Aamir Jamal The Gate Keepers

AAMIR JAMAL
The Gatekeepers
Engaging Pashtun Men for Gender Justice and Girls’
Education
IRD
Iqbal International Institute for Research and Dialogue
A publication of Iqbal International Institute for Research and Dialogue,
(IRD), International Islamic University, Islamabad.
© IRD, 2018
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by
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Aamir Jamal
The Gatekeepers
Engaging Pashtun Men for Gender Justice and Girls’ Education
– 1st Edition. – Islamabad: Iqbal International Institute for Research and
Dialogue, International Islamic University, Islamabad, 2018.
Subject: International Development, Political Science, Development
Studies, Gender & Development, Girl’s education, International Social
Work
Pages: 242
ISBN - 978-969-7576-25-08 DDC: 361
Printed by: Sohail Altaf Printers
Price: US$10, PKR.700
Dedicated to
My Mother
&
My Father
Go, travel the world, watch, look for the truth and
the secret of life—every road will lead you to this
sense of initiation: the light, the secret, are hidden
in the place from which you set out. You are on
your way not toward the end of the road but
toward its beginning; to go is to return; to find is
to rediscover. Go! . . .
You will return.
(Paulo Coelho, The Alchemist)

Contents
List of Figures ........................................................................... xv

List of Tables ........................................................................... xvii
Acknowledgements .................................................................. xix
Author’s Note ......................................................................... xxiii
Preface .................................................................................... xxv
Foreword ................................................................................ xxix
Introduction ................................................................................. 1
Methodology ........................................................................... 7
Self-Reflexivity ....................................................................... 9
x Contents
1. Why He Won’t Send His Daughter to School: Barriers to

Girls’ Education......................................................................... 16
Pashtuns ................................................................................. 17
The Pashtun Way: Pashtunwali ............................................. 18
Girls’ Education..................................................................... 18
Purpose of the Study.............................................................. 20
Background and Context ....................................................... 20
Status of Girls’ Education in Pakistan .............................. 21
Research Design and Method ................................................ 23
Participants ....................................................................... 23
Geographical Distribution and Interview Sites ................. 24
Recruitment of Participants ............................................... 25
Round 1 Data Collection and Analysis.............................. 27
Round 2 Data Collection and Analysis ............................. 27
On-Site, In-Depth Interviews ............................................. 28
Findings ................................................................................. 29
Poverty............................................................................... 29
Pashtuns’ Tribal Code: Pashtunwali ................................ 32
Rigid Interpretation of Religion ........................................ 34
Poor Accessibility .............................................................. 38
Inadequate Physical Resources and Facilities in Schools 40
Lack of Female Teachers and Ghost Schools .................... 41
Irrelevance of the Curriculum ........................................... 42
Contents xi
Lack of Political Will and Corruption ............................... 43

Discussion ............................................................................. 45
Impact of Wars and Extremism across the Border ............ 47
Interpretation of the Quran and Sunnah ........................... 48
Insecurity and Fear ........................................................... 50
Pashtunwali (Pashtun Way of Life) ................................... 51
Urban and Rural Variation ............................................... 56
Conclusion ............................................................................. 58
2. NGOs, Participatory Development, and Construction of
Identities .................................................................................... 59
Introduction ........................................................................... 60
Development Discourse and Construction of Identities ........ 61
GAD and the Participatory Approach ................................... 64
Knowledge and Skills for NGO Workers in GAD ................ 69
Engaging Men in GAD .......................................................... 74
Conclusion ............................................................................. 76
3. Angels of Mercy or Smiling Western Invaders? Community’s
Perception of NGOs .................................................................. 78
Introduction ........................................................................... 79
Methodology ......................................................................... 81
The Delphi Process............................................................ 82
Findings ................................................................................. 84
Western Agents .................................................................. 85
xii Contents
Immorality and Conflicting Values.................................... 86

Corruption and Lack of Transparency .............................. 89
Shift in Perception ............................................................. 93
A Trustworthy NGO ........................................................... 95
Government Sector ............................................................ 99
Long-Term Commitment .................................................. 100
Discussion ........................................................................... 102
Conclusion ........................................................................... 108
4. Engaging Men for Gender Justice: Overcoming Barriers to
Girls’ Education....................................................................... 109
Background and Significance .............................................. 110
Girls’ Education in Pakistan ........................................... 111
Purpose of the Study ........................................................ 112
Contextual Factors ............................................................... 114
Pashtunwali Code: Perception of Girls’ Education ........ 114
Urban and Rural Regional Variation .............................. 115
Insecurity and Extremism across the Border .................. 117
Methodology ....................................................................... 117
Data Collection: Round 1 ................................................ 120
Data Collection: Round 2 ................................................ 120
Findings and Recommendations.......................................... 121
Men .................................................................................. 122
Community Institutions .................................................... 125
Contents xiii
School Accessibility ......................................................... 127

Female Teachers ............................................................. 130
Community’s Ownership and Trust ................................. 132
Food Supplement as Motivator........................................ 134
Local Government ........................................................... 136
Conclusion ........................................................................... 138
Looking Forward ..................................................................... 140
Perception of Women’s Status and Girls’ Education .......... 143
Barriers to Girls’ Education................................................. 145
Urban and Rural Variation ............................................. 153
Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOS) .......................... 155
Policy Implications and New Directions ............................. 159
What Would Motivate Men to Engage in Gender Justice? . 162
Religious Space ................................................................... 163
Endnotes .................................................................................. 173
Index ........................................................................................ 205
List of Figures
Figure 1.1: Overview of the entire research process ................. 23

Figure 1.2:Map of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) Province and
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Pakistan........... 24
List of Tables
Table 1.1: Participants of the Delphi study. .............................. 26

Table 1.2: Participants for the on-site individual interviews
conducted in KPK Province of Pakistan.................................... 28
Table 4.1: Rural-urban variation in girls’ education ……….……115
Acknowledgements
Extensive field research in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,

Pakistan (2008-2010) was a significant element in my PhD research,
completed at the University of Calgary, Canada in 2012. This research
is rooted in my reflections and stories on growing up as a young Pashtun
man in a traditional family in Pakistan, in my years of experience as a
social activist during the Cold War era and the Afghan Jihad (1980-
2000), and in my recent (2012-2018) relief work and involvement in
community development initiatives and international development
projects. Various international scholarly journals as well as academic
conferences and community events across the globe provided a welcome
outlet of my ideas.
At the end of this lengthy journey of field research, my first and
foremost expression of gratitude goes to the several volunteers, friends
(who I am unable to name all of them), and research participants for their
willingness and trust to openly share their insights, experiences and
xx Acknowledgements
meaningful stories with me. They have generously invited me into some
of the most sacred places of their lives. Despite living in an insecure and
volatile environment, their courage, wisdom, and generosity combined
with their typical Pashtun hospitality and care have always overwhelmed
and inspired me.
I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Dr. John R. Graham, and
co-supervisors, Dr. Jacqueline Ismael and Dr. Cecille DePass of the
University of Calgary, Alberta, Canada, who not only provided valuable
guidance but also continuously encouraged and supported me throughout
my academic journey.
Several colleagues and friends read and reviewed the manuscript with
great care. At St. Thomas University, I was most fortunate to find
wonderful mentors and colleagues, especially Dr. John Coates, Dr. Clive
Baldwin, and Dr. Douglas Vipond. I am grateful for their continued
support of this research and thoughtful reviews of the manuscript. I can
never forget my Sunday morning coffee ritual with Dr. John Coates at
the coffee shops in Fredericton. Those were some of the most pleasant
and invaluable moments to discuss ideas, share my ambitions and refine
my scholarship. Dr. Deborah Van den Hoonard and Dr. Will Van den
Hoonard, not only guided and supported my research but also helped me
connect this research to practice. Together we co-founded Educate a
Child in Pakistan, www.educateachildinpakistan.org, an initiative that
provides education for orphan girls in northwest Pakistan. Thank you for
respecting my ideas and your kind support.
My heartfelt gratitude goes to Dr. Hasan Sohaib Murad, Chairman,
ILM Trust, Lahore, Pakistan for his continued support, invaluable
advice, and encouragement. He is my lifetime inspiration and the impact
he has on my life will endure always. His friendship and confidence is
my most precious treasure to always appreciate and celebrate.
Dr. Husnul Amin, Director IRD at the International Islamic
University and the publisher of this book played an instrumental role
through his strong encouragement to compile this research into a
published book. His deep insight and thorough support guided this
Acknowledgements xxi
process at every step of the way. I am also thankful for his sincere
instantaneous and consistent enthusiasm for my work.
This research was also made possible by awards from a number of
organizations. I wish to acknowledge, in particular, the support of Izaak
Killam Doctoral Award, Canadian International Development Agency
Research Award, John D. Petrie Memorial Scholarship, and several
awards and scholarships from the University of Calgary.
And, most importantly, to my family … It is not easy to express the
depth of my appreciation and gratefulness. To my wife, Uzma, whose
patience and support is unparalleled. You firmly stood by me through all
my struggles, my absences and my impatience. You have equally shared
every moment of the hardships and joys of this amazing journey. You
cheered me on and we celebrated each and every little accomplishment
together! My beautiful children Omer, Danyal and Hanya, who were my
devoted companions in this journey. They have visited most of the
research sites in KPK, Pakistan and have also met many of those
beautiful and resilient children of our “Educate a Child” project. Their
thoughtful questions, insights and wonderment at what we see together
is my inspiration in the struggle for social justice. I am also grateful to
my brothers, Rashid, Naveed and Kashif who have always been generous
with their deep love, respect and care.
Finally, I extend my deepest gratitude to my wonderful parents to
whom it is simply impossible to give enough thanks for their everlasting
love for me. Their belief in me has always been unwavering, and together
they set the foundations for my life - my values and my goals. To both
of you, I dedicate this book and offer my lasting commitment to the
struggle of social justice.
Author’s Note
This work is primarily based on my PhD research. The research

methodology is briefly discussed in every chapter so each one could be
read and understood separately. This flexibility in the use of each chapter
involves a slight repetition of ideas. These repetitions serve to expand
the theme and focus but applied in a different analytical context.
Most chapters of the book are modified versions of the following
scholarly articles published in different international journals.
Aamir Jamal, “Why He Won’t Send His Daughter to School: Barriers to

Girls’ Education in Northwest Pakistan: A Qualitative Delphi Study of
Pashtun Men,” SAGE Open 6, no. 3 (2017). Retrieved from
http://sgo.sagepub.com/content/6/3/2158244016663798
Aamir Jamal, “NGOs, Participatory Development and Construction of

Identities: Involving Men in Gender and Development (GAD) Programs
in South Asia,” World Journal of Social Science 1, no. 2 (2014).
xxiv Author’s Note
Aamir Jamal & Clive Baldwin, “Angels of Mercy or Smiling Western

Invaders? Community Perception of NGOs in Northern Pakistan,”
International Social Work. (2017).
http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0020872817711239
Aamir Jamal, “Engaging Men for Gender Justice: Overcoming Barriers

to Girls’ Education in the Pashtun Tribes of Northwest Pakistan,”
International Journal of Social Welfare 24, no. 3 (2015): 273–286.
Preface
It is my pleasure and privilege to write the preface to this important book,

The Gatekeepers: Engaging Pashtun Men for Gender Justice and Girls’
Education. From the very first page, the book communicates both the
huge challenges involved in educating girls in the Pashtun regions of
Pakistan and the love with which Dr. Aamir Jamal approaches his topic.
The stories of the author’s experience, as a boy, of the impact of his
mother as a teacher, and of his commitment to the education of girls are
powerful and draw the reader in. One knows immediately that this book
has two important components: First, Dr. Jamal is an insider in Pashtun
culture, and, second, he has carried out important research that provides
both an understanding of the barriers to girls’ education and solid advice
regarding how these barriers can be overcome. As Dr. Jamal notes,
“Educating girls is the most effective tool for building just, peaceful, and
sustainable communities.” Mothers, as the first educators of their
children, have much to contribute to their society when they have had
the opportunity to obtain an education, themselves.
The book is unique in that Dr. Jamal uses a qualitative research
method to explore what men see as the barriers to education for their
xxvi Preface
daughters. He engaged with community and religious leaders as well as

with academics, government officials, and gender-development
specialists. Notably, the research questions addressed the understandings
and experiences of the research participants. This type of research, by
valuing the ideas of the research participants, allows us to see what
matters to them. Its openness has the potential, met in this study, to
discover unexpected findings. In addition, it demonstrates respect for
those who take part in the conversation. I appreciate the potential of this
approach of working with men in the West regarding challenging issues
that characterize inequality in the West, such as domestic violence and
misogyny.
Dr. Jamal presents a nuanced understanding of the role of women in
Pashtun culture that is usually absent in discussions about the role of
women in Muslim and other communities of the global south. Pashtun
women, although deferential to men in many ways, occupy a decisive
position of strength as mothers. Dr. Jamal highlights Pashtun women’s
agency and strength in their family context. Western scholars often argue
that women lose power when they become mothers. In Pashtun culture,
women gain status as mothers. This insightful discussion is very
welcome as it addresses the ethnocentric lens through which many
Western scholars interpret the relationship between women and men in
non-Western contexts.
Recognizing that Islam does not restrict girls’ education and supports
for the equal status of women is a foundational step on the road to gender
justice. It opens the door to engaging men in the process and the means
to improve access to education for girls. Dr. Jamal provides an example
of how to approach men, particularly elders and religious leaders, as
allies rather than opponents. Inviting men in as partners is far more
productive than seeing them as adversaries.
The book’s approach also identifies barriers to girls’ education that I
would not have anticipated. It was eye-opening to realize how important
the issues of inadequate transportation and concern for the safety of girls
are in affecting the likelihood that they will be able to go to school. Lack
of adequate facilities—toilets, sanitation, drinking water, furniture--and
Preface xxvii
a shortage of female teachers inhibit girls’ participation. In addition, the

seeming irrelevance of a Western curriculum that ignores the centrality
of religious space and community needs is significant.
Rather than insist that men change their attitudes, Dr. Jamal identifies
points of leverage that can make it easier for men to allow their daughters
to attend school. Building higher boundary walls, for example, is a
concrete strategy to ease men’s concerns around purdah. Similarly,
proper girls-only high schools, good transportation, and better provision
for female teachers are all first steps.
Dr. Jamal concludes the book with inspiring stories that demonstrate
that the actions of even a few men who support change can have a major
impact. The “small, but courageous initiatives” of men who take a stand
are uplifting and bode well for the future.
It has been my privilege to witness, first hand, the impact that a small
group can have. Dr. Aamir Jamal invited us to help found The Canadian
Association for Children’s Education in Pakistan (CACEP). Over the
last five years, we have been supporting the education of girls and
orphans, and, as of 2018, we have been able to support the education of
49 children. Most of the sponsors live in Canada, but the organization
has found several sponsors and supporters within Pakistan, itself,
evidence that there is good potential for engaging men in gender justice
when they trust the organization that seeks to provide the means for girls
to attend school. The participants in our program are like one family, and
the accomplishments of the children inspire confidence in the future.
Dr. Aamir Jamal's book brings clarity to the complexity of the
challenges at hand and offers not only an analysis, but a way forward.
Deborah K. van den Hoonaard, PhD
Canada Research Chair in Qualitative Research and Analysis, 2006-2016.

Social-Science Editor, Canadian Journal on Aging/La Revue canadienne du
vieillissement.
Recipient of the George Herbert Mead Award for Lifetime Achievement, Society
for the Study of Symbolic Interaction, 2017
Foreword
Aamir Jamal’s book, The Gatekeepers: Engaging Pashtun Men for

Gender Justice and Girls’ Education by explicitly, recommending ways
to achieve social justice for girls in Pakistan is a tour de force. The book
complements and expands significantly, on his dissertation in
International Development which was completed at the University of
Calgary. Exploring a little researched field, that of Pakistani men from
the Pushtun tribes, the author argues that men are the society’s
gatekeepers. They have the abilities to uphold, ameliorate, or even
eliminate Pakistan’s systemic socio-economic, cultural, religious and
conventional institutions with the associated policies, practices and
procedures. With Amir Jamal’s detailed, explication of the far larger
contexts of such power, the important factors which restrict educational
access and equal opportunities for girls and women in Pakistan are
revealed.
xxx Foreword
Initially, Jamal explains that previous research, is narrow in its focus.

Existing research and resultant, social development programs have
concentrated, for the most part, on the oppression of Pakistani women
and girls. The author argues forcefully, that such an emphasis in social
and educational development is insufficient, since the attitudes and
opinions of the major power brokers and players are usually, excluded in
the policies for social change. By presenting an alternative perspective,
the researcher overturns much of the conventional western, knowledge
regarding social and educational development.
Jamal’s book is timely, comprehensive and multifaceted. Strengths
of the book include but are by no means, restricted to the following.
Firstly, the book documents the rich legacy and complexity of the
interlocking traditions in a hierarchical society. Unfortunately, such
traditions have tended to restrict educational access for the majority of
Pakistani girls. Secondly, the book moves eloquently, to develop and
analyze a series of recommendations which are grounded in his insider’s
knowledge and the well-considered experiences and views of the
research participants in the modified Delphi study and follow up
interviews. Thirdly, with his guidance, using a dialogic, consensus based
research model, the male participants (drawn from a wide cross section
of Pashtun men), actively worked to identify and select approaches to
tackle the problems associated with achieving educational access for
girls.
The book’s seven recommendations and attendant strategies include
the following:
To achieve active support via ongoing dialogues with, for example
the Council of Elders and religious leaders who would work within
their respective communities.
To make intensive uses of all public education and communication
mechanisms such as local media, existing religious and secular
celebrations, all public education initiatives are deliberately,
designed to educate men regarding the importance of educating girls.
Foreword xxxi
To establish mobile schools and increase educational opportunities

for girls to attend primary and high school.
Of considerable interest, is the recommendation, mentioned earlier.
Specifically, to create transformative religious spaces and to enhance
the roles and functions of the existing institutions. As a result, the
religious leaders become the gate openers, not gate closers to foster
actively, the education for girls.
As a well-established and respected scholar, and the recipient of
several prestigious academic scholarships and awards, Dr. Aamir Jamal
brings to this important work, his academic, insider, and experiential
knowledge. As importantly, he contributes his knowledge (the result of
research, teaching and service), to his life world and practice in the field.
For example, several years ago, with a group of like- minded peers, he
established a foundation which involves men in the struggle for gender
justice as well as providing formal educational opportunities for orphan
girls who live in the war-torn and conflict affected areas of northwest
Pakistan.
Finally, Jamal’s book issues a clarion call for men to take action in
Pakistan. He challenges men to become the agents for change in order to
co-create positive futures for generations of girls. Accordingly, the
engaged men will improve the life chances of girls and women. (In other
words, the men will lay solid educational foundations for the girls and
women who are and/or will become the educated wives, daughters and
future granddaughters of the country). In today’s troubled world, Aamir
Jamal’s book offers us welcome beacons of hope.
Cecille Marie DePass, PhD, Calgary
Associate Professor Emeritus, University of Calgary (2015),

Recipient, Farquharson Institute for Public Affairs, Kingston, Jamaica,
Centennial Award (2018),
Recipient, Comparative and International Education Society of Canada, David
Wilson Award for Excellence (2015).
Former Chair/President, Educational Sectoral Commission, CC-UNESCO
Introduction
Since my childhood, evenings at the Saddar bazaar in Peshawar,

