘plot’ 8 (2) ‘soju liquor,’ F221 (7124) “ring,” BBO] 7B) Scorn,’ 817) (21471) ‘pigeon,’ RPE} CRP EH “smash.” K. and h-palatalization are widespread in both North and South Chdlla: 2U) C+ (ATP) ‘endure,’ A (2) ‘road,’ W (41) ‘seaweed,’ 73 (%) ‘older sibling,” aa (YF) ‘tongue.’ K-palatalization occurs only in word-initial position. MK emains as -s- in many Cholla words: ¥412} (+°}2}) ‘pour!’ ae (4-2) fox,’ 4 CFF) ‘daikon radish.” MK -G- can be found as -g- in (®)) ‘wild grapes.” Tn terms of suprasegmental features, Cholla dialects have distinctive vowel length. Verb morphophonemics and/or other peculiarities Chiila dialects have the following interesting pronouns: += (44 8}) ‘you-plural,” 27 (2S, 4718) ‘they,’ 22 (7471) ‘self.’ Other typical Cholla shapes are wo] & for standard 2] ‘like,’ -J7ll, "37S, or ~8-7H for standard 4247 ‘since,’ and --2}51 for standard - 2.2} 32 ‘intending,* ‘One of the most representative sentence endings of South Chdlla dialect is -o} NEF, eg, TET ‘goes,’ UOlZt ‘puts on.’ Although the ending also appears in parts of North Cholla, it is much more widespread in South Cholla. In function, it corresponds closely to the @)2. style in standard Korean, though it is perhaps slightly more polite, and, like the latter, it can be used in statements, questions, commands, and suggestions. Some other typical South Chilla forms are:278 Korean Language in Culture and Society EE] for standard -=4) ‘and, but’; BA), Bal, GA), Fell, FF for standard ‘WHEO] “because of; 4] for standard 2) ‘since,’ and -24 for standard -2 ‘may.’ Perhaps the single most stereotypical feature of South Cholla dialects is the phenomenon whereby the element i (a nasalized i, usually represented in Korean writing as %J) is appended to utterances to affirm cozy familiarity or solidarity, or else to pose a request or favor: ] (171) ‘mother,’ 771 (G71) ‘meat,’ 8 E)eF GEM TD ‘gouge,’ 7h 7beRD) ‘bag? Belek CHAE, ‘no,’ 6] BEF] EH “difficult,” *AE}CH APT EH “prepare,” T121T (S21 ‘give (toa superior).” ‘Another common feature concerns diphthongs. North Kyéngsang dialects have the following diphthongs: ye, y, ya, yu, yo and wi, we, wd, wa; and South Kyongsang dialects have the diphthongs ya, 6, yu, yo, wa, wi. But in both areas the glides w and yy tend to be preserved only in absolute word-initial position. They tend to drop after Consonants. This tendency is much stronger in South KySngsang than in North Kydngsang, and explains former Republic of Korea President Kim Young-sam's pronunciation of 843] ‘resolutely’ as ®t 8} Both North and South Ky@ngsang dialects front earlier ito i after A, *, A, %, A, =: 7A) (7H) ‘chest,’ AEIEF (Z42]TH ‘tingle, burn,’ 7+2) (7F*) ‘powder,’ A7\c (ZA) ‘enjoy.’ This fronting process affects © freely after *, 4, %, , but is somewhat restricted after =: here, only T and — in absolute word-final position are affected. Thus, ‘<2} (%<-#) “deer,” but 45% (5) ‘role ‘in general, all Kyomgsang dialects preserve MK -z- as -s-, MK -G- as -k-, and MK -W- as -p-. For example: #¥]~2]8) #4) ‘cold,’ Ful (C141) heat,” 7HEal (FEA) ‘middle,’ 614 (01) ‘neighbor.’ The coastal dialects near Kyongju (and running down into neighboring South Kyéngsang) sometimes have k corresponding to standard h or earlier h or G: 2715 (%0}2) ‘even if it boils,” Soh (eH) ‘even if one is sick,’ 7b (EOHE) ‘even if it wears out,’ $7] (2.2) from MK wolhi) ‘duck,’ #27] (&322]) ‘door ring.” Palatalization is widespread; indeed, this region is known as the epicenter for Kepalatalization. Examples: 21% (715) ‘pillar,’ @ (2) ‘road,’ 1} (ATH) ‘get pinched,’ 2°] (71) ‘winnow.’ A typical example of h-palatalization is su (FY) “bad harvest.” Finally, tensification of initial consonants is also quite prevalent in both North and South Kyéngsang dialects: 2017) (22) ‘cheek,’ (EH) ‘wild pear 7A] (EAL) “thorn,” EE} EC)) “lawn, SEP REY ‘wipe,’ Bek GEEH “narrow.” Verb morphophonemics and/or other peculiarities Both North and South Kyéngsang dialects are described as having four speech levels: a2} (plain), @}2i) (familiar), 3+: (polite), and 2}°]2: (formal). 30] is used predominantly in the southeast region of North Kydngsang and all of South Kydngsang, whereas 814]: is used in northeast North Kydngsang and 3.9. in northwest North Kyongsang. Pitch accent Despite the many commonalities between North and South KyOngsang dialects, there are also substantial differences identifying as many as six regional sub-dialects. But it is the significant differences in the pitch-accent systems of North and Southde 276 Korean Language in Culture and Society Dialectal Variatio Kyongsang which lead scholars like Sanggyu Yi (1995) to hold to a north-south can only be asce division, of course, on th ‘The North Kyongsang dialect has both distinctive pitch accent and distinctive ‘eight’ and yori vowel length. The pitch-accent system is composed of H, L, and L: (long low) pitches exact phonetic « (whereas South Kyéngsang has H, L, and M[id]). Note that pitch accent signals the dispute. Thus, S difference between passive and causative suffixes in the northwest and in the very transcribed it as southern part ofthe southeast. ‘There is some dispute as to the analysis of pitch accent in South Kyongsang Cheju speakers dialects. Some Scholars argue for H and L, while others claim the existerice of three | speakers are me pitches: H, M, and L. As support for the latter claim, scholars note the following set, ‘Cheju dialee of contrasts: H€0] ‘guest,’ M0] ‘hand,’ L€°] ‘grandchild.’ Pitch accent can also | inventory from 1 signal the difference between passive and causative suffixes: i ‘Thus, in additio kali, kori (7 (@) B+ (b) ASL} Hyén 1971, C i H experimental ev MK p-cluster Jn these examples, (a) with a high pitch on 2 yields the causative ‘make (someone) many sequence. catch,’ whereas (b) with high pitch on 54 yields the passive ‘be/get caught.” aspirates here: 1 pair’ > 2, M} North Kyéngsang dialect vocabulary examples equally strong i St . ssidzip (Al) “4 tandard N.Kydngsang Standard 1N. Kydngsang Goaaey EZ} “fold” Sat 4A) ‘sure enough’ "3 ending in a vow EACH ‘swipe’ = SAIC WA ‘already’ 0} original vowel: aC ‘pinch’ ae} e) op 4) ‘kimehi” a rice drink,” ¥ ( Bas) ‘invain 9] 2B°S ‘matches’ — CHE ‘The palatali: dialects. Cheju South Kyéngsang dialect vocabulary examples palatalization: % : : In terms of st Standard S.Kyongsang Standard S. Kyongsang ae 7HEC “near” 7A vey tet hair’ PI 7130) ARS} ‘clean’ — ASE} Wo] ‘lots’ aa Verb morphoph. ATH thug close’ WFC} Halt scold” MERE The system of s 26. Cheju Island that of any ma Hoyd (equal, fo Cheju dialect is by far the most divergent of the Korean dialects be rendered hig Cheju speakers Phonological ~ phonetic features part of the diale Cheju dialect has 9 vowels (i, ¢, ae, i, 6, a, u, 0, 9), and 13 diphthongs: ye, yae, ¥é, Cheju dialect ve ya, yu, yo, yO; wi, we, wae, Ww, wa; and ify. Of course, the most striking feature of the if vowel system is the existence of the vowel 2, a direct descendant of the MK ‘arae a’ oon (- ). The presence of the diphthong yo is even more unusual, since the corresponding, a ‘ege’ combination of /y/ + ‘arae a’ is not attested at any stage of the written language, and AAU ‘maideture and Society » a north-south, and distinctive ag low) pitches vent signals the ind in the very ath Kyongsang stetice of three e following set accent can also ‘ake (someone) ght’ ngsang agsang ° Bs: Ye, yae, WB, feature of the ve MK ‘arae a” corresponding language, and Dialectal Variation in Korean am can only be ascertained via internal reconstruction (and comparative evidence relying, of course, on the Cheju data). Examples of the latter diphthong are yoddp (#8!) “eight” and yorim (1) ‘summer.’ MK 9 is preserved mainly in fist syllables. The exact phonetic quality of the vowel transcribed here as 9 has been a matter of some dispute. Thus, Sungnyéng Yi (1978) deseribed it as an 2 with more lip rounding, and transcribed it as [2°]. ChOnghiii Kang (1988) describes it as “neither °} nor 2. nor a but something in between.” According to Siingch’ol Chong (1998: 134), younger Cheju speakers are losing the distinction between ¢ and ae, Likewise, younger speakers are merging 9 and 0 as 0, yielding a 7-vowel system. Cheju dialect is virtually the only dialect to be described as having a different inventory from the standard 19 consonants described for KyOnggi and other dialects. ‘Thus, in addition to the standard 19, Cheju is alleged to have a voiced “h” (A), as in Kolfi, korit (7) ‘powder'and morfii, mérwi (15%) ‘wild grapes’ (ef. P'yonghyo Hiyon 1071, Chinghii Kang 1992: 291), Here one would like to see more experimental evidence ‘MK p-clusters are represented in Cheju dialect by aspirates, and in general, a great many sequences which produced tense consonants on the mainland have Ted to aspirates here: MK pruy- ‘leap’ — 4, MK pray ‘dirt’ —> #l, MK pehak “one of a pair’ — 2}, MK peha- ‘weave’ —> #}-, Alongside this tendency to aspiration is an Equally strong inclination to tensification: ttosi (E141) ‘again,’ 72% 7A) ‘pric,’ ssidzip (1 2) ‘getting matsied’ (of a woman), & (32) ‘model.’ ‘Uinlaut is not a characteristic of Cheju dialect, but note that a great many nouns ending in a vowel show evidence of earlier suffixation with -i, which has fronted the original vowel: 31°41] (41-501) ‘mackerel,” vi (BEE) ‘rope,’ BA] CBF) ‘sweet rice drink,’ #] (=) ‘oar.” "The palatalization facts for Cheju dialect are similar to those of other southern dialects, Cheju has experienced t-palatalization and has also undergone k- and h- palatalization: @¢} (2TH ‘long,’ Al (54) ‘tongue.’ Tn terms of suprasegmental features, Cheju dialect (like Hwanghae dialects) has no distinctive vowel length and no pitch accent. Verb morphophonemics and/or other peculiarities ‘The system of speech levels and final endings in Cheju dialect is quite different from that of any mainland dialect. Cheju has three speech levels: Hopsd (high/respect) Hoy& (equi, for friends), and Hora (low), Utterances in the equal and low styles can be rendered high by adding PF (~ PVA, ~ ®F@, ~ "H4l). Note that while some Cheju speakers now occasionally use honorific -(©))- this suffix was not originally part of the dialect and should be viewed as a recent import. Cheju dialect vocabulary examples Standard Cheju Standard Cheju Eat egg" toksaekki SHE ‘garlic’ HAY AU ‘maiden’ =F) BE} ‘lava a278 Korean Language in Culture and Society BE AO sdayfy’ “FUL, Fe FUT WE ‘millstone’ — korae AA7}e] ‘dragonfly’ Fe], He), | ‘rainbow? 