Pakistan, have fascinated me. The lively streets combining
traditional and modern outlooks have a unique place in the region.
The most joyful moments were going with my mother to buy
clothes and books for the new school year.
One beautiful evening, my mother and I were walking through
the bazaar. A young woman wearing a typical Pashtun shawl
rushed across the street and hugged my mother. Even though I was
a young boy at the time, I still remember the glowing smile on the
woman’s face, the tears in her eyes. She had been a student of my
mother in a primary school in a village in the suburbs of Peshawar.
Now she was a married woman with a child. She asked my mother
if she could buy a gift for me from a nearby toy store. As she gave
2 Introduction
me the gift, she whispered in my ear, “Listen, Aamir, your mother

is my beloved teacher—she taught me for many years and brought
me out from darkness.” Numerous moments like this had a
profound effect on my values and life goals.
My mother was the first woman in the family to be educated.
For twenty-five years, she taught in a girls’ schools in the poor,
remote villages in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province. Some
days, I would accompany her to that poorly built, mud-made
primary school for girls in the village Sufaid Dhairy, just outside
Peshawar. I would listen to the stories of girls who were not able
to continue their education due to early marriage or some other
socioeconomic reason. Even the girls who came from affluent
families wore expressions of desperation and sadness because
their brothers and fathers refused to allow them to continue their
education due to the tribal norm of male honor. However, no
matter what hardships were evident in the girls’ lives, my mother
would console them and encourage them to continue their
education from home.
Although my mother’s role as a teacher was highly appreciated
by her students, my extended family and the tribe did not
acknowledge or even accept her prestigious work and
contribution. The negative attitudes of some of my family
members toward my mother and their lack of understanding of her
struggles and sacrifices saddened me. Despite hardships and
ridicule, my mother continued her noble work of teaching rural
Pashtun girls while at the same time supervising the household
chores and fulfilling her responsibilities as a wife and mother of
four children. She was the first person to wake in the morning and
the last person to go to bed at night.
My grandfather, a school headmaster, played a significant role
in my mother’s education. He was a kind-hearted and progressive
Introduction 3
person, and my mother often acknowledged the strong support and

encouragement her father provided. While sharing her childhood
stories, my mother said, “When some men in the tribe would
critique my father’s decision to send his daughters to school, he
would say with a firm voice—“They are not my daughters, they
are my sons—how dare someone stop me from sending them to
school?” While describing her father’s support for her education,
she used to say that his opinion about the role of women was in
total contrast to the views of the larger tribe and family. Whereas
the tribe and family usually held restrictive social biases and
cultural practices that discriminated against women and girls, her
father would encourage the education, progress, and justice of
women. In fact, my mother used to say, “My brothers would
always complain that he [her father] favors daughters more than
sons.” Furthermore, my grandfather would always quote the
Prophet Muhammad (PBUH): “Those who are blessed with
daughters and they were kind to them and taught them would be
very close to me in paradise.” The story of my mother shows the
positive and important role a man, in this case her father, played
in her well-being. Some might consider this another form of
patriarchy, but it can be seen as positive action by men with power
to support gender justice and girls’ aspirations to access education.
Another experience that drove home the plight of girls and
women in this region was the influx of refugees I witnessed after
the Afghan War. I cannot forget the miserable and anguished faces
of Afghan orphans and little girls standing at the bus stop of my
town with their bare feet, and uncertainty about their safety,
future, and destiny in a foreign country. During this time, I
recognized that that women and girls are always the first and most
vulnerable victims in any internal conflict or war. I always
questioned and reflected on these painful sociocultural realities.
4 Introduction
The childhood memories I hold of my mother’s role as a school

teacher in remote villages, my personal experiences with the
suffering of Afghan refugee children and women in refugees’
camps in Peshawar, and the struggles of women in my family and
community have always followed me. They nurtured my quest for
some means to improve the status of women, decrease gender
disparity, and end restrictions to girls’ education. It is within this
context that I undertook the present study to find out whether
Pashtun men would be able to reflect on and reconsider their role
in the support of girls’ education.
I believe that education is the key to any change in a society.
An educated woman can shape the direction of the whole
community and ultimately the whole nation. Education opens the
door to questioning existing social hierarchies, and it equips a
woman with the knowledge and skills to explore her true identity,
her strengths, and her active role in the community. I chose to
study and contribute to the area of girls’ education because I
understand the importance, especially in rural areas. Educating
girls is the most effective tool for building just, peaceful, and
sustainable communities.
************************************************
This book emerged from stories of my life growing up as a
young Pashtun man during the Cold War era and the Afghan Jihad
(1980–2000), as well as my extensive experience as an activist
and social worker in the region, but centers on my findings from
my field research conducted in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province,
Pakistan (2008–2010).
This study adds to a significant body of research that has been
done on women’s development and gender issues in Pashtun
society. In this region, girls’ education in particular has been a
contested social, economic, political, and religious issue. Several
Introduction 5
studies suggest that the root causes of this gender gap in education
are multifaceted and complex. In the last two decades, continuing
cycles of war and conflict, extremism, and the introduction of
strict cultural and religious ideologies have further complicated
and magnified the issue of gender justice and girls’ education in
KP. The significant impact of these issues is most visible in the
tribal areas of Pakistan bordering Afghanistan, where a UNICEF
report estimated that only 13 percent of primary school-aged girls
were enrolled.1
In most research centering on girls’ education, supply-side
issues such as female teachers, financial support, infrastructure,
school buildings, and resources have been discussed. Demand-
related factors—such as perceptions and opinions of stakeholders
(e.g., parents, community leaders, and family decision makers)—
have not been closely examined.2 Little has been written
specifically about community engagement, particularly the
engagement of men, with respect to the urgent and complex issue
of girls’ education. Instead, most of the research involves women.3
This is perhaps not surprising: in the last few decades, women
have played a leading role in highlighting women’s
underprivileged status and making the case for a greater role in
their communities. These efforts have had a significant impact in
underlining gendered imbalances in sociocultural, economic, and
political terms, which resulted in developing a global strategy of
mainstreaming women’s roles and issues in the development
sector.
However, in the patriarchal society of the Pashtuns, women
have little to do with decision making,4 and the critical role and
perceptions of men are less well understood. Through our long
learning journey of scholarship and practice in social development
across the globe, we understand that development is a gendered
6 Introduction
process,5 and that it is equally crucial to involve and understand

men to improve conditions for both men and women. The goal of
gender justice and women’s development cannot be achieved
without bringing the perception, experiences, and understanding
of both men and women into policy and practice.
The focus of this book is thus to explore, analyze, and advocate
for the engagement of Pashtun men in gender justice and girls’
education initiatives, as in this society it is the men who have the
power to create obstacles to women’s education—and to remove
them. A man is considered to be the head of the household and the
“sole” decision maker for the family.6 The collective mobilization
of men on gender issues could therefore be a most effective form
of social justice, as it would engage the members of a privileged
group in order to challenge that same privilege.7 My goal is to
explore and analyze how male discourses of power construct
barriers to girls’ education, and to identify ways of overcoming
those barriers through the participation of Pashtun men. The goal
of gender justice in education requires changing the mindset,
attitudes, and behaviors of the community.8 This is possible only
when both women and men are engaged in overcoming obstacles
to gender equality. Sandy Ruxton argues that unless there is
substantial change in men’s practices and attitudes, the
achievement of gender equality may be elusive.9 Men are the
“gatekeepers of current gender orders and are potential resistors
of change.”10 By engaging the gatekeeper, we are using existing
sociocultural systems of privilege to open opportunities for those
who are disadvantaged.
Moreover, if men are not effectively involved in gender justice
initiatives, most change efforts at the ground level will be viewed
with suspicion and most likely rejected by the community. In the
past, community resistance and opposition to the gender-related
Introduction 7
development programs in Afghanistan and Pakistan have often

been caused by lack of understanding of the local culture and a
disconnect between social reality and development policies.11 An
important implication of the present study is to explore adequate
policies and strategies for constructively engaging men in gender
justice and girls’ education initiatives within the Pashtun region
of Pakistan. The findings and recommendations developed by a
diverse panel of Pashtun men would therefore significantly help
the international community, donor organizations, the UN,
nongovernmental organizations, and the government of Pakistan
in designing effective policies, as well as in formulating efficient
implementation strategies for gender equality and girls’ education
programs in Pakistan, especially in the Pashtun region.
Methodology
I have adopted a cross-disciplinary approach with a community-

based qualitative methodology that engages the community
throughout the research process. My research design uses a
modified Delphi method to obtain the insight, opinion,
experience, and collective wisdom of the community and
stakeholders. In so doing, it uncovers deep-rooted perceptions
about gender and education, while at the same time enabling the
evaluation of alternative solutions for gender justice and
overcoming barriers to girls’ education.
This approach is a departure from previous studies. Most of the
research in international development, particularly within the
girls’ education sector, is dominated by the quantitative approach.
For instance, there exist numerous quantitative analyses of girls’
schooling, dropout rates, and the results of different intervention
8 Introduction
strategies. However, little is known about the preconceived

assumptions, perceptions, and contextual understandings of men
on the issue of gender roles and girls’ education. To close this
knowledge gap, I am making a community-oriented, qualitative,
interpretive inquiry. In the qualitative approach, “realities are
wholes that cannot be understood in isolation from their
contexts.”12 To obtain the fullest and most well-rounded
understanding of a topic, therefore, research should involve
exploration of deep-rooted contextual beliefs and personal
perceptions and insight. This open, flexible mode of interaction
helps significantly in learning from the tacit knowledge that is
displayed by the participants and that is critical for understanding
the “nuances of the multiple realities” of an issue.13 The
qualitative research approach also attempts to capture aspects of
the complex power dynamics involved in gender-related studies,
as it has the capacity to respond to the “ever-shifting reality where
human beings shape its creation.”14 This openness and flexibility
of a qualitative study enabled me to follow freely whatever issues
arose during the talk and observation features of an interview, and
it also empowered respondents to share any information they
chose, even that which was not directly related to the theme of my
research project.
Furthermore, the qualitative Delphi method helped by its
ability to structure a group communication process that was
effective in enabling a group of individuals, as a whole, to deal
with a multidimensional, complex, and sensitive issue. It was
important to include participants from diverse and sometimes
contrasting backgrounds to get the full understanding of the
situation. As a result, my participants included community
leaders, members of parliament, religious leaders, academics, and
gender development professionals. There were panel members
Introduction 9
from conservative religious backgrounds, as well as from liberal

and secular settings. There were members of political groups who
would otherwise prefer not to openly discuss issues of gender and
girls’ education in front of one another. The geographical
coverage of the study ranged from major cities to small rural
communities, from the mountainous and tribal terrain of KP
province to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)
bordering Afghanistan. Due to the insecure and unstable situation
of the region at that time and the sensitive nature of the study, I
wanted participants to feel free to answer questions without being
concerned about any pressure from others on the panel. An
overarching concern was the identity and confidentiality of
participants who would otherwise prefer not to speak in a group.
Self-Reflexivity
The design of my study also includes self-reflexivity, which is

critical both in methodology and in practice in the development
world. The reflexivity and acceptance of “self” in the role of
researcher is an important feature that enhances credibility and
trustworthiness in a qualitative study. In this context,
understanding the role of power is vital because it forces us to
acknowledge and accept our own privilege, positioning, and
biases just as we are denouncing the power structures that
surround our subjects. This applies equally to development
workers and social work practitioners operating in the field. A
concern for positioning is sometimes understood as “reflexive
ethnography,” which is a “turning back” on ourselves.15 As
Madison writes, “When we turn back, we are accountable for our
own research paradigms, our own positions of authority, and our
10 Introduction
own moral responsibility relative to representation and

interpretation.”16 The interviewer’s identity may be reconstructed
in the respondent’s mind as well. Smith beautifully explains this
relationship in terms of knowledge development:
Truth and knowledge are grounded in the

foundational moments in which the social comes into
being through language and through the sensory
grounds which human organisms share. Through
these together, individual experience is hooked up to
a world known in common and is radically and
forever transmuted.17
Afterward, when reflecting on my study, I asked a question that

Kondo used to frame her ethnographic research: “How did the
people I knew craft themselves and their lives within shifting
fields of power and meaning?”18 That is, in my analysis of
interviews, I considered and critically examined how my
respondents situated themselves and their lives within the shifting
fields of power and meaning during the interview process. For
example, I was situated in a peaceful and stable environment,
whereas participants were living in a conflict zone with many
uncertainties and fears around them.
Self-reflexivity means considering not just how respondents
situate themselves, but how the person carrying out the research
is situated. In contrast to quantitative research, in which
researchers try to separate themselves from the research, the
researcher in a qualitative study tries to be visible and transparent
using his tacit knowledge, cultural awareness, and experience to
effectively facilitate the active and interactive interview process.
Because I was born and raised in a Pashtun tribe of KP, and
Introduction 11
worked extensively as a social activist and relief worker in most

of the Pashtun region during the Afghan War in the 1990s, barriers
of language, access, and cultural legitimacy were significantly
reduced for me as a researcher. For example, during in-depth
interviews, the participant would answer with a phrase or slang
that may only be understandable to those who belong to or lived
in the tribe. This insider status helped me gain rapid and complete
acceptance among participants, as well as a better level of trust
and openness that enabled more in-depth data collection.
However, I faced challenges similar to those acknowledged by
Armstrong19 and Dwyer and Buckle.20 Sometimes I feared that my
enthusiasm for gender justice and girls’ education may have
hindered some participants from sharing certain opinions and
experiences, especially because my Canadian background and
education at Western universities might have created the
impression that I am a Pashtun person who has been too heavily
influenced by Western culture. Nevertheless, my Pashtun tribal
affiliation and social position, continued connections in the
region, and strong commitment to social justice and girls’
education played a vital role in establishing trust and respect
within the community. This credibility allayed the concerns that
some research participants may have held.
Moreover, being a male researcher, I had the advantage of
being able to move freely around the area, comfortably develop
contacts, and effectively establish rapport during interviews. In
Pashtun culture—a highly gender-segregated society—men are
more comfortable relating to and sharing their opinions with other
men than with women. This helped me to effectively explore
men’s perspectives on gender and girls’ education and on the role
of NGOs. On the other hand, as Williams and Heikes pointed out,
there is always the possibility of “social desirability biases”: that
12 Introduction
is, based on my gender, participants may have made assumptions

about my perspective on the issues under discussion.21 This was
evident on occasion during interviews, when participants would
attempt to bond around our common identity22 by saying
something like, “Being a Pashtun man, you know what I mean.”
At some points, I would acknowledge initially to keep the rapport
of the interview going, but then circle back or use probing
techniques to find the meanings hidden by bonding ploys. As
recommended by Hoffmann,23 I tried to manage my interviews
from a variety of angles and perspectives, including the use of
discussion, in-depth probing, confirming one account with the
account of another, and triangulating the Delphi study with on-site
interviews. At the same time, I tried to stay open to divergent
opinions, to be challenged by the emerging ideas, and to
continuously be aware of, reflect on, and control my biases. This
reflective process and close examination of my power
relationships in the research study has enabled me to be better
equipped with the analytical tools of interview dynamics.
The chapters that follow provide greater context for this study
and describe my findings in more detail.
In Chapter 1, I focus on barriers to girls’ education and explore
why, despite significant efforts by the local and international
community, many Pashtun families are still hesitant to send their
daughters to school. My goal has been to understand as deeply and
comprehensively as possible the root causes of restrictions to
girl’s education. The study analyses major barriers to girls’
education through the contextual lens of the Pashtun community.
Although religion stands out as a crucial component of the
Pashtun sociocultural and political environment, the Pashtunwali
code also exerts significant influence, especially in rural, tribal
areas. Based on my findings, I argue for a systemic approach to
Introduction 13
overcoming barriers to girls’ education. Instead of considering

only supply-side improvements (such as more schools), policy
makers should give proper attention to the demand side by taking
into account local, on-the-ground social realities, such as Pashtun
tribal and cultural traditions.
In Chapter 2, I critically examine development discourse, with
particular attention to the process by which identities are
constructed in the relationships between NGO workers and the
target community. I also explore the historical progress in gender
and development (GAD) and participatory approaches. After
analyzing existing scholarship, I conclude that power struggles are
embedded within the discipline and institutions of development
aid, and that—despite its claims of being liberating and
participatory—development aid often carries a hegemonic intent.
Hegemony is used by the dominant social class as a means to
organize its rule so it seems natural to its subjects. In this way, the
developed world directs the evolution of the developing world,
based on its own capitalism-driven success story. While
examining GAD programs in South Asia, I explore some of the
challenges and contradictions that often arise from practicing a
participatory approach in the field. I argue that an effective and
transparent development practice holds constructive possibilities
that can be achieved through attitudes that are culturally sensitive,
inclusive, honest, and open to diverse contexts.
Chapter 3 builds on these ideas, focusing on the key actors of
the development sector—nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs). I explore how the Pashtun community living across the
border of Afghanistan and Pakistan perceives the role and
significance of NGOs. By seeking to understand various
sociopolitical, religious, and cultural causes of resistance toward
NGOs, I arrive at the best strategies for a participatory and
14 Introduction
inclusive approach to development practice. Negative perceptions

of NGOs are based on various factors, including the extension of
Western imperialism, violations of local cultures, spreading
immorality, corruption, and lack of credibility and transparency.
However, the study also suggests that a trustworthy relationship
of NGOs with the community, particularly with religious leaders
and community elders, could bring positive outcomes. In the latter
part of the chapter, I explicitly develop a few practice techniques
and skills for development professionals to help achieve such a
relationship.
Chapter 4 returns to the core theme of the study: engaging men
for gender justice. I advocate for the active participation of men in
the issue of gender justice and girls’ education. I also argue that
male engagement is not only a socioeconomic and cultural issue,
but also a political one. Instead of alienating men, policies and
programs should be developed that constructively involve men by
addressing their concerns, creating awareness about the
oppressive effects of gender injustice, and providing incentives
for girls’ education. The study suggests that when men realize that
girls’ education is beneficial not just to their daughters, but also to
themselves and their communities, they will support such
initiatives. An obvious question that comes from this assertion is
how to constructively engage men in gender justice and girls’
education initiatives. In this chapter, I address this question, which
is critically important to policy and practice, by listening
attentively to the voice of the community through the collective
wisdom of their elders.
****************************************
Throughout this research journey, I found myself as a research
subject. My love for Pakistan and my deep commitment to the
cause of gender justice and girls’ education have been core
Introduction 15
motivating factors on this long and challenging path. Being a

Pashtun man, I often struggled with my preconceived notions of
women’s and girls’ roles and responsibilities, but I was able to
learn with an open mind and realize that there are multiple
perspectives and possibilities with respect to female roles that
contribute to the community. I found that the way the international
community and developmental organizations perceive the gender
dimensions and the status and role of women is different from the
way Pashtun men and women perceive themselves. Achieving
gender justice requires changes in the lives, relationships, and
attitudes of both men and women. At the community and
institutional levels, it requires changes in structures and systems,
legal frameworks, economic structures, and political priorities and
policies.
I hope my critique, concerns, and experiences of the
development world as well as the perception, attitude, and
understanding of the community on gender justice will pave the
path for a new dialogue on these issues. In this book, I propose a
framework and strategy for how this might happen. I hope that this
study encourages development researchers, practitioners, and
social activists to attempt to engage and work in solidarity with
men and women, as we continue the struggle for justice in
Pakistan and all parts of the world.
ONE
Why He Won’t Send His