3312), Erte), ‘B) ‘strawberry’ ‘4 “bone” a 7A) ‘ant Aaa) Ve ‘lip’ WU] ‘cicada’ AG, Ae} ‘BALE ‘seafood’ | 4°) ‘earthworm’ 4-F2] ‘raccoon-dog’ 0} ‘fisherman’ 3.7417] wi) 3 ‘navel’ we Hl tobacco” 3. Summary On the basis of various linguistic criteria, we can distinguish six main Korean dialect areas: (1) the central region (including standard Korean), (2) the northwest, (3) the northeast, (4) the southwest, (5) the southeast, and (6) Cheju Island, But neither the linguistic criteria themselves nor the boundaries they sometimes suggest are” yet widely agreed upon by scholars. Korean dialectologists continue to uncover and analyze new data, but are in a race against time as education and the media continue to spread standard Korean at the expense of regional varicties. Important topics for future research include: (a) the question of a fundamental east vs. west (as opposed to north vs. south) divide in Korean dialects, and (b) dialects in the Korean diaspora, especially Hamgyong dialects in China and the former USSR, and Cheju dialect in Japan. Activity Fieldwork: Find an elderly speaker of Korean in your community who is willing to shate his/her language with you for a couple of hours. Blicit a data set (you can use the English forms in this chapter, or the Swadesh list of 100 basic vocabulary items, cor whatever comes to mind—body parts are a good place to start). How do your data compare with what you know about “standard” Korean? References Chong, Singeh’8l. 1998. Cheju pangOn ii t'Ukching ¢ tachayd (On the characteristics of Cheju dialect]. Sae Kugd Saenghwal (Special Edition on Dialects) 8.4: 133-52. Han, Yongsun. 1967. Chosénd Pangdnhak (Korean Dialectology). P'yéngyang: Kim Tsong Chonghap Taehak Ch’ulp’ansa. Hydn, P'yonghyo. 1971. Cheju-do Pangén-iti Umun (The Phonology of Cheju Island Dialect). Kyoyuk Cheju 17. Cheju to Kyoyuk Yon" guwon. Kang, Chénghii. 1988. Cheju Pangdn Yon'gu (A Study of Cheju Dialect). Hennamdae Ch’ ulp’anbu Kang, Chénghii, 1992. Cheju pangon yén’gu kaegwan (Overview of research on Cheju Dialect). In Yongbae Kim, ed., 289-307. | Dialectal Variation Kang, Yongbon, dialect). T’an. Kim, Pyongie. Geography). 1 Kim, Tacgyun, Hamgyong D Seoul: Chong Kim, Yongbae. (Special Editi Kim, Yongbae, Kwaje Diale Seoul: Kyong King, Ross. 198 71. Kwak, Ch’unggt rising tones i Saeroun Insil 252-77, Seov Kwak, Ch’ungg. (Special Edit Ogura, Shimpei. Department ¢ Ogura, Shimpei. and Yi Pyon; 6), 20-74. Se Ogura 1940— Pak, Kydngnae. (Special Edit Ramsey, Robert Press. ‘Umeda, Hiroyu! Daigaku Bun Xuan Déwi (S: Didoché Bao Chubanshe, Yi, Kidong. 199 Dialect). Seo Yi, Kigap. 1998 Edition on D Yi, Pyonggin Revue de Cor Yi, Sanggyu. 19 Yi, Sanggyu. 1 (Special Edit Yi, Sungnyngture and Society ‘korae 3314] 9 ABA Ala, wel wal?) SER we Korean dialect thwest, (3) the But neither the uggest are: yet 9 uncover and nedia continue ‘tant topics for (as opposed to vrean diaspora, hheju dialect in 00 is willing to (you can use cabulary items, w do your data characteristics ) 84: 133-52. ‘rongyang: Kim of Cheju Island ‘heju Dialect) of research on Dialectal Variation in Korean 219 Kang, Yongbong. 1983. Cheju-do pangén ai hutim (The glottals in Cheju Island dialect). T’amna Munhwa 2. Chejudae T’amna Munhwa Yon’ guso, Kim, Pyongje. 1988. Chosdn Onéjirihak Sigo (An Essay in Korean Dialect Geography). P'yongyang: Kwahak Paekkwa Sajon Chonghap Ch’ ulp’ansa, Kim, T’acgyun. 1983. Hampuk Pangén Chosa Yon'gu I (Research on North Hamgydng Dialect 1). Ubo Chon PyOngdu Paksa Hwagap Kinydm Nonmun-jip Seoul: Chénghwa Inswae Munhwasa Kim, Yongbae. 1998. Sobuk pangin (Northwest dialects). Sue Kugd Saenghwal (Special Edition on Dialects) 8.4: 51-73. Kim, Yongbae, ed. 1992. Nambukhan-iti Pangon YOn'gu—Kit Hydnhwang-gwa Kuwaje (Dialect Research in North and South Korea—Current Status and Tasks), Seoul: Kyongun Ch’ulp’ansa King, Ross. 1987. An Introduction to Soviet Korean. Language Research 23.2: 233— 71. Kwak, Ch’unggu. 1991. Hambuk Kilchu pangon songjo ii sangsiingjo ¢ tachayd (On rising tones in the tone of the North Hamgydng Kilchu dialect). In Kugohak iti Saeroun Insik kwa Chén’gaé: Kim Wanjin Sonsaeng Hoegap Kinydm Nonch'ong, 252-77. Seoul: Minumsa. Kwak, Ch'unggu. 