Daughter to School: Barriers to
Girls’ Education
Resistance to girls’ education in Pakistan has long been an

intractable problem; the lowest enrolment figures are in Pashtun
areas. This chapter focuses on Pashtun men’s perceptions of girls’
education. Pashtun men of diverse backgrounds participated in a
two-round Delphi exercise, followed by in-depth qualitative
interviews in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province of Pakistan
bordering Afghanistan. Although contradictory ideas from
religion, culture, and politics were elicited, consensus developed
on major barriers to girls’ access to education: poverty,
Pashtunwali (tribal code), religion, accessibility, resources,
shortage of female teachers, and curriculum, as well as political
apathy and corruption. Understanding the barriers to girls’
education could help development professionals overcome them.
Barriers to Girls’ Education 17
Pashtuns
The total population of Pashtuns is estimated to be about 50

million, but an accurate count remains elusive due to large scale
economic and conflict-related migrations, the nomadic nature of
many tribes, and the tradition of secluding women.1 Most Pashtun
tribes are settled in Pakistan’s KP province (previously known as
North West Frontier Province or NWFP), the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), some districts in Baluchistan
Province as well as in the adjacent southern regions of
Afghanistan. According to Pakistan’s latest census conducted in
2017, total population of KP province is 30.523 million and FATA
population is 5.1 million.2 A large number of Pashtuns have
migrated to the urban centers of Pakistan for economic and
security reasons. Some consider Karachi as the biggest Pashtun
city. Many of the social configurations and cultural traditions
defining the identity of the Pashtun population are shared on both
sides of the Durand line, a porous 1500 miles’ boundary
separating Pakistan and Afghanistan drawn by the British ruler of
India in 1893. Besides speaking the Pashto or Pakhto language, a
Pashtun must also “do Pakhto,” i.e., live up to a set of honor-based
practices known as Pashtunwali.3 Their identity is dependent on
strict adherence to the cultural norms and notions of honor and
tribal affiliations. Pashtuns are forced to revert to “ideal-type
behavior” (Pashtunwali) in order to be recognized as full members
of society.4
18 Barriers to Girls’ Education
The Pashtun Way: Pashtunwali
Pashtuns’ identity is generally governed by Pashtunwali. A tribal

code, Pashtunwali is an unwritten law, a sociopolitical culture, and
an ideology inherited from ancestors and carried on from
generation to generation. It is considered the dominant force of
Pashtun culture. Rahman (1995) describes Pashtunwali as “a
conservative, naturally democratic, centuries-old but still a young
phenomenon in the Pashtun culture and socioeconomic structure.
Pashtun society, by the virtue of Pashtunwali, went straight to the
feudal social structure without ever experiencing an era of
slavery.”5 This tribal code demands honor, hospitality, and
generosity for anyone who asks for pardon or protection, and an
absolute obligation to take revenge for any type of oppression.
Anthropologists have described Pashtunwali as an “ideal-type
code” based on such principles as badal (revenge), melmastia
(hospitality), nanawatee (refuge), tor (female honor), and
tarburwali (agnatic rivalry).6 Similarly, Barth identifies three
major institutions dominating the Pashtunwali code: melmastia,
hospitality and the honorable uses of materials and goods; jirga,
councils and the honorable pursuit of public affairs; and purdah,
seclusion of women and the honorable organization of domestic
life. 7
Girls’ Education
Throughout history, girls’ education has been a contested social,

economic, political, and religious issue in the Pashtun region of
Pakistan. Studies suggest that the root causes of this gender gap
are multifaceted and complex. Poverty, the lower status of women
in society, and sociocultural issues, coupled with poor access to

schools, security, transportation, and lack of female teachers, are
some key areas discussed in the literature.8 Additionally, two
decades of continuing war and conflict, extremism, and the
introduction of strict cultural and religious ideologies have further
complicated and magnified the issue of gender justice in
education. The significant impact of these pressures is most
clearly visible in the Pashtun tribes of Pakistan bordering
Afghanistan, where, a recent UNICEF report estimated, only 13
percent of primary-school-aged girls were enrolled.9 Despite some
progress in South and West Asian countries where the number of
girls out of school shrank from 24.2 million in 2000 to 6.6 million
in 2011,10 numerous studies have observed a continuing pattern of
extremely high levels of gender disparity in education among the
Pashtun tribes.11
A significant amount of research has been done on women’s
development and gender issues in the Pashtun regions of
Afghanistan and Pakistan.12 Little, however, has been written
specifically about the urgent and complex issue of community
engagement and inclusive approaches to women’s education.
Most of the research that has been done has involved women, the
very group generally barred from decision making in the
patriarchal society of Pashtuns.13
By contrast, the present study engages Pashtun men in
conversation about gender justice, as it is men who hold the power
to create obstacles to women’s education—and to remove them.
Men’s collective efforts for gender-related issues have the
potential to be an effective strategy for social justice, as such
initiatives would involve the members of a privileged group in
order to question that same privilege.14 Moreover, there is a
scarcity of research incorporating men in Islamic contexts.15
Studies of gender equality in Muslim societies usually focus on

issues of hijab and oppression, whereas studies of men’s
participation in gender and development discourse are rarely
found in the literature.16 In this crucial time, given the sensitive
issue of gender and development within Pashtun communities, the
need for more research in this area has never been greater.
Purpose of the Study
The objectives of the study were (1) to investigate how male

perceptions of female education and discourses of power construct
barriers to girls’ education, and (2) to identify ways of overcoming
those barriers through the involvement of Pashtun men. The
research described here focuses on identifying contradictory ideas
and stereotypes from religion, culture, and politics that may have
influenced male perceptions of women’s education. I examine
both internal and external forces that create barriers to schooling
for girls (ages seven to fifteen). Internal forces include
sociocultural and religious interpretations, the patriarchal
structure of society, household poverty, and gender discrimination
in the tribal codes and traditions. External forces include
economic conditions, government education policies, national
agencies and bureaucracies, development priorities of donors,
nongovernmental organizations, and the geopolitical situation of
the region.
Background and Context
The gender gap in education reflects the broader social, political,

and economic inequality of women as compared to men, with far-
reaching implications for most developing communities. Within

the social development community, there is general agreement
that women’s education plays a critically important role in
socioeconomic development, though the precise method by which
it does so is debated.17 In 2000, the UN Millennium Summit
adopted Millennium Development Goals to put “development at
the heart of the global agenda.” The third such goal is to “promote
gender equality and empower women, with the target of
eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education
by 2005, and in all levels of education by 2015.”18
It is legitimate to ask why, despite international consensus on
the significance of girls’ education, and despite considerable
allocation of resources and development to so many girls’
education initiatives, the girls’ education sector in developing
countries such as Pakistan is still in crisis.
Status of Girls’ Education in Pakistan

Despite the significant contribution and focus of the international
community and the active involvement of nongovernmental
organizations in the education sector, the literacy rate of Pakistan
remains at 49.9 percent, one of the lowest in the world and,
notably, in South Asia. The situation is especially serious for girls,
whose literacy rate in rural areas is 25 percent, and whose
enrolment drops from 55 percent to 20 percent from Grades 1 to
6.19 UNICEF reports that although gender disparities in formal
education have been decreasing in most countries in South Asia,
in Pakistan they are increasing.20 According to the Education
Census (2005), Pakistan’s overall (i.e., urban and rural) enrolment
of girls at the primary (ages five to ten) level is only 55 percent.
The situation is more alarming at the secondary level, where
enrolment drops by 50 percent in Grade 5 and 90 percent in Grade

12 compared to that in Grade 1.21 This means that only 50 percent
of girls entering Grade 1 reach Grade 4.
There is significant regional variation. The Pakistan Integrated
Household Survey found that the largest gap in enrolment between
boys and girls was in the rural Pashtun areas of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa. Likewise, girls in the Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA; Pashtun tribal areas bordering Afghanistan)
receive much less education than do girls in Punjab, Sindh, and
Kashmir provinces.22 These shortcomings are particularly
prominent in FATA, which in 2004 had the lowest female literacy
ratio in Pakistan, 3 percent.23
In most research on girls’ education, supply-side issues (such
as poverty, female teachers, and infrastructure) have been
thoroughly discussed, whereas demand-side factors (notably,
perceptions and opinions of parents, community leaders, and
family decision makers) have been less closely examined.24 In line
with the dominant research trend, international organizations have
also focused on supply-side issues by developing infrastructure
and building more private schools for communities. Yet recent
studies have acknowledged that international development
policies and programs cannot be separated from local social
contexts. Community resistance to the gender-related
development programs in Afghanistan and Pakistan are often
caused by lack of understanding of the local culture. When there
is a disconnect between the social reality of the community and
the development policies of intervening organizations, programs
fail.25 To understand why the majority of these efforts did not
close the gender gap in education, we need to examine the deep-
rooted assumptions of the Pashtun community.
Research Design and Method
I used a qualitative research design based on a modified two-round

Delphi method to determine group consensus concerning the
identification of factors that create barriers to girls’ education.
Because the fate of a majority of rural Pashtun girls is in the hands
of men, I engaged Pashtun men in exploring solutions to the
gender gap in education. The Delphi method was chosen because
of its structured communication process as well as its practical
suitability given the insecure nature of the region.26 The method
has been used to investigate complex and ambiguous issues when
“empirical data would be too costly or otherwise impossible to
obtain.”27 An overview of the entire research process is provided
in Figure 1.1.
Figure 1.1: Overview of the entire research process.
Participants
A panel of twenty Pashtun men with diverse but relevant
experience was recruited through purposive sampling from the
following groups: tribal councils of elders (Jirga), religious

leaders (Imams), rural community leaders, politicians from
Pashtun constituencies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs),
the Ministry of Education, Pashtun men with low incomes, fathers
of daughters, scholars in the field, and government officials of
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province of Pakistan.
Geographical Distribution and Interview Sites

Coverage ranged from major cities to small rural communities,
from the mountainous and tribal terrain of KP province to
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering
Afghanistan.
Figure 1.2: Map of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) Province and

Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Pakistan.
The initial stage of a Delphi study is “exploration.”28 Exploration

includes an unstructured investigation of the issues, identification
of stakeholder groups, and establishment of criteria for the
participants’ selection. I achieved these goals by consulting
development professionals and scholars involved in gender and
development and the girls’ education sector in the Pashtun region
during an initial visit to Peshawar, Pakistan, in November 2007.
Recruitment of Participants
During the initial visit to Peshawar, a pool of twenty-five
participants was developed through the purposive sampling
technique. These were men from diverse categories of
stakeholders in the girls’ education sector, as well as those
expected to be good interviewees based on the strength of their
social network, their capacity to keep confidence, and their
perceived stability, flexibility, and general awareness of the
relevant issues of their community. From this pool, twenty
Pashtun men agreed to participate in the study (Table 1.1). There
was considerable diversity in terms of their education level. There
were three participants with post graduate degree, six with a
graduate degree, and five with an undergraduate degree. Three had
received religious education in a Madrassa (religious school) and
three participants had no formal schooling. Common barriers of
access, cultural legitimacy, and language were significantly
reduced because I was born and raised in a Pashtun tribe of
northwest Pakistan.
Table 1.1: Participants of the Delphi study.

Participant Profession Representative Group
Fathers of daughters, low-income

A School security guard
rural families
Religious leader in local mosque
B Religious leaders
(Imam)
Religious leader in central mosque
C Politicians, Madrassa leaders
(Imam)
Village community leaders,
D School principal
school administrators
Elected politicians from Pashtun
E Politics, community leader
constituency
Nongovernmental organizations
F Social worker
(NGOs)
G Director of education Ministry of Education
H NGO leader NGOs
I NGO leader Community organizations
J Government official Government of Pakistan
K Farmer Tribal Councils Of Elders (Jirga)
L Farmer Tribal Councils Of Elders (Jirga)
M Farmer Village community leaders
Islamic scholars, experts in Fiqh

N Mufti, Islamic scholar
(Islamic jurisdiction)
Jirga members; community
O Politician
leaders
P Businessman Tribal Councils Of Elders (Jirga)

Round 1 Data Collection and Analysis

In Round 1, I conducted semi-structured telephone interviews,
which were digitally recorded, translated into English from the
Pashtu language, and transcribed verbatim. Interview questions
were based on the study’s guiding research questions. They were
open-ended, non-leading, and broad in context “so as to widely
cast the research net.”29 A summary report was prepared based on
the participants’ responses. Then I conducted a qualitative
analysis to identify relationships, themes, categories, and areas
where there was a difference of opinion among participants. I
summarized these in the form of a 2,000-word report. The report
(hard copy) was distributed to the participants, each of whom was
given at least two weeks to reflect on the analysis.
Round 2 Data Collection and Analysis

The second round of the Delphi exercise served to confirm the
degree of consensus on the themes that emerged from the Round
1 data. Fourteen of the sixteen participants participated in the
second round. At this stage participants were encouraged to
carefully evaluate the summary report of Round 1 (which of
course included responses of other participants), and, if necessary,
to reconsider their previous responses in the context of the group
response.30 Three participants were not able to read. The local
research coordinator translated and read the questions and
summary report for them. This was a critical stage in the Delphi
process because participants could reflect on their previous
responses and either refine them or identify areas of agreement
and disagreement.31
Compared to Round 1, interviews in Round 2 were more
structured. They concentrated on key themes and issues involving
barriers to girls’ education. Specific questions were developed

from the Round 1 data; these questions probed agreed-upon areas
and those needing further clarity. During this process, the range of
the answers decreased as the panel converged toward consensus
on major issues. Nevertheless, special attention was paid to areas
of disagreement and to changes of opinion from Round 1.
Dissenting participants were asked for the rationale and context of
their point of view, and their responses were included in the
subsequent analysis. Much can be learned from such
disagreements, negative cases, or “alternative thinking” in a
Delphi study.32 In the present case, these alternative-thinking
areas were particularly highlighted and their attendant context
noted.
On-Site, In-Depth Interviews

The Delphi exercise was followed by in-depth, face-to-face
qualitative interviews with four Pashtun men representing diverse
interests in the girls’ education sector in Peshawar, Pakistan
(Table 1.2). I visited the Pashtun region of northwest Pakistan
during summer 2011 to conduct the interviews. The goal was to
improve the credibility and applicability of the Delphi findings by
changing the circumstances and mode of data collection. The
Delphi literature includes many such examples of triangulation.33
Table 1.2: Participants for the on-site individual interviews
conducted in KPK Province of Pakistan.
Participant Profession Representative Group
Q Ex-director of provincial women’s Local scholars/researchers
development and social welfare; professor
R Politician; belongs to religious political party Community leaders
S Government official Common Pashtun
men/Fathers of daughters
T Imam of central mosque Religious scholars (muftis)
Findings
There was strong consensus that there is a wide range of gender

discrimination in Pashtun communities, and these inequalities are
prominent in the girls’ education sector. During Round 2 of the
Delphi exercise, participants developed consensus on the
following major barriers to girls’ education: (1) poverty, (2)
Pashtun tribal code Pashtunwali, (3) religion, (4) poor
accessibility, (5) inadequate physical resources, (6) lack of female
teachers, (7) irrelevance of the curriculum to community’s needs
and priorities, and (8) corruption and lack of political will.
Poverty
A key obstacle for girls’ education in the war and poverty-stricken
Pashtun region is the basic cost of tuition, books, travel, uniforms,
and shoes. Girls are therefore encouraged to either stay at home to
help their mothers with cooking, cleaning, and caring for siblings,
or to go out and bring water and firewood for day-to-day living.
One participant (A), a security guard working at a village school
in a rural area of the Mardan district, shared his personal situation:
I have stopped sending my daughter to school after

Grade 5 because middle school is away from our
village. My boy still goes to school using bicycle but
girl would need to use public transportation that would
cost me money, besides now I would need to give her
five to ten rupees daily for her lunch that I can’t afford.
A community leader (P) who lives in a remote mountainous

area bordering Afghanistan (Mohmand tribe) explained that for
the last few decades this region has suffered extreme poverty,
wars, and chronic underdevelopment. He stated:
Due to decreased agricultural resources, men of rural

areas usually go to cities to find work. Girls at home are
then responsible for farming and cattle care. If we send
her to school, then who will do the work at home?
There was consensus among participants that poverty is a key

factor in early marriage, which itself prevents girls from going to
school. In most rural areas, girls are married between twelve and
fifteen years of age. Even if a girl had been going to primary
school, after the wedding she was usually forced to stop. A
participant (H) who runs an NGO in a remote area describes the
issue:
A girl is engaged to a boy by the family when she is a

little child and when they grow up they are married
together. Here it is not important whether the girl really
wants to marry the boy or not or whether her husband
works or not. It is also not important whether the girl
gets education or not.
The majority of participants agreed that even if parents have

some savings they spend less on their daughters. Spending on
daughters is not considered a good investment. Girls will be
married within a few years and would have to follow their in-laws’
traditions and decisions. As one participant (M) said, “Girls are
considered other people’s property.” Another participant (I)
described it this way:
In our Pashtun society, people give more attention to the

boy’s education because he will one day support the
whole family. As for the woman, she has traditionally
been limited to the house. So this is why the son would
be preferred. This is not because they are doing gender
discrimination. No they don’t. They pay more attention
to their male children because he will one day support
them.
In contrast, one participant (C), disagreeing with the above

conclusion, said with much laughter:
I rather prefer to invest in my daughter’s education

because she is going to bring me a “son-in-law” and on
the other hand my son would get married and will be
taken away by my daughter-in-law.
Some participants thought that the tradition of spending less on

daughters may be slowly changing, particularly among Pashtuns
living in settled areas. Such people have more connections with
the external world, are more exposed to mass media, and have
more contact with relatives living in urban areas and abroad. A
participant (G) who served as director of education agreed that
change is possible:
Societies change. They change slowly. They think one

way and then later slowly they change. You see when a
girl is doing a job. She becomes a teacher or something.
Then she is a source of income as well. We have such
school in which there is lack of space now so we can
arrange accommodation there. Out of these I will give
you an example, we have a high school in Loon Khawar

[a village in Mardan district] and now there are sixteen
hundred girls studying in it.
I believe this “alternative thinking” shows a pattern of

changing values concerning girls’ education. However, there is
more change in urban and settled areas than in remote
mountainous areas.
Pashtuns’ Tribal Code: Pashtunwali

One of the strongest barriers to girls’ education, endorsed by all
respondents in Round 2, was the cultural influence of
Pashtunwali. One panelist (A) indicated that Pashtunwali is
discussed often in Pashtun communities in the context of gender
relations and especially girls’ education. He said:
I know many people in our village who are financially

fairly comfortable too. Even though they had enough
money to live comfortably but over this thing
[Pashtunwali] they took their girls out of school. There
have been fights within families too over female
education. Like, I have witnessed such things. There
have been many fights over female education.
In Pashtunwali, men’s honor and the dignity of family and clan

supersede many other priorities. A woman’s life is centered in her
home. She has predefined roles and responsibilities, such as home-
making, food preparation, and childbearing, which do not support
her education. As described by a participant (F),
The old traditions of Pashtuns [Pashtunwali] compel

Pashtuns to do such things [restrict her schooling]. He
does not let her go out. She is stuck inside. This is
embedded culture of the Pashtuns.
If a man is seen doing women’s work, he is ridiculed by his

family and friends. A man is not supposed to work in the kitchen,
take care of children, or do cleaning work at home. In one
participant’s (H) words,
In mountainous areas, you know, water has to be

brought from the outside. It is the job of women to bring
water. If a man does it, then he is bullied and called
various types of insulting names. They use a particular
word for such a man: khazoonak [women’s puppet]. So
people will say, “Boy, what a khazoonak.” So, yeah,
women bring the water, firewood. Women harvest
crops. If a girl goes to school and then comes home to
do her homework, then she can’t do these things.
However, there was consensus that making decisions about

girls’ education varied from district to district and even from
village to village. For example, the Pashtunwali code of restricting
girls from schooling is not as widely practiced in the plains and
settled areas as it is in tribal and mountainous regions. Some of
the stricter traditions are practiced only in remote hilly areas
bordering Afghanistan. One participant (O), differentiating the
Pashtun region between the plains and hilly areas, explained:
The restriction [to girls’ education] differs area-wise. In

some areas you don’t have to work hard to persuade the
people to educate their girls. There are problems in the

hilly areas such as upper Swat, Dir, and the tribal areas,
FATA.
This regional division of the province into plains and

mountainous areas was a common theme in many discussions.
Participants agreed that the plains areas—where major cities of
the province are located—were more open to socioeconomic and
cultural changes, including less gender discrimination.
Rigid Interpretation of Religion

There was consensus that religion has been a major factor in
shaping Pashtun identity and social structures. Some participants
argued that most of the time a particular religious interpretation is
indirectly used to restrict girls’ education. The strongest argument
for this idea was given by a member of an NGO (I) who works on
gender-related issues in the tribal areas of Dir, Swat, and
Mohmand Agency:
Some [religious leaders] argue that if you are sending

your daughter to school, you are basically disregarding
a basic foundation of Islam and that is purdah. Now this
extraordinary purdah restriction creates obstacles to
girls’ education.
A majority of participants agreed that due to continued wars

and conflict in the region, an extreme and violent version of Islam
flourished among Pashtuns. In this version of Islam, girls are not
allowed to go to school. A participant (I) reported that in some
rural areas, there were even incidents where Imams announced
through the mosque’s loudspeakers that girls’ education was

restricted. This issue of extremism received strong agreement.
One participant (P), who belongs to the tribal areas bordering
Afghanistan, stated that the Taliban version of Islam has been
widely accepted in the tribal region. The Taliban interpretation
includes restraints on girls’ education:
Our people already had this mentality that there should

be only religious education. The education of the world
[universal education] is not necessary. These kinds of
ideas made ground and brought things to this stage that
now they blew up so many schools. Forget about female
education, now we don’t even have schools for boys.
These tensions about extremism and security issues were

highlighted by many participants. Most agreed that the emergence
of the Taliban and their radical ideology directly threaten girls’
education. One participant (J), who was once captured by the
Taliban for ransom and lived with them for more than five weeks,
shared his experience:
As I also had knowledge about Quran and Prophet’s

(PBUH) teachings, I used to argue with my captors,
Taliban, about many religious issues. They have a clear
stance against girls’ education. Indeed, it’s an ideology.
There is a common saying they always use:
Sabaq da madrassay wayee, Dapara da paisay waee
Jannat ke ba ye zae na wee, dozakh ke ba gassay waee.
[Whoever is going to school, studies to earn money,
They will have no place in heaven, but will be burning
in hell.]
Participants agreed that Mullahs (religious leaders in local

mosques) have a strong influence in rural areas. Their
interpretation of some verses of the holy Quran is out of context
and some religious leaders articulate its meanings for their stance
against gender justice and girls’ education. Unfortunately,
common Pashtun men have no option but to follow them.
However, three participants, G, N, and D, disagreed that the
Taliban’s religious ideology is solely responsible for restrictions
on girls’ education. These participants argued that besides Taliban
ideology, “burning of girls’ schools” has many other political and
conflict-related implications: “Girls’ schools are burned because
they are considered symbols of Western imperialism” (G). One
participant (N), who belongs to the war-affected Swat area, argued
that the only schools destroyed were ones being used by
paramilitary forces against the Taliban insurgency.
Participant R, an active member of a religious political party,
argued that Islam does not create any restrictions on girls’
education but rather fully supports it. He quoted from religious
scripture and the preaching of the Prophet (PBUH) about making
girls’ education mandatory for each Muslim. When I inquired
about the Taliban and a few famous Imams’ verdicts on
restrictions of women’s education, he said:
That’s right, but all our religious political parties were

earlier penetrated by some evil people in the garb of
scholars. All the violence that flowed into Pakistan from
Afghanistan was actually a seditious trend, a great trail.
All our great scholars called it a fitna [conflict, chaos].
When I asked why authentic Ulema (religious leaders) are

either silent or do not openly speak against this non-Islamic
verdict perpetuated by the Taliban, Participant O tried to clarify

with examples of a few famous scholars of Islam in the province
who were killed because they spoke against the Taliban’s
interpretation of Islam.
There was consensus that “authentic” Islamic teachings have a
moderate view of women’s position in the community. Some
prominent religious scholars emphasized that Islam encourages
girls’ education and quoted text from the Quran and teachings and
practice of the Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) that make it
mandatory for Muslims to educate their daughters. One Imam
stated:
Prophet’s wife, Aisha, learned and spread teachings of

Islam outside home. Education is equally mandatory for
both men and women in Islam. Islam is not against
female education. Instead Islam exhorts us to give
education to women. And this was the reason the wives
of the Prophet had reached the highest stages of
knowledge. Now when there is no female education or
it is weak here [among Pashtuns], the reason is not that
Islam and the scholars are against this. If this education
is within the boundaries of religious order, such as
women’s dignity, privacy, and chastity not being
endangered, we should all accept female education as
publicly and openly as we accept it for boys. Islam
insists on education for women.
It is important to mention that there were several occasions

when some participants were slightly reluctant to respond to my
questions about women’s issues, probably due to security
concerns. Nevertheless, I found a strong consensus in rejecting the
view that religion itself directly prohibits girls’ education.

Participants did, however, identify potential factors that indirectly
create gender disparity and obstacles to girls’ education. These
include certain religious restrictions on women, the socially
regulated role of women in the community, and the importance of
female chastity and behavior to family honor.
In Round 2, another participant, who is in charge of a famous
Madrassa and is a well-known religious scholar in the area,
responded to my query concerning why Ulema do not speak up
with the authentic religious scripture that supports girls’
education. He said:
It’s easy to speak about gender equality while living in

a peaceful place; here, living in the middle of militants,
and talking about women’s issues and girls’ education
is a different story.
During Round 2, participants, including three religious leaders,

strongly supported the above argument of fear. They added their
own examples of renowned religious scholars killed by the
Taliban due to their verdict against the extremist activities of the
Taliban, including the ban on girls’ education and the burning of
schools.
Poor Accessibility
A common theme of inadequate transportation and concerns for
the security and safety of girls emerged. There was agreement
among participants that poor access to school is a major barrier,
particularly after primary education. Even if parents want to send
their daughter to school, they usually take her out after primary
school. Participant A explained:
The high schools are usually away from the village.

Girls have to travel in Suzuki [van] and then walk in the
fields. They are harassed on their way to school so
parents are not comfortable to take the risk. If such an
incident happens, it’s a serious issue for the family and
whole tribe. Many such conflicts had ended up with
armed confrontations and loss of lives. Due to these
security reasons, many girls would drop out of school
after primary education.
Two participants (A and K) personally experienced these

concerns. They were willing to send their daughters to school, but,
due to the long distance involved and security issues, they had to
take the girls out after primary education. If the daughter of poor
parents gets into trouble, they cannot expect justice from the court
system. One of them (K), a farmer and father of three daughters,
shared his distress:
I have three daughters. I wanted all of them to be

educated. My older daughter has graduated from high
school but I had to drop other two after primary school.
Now the security situation is terrible. Police force and
justice system is all corrupted. There is no justice. Rich
and elites will get away with anything they do! If
something happen to my daughter or someone bothered
her, where will I go? Who will give me justice? I am a
poor man. Instead of sending them [my daughters] to a
faraway school and taking the risk to their chastity and
safety, I better keep my daughters safe and keep them

at home.
Inadequate Physical Resources and Facilities in Schools

Emphasis was placed by most participants on the lack of adequate
facilities in schools. Participants especially discussed the
deteriorating situation in the government-run schools, where basic
facilities—toilets, sanitation, drinking water, and furniture—are
increasingly scarce. One participant (E) argued that “if there is no
proper wall around school and no proper toilet facility, parents
would not feel comfortable sending their girls to school.” In most
schools, girls have to sit on the floor in their classroom, besides
having no proper sanitation or toilet facilities. A political activist
and social worker (O) made an interesting point about the negative
role of politicians and members of parliament in the girls’
education sector:
If any member of parliament has made a school in those

areas through government-allocated funds, it has been
constructed in such a place where he [Member of
Parliament] can keep his cows and sheep and can use
the school as a barn but it is difficult for the girls to
reach that area for education. For example, some
schools in Badin, Swat, Upper Dir, and Kohistan. So the
government investment is done in a wrong way and
people from the local community are using those places
[girls’ schools] to keep their cattle or for socializing, but
girls cannot access those areas.
Lack of Female Teachers and Ghost Schools

An issue that received extensive feedback from participants was
the severe shortage of female teachers. If there are no female
teachers, parents will not send their daughters to school. Even if
the government has allocated a female teacher, she hardly visits
the school due to security and transportation concerns.
One participant (G), who served as a director of education for
the Swat region, shared examples from his experience about the
challenges female teachers face in reaching out to these schools in
remote rural areas of Pakhtunkhwa:
I will give you the example of small villages here in

Mardan in the outlying areas of the district near District
Swabi, like Grumat Meray, Toroo Maray. No bus, no
car, or horse coach goes there. It is impossible for the
female teacher to walk to the school through farm
fields. She just can’t do it. So there are major transport
problems. Fact is that girls do want to study but if there
is no teacher, then what can they do?
Some participants also voiced concerns about “ghost schools.”

These are officially registered schools with staff, but in reality the
school does not exist. The school building might be in use by some
landlords for their cattle or farm needs, but the teacher and staff
pay is distributed. One participant (H), an NGO worker who
regularly visits the remote mountainous areas of Mansehra,
Hazara, and Kaghan, described the situation:
In most remote areas, very few schools are open and the
teachers come. It often happens that just one teacher
will come or even the absent teachers will hire another

half-educated girl from the village and have her sit in
the school. This girl does not really teach. She is there
to inform the actual teachers in case there is a visit by
the higher official for [school] inspection. There is
hardly any inspection visit because they will talk to the
inspectors too and give them some part of their salaries
as bribe. Besides, village people do not have the
awareness and they don’t care enough to come together
and ask for teacher to be regular at school.
Irrelevance of the Curriculum

Some participants pointed out the irrelevance of the curriculum to
community needs and priorities, causing resistance to girls’
education. This was mentioned by a few participants in Round 1,
and in Round 2 a strong consensus developed on the irrelevance
of the curriculum for community needs.
One theme was that the curriculum is founded in Western
ideology and that learning these lessons would make girls
Westernized and less attentive to Pashtun values: “The
conservative Pashtuns avoid sending their girls to schools
especially in villages. They say girls are taught liberal ideas” (F).
As teaching the English language is a key element from early
grades onward, communities think that “this education brings girls
toward Westernization” (F).
Participants also agreed that the current curriculum of primary
as well as high school does not match the specific local needs of
the community. There is no relevance of the existing curriculum
to the world in which these girls are living. One participant (G), a
former director of schools in the area, suggested that the

curriculum could be changed; a few small changes could make it
acceptable and appealing to the community. He shared one of his
experiences:
Besides science and basic education, the other thing I

feel must be taught is handicraft. I went to a girls’
primary school. There was only one teacher but I
appreciated her a lot because I saw that they hung up
charts about stitching, showing how to stitch. There are
various technicalities of stitching like small “geendha”
(pattern) or large patterns. I really appreciated her for
this. Then in a meeting with other primary school
teachers in the area, I gave them example of those charts
and told them that you should teach these things to
children. What that lady teacher has done—you can do
it too.
Lack of Political Will and Corruption

Many participants, particularly those working in the education and
gender-related sectors, shared concerns about the lack of attention
to education by governments. Participants explained that many
politicians and elected members of parliament in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa (KP) are illiterate. Why would they be concerned
about girls’ education if they have not gone to school themselves?
One participant (D) mentioned that once “we had an illiterate
education minister, who was not even able to sign his name, and
next term we had an education minister who graduated from a
Madrassa [religious school].”
Participants strongly agreed that education as a whole—and

particularly girls’ education—has never been a priority for
government. One participant (C) expressed this dilemma:
Once the government wants to do it, people will

respond positively because the government carries
some trust and authority. When it says something is
good, people believe it. They [government] need to put
their stamp of approval on female education.
There is, however, significant regional variation in government

priorities within the KP. Female education receives much more
attention in urban than in remote mountainous and rural areas.
A number of participants spoke about systematic, entrenched
corruption, as well as mismanagement within the government-run
school system. Most of the funds allocated for the girls’ education
sector “is either eaten by corrupt government officials or wasted
due to negligence and mismanagement” (I). One participant (F),
an NGO worker, suggested that the government is simply not
taking ownership of the girls’ education sector. There is
widespread corruption—which everyone knows about—but no
one is sincere and serious enough to take a step to stop that
corruption. When I inquired about specific examples of such
issues, participants shared their experiences:
In Kohistan [remote border area of KP], many female

teachers had gathered on the first day of the month and
those ladies were not there to teach but just to get their
salaries. In the Mansehra area, there are teachers who
do not even go to the school but find some students for
less money in their place. There are many such bogus
teachers in rural and tribal areas of the KP. In Mansehra,

we had an officer who was involved in major
corruption, in millions it must be. But alas, he never got
punished. Even he was a bit smaller fish. Who will
catch the bigger ones?
Discussion
Over the last few decades, the Pashtun region has experienced
continued war and conflict as well as chronic underdevelopment
and poverty. Due to rampant instability, local businesses and
agriculture have been destroyed and men must go to urban areas
to work and feed their families. In the absence of men, women
have to take care of both farming and home chores. In these
circumstances, girls are usually forced to work on farms and so
cannot go to school. The Delphi panel unanimously declared
poverty to be the single biggest barrier to girls’ education.
Sustainable Development Policy Institute reported that 58.7
million Pakistanis are living below the poverty line, with the
highest poverty rate in Baluchistan (52 percent) and KP (32
percent).34 The gender dimension of poverty is reflected in the
slow progress of girls’ education in the South Asian region.
UNESCO reported that in Pakistan, “the percentage of poorest
girls out of school has fallen from 78 percent to 62 percent, a much
smaller drop than in India (from 66 percent to 30 percent), Nepal
(from 52 percent to 22 percent), and Bangladesh (from 91 percent
to 44 percent).”35 It is important to note that the impact of poverty
on girls’ access to schooling varies by cultural and geographical
regions within Pakistan, with an especially alarming situation in
rural and tribal areas of KP and Baluchistan. Malik and Rose
found that the poorest girls in Baluchistan have a 65 percent

chance of never attending school, compared to 10 percent for the
richest girls in Punjab. 36
Several studies have placed great significance on the role of
poverty in the level of educational attainment for girls.37 Jackson
interviewed 630 parents, 332 teachers, 687 school-aged girls, and
105 key informants in seventeen provinces of Afghanistan. More
than 40 percent identified poverty as a severe impediment.38
Another comprehensive, community-based study was conducted
by Community Information, Empowerment and Transparency
International to determine factors affecting school enrolments in
Pakistan. It was found that girls from low-income rural families
were only half as likely to be enrolled in school as girls from
higher-income families.39 This demonstrates that poverty is a
substantial influence in the non-enrolment of girls, supporting the
consensus of the Delphi panel in this study.
Early marriage is another key factor linked to poverty.
Particularly relevant here is the concept of “opportunity cost.”40
Schultz argues that parents may invest in a daughter’s education
until the return exceeds the cost of the investment.41 In the case of
early marriage, parents have little interest in paying for the
education of their daughters.42 Nearly 50% Pakistani girls are
married by age 19, 40% are married by age 18, and about 13%
girls enter marriage before their 15th birthday. 43 The situation is
much more alarming in Pashtun communities living in tribal areas,
where the average age of marriage for girls is around fourteen
years. Daughters are considered expendable, soon to become
“other people’s property.”44 Even if a girl does go to school, after
the wedding she will be dropped.
To further explore this Pashtun priority, I asked all participants:
“If you had a daughter and a son, with financial resources to
educate only one child, who would you send to school?”

Participants unanimously responded, “The boy.”
In a situation where it is hard for parents to feed and clothe their
children, education becomes a low priority, especially for girls as
they are expected to marry early and thus will not contribute
income to the household. Therefore, as suggested by the Delphi
panel, and consistent with earlier studies, it is important to
contextualize girls’ education in terms of the macro
socioeconomic and political situation of the region.
Impact of Wars and Extremism across the Border

The Pashtun region has undergone continued struggle, possibly
due to its strategic location as the gateway for central Asia.
Bordered by Afghanistan, the people of KP have faced threat and
insecurity since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. More
than 1.5 million Afghans fled across the border to take refuge in
the province, and most still reside there. With the invasion of
Afghanistan by NATO forces in 2002, a fresh episode of
extremism and militancy started in the region. These continued
wars and the resultant instability have had a significant impact on
the overall progress and socioeconomic condition of the area. As
discussed in the UNDP report,
The refugees and the politics of the war in the vicinity

has eroded the traditional social order in the province,
broken down law and order, crippled the economy,
discouraged investment and resulted in large-scale
emigration of skilled labor to the rest of Pakistan and
the growing economies of the region. Above all, the
refugees taxed the social and physical infrastructure of
the province. Finally the province has become the

battleground of an insurgency since 2007, which has its
roots in the war in Afghanistan.45
This war-like situation, prolonged for more than a decade, has

produced severe consequences for girls’ education in the
province. In addition, the extremism has brought with it radical
and extreme religious views about women’s roles and girls’
education. The UNDP study found that militancy has created a
fearful environment where diverse or critical views about the
existing social order and religious interpretations are forcefully
discouraged and extreme views are perpetuated and enforced on
the public.46
Interpretation of the Quran and Sunnah