1998, Tongbuk pangin (Northeast dialects). Sae Kugd Saenghwal (Special Edition on Dialects) 8.4: 75-94. Ogura, Shimpei. 1940. The Outline of the Korean Dialects. Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko. Tokyo. Ogura, Shimpei. 1977. Demarcations of the Korean Dialects. In Yi Kimun, Yi Iksop, and Yi Pyénggiin, eds., Pangon Yon’gu (Dialect Studies) (Kugohak Nonmunsin 6), 20-74. Scoul: Minjung Sdgwan. [This is @ reprint of Chapter 2, section 13, of Ogura 1940—RK.] Pak, KyOngnae. 1998. Chungbu pangon (Central dialects). Sae Kugd Saenghwal (Special Edition on Dialects) 8.4: 31-50. Ramsey, Robert 8. 1978. Accent and Morphology in Korean Dialects. Seoul: Tower Press. Umeda, Hiroyuki. 1960. On the Phonemes of Cheju Daigaku Bungakubu Kenkyit Ronbunshu 24, ‘Xuan Déwi (Sdn Togu) et al, 1990. WARS ITS AMARA Chdoxidnyi Fangydn Diioché Baogdo (Report on a Survey of Korean Dialects). Jirin: Yanbian Renmin Chubanshe. Yi, Kidong. 1993, Pukch’éng Pangén-tti Umunnon (The Phonology of the Pukch’dng Dialect), Seoul: Korea University Minjok Munhwa Yon’ guso. Yi, Kigap. 1998, Sonam pangin (Southwest Dialects). Sae Kugd Saenghwal (Special Edition on Dialects) 8.4: 95-110. Yi, Pydnggin, 1972. Vue d’ensemble sur les dialectes du Coré en contemporain. ‘Revue de Corée 4.4. Yi, Sanggyu, 1995. Pangdnhak (Dialectology), Seoul: Hagyénsa. Yi, Sanggyu. 1998. Tongnam pangon (Southeast Dialects). Sae Kugd Saenghwal (Special Edition on Dialects) 8.4: 111-32. Yi, Sungnyéng. 1957/1978. Cheju-do Pangdn-iii Hydngt'aeron-jok Yon'gu (A lect of Korean. Nagoya280 Korean Language in Culture and Society ‘Morphological Study of the Cheju Island Dialect). Seoul: T’ap Ch’ulp’ansa. Zhdo, Xi, and Xun Déwil. 1986. Chéoxidnyt litzhénhwa de fingyén tditin Dialect characteristics of Korean Yukchin speech). Minzii Yiiwén 5: 1-13. A accent, 189 accusative particle, address terms, 16, in American Eng addressee, 8, 14,1 204-205, 246 addressee-honorific addresser, 15 address-reference t 152-153, adjectives, 68-69, adgiadvertising/ady 212-220 Japanese, 226, 7 Korean, 227,23 texts, 213-214 adverb, 61, 119, 1" adverbial clauses, adverbial suffix i suffixes advertiser, 223 affinal relatives, 11 affixes, 2, 236 derivational, 40 inflectional, 24 age, 1, 4,8, 13, 12 247 agent, 40 agglutinative lang agnatic kinship, 1 agrarian society, 1 Alltaic language, 2 ‘Manchu-Tungu Mongolian, 231 Turkic, 236 ambiguous expres ‘Ancient Chosin, « ‘animal sounds, 72 ‘animosity, 78 anti-Buddhism, 7 apchonpap, 14 apology, 11, 168- 205-206 appealer, 176, 17: articles, 251, 252, definite, 252, 2 aKorean Language in Culture and Society Edited by Ho-min Sohn KLEAR Textbooks in Korean Language© 2006 University of Hawai'i Press All ights reserved Printed in the United States of America 11 10 09 08 07 06 543.21 ‘This textbook series has been developed by the Korean Language Falucation and Research Center (KLEAR) with the support of the Korea Foundation. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Korean Language in Culture and Society / Ho-min Sobn. p.cm. —(KLFAR teathooks in Korean language) ISBN-13: 978-0-8248-2694-9 (pbk. : alk, paper) ISBN-10: 0-8248-2694-9 (pbk, : alk. paper) 1, Korean language—Textbooks for foreign speakers—English, I. Ho-min Sohn, ML Series. PL9L3.15812 2003, 495.7'82421—ded1 (00-033782 (Camera-ready copy has been provided by KLEAR, University of Hawai Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability ofthe Council ‘on Library Resources, Printed by ‘The Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group CONTENTS Contributors. Table of Roman 1 PARTI 9 10 PART HI u 12 13 SON ee