Religion was a dominant theme discussed by all participants in
both rounds of the Delphi process. A few participants talked about
colonial influences and the reaction of religious leaders against the
Western educational system. Others mentioned a clash of
moderate and extreme interpretations of the Quran and Islamic
scripture around women’s issues. These findings are consistent
with other studies in which religion, especially a few particular
religious interpretations, is considered to have a significant
influence on gender roles and girls’ education.
However, many—including some of the men interviewed for
this study—argue that there is no evidence of direct restrictions on
girls’ education in either the Quran or the Sunnah (teachings of
Prophet Mohammad (PBUH)). Instead, these men point out that
the Quran and the teachings of the Prophet (PBUH) clearly
encourage education of both boys and girls. Some religious groups
and leaders have interpreted religious texts for their personal and
political agendas, and, in a conservative culture like the Pashtun,
very few would question any religious verdict.47 On the other
hand, this study found strong evidence of support for girls’
education in the participants’ interpretations of the Quran and
Sunnah. For example, there are many Hadiths (teachings of
Prophet Mohammad (PBUH)) that encourage girls’ education:
Whoever has three (or two or one) girls or sisters and

treats them well and does not prefer male children over
them and educates them in the best manner, Allah will
make them a shield against hell and will put them in
heaven. (Abu Davud)
Further evidence that Islam does not restrict girls’ education

can be found in the education ratio in the most conservative
Islamic countries. Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United
Arab Emirates show a reverse gender gap favoring girls over boys
in higher education and an almost zero gender gap at primary and
secondary levels.48 Moreover, one of the conservative Islamic
political parties has established hundreds of girls’ schools and
women’s colleges in Pakistan, particularly in urban Pashtun
regions. These schools provide modern education blended with
Islamic teachings while maintaining a religiously relevant
academic environment. This Islamic group has recently
established the Women’s University in Islamabad where women
are given both modern and religious education. It is interesting to
note that most religious leaders on the panel were sending their
daughters to modern schools but were nevertheless reluctant to
speak out against the Taliban’s views. This study demonstrates
that it is not religion in general that is creating resistance to
educating girls; rather, it is a particular interpretation of religion,

one dominated by the Pashtuns’ tribal code and cultural values
concerning the subordination of women.
During the last two decades, a particularly rigid interpretation
of Islam was strengthened by the importing of an extreme version
of Islamic ideology from the Arab world. Radical Arab nationals
with extreme religious backgrounds, infiltrated Pashtun societies
during Jihad-e-Afghanistan (Soviet-Afghan War) in the 1980s.
Many of them arrived with the help of the Western world and Arab
power elites, who were major financiers of the Afghan
Mujahideen (freedom fighters, or Muslims who believe they are
doing Jihad) during the Cold War era. Those Arab nationals
quickly became fully socialized within Pashtun societies and later
were commonly known as Afghan-Arabs in the Pashtun areas.49
Some of them even married into Pashtun families, particularly
from rural tribes bordering Afghanistan. As Pashtuns are both a
very hospitable and conservative people, they were significantly
influenced by the Arab influx. This was a major shift in Pashtun
communities that in turn reshaped mindsets and restructured
women’s roles and responsibilities.50
Insecurity and Fear

Participants’ concerns about insecurity and extremism were
mentioned on many occasions. Thirteen of sixteen participants
agreed that the emergence of the Taliban and their extreme
ideology directly threatens girls’ education. As related above, one
participant (J) was captured by the Taliban and held for ransom.
During his more than five weeks with them, he heard firsthand the
Taliban’s ideology and their clear stance against girls’ education.
Another major factor in the restriction of educated or authentic
Ulema voices is militancy and fear of the Taliban. Many renowned

religious leaders have been threatened and killed due to their open
critique of extremist religious groups in the region. Clearly, due
to militancy and religious extremism, an environment of fear and
insecurity has been created in the area, and people with diverse
views are reluctant to openly share their views on sensitive issues.
In the process of doing this research, I have come to realize that
security and peace are essential for productive dialogue. When
people do not have to be concerned about their safety and when a
relationship of trust is established, they can be willing to share
their thoughts even on sensitive issues such as educational
opportunities for girls.
Pashtunwali (Pashtun Way of Life)

As discussed above, Pashtunwali, Pashtuns’ code of living, is
considered critically important aspect of their social structure.
Some still consider women’s place in society to be “either kor
[home] or gor [grave].” There was strong agreement among
Delphi participants that Pashtun tribal norms and values create the
most resistance to girls’ education. One participant (C), father of
three daughters, indicated that Pashtunwali is a much-discussed
topic in the discourse of gender relations and especially girls’
education. He emphasized:
I know many people in our village who are financially

fairly comfortable. Even though they had enough
money to live comfortably but over this thing
[Pashtunwali] they took their girls out of school. There
have been fights within families too over female
education. I have witnessed many fights within families

over female education.
Pashtuns are generally very sensitive to their women’s image

and identity. Participant G stated that Pashtuns even do not like to
say the names of their women in public. Even if they have to
mention their names in government offices or hospitals for
identification purposes, they will first look around to make sure
no other man is within hearing range before they whisper their
wife or daughter’s name to the officer. One participant shared an
interesting example:
I will give you an example of a friend of mine. He has

done his MSc. He is the director of an NGO. He has
served people greatly through his NGO but even if
today you ask his little son what is the name of his
mother, he will shout from the corner of the room and
stop his son from mentioning his mom’s name.
However, participants of the study agreed that there is a

significant shift in this attitude toward women. In many urban
areas, women education and her active participation in
socioeconomic fabric of society is widely accepted. In many areas,
educated women are taking the lead in challenging patriarchy by
redefining women’s role and status in the community. One
participant observed significant shifts in the household status of
girls and boys:
Change is taking place right now. For the parents, both

the boy and the girl are their children. They are their
own flesh. Both are sweet. In situations when guest
comes, then the best is given to the male guest and the
female will eat whatever is left. You see that trend of
male preference is also changing. Now good food is
shared by both male and female children. They eat
whatever is cooked. It is the same in my house. These
days children will often eat eggs for breakfast. There are
eggs for both the girl and the boy. Some place where
there is still any discrimination that is also going to end
Inshallah [by the will of God]. (Participant C)
Discussing attitudes about girls’ education, one participant

shared his recent encounter with his older brother who was living
with his family in an urban setting but was reluctant to send his
daughters to school:
Well, initially, my eldest brother was not ready to send

his daughters to school. I told him, “Look, brother! If
you are not sending your girls to school, then you might
as well get them married in the village.” I know many
people whose girls grew up in cities with all the
facilities that cities offer like electricity, markets,
hospitals, etc., but because they [girls] were not
educated they were married off to people in villages
back in the land [mountainous tribal areas]. And at the
same time, I have seen girls who grew up in villages
without roads, water, electricity, and all that a city
offers, but because they acquired education, they are
now living city lives. You see people are deaf and blind,
but some of them might have closed their eyes but they
are not actually blind. (Participant G)
Moreover, it is very difficult for girls who are born and raised
in the cities to adjust to remote rural areas. Hence, most Pashtun
parents are now sending their daughters to school so they can find
a good match for their girls within urban communities.
The Delphi panel findings were consistent with earlier
research51 indicating that a major barrier to girls’ education is
local culture and customs. Jackson, who conducted a
comprehensive field study in Afghanistan, concluded: “While
economic factors play a significant role in this decision-making
process, social pressures and local norms regulating female
behavior often also play a critical role.”52 This is in line with a
study conducted by the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation
Unit, which found that “if a daughter is enrolled in school, the fear
of being shamed by extended family members in other
households, neighbors and others is widespread. ‘People talk,’ and
often this is too humiliating for members of a household—both
male and female—to bear.”53
In Round 2, a religious leader on the Delphi panel (B),
supporting the idea of Pashtunwali as a major barrier to girls’
education, argued that Pashtuns are very rigid in adherence to their
culture. If Islamic teachings conflicted with their deep-rooted
tribal norms and traditions, they would try to find a way out and
would not compromise on their tribal values. Another religious
participant (C) explained:
You see a Pashtun, no matter how big a scholar or

educated person he might become, he will not give
inheritance to his daughter. Rather, he would prefer
giving his daughter’s share [in land inheritance] to his
sons and this is against the ruling of Islam.
Additionally, this study found that compared to rural and tribal

areas, most Pashtunwali traditions are not as rigidly practiced in
urban areas of KP. Delphi participants agreed that there is a clear
divide between rural and urban regions of KP in perception of
female education. Similarly, there is a significant variation in
progress to provide girls’ access to schooling, with an alarming
situation for girls’ education in geographically isolated and
politically fragile tribal areas of KP.
During my visits to urban Pashtun areas, I came across many
parents who had moved to cities expressly to educate their
daughters. These parents explained that their elders and extended
family members do not like them sending their daughters to
school. In line with Jackson’s study in Afghanistan, 54 I also found
that in rural areas, parents of school-going girls face strong
resistance within their families. They consider it against
Pashtunwali and will gossip and make negative comments about
the school-going girls. Such attitudes are humiliating for the
parents and family of the girls going to school.
The Delphi panel developed the consensus that it is critical to
understand Pashtunwali norms and values, and strategically utilize
cultural strengths to gain support for girls’ education. For
example, there are three historically established, highly respected
institutions of the Pashtun community: the men’s guest house
(Hujra), council of elders (Jirga), and mosque (Jumaat). Hujra, a
central spot for gatherings of village men, is the most appropriate
place to initiate conversations about extending education
initiatives for girls. A Jirga member in the Delphi panel
emphasized that “the best way to discuss girls’ education is to sit
in the Hujra and win the confidence of the elders of the village.”
The Jirga is another highly respected and honorable institution
in the Pashtun tribes. The Jirga norms and decision-making
processes define indigenous ways Pashtuns discuss and resolve

their social, economic, and political issues at village, tribal, and
regional levels.55 Therefore, Jirga holds promising potential and
provides a powerful platform to engage community elders in
addressing critical issues of gender justice in Pashtun society.
Participant D, a community elder, suggested that members of
these institutions would possess meaningful authority in
community discussions about girls’ education by virtue of their
cultural and religious standing.
Urban and Rural Variation

During Round 2 of the Delphi process, I realized how important it
was to understand that different Pashtun regions of Pakistan have
different cultural and economic dynamics. One of the strongest
themes that emerged was the rural-urban or mountains-plains
variation. In development and education policies, women in rural
areas receive less attention than women in urban areas. Likewise,
women in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)
bordering Afghanistan receive much less education than do
women in the Punjab, Sindh, and Kashmir provinces of Pakistan.
In cities, where there is public transportation, access to schools
may not be a major issue, whereas in rural and mountainous areas
girls’ education suffers because of limited access.
The Delphi panel findings are consistent with earlier research
in Pakistan and Afghanistan. A study by the World Bank reported
that shortcomings in girls’ education are particularly notable in
rural Pashtun areas, which in 2004 had the lowest female
enrolment of any province in Pakistan. According to the World
Bank Education for All 2000 assessment, only 11 percent of girls
and women are literate in the Pashtun-dominated tribal and rural
areas.56 A more recent Millennium Development Goal report of

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province shows a continued trend of
significant gender and regional disparity in literacy and enrolment
levels, “with rural females faring extremely poorly in educational
attainment at all levels.”57 In a qualitative study focusing on four
communities, one rural and one urban in both Kabul and Parwan
provinces of Afghanistan, Echavez found a similar pattern.
Echavez interviewed 162 female and male participants,
comprising ninety-one adults over twenty-five and seventy-one
youths aged eighteen to twenty-five. Participants from the rural
communities had fewer opportunities for education than their
urban counterparts.58 In addition, “rural areas were more
conservative in their views on sending children to school,
especially girls and young women.”59 Echavez found that
challenges to women’s development and girls’ education are
much more complex and urgent in rural and tribal Pashtun areas
than in urban settings.60
It is encouraging to note that despite significant obstacles and
a slow progress in girls’ access to schooling, in recent years, there
is a greater public awareness and interest in support of girls’
education. Several civil society organizations are actively
engaging communities to create awareness of the significance of
girls’ education as well as influencing political parties to make
girls’ education an urgent development priority. Malala
Yousafzai, Pashtun girl from Pakistan, has become a strong voice
for girls’ education within Pakistan and across the globe.
Conclusion
Participants in this study developed a consensus on major barriers

to girls’ access to education: poverty, Pashtunwali, religion,
accessibility, resources, shortage of female teachers, curriculum,
and lack of political will. Though religion stands out as a crucial
component of the Pashtun sociocultural and political environment,
the Pashtunwali code exerts equal, if not greater, influence. A
religious leader on the Delphi panel argued that Pashtuns adhere
to their culture strictly. If Islamic teachings conflict with tribal
norms, Pashtuns will try to sidestep religious protocol so as not to
compromise deep-rooted values. However, the study found that
compared to rural tribal areas, Pashtunwali traditions are not as
rigidly practiced in urban areas of KP, where there is more support
and recognition for gender justice and girls’ education. These
findings suggest the need for a systemic approach to overcoming
barriers to girls’ education by engaging the community and
offering contextually related, localized models of schooling.
Instead of focusing only on supply-side improvements (such as
more schools), policymakers should give proper attention to the
demand side. That is, they should take into account local and on-
the-ground social realities, such as Pashtun tribal and cultural
traditions. It is also important to earn trust and support for girls’
education through effective use of the community’s well-
established traditional institutions such as Hujra (men’s
community center), Jirga (council of elders), and Jumaat
(mosque). Given the patriarchal nature of these traditions, it would
seem that girls’ access to education will not improve until the
community and particularly Pashtun men are actively involved in
changing the situation.
TW O
NGOs, Participatory
Development, and
Construction of Identities
In this chapter, I critically examine development discourse,

focusing on the process by which identities are constructed in the
interactions between nongovernmental organization (NGO)
workers and communities. Through an analysis of gender and
development (GAD) programs in South Asia, I explore some of
the challenges and contradictions that arise in participatory
development. I argue that sustainable practice can be achieved
only through self-reflective, inclusive, and respectful
relationships. Review of GAD initiatives in the Pashtun region of
Pakistan and Afghanistan leads to the realization that there is
urgent need to constructively engage men in gender-related
programs.
60 Construction of Identities
Introduction
The remarkable proliferation in the number and size of

nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in developing countries,
together with the constant rise in funding from Western donors,
has made them powerful actors in global politics and international
development. In Pakistan, the number of registered NGOs is
estimated to be more than 100,000.1 However, people in
developing countries often perceive NGOs with suspicion due to
the increased political involvement and military interventions of
the Western world in the region. The public perception of NGOs
is diverse and often contradictory. In her important study based on
three hundred interviews with respondents across Pakistan, Bano
found that NGOs are often perceived as solely dependent on
foreign development aid and as lacking in public legitimacy.2
High monetary compensation of NGO leaders, along with well-
publicized scandals, has fueled criticism of the sector.3 Many
studies have raised questions about NGOs’ claim of participatory
development and their impact on the communities they seek to
help. The criticism is made that instead of engaging communities
and listening to their voices, NGOs are creating—in urban areas,
at least—a new elite class, immersed in Western values and
disconnected from their communities.4
This chapter critically examines development discourse, with
particular attention to the process by which identities are
constructed in the relationships between NGO workers and the
target community. I begin by exploring development discourses
and the construction of identities. Next I describe the historical
progress in gender and development (GAD) and participatory
approaches. Through an examination of GAD programs in South
Asia, especially the Pashtun region of northwest Pakistan and
Construction of Identities 61
Afghanistan, I then consider some of the challenges and

contradictions that often arise in practice. I argue that an effective
and transparent development practice holds constructive
possibilities that can be achieved through attitudes that are
culturally sensitive, inclusive, honest, and open. I conclude by
arguing that men need to be involved in GAD discourse,
particularly in initiatives involving the highly patriarchal
communities of northwest Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Development Discourse and Construction of Identities
In the context of development aid, discourse can be defined as a

“historically, socially and institutionally specific structure of
representations or articulations through which meanings are
constructed and social practices organized.”5 Laclau and Mouffe
state that the term discourse suggests that every social
configuration has a meaning attached to it.6 Discourses, however,
are not closed or complete systems but open-ended and
continuously linked to and influenced by other discourses. A
discourse may be understood as a “temporary closure” of an
articulated meaning, which could reduce or exclude other possible
meanings. Identities are thus temporary attachments to the subject
positions that discursive practices construct for us. For example,
in her research on the identities of Swedish and Danish
development workers in Tanzania, Eriksson Baaz makes an
important contribution when she connects development literature
with postcolonial literature. Discussing the complexities in
relationships between development aid and the politics of
identities, Baaz points to the emergence of paternalism—typical
of colonialism—in the identities of development workers in the
era of participatory development. Her interviews expose

significant tensions between the development claims of
partnership and the existing practice; her work underscores the
problematic links between colonialist tendencies in development
discourse and the formation of worker identities. 7
In development practice, donor and development worker
together present a specific identity that keeps them in a power
relationship vis-à-vis their recipients. This positioning of
identities defines “others” as inferior and passive. The negativity
of “others” in postcolonial discourse does not merely include
issues of poor communication, skills, and technology, but also
poor moral values, poor education—in short, overall cultural
backwardness. As Baaz argues, even in the partnership discourse,
the “other” partner is considered unreliable and untrustworthy
compared to Westerners. 8 The “underdeveloped” are construed as
ignorant and uncivilized and thus in need of the continuous
presence of Western NGOs. If a project does not achieve its
objective, the blame is placed on the local community’s lack of
knowledge and skills.9
The analysis of discourse is simultaneously an analysis of
power. As mentioned, discourse constructs desired meanings by
excluding and restricting certain forms of speech and thought.
Discourse uses power to shape the production of knowledge.10
Power, according to Foucault, “traverses and produces things, it
induces pleasure, forms knowledge, [and] produces discourse. It
needs to be considered as a productive network which runs
through the whole social body, much more than as a negative
instance whose function is repression.”11 At the same time, the
power that permeates everyday relationships can be connected to
hegemonic purposes, defining dominant modes in the social order
by excluding others and legitimizing a particular way of living.
In the context of development aid, power struggles are

embedded within its discipline and institutions, often—despite
liberating and participatory claims—with hegemonic intent.12 The
developed world directs the evolution of the developing world,
based on its own capitalism-driven success story.13 Hegemony is
used by the dominant social class as a means to organize its rule
so it seems natural to its subjects.14 These forces enact power not
only through their practices but by promulgating ideas and
preferences that define the world in Western terms via “captured
social imaginaries and constructed identities.”15 Hegemony is not
necessarily intentional. Rather, it is inherent in the relationships
between the powerful and the powerless.16
The prevailing ideas represented by a consensus of powerful
thinkers of international development become the standard
directives for development practitioners and the developing
nations who have no choice but to adopt them.17 In other words,
“Development is therefore at the same time rhetoric, official
practice and political theory, while also serving as a framework
for descriptions, on a global scale, of human misery and hope.”18
Major development decisions are frequently made because of
ideologies and politics. Inadvisable actions are often taken: ones
that do not solve the problem at hand or benefit recipients but do
fit with the interests of those in power.19 Bradley points out:
Development practice is in reality a strategy for the

maintenance of Western sovereignty through
transforming the underdeveloped so as to fit them into
a vision that reflects the way the dominant powers
(West) would like the world to be….The West requires
proof that the developing country is competent in the
task of changing itself in line with the Western model

of modernization.20
It is now generally acknowledged in development literature

that approaches based on modernization and dependency theories
have suffered significantly from their top-down perspective.
Bradley argues that development workers “operate within a world
of mythical representation of other people because they are caught
within a macro system of power that is not concerned with
responding to real need.”21 Aid recipients are not considered
capable of decision making. Instead, dominant constructions of
knowledge determine who is qualified to know and how much.
The prevailing discourse is usually determined by a development
“expert,” the only one who has the wisdom to bring lasting change
to communities.22 This mindset of professionals is especially
problematic in one of the most sensitive areas of international
development—gender and development.
GAD and the Participatory Approach
Gender and development (GAD) perspective recognizes the

family system in its diverse contexts and stresses the impact of
structurally rooted inequalities. GAD acknowledges the social
construction of different societies and particularly the
predetermined roles and responsibilities assigned to women.
Instead of focusing on isolated issues, GAD takes a holistic
sociocultural approach in its development programs.23
GAD policy makers and practitioners use gender-
disaggregated information to help design more effective
programs. (Gender-disaggregated information considers each
individual aid recipient as the unit of analysis, and can therefore

articulate a precise picture of women’s and men’s roles both in a
community and a country). The GAD approach challenges the
standard assumption in development practice that men alone
support the family. It recognizes that women and men together
support a family and therefore both roles need to be analyzed in
their sociocultural context.24
The participatory approach has been widely used in
development discourse ever since the WHO/UNICEF Alma Alta
Declaration of 1978. Later development scholars have seen
participation as a primary objective and method of development
work. Nolan defines participation as “the involvement of different
members of a society—groups and subgroups—in the decisions
that will affect their lives, now and in the future.”25 This definition
has become standard in the field of development aid.
Historically, the shift toward participatory development grew
out of the failures of “externally imposed and expert-oriented”
intervention efforts.26 By contrast, participatory development
initiatives promote sustainable, gender-sensitive practices.27 They
seek to empower recipients who previously had “limited control
or influence.”28 Recipients include people with less power and
limited opportunities; that is, people marginalized by poverty or
by gender.29
In recent decades, development agencies and donor
organizations have increasingly recognized the importance of the
participatory, grassroots approach. This growing emphasis has
provided a new dimension to the field of international
development—a critical shift away from top-down, professionally
driven, and “rational-comprehensive styles of planning in favor of
more bottom-up, community-driven and decentralised
planning.”30 The shift is apparent in such development initiatives
as gender equality, micro-financing, and women’s education. It

has been suggested that the move toward a community
participation approach is playing a critical role in efficient,
effective, and democratic planning and development initiatives.
Some development thinkers argue that participatory
development has been presented as the gold standard in
development practice, drawing as it does on modernist, Western
assumptions that prioritize democracy, tolerance for difference,
and representation for marginalized and elite groups alike.31 In
theory, participatory development is supposed to give a voice to
people whose society restricts their access to power.32 In practice,
however, as indicated by many field studies, the results can be
different: participatory development is often used to satisfy the
needs of donors, sustain hegemonic power relations, and secure
the dominant discourse in the developing world.33 For example, in
the context of gender equality, Bradley argues that the “fictitious
depiction” of rural Indian women by Western NGOs as passive
and compliant does not help eradicate patriarchy.34 The result is
the double repression of women: first by the patriarchy of their
own conservative society, and second by “liberal Western
feminists” who lead women’s development NGOs in the
developing world.35
Moreover, GAD practitioners argue that participation can
become a “new tyranny” for development workers when it raises
unrealistic expectations or overestimates the effectiveness of
NGOs. Britha Mikkelsen contends that participation is not, as
many assume, the universal remedy, because there are limits to
what interactive participation can achieve in equality and
efficiency.36 There are significant socioeconomic inequalities and
complex relations of power at the grassroots level in developing
communities. These cannot be ignored.
In the development literature, it is often argued that the most

effective way to achieve gender justice is to focus on structural
and institutional transformation. This transformation would not
only affect women’s individual lives; it would also affect the
sociocultural institutions that enforce discrimination against
women and guard against change. The GAD approach, however,
presents a considerable challenge, given that many of the values
and norms limiting women’s choices in Muslim societies are
underwritten by Islamic assumptions and thus are assumed to be
beyond discourse and argumentation.37 Hoodfar, who studied the
leading role of Afghan women in the women’s education
movement in Iran, suggests that to remove the oppressive
interpretation of Islamic values, Muslim women themselves
would need to come forward and redefine those interpretations
that have disempowered them. She contends that the key to
gender-equality initiatives may remain within the paradigms of
Islam—but with a progressive interpretation.38 Hoodfar argues:
Privileging and promoting more liberal interpretations

of Islamic texts and re-examining what it means to be
Muslim within an enabling environment can potentially
empower women to make choices that can change
gender relations, reshape social institutions and pave
the way for a more equitable and democratic
community and society.39
Similarly, in the Pashtun region of Pakistan, Pakistani women

who established women empowerment NGOs have been
criticized for “taking on Western ideas unquestioningly…. [They]
have completely abandoned their own religious and cultural
values, which in the view of many respondents were the real
means of liberation.”40 When female NGO representatives

approached women in rural Pakistan, the NGO workers were
usually viewed as outsiders “who cannot relate to [our]
problems.”41
There are, however, many examples of successful participatory
development in the tribal areas bordering Pakistan and
Afghanistan. When the communities were adequately involved
and empowered, they welcomed development initiatives. When
efforts were initiated with an open and honest mindset, the
community embraced participation. For example, in Swat and
Malakand areas of northern Pakistan, the Taliban has burned
dozens of girls’ schools.42 Nevertheless, a few miles away, the
tribal communities have welcomed girls’ education. An
international NGO has established more than seventy-eight
schools in rural and often volatile regions of Pakistan and
Afghanistan. These schools provide education to more than
28,000 children, including 18,000 girls, in an area where few
educational opportunities existed before.43 To obtain a school,
villagers must provide the land and the labor, thus assuring a local
“buy-in”; to date the Taliban has not bothered these schools.
Notably, when an anti-American mob rampaged through Baharak,
Afghanistan, attacking aid groups, they stopped at the school local
people had just built with the help of an NGO. “This is our
school,” the mob leaders decided. They left it intact.44
Moreover, among the estimated several thousand NGOs
working in Pakistan and Afghanistan, an increasing number use
religion as the core ideology guiding their “service to humanity.”
In the Pashtun areas, particularly the rural and tribal belt of
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province, Islamic NGOs—with
hundreds of committed volunteers who understand local values—
have a grassroots presence and are perceived to be the most trusted
and effective actors in any natural-disaster or humanitarian crisis.

Instead of disengaging from the religious community, NGOs
should establish strategic working relationships with Islamic
organizations. Islamic NGOs’ extensive networks represent a
wealth of social, financial, cultural, and spiritual capital45 that
could be strategically used to further women’s development and
girls’ education.
Knowledge and Skills for NGO Workers in GAD
The starting point of any development work is to listen to the

voices of those whose understanding of life may be significantly
different from one’s own. It involves the skill of staying silent and
being open to differences of opinion.46 Harry Ferguson defines
reflexivity as “the ability to act in the world and to critically reflect
on our actions and in ways that may reconstitute how we act and
even reshape the very nature of identity itself.”47 Reflexivity offers
a positive view of “others” (aid recipients) as members of the
community who are capable of understanding and responding to
their needs. Thus the relationship between NGO workers and aid
recipients is founded on respect and willingness to appreciate their
differences.
In the journey toward understanding the values of others, NGO
workers first need to undergo personal exploration to understand
their own ethnic self. This entails being aware of one’s gender,
race, and culture, and the potential effects of these characteristics
on others.48 NGO workers need to develop self-reflexivity:
distancing themselves from their own experiences and achieving
a more objective view of their work so they can be influenced by
the people they are attempting to help. Rogers and Stevens
described the process beautifully: “When I accept myself as I am,

then I change.”49 Self-reflexivity for the development worker thus
includes looking at one’s own “background, embodiment,
personalities, and perspectives” and evaluating how these
influence decisions about recipients.50
Bradley suggests that the key to attaining reflexivity in
development work is to separate self and culture.51 She writes:
Individuals must question which of their feelings,

emotions and reactions are predetermined by the
attitude of their own culture toward “others” and which
relate to who they innately are….Warm acceptance of
other beings as separate and different is important to
achieve.52
To understand others requires sensitivity toward others’ culture

and values that can only be achieved when workers realize “who
they innately are” and piece together their own values, emotions,
and feelings.53
Bhawuk and Brislin note key predictors of success:
To be effective in another culture, people must be

interested in other cultures, be sensitive enough to
notice cultural differences, and then also be willing to
modify their behaviour as an indication of respect for
the people of other cultures. A reasonable term that
summarizes these qualities of people is intercultural
sensitivity.54
In practice, such intercultural sensitivity seeks to understand

and respond to criticisms of NGO representatives as overly
Westernized and unwilling to adapt to the cultures of local

communities. This involves making room for greater interaction
with those in need and ultimately furthers the usefulness of the
project.
To assess the effectiveness of Canadian professionals in
developing countries, the Canadian International Development
Agency (CIDA) conducted a number of studies. In one, twenty-
two professionals were assessed prior to leaving for an
international project and again after one year of fieldwork. It was
found that effective development work can be predicted by the
following seven skills: empathy, respect, role behavior, non-
judgmentalness, openness, tolerance for ambiguity, and
interaction management.55 Subsequent CIDA studies affirmed that
intercultural interaction and adaptation to the host culture are key
competencies for overseas projects.56 Nevertheless, despite
knowing that being involved in the host’s culture is critically
important for a development professional, many workers
acknowledged that they had “little social contact with the people
from the host country.”57 Several studies found working in a
different culture to be a demanding job that requires not only
commitment but special skills and attitudes. A significant number
of development professionals “gave up the challenge and retreated
into the expatriate ghetto.”58
In this context, Bradley emphasizes the importance of
hybridity: the natural process of identification and integration
between supposedly bounded cultures.59 Hybridity requires an
open and honest attitude blended with appropriate training
programs, all with the objective of gaining the trust of the
community by understanding and respecting the people’s cultural
values and traditions.
While development organizations continue to grow and employ

notions of “participatory development” and “partnership,”
studies indicate that NGOs often fail to effectively involve the
community in their programs.60 Alan Fowler argues that NGOs
“in many developing countries, are the object of government
mistrust and public suspicion.”61 In China and social justice
, due to poor connections with local peoples, NGOs face
serious issues of legitimacy and trust.62 In most Muslim countries,
GAD initiatives have been viewed as a means by which the West
seeks to wipe out the values and beliefs of Muslim societies. Some
scholars portray the GAD approach as the “battlefield” on which
the conflict between Islam and the West is played out.63 After
conducting a countrywide survey on the perception of NGOs in
Pakistan, Bano found that even among educated professionals in
cities, NGOs elicited jokes and derogatory comments:64
“An NGO visited today; it was wearing high heels and a short
shirt.”65
“There is a lot of money in poverty.” 66
“One can only look down on the poor from these NGOs’ four-
wheel drives; one cannot feel much for them.”67
NGOs represent “marble coffee-table human rights.” 68
It is tempting to ask why NGOs are perceived so negatively.
Alternatively, we may approach a solution from a different
direction: by examining successful experiences and noting their
common features.
As discussed above, the positive experience of some NGOs
tells us that when efforts are made to involve marginal local
voices, NGOs are trusted and respected by the community. The
literature on development suggests that the following features can
help NGOs establish trust in developing countries:
Display of respect. The community perceives NGOs to be
representative of their voice and respectful of their values and

traditions. This is most visible in GAD programs. In practical
terms, it requires an individual display of deep respect for the
worth of others as persons of high potential and the ability to
respond to others and their customs in a descriptive,
nonjudgmental manner.69
Acknowledging others. It is important to establish a reciprocal
relationship in which both the development professional and the
recipient reflect what they have learned from each other.70
Listening. In responding to community need, first the NGO
worker should have both a passion and the skills to listen to the
experiences of the local community. But the key is to listen
without any disparaging, value-laden interpretation. Remember:
“When I accept who I am, then I change.”71
Humanitarian consciousness. Development workers should
value human dignity and the common spirit of humanity. They
need to believe that human beings can ultimately find solutions to
seemingly insoluble problems. They should have an awareness of
perspectives that underlie stereotypes of dependency, growth, and
benefit.72
Long-term commitment. Communities are not static. They
function and are continuously affected by internal and external
political, sociocultural, and economic conditions. The
development worker should have a long-term commitment to the
changing needs of the community.73 Regular visits would help in
establishing the image of a long-term commitment. During my
development work with Afghan refugees, I heard it many times:
“They [Western NGOs] come with a political agenda; when
political goals are achieved they forget that there is even a country
named Afghanistan.”
Making GAD an inclusive approach. Despite its holistic
definition, the word gender remains focused on women’s

interventions. While women remain the most marginalized and
oppressed group, improving the socioeconomic condition of
women involves the participation of both men and women.74
When combined, these elements promote a positive
environment in which to engage in development work. They
highlight the importance of valuing the contribution, culture, and
ideas of local communities without imposing Western frames or
purposes on them. Instead, they incorporate the input of everyone
involved in order to build a successful outcome. Unless efforts are
made to constructively engage marginalized and disadvantaged
voices of both men and women, participatory development will
remain a superficial term with no value at ground level.
Engaging Men in GAD
As argued above, GAD and participatory approaches would

benefit from expanding women’s development initiatives to
include programs for men and women simultaneously. In many
countries, both developing and developed, groups of men have
emerged who, after being exposed to new modes of education and
development, have begun to ponder the desperate situation of
women in their communities. These groups share the fundamental
principle that men must take responsibility for ending their
aggressive attitude toward women’s active participation in
society.
There are historical precedents of men’s active participation in
gender justice. As noted by Metcalf, in the nineteenth century men
were key actors in the struggle for women’s development.75
Esplen points out that small numbers of men and boys in
developing countries are changing their attitudes and behaviors

toward women; they reject fixed gender division and are open to
“gender equitable” alternatives; they speak out against gender-
based discrimination.76 However, the challenge is to develop
policies and programs that effectively use these positive attitudes
and behaviors to achieve gender equality. Esplen writes:
Initiatives need to engage men as allies, using positive

and relevant messages, which also address their specific
concerns. By highlighting the costs of gender
inequality, as well as the benefits of gender equality—
both for men as individuals, and as members of families
and communities—programs can support men to reflect
on, and ultimately resist, harmful constructions of
masculinity.77
Several studies suggest that when fathers are positively

engaged in the lives of their children, they are more likely to be
helpful to their partners and to be involved in school activities.78
As Esplen writes, “When fatherhood is privileged as a central
aspect of masculinity, everybody benefits.”79 In the context of
gender equality, it is important to listen to the voices of fathers,
understand their views and concerns, and actively engage them in
women’s issues by explaining to them the benefits of participating
in their daughters’ issues as fathers.80
Gender justice depends not only on a change in mindset,
attitudes, and behaviors, but a significant shift in the existing
power relations between women and men.81 A shift is possible,
however, only when both women and men are engaged in
overcoming barriers. Ruxton argues that unless there is a
significant change in men’s practices and attitudes, the struggle
for gender equality will be an uphill fight.82 For these reasons, we

need to understand more deeply the perspective of men in
developing countries. To date, however, there is a scarcity of
research on men, especially in Islamic contexts.83 Studies of
gender equality in most Muslim societies primarily discuss the
oppression of women. Studies of men’s roles and participation in
GAD discourse are rare in the development literature.84
In the rural Pashtun areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan, where
a significant majority of women are living under strict tribal codes,
men’s participation in women’s development and education is
critically important. As discussed in detail in chapter 4,
constructively involving men, particularly community elders and
Imams (religious leaders), is a key to opening doors to girls’
education. Strong adherence to cultural norms and a well-
established patriarchal system may restrict women’s opportunities
for development until men are convinced that it is necessary to
change.
Conclusion
While the tensions discussed earlier in this chapter continue to be

sources of challenge in GAD programs, they also bring many
opportunities. Besides embedded assumptions and a number of
institutional and sociocultural obstacles, participatory approaches
in GAD programs have much to offer. Participatory development
programs could make a significant difference if they are used in
conjunction with a self-reflexive, culturally sensitive, honest, and
open state of mind. As Cornwall points out, instead of the “add-
women-and-stir” approach to addressing gender, a combination of
policies and implementation strategies that seriously consider the
power effects of difference is needed.85 This would require joining

advocacy with a willingness to give space to those who are least
heard, thereby enabling people to recognize and use their abilities,
insights, and freedom.
In the area of gender and development, a participatory
approach can potentially play a critical role, but it requires the
incorporation of “new alliances out of old divisions.”86
Specifically, it requires men. Men’s engagement in gender matters
is both a political issue and an effective form of social justice, as
it would engage the members of a privileged group in order to
challenge that very privilege.87 There are always, of course, risks
in taking on such sensitive projects in patriarchal societies racked
with wars and internal conflicts. Nevertheless, men’s participation
would significantly enrich development work, bringing us ever
closer to the elusive goal of gender justice.
THREE
Angels of Mercy or Smiling

Western Invaders?
Community’s Perception of
NGOs
Using a qualitative Delphi method, this study explored how the

Pashtun community, living across the border of Afghanistan and
Pakistan, perceives the role and significance of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs). The study also examined deep-rooted
causes of the resistance to NGO based development and suggested
best practice strategies. Analysis of the Delphi finding showed
consensus that most NGOs are perceived with deep suspicions and
fear among the Pashtun society. Most of these suspicions and
elements of mistrust were echoed in terms of an extension of
western imperialism, violations of local cultures, spreading
immorality, corruption and lack of credibility, and transparency.
Community’s Perception of NGOs 79
The chapter concludes with the implications of the study for

policy and practice in development sector.
Introduction
Throughout the last century non-governmental organizations

(NGOs) played an important role in international social welfare,
providing services to diverse communities in areas of
humanitarian relief, socio-economic development, poverty,
human rights, peace building, child custody, refugees’
settlements, women empowerment, development education, and
disaster relief initiatives.1 In the last two decades, NGOs were
heavily funded and utilized by international institutions such as
the United Nations (UN), with the World Bank declaring NGOs
as strategic partners, playing an intermediary role between
financial and technical assistance institutions and local
communities, and praising NGOs for their on-the-ground
presence, firsthand knowledge of the needs and interests of the
poor, ability to reach communities in remote areas, being cost
effective, embracing new technologies, and their willingness to
build on the strength of communities.2 Some scholars3 consider
NGOs as the ‘gap filler’, taking on responsibilities of the state by
supporting and responding to structural adjustment policies and
thus weakening state institutions, while others4 consider NGOs
effective, innovative, and flexible organizations that complement
state institutions where the state capacities and structures are
limited. For example, in many war- and conflict-affected countries
such as Afghanistan, NGOs implemented home-based schooling
programs, enrolling over 1,400,000 girls from rural areas.5
80 Community’s Perception of NGOs
Community perceptions of NGOs, however, vary according to

region and context. In reporting of the reception of NGOs
following the earthquake of 2005, Bliss and Larsen and Andrew
Wilder indicate a relatively positive view of NGOs on the part of
local communities.6 Although such positive perceptions proved
unsustainable,7 with widespread criticism emerging on a number
of fronts,8 the significant growth of international NGOs and their
established strategic partnerships with global financial institutions
makes them main service providers and key players in the
development sector across the globe.9
In Pakistan the past two decades have witnessed a growth of
NGOs, with registered NGOs estimated as numbering over
100,000.10 Due to the increased participation and involvement of
the international community in the region following the Cold War,
NGOs have grown rapidly and have become more contextually
complex. Bordering Afghanistan, the people of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) province and Federally Administered Tribal
Areas (FATA) have faced constant threats and insecurity since the
1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. More than 3 million
Afghans crossed the border to take refuge in the province, with
about 1.5 million still residing there.11 Following the invasion of
Afghanistan by NATO forces in 2002, a fresh wave of extremism
and militancy started in the region, causing 3.5 million people to
be internally displaced. Since 2013, the Pashtun tribal belt has
been the battleground between the Pakistan military and non-state
armed groups, with major displacement from the Waziristan,
Kurram and Khyber areas of northwest Pakistan. These continued
wars and the resultant instability obviously have a significant
impact on the overall progress and socio-economic conditions of
the region.12 While a considerable amount of research on the
structural factors affecting NGO roles has been published
recently, little can be found about their acceptance in, and the
perception among, the communities they claim to serve. Of the
research on how communities perceive NGOs, Bano’s
countrywide survey revealed a very negative image, with NGOs
often perceived as solely dependent on foreign development aid
and lacking in public legitimacy.13
In contrast to Bano’s general survey, this article examines the
perception of NGOs among traditional Pashtun tribes in conflict-
affected areas of northwest Pakistan. This region is culturally and
geographically distinct due to its borders with Afghanistan, and
has been the center of attention for the world powers during the
Cold War and then after 9/11, resulting in a significant increase in
number and scope of both international and local NGOs. This
study specifically engages Pashtun men, an under-researched
group in gender and development studies, in conversation about
their perception of NGOs, as it is they who often create obstacles
to, or facilitate, gender and development initiatives.
Methodology
In the context of militancy and dogmatic discourse, a stagnant

environment of fear pervades the area, with people with diverse
views on sensitive and contested religious issues being reluctant
to share them openly. Thus, a qualitative Delphi method was
chosen for its ability to structure an effective group
communication process among a group of diverse individuals14 in
order to explore the community’s deep-rooted perceptions about
NGOs working in areas of women’s development and girl’s
education. The Delphi technique works toward obtaining
agreement of opinion among participants through an iterative
process consisting of a number of ‘rounds’ in which participants

are interviewed, data analyzed, and a statement of the position of
the whole group written and then circulated to participants for
comment.15 The following four key characteristics of the Delphi
method have been highlighted in the literature: (a) anonymity, (b)
iteration with controlled feedback, (c) summarized group
response, and (d) participants’ disagreements and/or
reconsideration or changes to original responses.16
A panel of community stakeholders from across the Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa province to the Federally Administered Tribal
Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan were recruited using
purposive sampling to ensure diversity of expertise and
representation from various sectors as follows: from tribal
councils of elders (Jirga) (4), religious leaders (Imams) (2),
villagers (2), politicians from Pashtun constituencies (1), NGO
workers (3), the Ministry of Education (1), Pashtun men with
daughters and low incomes (1), scholars (1), and government
officials (1). Recruitment was aided by the fact that I was born and
raised in a Pashtun tribe of KP province, which served to
ameliorate oft-experienced barriers of language, access, and
cultural legitimacy. Ethical issues regarding participation,
consent, confidentiality and anonymity, and data collection,
analysis, storage and dissemination were addressed and given
approval by the Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board,
University of Calgary.
The Delphi Process

Two rounds of interviews were undertaken. In Round 1, semi-
structured individual telephone interviews were conducted with a
sample of sixteen Pashtun men, sessions lasting approximately 1–
1 ½ hours. These were recorded, translated and transcribed. A

thematic qualitative analysis was conducted to identify themes
arising in the interviews, identifying similarities and differences
of opinion among participants. A collated and summarized report
was circulated to all participants, allowing at least two weeks for
reflection before participating in a second interview.
The purpose of the second round was to confirm the degree of
consensus on themes emerging from round 1. In individual
interviews they were encouraged to evaluate the report from round
1 and if necessary reconsider their responses in light of the group
response.17 Because much can be learned in a Delphi study from
disagreements or ‘alternative thinking,’18 special attention was
paid to areas of disagreement and changes of opinion from round
1. Such participants were asked for the rationale of their differing
points of view, and their responses were included in the analysis.
The two rounds of the Delphi exercise were followed by in-
depth, face-to-face qualitative interviews with four Pashtun men
(religious scholar, NGO leader, local scholar in the field of social
work, and community leader) in Peshawar, Pakistan. The purpose
of the interviews was to triangulate the Delphi findings, thereby
improving the credibility and applicability of the findings.19 The
Delphi process is summarized in Figure 1.1.
In Pashtun culture, a highly gendered segregated society, men
are more comfortable relating to, and sharing their opinions with,
other men. Being male and holding insider status (being born and
raised in the Pashtun area) enabled me to effectively explore
men’s perspectives on the role of NGOs while at the same time
addressing the challenges of ‘social desirability biases’,20 by
circling back or using probing techniques to find the meanings
hidden by bonding ploys, managing the interviews from a variety
of angles and perspectives, including the use of discussion, in-
depth probing, confirming one account with the account of

another, and triangulating the Delphi study with on-site
interviews.
Findings
The overall consensus among this sample of Pashtun men was that
the Pashtun perception of NGOs is negative and suspicious, as
reflected by two NGO workers:
…The first thing we should do is to discard the term

“NGO” from development discourse. It’s got such a bad
reputation. It can be used only when it goes out of
people’s minds and when it does not have these
negative connotations. (NGO Worker 1)
The network of religious leaders is very strong here; as

you know, during Friday’s sermon religious leaders
convey their message [against NGOs] to the entire
people very well. So now we don’t even use the word
NGO for our local welfare organization, rather we use
the name of our organization. The word NGO is
considered very bad. (NGO Worker 2)
Within this broad context of suspicion, three main themes

emerged with the consensus of participants in Round 2 of Delphi
exercise: (1) NGOs as Western agents; (2) the immorality of NGO
workers and conflicting values between the NGOs and local
communities; and (3) corruption and lack of transparency.
Western Agents
With an active military presence in Afghanistan, Pashtun areas of
Pakistan have been in cycles of wars for a long time. There was a
general perception that NGOs are simply an extension of Western
military forces, a perception strengthened by the information the
community received from across the border in which U.S. forces
were working beside NGO workers in rural areas. One participant
called NGOs “smiling Western invaders,” and this suspicion
outweighed any benefits that the NGOs might bring:
If a survey is conducted today, there would be a high

percentage where the people would disapprove of
relationship with the States and they won’t even care
about the benefits or harms that would be associated
with that relationship. So people thought there was
something fishy because they are funded by America,
behind all the apparent attractiveness. (Community
leader)
Thus, local people who work for NGOs are looked upon with
suspicion:
I took a donor to my village to do a water project. They

did their survey and then we left. But when I came back,
my uncle told me, “You see, there is a Madrassa
[religious school] near our village....There are many
students and teachers in that Madrassa who told me that
‘Your nephew is an American agent and he is changing
people’s beliefs here.’” (NGO leader)
Furthermore, there was a general perception that while NGOs

and military forces might have different strategies or goals, they
have a shared mission and agenda. This was also reflected in one
of the supplementary interviews in which the Imam of a main
mosque at Peshawar explained, with a sarcastic smile, “When you
bomb my village that cuts my feet—then how helpful it is to make
a new road to my village” (Religious leader).
Such was the suspicion that most NGO workers felt
uncomfortable for their work connection with NGOs to be known
openly. One participant who worked in an NGO in a tribal area
bordering Afghanistan cautioned me, “Please be aware that I did
not tell anyone here that I work for an NGO. It would make my
security at stake and I won’t be able to move around safely in the
area” (NGO Worker 2). This fear factor was evident across
interviews. Many activists and renowned religious leaders with an
educated voice have been threatened and killed due to their open
critique of extremist religious groups in the region.
Immorality and Conflicting Values

Participants agreed that there is a strong view among the
community that NGOs are here with a mission to weaken Islamic
belief and moral values, a view shared by both NGO workers and
tribal leaders. The community perceives NGOs’ mission to be
driving people away from Islam:
People do not know that NGOs are simply

organizations that work for the betterment of people’s
lives. First they think that NGOs take money from non-
Muslims and then they use that money to drive people
away from Islam. (NGO leader)
While tribal leaders connected Islamic values to tribal codes

and emphasized the violation of cultural values of the community,
one Jirga member shared an incident in the village and the
subsequent Fatwa (religious verdict) of the Imam banning entry
of female NGO workers to their homes. He added:
[The Imam] must have received some information

about the wrongdoings of an NGO, which violated the
rules and traditions of the area and created conflicts in
families. (Jirga member)
NGOs are approached with caution—as organizations directly

linked to the spread of immorality among youth, destroying the
social fabric of the community:
Some people say that they spread immorality and

vulgarity. You see everyone does have fear of
immorality. That’s why people have been avoiding
NGOs. (Father of daughters)
This perception of immorality often arose from the failure of

NGO personnel either to adhere to the proper dress code, as
reported by several panel members and illustrated by the
following:
Most NGO women come to villages without hijab—

wearing Western-style dress and with full bright
makeup. A woman with such dress and a smiling face
conveys a different message and is taken negatively by
men in the community….When these NGO workers
would visit a village, they would travel together [men
and women], and women won’t even cover their heads

or have a shawl on her and walking the streets. Even our
ladies didn’t approve of that and usually mothers would
tell their children, Don’t go close to these NGO women
and don’t listen to them. (Father of daughters)
This perception of immorality also arose with regards to not

respecting cultural comportment, particularly around the public
interactions between men and women:
Gender-related NGOs are mostly headed by a “modern

woman” who does not follow local traditions, i.e., NGO
workers, both male and female, would sit together in
one car, which is not liked by the community, even
women won’t like to talk to such women who do not
cover their face in front of men. (Villager 1)
The association of NGOs with immorality extended to include

issues around their hiring criteria and credibility of locally hired
workers:
In our area, after a few such incidents, there were

announcements by Imam not to allow any NGO women
in your homes because NGOs usually hired people,
particularly women, with a bad name in the community.
A respected family won’t let their daughter go to work
for an NGO. In Mardan area, an NGO was forced to
stop operating and was demolished because three to
four of its employees were prostitutes. (Community
leader)
Following such incidents, the link between working for an

NGO and female immorality becomes established and
generalized:
There are villages in Pakhtunkhwa where when you ask

someone, “What is an NGO?” They will tell you, “NGO
is that woman who does not keep the code of Pashtun
of modesty”—a dishonorable woman. (Community
leader)
This link then serves as a self-fulfilling cycle with stories of

immorality being created or insinuated by local people:
On a local level we needed women to work in our

project. Local women from those villages, when they
heard about this opportunity, brought their own
daughters to us. We hired some of them and then
immediately problems arose. Like people of the village
started making immoral stories about these girls. Some
villagers commented and said, “Oh, they [girls] are
working with strange men.” (NGO leader)
Corruption and Lack of Transparency

Another common theme focused on corruption and accountability
issues. There was participant consensus that most NGOs exhibit a
wide range of corruption. One participant stated, ‘There is a
common phrase in the Pashtun community: If you want to become
rich, found an NGO. Some people call them NGEBO’ (in the
Pashtun language, Geb means pocket. The statement thus relates
NGO activities to money in the pocket of the NGO’s founder and

workers).
This view was strongly supported by the NGO leader in the
second Delphi round. Another participant, a low-income farmer,
suggested that he has seen many locals who, after founding an
NGO, changed their whole lifestyle. Now those NGO people are
‘using big cars and building big houses for them’ (Villager 2). The
perception of NGO corruption is so deep and widespread that if
some sincere local people want to have a nonprofit organization
to engage in welfare activities, they would try to avoid the
language and terms used by NGOs. One participant, a community
leader and founder of a local welfare organization in the girls’
education sector, emphasized:
You know, language and words matter, that is why we

do not call our leader “Saddar” [president or executive
director] because that word is associated with
corruption [being commonly used by NGOs]. Instead,
we call our leader “Chairman.” You yourself know the
background of this area. NGOs must bring together
trustworthy locals and I don’t think they will be
unsuccessful. (Community Leader 1)
A number of participants showed concerns about

mismanagement, lack of transparency, duplication of NGO
activities, and wastage:
… after the earthquake, the NGO’s had lots of funds

from donors and they had to use the funding within a
limited time. One NGO made a road and another
realized, we have to make a road too. Both were trying
to make that SAME road. So some people in that project

took money into their pockets because it was the same
road and both were claiming to be doing it … This is
duplication and waste of efforts and resources. (NGO
leader)
Furthermore, participants reported the wastage resulting from

NGOs not c0ordinating their responses to generalized calls for
assistance and not adequately assessing local needs:
Once, everyone was talking about clean water needed

for earthquake-affected areas. Sometimes one location
would get so many mineral water bottles [from different
NGOs] that people would use it for washing hands or
ablution before prayers. (NGO worker 2)
Or understanding the context of the situation to which they were

responding:
Initially, the government kept demanding tents and

tents so we got so many tents from all over that people,
instead of using them, started selling them. People did
not need tents because winter was coming and no one
was going to spend the snowy winters in the hilly areas
in the tents. They needed blankets and other
necessaries. They [NGOs] did not do what was needed.
(NGO worker 1)
Further, participants reported wastage resulting from NGOs

not coordinating their responses to generalized calls for assistance
and not adequately assessing local needs:
Once, everyone was talking about clean water needed

for earthquake-affected areas. Sometimes one location
would get so many mineral water bottles [from different
NGOs] that people would use it for washing hands or
ablution before prayers. (NGO Worker 2)
Participants agreed that most NGOs lack a proper system of

transparency and accountability. Most of the time only formal
paperwork is done by NGOs and they present it to donors. “Who
knows what is the real story behind the formal crossing of the
boxes.” (Community leader 2)
People are unaware of NGO sources of funding and how they
operate. Participants observed that NGOs are not accountable to
the people they serve, but to their donors who may not be aware
about the basic realities. In most cases, donors never visit the area
in which the NGO is supposed to be working. (NGO worker 1)
Most interesting of all, there was consensus among the
participants that these negative perceptions of NGOs have solid
reasons and proof, such as corruption, lack of accountability, and
duplicated projects. This disconnect with the local communities,
and lack of transparency and accountability to intended
beneficiaries, is noticed both in the process (the way NGO
workers operate) and in the outcomes of their projects. For
example, a local NGO leader shared a story of a United States
Agency for International Development (USAID) project for girls’
schooling in the remote Kohistan region of northern Pakistan,
which included distribution of food packages including cooking
oil (which is not culturally appropriate or commonly used in their
food) as an incentive to send their daughters to school. Parents
would collect the cooking oil and later sell it in the local market.
There was no sustainable plan – and within a short period of time,
a significant number of girls dropped out of school. Similarly,

another international NGO established modern fruit orchards in
the Mansehra district of KPK, Pakistan, the donor agency being
keen to develop fruit orchards using new technology. The
communities, however, were not interested in such, and within
few years most of the orchards were destroyed and the project
completely failed. (NGO worker 1)
Shift in Perception
While the overall perception of NGOs was negative, it was not
absolute and did not exclude the possibility of change. These
changing perceptions noted both the role of women in NGOs and
the recognition that some NGO workers are Muslim:
The perception has changed. Very few people now

object to girls working. In the nineties, we used to cover
our vehicles to give purdah [covering] to women but
now the girls openly hold meetings. In the last four or
five years, I have not seen anyone objecting to the
presence of women. The NGO girls also go to places
taking care of the culture. Now people are accepting
NGO workers. (Villager 2)
First there were very few NGOs. Their interaction was

very little. Later NGOs increased in numbers. The
people realized that these are people just like us. They
eat, they sleep. They saw these are Muslims, not kaafirs
[non-Muslims]. People saw that NGO workers also
pray as other Muslims. Besides, a lot of work was done
by the NGOs after the earthquake. They made
numerous roads, clean water works, etc. The locals

participated in the work. The barrier in their hearts was
removed. This has happened in the last four or five
years. (NGO Worker 1)
Indeed, a shift in the perception of NGOs was also detectable

in the change in responses between the two rounds of Delphi
interviews. During this period (about three months) a major flood
hit the whole province. NGOs played a leading role in flood and
earthquake relief activities. A number of participants belonging to
the affected areas agreed that due to their active role in relief work,
NGOs have significantly improved their image, a finding in line
with the reports of Bliss and Larsen and Wilder.21 When I asked
for the reasons, participants explained:
After the earthquake, NGOs did a lot of work. The

government contribution is very little. Earlier people
thought NGO people are non-Muslim. They should not
be trusted. But after the earthquake, our young men and
women impressed the public quite a lot. They showed
them that a young girl can gather the people of the
village and can create awareness and bring about good.
Now people do not resist so much the NGOs
(Community Leader 2).
Some participants did not agree with the above impression of

a positive change in the general perception of NGOs. I found that
participants who either belonged to or worked in disaster relief
activities were learning about or experiencing a positive image of
NGOs, but those areas which were not directly affected by such
disasters continued to have the same negative impressions.
Moreover, many areas that were affected by natural disasters, such

as the Kashmir Valley, Hazara, and Mansehra, were not directly
affected by recent wars and conflicts. For example, the Taliban
have much less impact in the above-mentioned areas, so this
geographical distinction might be a major reason for the difference
of opinion about NGOs.
A Trustworthy NGO
The panel was asked also about their views of what constituted a
trustworthy NGO. Unsurprisingly, many of the panel’s responses
were the mirror image of how they had reported the perception of
NGOs. A trustworthy NGO would be one that demonstrated
respect for cultural values through both deportment (dress and
conduct) and the acquisition of knowledge and awareness of
Islamic values, understanding that
“This is a conservative society. People feel insecure

about their values. They do not want to compromise on
their values. People want their values upheld.” (NGO
Worker 2)
This might be achieved through the support of Islamic NGOs,

as indicated by one participant:
You see, there are some people who are doing good
work, for example, Alkhidmat Foundation and Falahe
Insaniyat. They help people. So if they stay within the
right limits and are not violating Islamic codes, then
neither religious scholars nor the people will be
opposed to the NGOs. (Villager 1)
Respect for Islamic values would also be demonstrated through

the involvement of local religious leaders in the remit and work of
the NGO:
Local people should be involved and their culture and

traditions should be kept in consideration. Religious
sector should be associated, consulted, and made
partners. In our organization, we have involved
religious leaders with us in all levels of decision making
and community engagement. Yes, we need some
professional people as well, but for gaining community
trust, we also need to have religious people at the front.
Professionals work for us in the office and support us
on the back. Obviously, we need funds and get funds
from donors, but the strategy we use is different and
effective compared to others. (NGO Leader 1)
The second main theme regarding the trustworthiness of NGOs

centered on the use of local, credible people, as fieldworkers and
in leadership positions:
You need local, sincere and credible people to lead an

NGO. I will give the example of Alkhidmat Foundation.
They are local trustworthy people, they work in every
field. We trust them more. (Villager 2)
Another element was the need for modesty, especially in terms

of money and lifestyle among those working in and for NGOs:
People found NGOs for money. There is a lot of money

in it. You know, you ask someone how much they are
paying at NGO. He says fifty thousand rupees

[approximately $560] per month. Now that’s a lot of
money. (Jirga Member 2)
If highly paid outsiders using big and fancy vehicles are

the leaders of NGOs in the field, then I don’t think that
much development can be done. Such an attitude can’t
work in those remote areas. (Community Leader 1)
Underlying this was a belief that the work style and office
environments of NGOs should match the community, and that it
is up to the local community to address issues:
We can end this [barriers to girls’ education] ourselves.

We have to end it ourselves. Outsiders cannot do
it.…You see outsiders may come here, draw pictures
and hold meetings but may not show results. This work
we have to do ourselves. Well, yes, by the men and the
women in accordance with the values of the Pashtuns.
(Community Leader 2)
Furthermore, participants suggested that NGOs be transparent

and accountable in both their finances and in their purposes and
methods:
They should be open and transparent. Well, our

government and our NGOs are in the same boat, sir,
both are corrupt. You see if you have a project and you
have got half a million cash for it, then you should show
people how much you have, how much you have spent,
how much is left, how much was spent on renting and
buying stuff. Clear this to the people. Make clear to

them that you are honest and open. People will only
then trust you. (NGO Worker 1)
A number of participants suggested that most NGOs are

viewed with suspicious due to their sensitive areas of practice,
such as gender or health issues, and that in order build trust, NGOs
need to be open and transparent as to their intentions and purposes.
This was supported by the founder of a local NGO during a
supplementary interview:
Transparency, accountability, and what is called “social

audit.” Additionally, you can do nothing about people’s
intentions. Make sure that the right people receive the
benefits. If you are working on controversial issues,
then you should be very careful because you are already
on the radar of the community. For example, there were
two projects in Peshawar on two very sensitive issues:
honor killing and AIDS. You see, to talk about and
work around these issues does not match Pashtun
values. These are very sensitive issues. You will build
and win trust of the local people by being open and
transparent. (NGO leader, supplementary Interview)
Participants’ views on what constituted a trustworthy NGO

extended beyond addressing those issues of current NGO activity
that were viewed with suspicion. Three such features were noted:
the relationship with the government sector, coordination, and
commitment.
Government Sector
Several participants recommended that NGOs should establish
good working relationships with government officials at local and
provincial levels, a view unanimously supported in round 2 of
Delphi. As government is a key stakeholder, if officials are
ignored or bypassed they may create barriers to any proposed
initiative:
Many NGOs have worked on this … but unless there is

government support, you can’t make much progress.
NGOs took several steps to promote female education
but until the government takes an interest, there is not
going to be significant progress. (Community leader 2)
One participant gave examples of international organizations

establishing private schools, which lacked effectiveness because
they failed to consult the education department and local officials:
… in the Sawabi district there are lots of NGOs who

opened schools and tried to work on their own. A few
kids came but those schools did not survive for long. So
it is important to work in coordination and collaboration
with the education department [under the provincial
government], so there would be better care taken of the
school. (NGO worker 3)
When asked about concerns of nepotism and corruption within

the government sector, some participants agreed and suggested
that NGOs may not directly involve the government sector in
handling of funds, but engage them in other operational decision-

making process:
I mean that there should only be coordination by them,

they [government officials] won’t be involved in using
the funds. What I mean is joint meetings with
government education department officials, educating
them and taking them into confidence, informing them
about your initiative that you are working on in this area
and giving them some sort of report of your work.
(Community leader 2)
Similarly, participants agreed on the need for effective

coordination between NGOs in both policy and practice in order
to identify genuine gaps and not waste resources. In the current
situation, competition for resources resulted in NGOs
emphasizing uniqueness in order to attract funds, a process that
negatively impact their performance as well as image in the
community. To address this, participants suggested that ‘NGOs
should develop a grand plan on an issue or a project and then
jointly coordinate and connect their work.’ (NGO worker 1)
Long-Term Commitment
Participants strongly agreed on statements that an ideal NGO
would establish the trust of the community through a long-term
presence. Many pointed out that most NGOs receive funding for
a specific project; they come, finish a piece of work, and then
people never see them again. Sometimes an NGO would have a
specific agenda and would not care about the community’s needs
or how the community wants to approach an issue. A religious

leader shared an example:
NGO with an agenda of population control would

suddenly appear in the village, visit homes and
distribute contraceptives without consultation of
community members. Later men found out that they
spoke to their wives about their private matters. There
was backlash within community and Imams
announced from Mosque loudspeakers to never let
these girls [NGO workers] come to your houses.
(Religious Leader 1)
Similarly, the prompt departure of the NGOs after a project is

completed leads to new difficulties as the project may not be
sustainable:
I will give an example of a far flung area of KPK where

an NGO made a school. On the day of inauguration they
took this commitment from the people that the locals
would send their kids to school. But they had only one
teacher, a Qari saab (someone who has memorized the
Holy Quran) who himself did not have much education.
Now he could not teach the kids enough to help them
go ahead with education, so you can make a school but
its long-term operation is a problem. Maybe it will work
for a while but it is not a permanent solution. (NGO
worker 1)
Some foreign NGOs and their funders try to establish direct

connections with the community, and particularly with relevant
community leaders, to evaluate progress of their project. These

outreach efforts are highly valued by the community:
A lady from Canada came for the checking the work

being done through their funding. I thanked her for
coming to our village in Swat. I was showing her
around. She was also overseeing the way the fund was
used and also the elementary schools they established. I
requested her that these training centers and the schools
should be equipped. You know provide facilities like
audio/visual aids and that machine that throws a picture
on the wall [projector]. (Community leader 1)
Participants came to consensus on statements, initially made

by a community leader and an NGO worker, about the holistic,
sustainable, and long-term commitment of an NGO, a view
confirmed in supplementary interviews suggesting that an ideal
NGO would establish community trust through a long-term
presence.
Discussion
The term ‘non-governmental organization’ is used to identify a

wide variety of organizations such as ‘private voluntary
organizations’, ‘civil society organizations’, and ‘nonprofit
organizations’.22 The significant increase in the number of NGOs
and the financial resources and contracts flowing to these
organizations have enabled them to become a powerful force in
many key areas of the socio-political and economic arena in
developing countries.23
Almost 50 years ago, writers such as Ivan Illich warned of the

imposition of western values through development activities and
programs and argued for an acceptance of, and enculturation into,
local communities.24 Western development programs, staffed by
professionals, would, Illich argued, undermine the abilities of
local communities to define and meet their own needs in locally,
culturally appropriate ways.25 Such a message has found its way
into development discourse, with guidelines and best practices
produced and promoted by international development agencies
such as The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).26 In the
last decade, the World Bank has allocated almost US$80 billion
toward participatory development projects.27 For Illich, such
participation needs to favor equality, decentralized polities and the
sharing of resources, favor technology that is controlled by local
people rather than experts, and focus on the production of social
utilities rather than externally, pre-determined goods and services
designed to meet abstract needs.28 Unfortunately, NGOs working
in the Pashtun region still operate in ways that alienate local
communities and thus thwart their own intentions. In line with
recent studies on the perception, role, and effectiveness of
NGOs,29 the Delphi panel developed consensus that people view
NGO workers with a sense of distrust and cynicism, a view
reported in the development literature.30
Given that in Pakistan much social development is undertaken
in and through NGOs, it is here that social work may have a
particularly important role. Focusing on the right to self-
determination,31 development workers are in a position to
advocate for services to meet locally identified needs and mediate
between the legitimate concerns of the community and the NGOs.
Social workers in situ may thus inform NGOs as to local
requirements and so reduce duplication of services and wastage.
Furthermore, building on community strengths, development

workers have a significant role to play in developing the
sustainability of NGO initiated projects through capacity-
building, facilitating local ownership and control over locally
determined projects. Social workers also can play a role in
enculturating NGO personnel into local communities so that the
likelihood of violating cultural codes is reduced. Addressing some
of the criticisms of NGOs in this way serves to align local
communities and NGOs and opens the way to further
collaborations.
Participants were divided, however, as to whether or not
perceptions of NGOs were changing. This division seems to have
been along geographical and geo-political lines. In areas that were
affected by natural disasters – such as the Kashmir valley, Hazara,
Manshera, Mardan, and Charsada – the work of the NGOs focused
on repairing infrastructure such as roads and clean waterworks,
projects that did not challenge the cultural values of the local
communities. Furthermore, these areas were those that were not
directly affected by recent wars and conflicts and in which the
Taliban had far less impact. These findings are consistent with
Kenneth Anderson32 and Ismael, Ismael, and Langille33
concerning the role and effectiveness of NGOs in war and conflict
zones, with the latter, using a Delphi study, finding that NGOs
working on the reconstruction projects in Iraq are perceived as an
extension of Western military power and become targets of
resistance to the occupation.
One means of overcoming resistance seems to be to appreciate
the role of religion and religious organizations in local
communities. Among the NGOs working in Pakistan and
Afghanistan, an increasingly active and visible number of
organizations use religion and religious teachings as their core
ideology guiding and motivating them for their main duty of

‘serving humanity’. In the Pashtun areas, Islamic NGOs have a
grassroots presence and are perceived as the most trusted and
effective actors in any natural disaster or humanitarian crisis. A
number of participants identified the Alkhidmat Foundation as
one of the most effective Islamic NGOs working in the areas of
flood relief, humanitarian crisis, and medical missions.
These Islamic NGOs have hundreds of committed volunteers
with knowledge and understanding of local values and traditions.
Moreover, Islamic NGOs are perceived to be locally funded by
Zakat (a religious duty expected to be paid by all Muslims with
financial means), Sadaqa (voluntary contributions encouraged by
the Prophet (PBUH)), and other donations.
Hill and Donaldson make the point that spirituality and social
work are interwoven and that ‘spirituality is important to social
work as it can influence work with micro-, mezzo-, and macro-
systems’34 and, citing Cheon and Canda35 note ‘spirituality orients
individuals and communities’ most significant concerns, primary
motivations, developmental goals, moral standards, ideas about
well-being and justice, and ways of making connection between
self, other people, the larger world, and the universe’.36
In attending to the faith of the communities in which they work,
social workers may establish connections between those
communities and the wider development organizations and
structures and thus facilitate the alignment of concerns, resulting
in NGOs coming to be seen as facilitative and responsive rather
than imposing a developmental agenda of their own.
It is important to note that some of these religious NGOs are
affiliated with political parties and thus have deep and well-
established connections with the political leadership, participating
in key advocacy and socio-political activism concerning the
majority of the poor and marginalized population. Engaging in the

political process and promoting the participation of key
stakeholders in decision-making processes, social workers may
strengthen local networks and alliances to the benefit of the
communities they serve. Secular NGOs, in contrast, have not been
able to play an effective role in raising their voice for many social
problems and inadequate political systems, most likely because of
widespread public mistrust and mandated donor priorities. In line
with Edwards and Banks and Hulme,37 this study found that
secular NGOs lack creative and effective ways to highlight and
address the deep-rooted structural and systemic dimensions of
poverty, human rights, and gender issues.
In a conservative society like the Pashtun, despite the many
ideological and political challenges, it is important to
meaningfully engage and coordinate with religious actors and
faith-based NGOs in developing solutions to multifaceted socio-
cultural issues. Thus, in line with Afshan Jafar,38 this study
suggests that instead of isolation and disengagement from the
religious community, NGOs, and social workers within those,
should establish strategic working relationships with Islamic
organizations. As discussed earlier, Islamic NGOs have strong
and well-established trust and connections in the community.
Their extensive networks of committed volunteers representing a
wealth of social, financial, cultural, and spiritual capital39 could be
strategically used to achieve the challenging goals of women’s
development and girls’ education.
This raises the important issue of how to both respect tradition
and further the development agenda in line with the UN
Declaration of Human Rights (e.g. Article 26, the right to
education). While there is probably no clear or universally
accepted pathway for this, it seems certain that the imposition of
an external agenda will be resisted. However, there are means by

which to make progress in this area, the first of which is for
development workers to recognize the diversity of views within
Islam and to mobilize those schools of thought in the service of
universal human rights. Contrary to traditional interpretations of
religious texts that leave little room for new ideas, there are
scholars, community leaders, and lay people who are open to a
more rationalistic interpretation with wide acceptance of
creativity and Ijtehad (the attempt of Muslim scholars to interpret
the sacred texts according to their era). In this complex and
challenging environment, there are strong voices among Muslim
intellectual activists and religious leaders arguing that Islamic
values are not in contradiction, but rather highly compatible with
universal human rights.40 Major Islamic thinkers such as
Moududi, Qarzavi, Ramadan, and Ghamidi agree that pluralism,
respect for human dignity, and struggle for social justice are
important tenants of the Islamic faith, and some even call for a
radical revival of Islamic thought that goes beyond adaptation to
the existing environment and offers creative solutions, emerging
from Islamic tradition, to transform the present and the future of
Muslim societies.
This community-based approach to promoting human
rights aligns well with Islam’s communal character and generates
the participatory environment in which respect for human rights
can flourish. Thus development professionals and social workers,
focusing on building alliances between disparate parties and
bringing these parties together in mutual dialogue, may serve both
the communities within which they work and a broader
development agenda based on universal human rights.
Conclusion
This study explored how Pashtun men perceive the role and
significance of NGOs. Analysis of the Delphi findings showed
consensus that most NGOs are perceived with deep suspicions and
fear among the Pashtun society. Most of these suspicions were
echoed in terms of an extension of western imperialism, violations
of local cultures, spreading immorality, corruption, and lack of
credibility and transparency. The study found that the community
welcomed NGO projects that did not contradict their cultural or
religious values, such as in infrastructure development, disaster
relief, and clean water projects. Participants agreed on the greater
need for a trustworthy relationship of NGOs with the community,
particularly with religious leaders and community elders. The
trust of the community may be established by (a) commitment to
listening and learning from community, (b) respecting religious
and cultural values, (c) engaging credible key stakeholders in
decision-making processes, (d) the long-term presence and
commitment on the part of NGOs, (e) sustainable programs with
ultimate ownership of the community, and (f) transparency and
accountability. Local communities and international development
organizations are in accord here, and it is in these areas that the
government and development sector has a key role to play.
FOUR
Engaging Men for Gender

Justice: Overcoming Barriers
to Girls’ Education
Resistance to girls’ education is a social justice and human rights

issue in many countries. In Pakistan, where the lowest school
enrolment for girls is in Pashtun areas bordering Afghanistan, it is
especially problematic. Pashtun society is patriarchal: men have
the power to construct obstacles to girls’ education, but also to
remove them. This chapter therefore explores a different way of
overcoming barriers to gender justice—namely, through the
participation of men. A qualitative Delphi process and in-depth
interviews with Pashtun men led to their consensus on seven key
points of leverage where action could be taken. Participants
agreed that progress toward gender parity could be achieved only
by making allies of powerful community leaders, especially
religious leaders, and by utilizing existing institutions, such as the
mosque, Jirga (council of elders), and the men’s guest house. For
110 Overcoming Barriers to Girls’ Education
each point of leverage, a policy recommendation is made for

increasing girls’ participation in education.
Background and Significance
Education is considered to be a human right because education

increases the participation of “people traditionally excluded from
political, economic, and community decision making.”1 The
people traditionally excluded have a tendency to be female:
Worldwide, some 35 million girls of primary school age and 37
million of secondary school age are not enrolled in school, and
fully two-thirds of the world’s 759 million illiterates are women.2
It is encouraging to note that in recent years, significant
progress has been made. The number of primary school-aged girls
out of school has decreased from 58.9 million in 2000 to 30.7
million in 2011. Some progress is evident in South and West
Asian countries where the number of girls out of school decreased
from 24.2 million in 2000 to 6.6 million in 2011.3 However,
despite constitutional guarantees, political declarations, and
promises from the international community, progress in reducing
the number of out-of-school children came to a “virtual standstill”
with as many millions of girls remaining out of primary school.4
The UNESCO study found that the gender gap in education
remains a crucial issue of concern as 4.1 million more girls than
boys were still out of primary school between 2008 and 2011.5 For
developing countries, the consequences of a gender gap are dire,6
as empirical studies have established that socioeconomic
development and women’s education are inextricably linked.7
Educated women face less physical violence, have fewer and
healthier children, and enjoy greater mobility and economic
Overcoming Barriers to Girls’ Education 111
freedom.8 In the words of Kofi Annan, former UN Secretary

General:
To educate girls is to reduce poverty. Study after study

has taught us that there is no tool for development more
effective than the education of girls; and yet, out of the
millions of children in the world who are not in school,
the majority are girls.9
Therefore, we need to ask why, despite international consensus

on the significance of girls’ education and the considerable
allocation of resources that has been invested in addressing the
concern, girls’ education in some developing countries is still in
crisis.
Girls’ Education in Pakistan

The crisis is acute in Pakistan, where only 55 percent of the girls
between the ages of 5 and 10 are enrolled at the primary level.10
Enrollment has plummeted to 27 percent in Grade 5 and 10
percent in Grade 12. Moreover, the gender gap is substantial: In
2006, 14 million girls were acquiring primary education compared
with 18.3 million boys.11 Within Pakistan, to be sure, there is
significant regional variation. The gender gap is largest in rural
Pashtun areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.12 In the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of this region, the
literacy rate for women is a shocking 3 percent.13
The root causes of the gender gap are multifaceted and
complex. Poverty, the lower status of women in society; poor
access to schools; and lack of security, transportation, and female
teachers are some key reasons discussed in the literature.14 In last
few decades, the region is faced with an on-going war and

conflicts bringing various versions of extreme religious
ideologies. This uncertain and hostile environment has further
complicated and magnified the issue of gender justice and girls’
education.
Purpose of the Study

Significant research has been done on women’s development and
gender issues in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and neighboring
countries.15 The bulk of this research asks questions about gender
equality, hijab, and oppression. By contrast, studies of men’s roles
and participation in gender justice are rare,16 especially in Islamic
contexts.17 In patriarchal societies, it is by definition men who
hold sociopolitical and economic power. For example, among the
Pashtuns, a man is inevitably the head of the household and sole
decision maker for the family.18
Over the past two decades, men’s engagement in gender justice
issues has received global acknowledgment. There is a growing
body of research, campaigns (such as the White Ribbon Campaign
in Canada), and practical strategies to create awareness and
involve men in gender equality initiatives.19 In all parts of the
world, groups of men have emerged who share the fundamental
principle that men must take responsibility for changing
discriminatory attitudes toward women’s full participation in
society.20 Moreover, there is a significant increase in the number
of organizations and individuals who are working with both men
and women to bring an end to destructive forms of gender
relations.21 Encouragingly, Esplen points out that small but
increasing numbers of men and boys in developing countries are
changing their attitudes and behavior toward women: they reject
fixed gender division and are open to “gender equitable”

alternatives. They openly speak out against all kinds of gender-
based discrimination.22
The challenge, however, is to develop policies and programs
that effectively harness these positive attitudes and behaviors to
achieve gender equality. Esplen suggested that programs which
focus on engaging men as allies in gender-related initiatives are
necessary.23 The goal of gender equality requires not only a
change in mind-set, attitudes, and behaviors, but also a significant
shift in the existing power relations between and among women
and men.24 This is possible only when both women and men are
engaged in overcoming barriers to gender equality.
Women play an undeniably important role in empowering
themselves, challenging their exclusion from power structures in
the name of Islam, and promoting gender justice.25 Men, however,
possess the power to remove obstacles to women’s education in
Pashtun society. In rural Pashtun areas of Pakistan, where the
significant majority of women are living under strict tribal codes,
men’s engagement in women’s development and education issues
is critically important. Strong adherence to cultural norms and a
well-established patriarchal system may offer women few
opportunities for development until men agree it is time for
change.26 The deeply patriarchal nature of Pashtun communities
requires an examination of how Pashtun men perceive gender
roles and the place of girls’ education.
Therefore, this study focuses on men, especially fathers and
male community leaders. It presumes that it is necessary to listen
to the voices of fathers, to understand their views and concerns,
and to involve them by exploring the benefits they will receive by
participating in their daughters’ welfare.27 Similarly, community
leaders possess religious and traditional knowledge that could
prove helpful in appreciating and addressing concerns about

education for girls. The present study is the first in this part of the
world to engage men in conversation about girls’ education and
gender justice with the expectation that their views constitute a
key step in overcoming challenges to girls’ access to education.
Contextual Factors
Before turning to the details of this research, it is important to

consider three overarching contextual factors that shape any
discussion of gender justice and girls’ education in the Pashtun
areas of Pakistan.
Pashtunwali Code: Perception of Girls’ Education

Traditional Pashtun society is strongly gendered. Male and female
values contrast sharply, and social hierarchies are prevalent.28 For
men, honor is proactive, expressed through aggressive and violent
behavior, while for women, honor is passive, submissive, and
centered on the avoidance of bringing shame to the tribe.29
Pashtun men tend to have traditional perceptions of women’s roles
and responsibilities in which women are understood in the context
of Pashtunwali (tribal code) and religious interpretation. Whereas
boys are expected to go to school and become independent,
schooling for girls is less urgent as their function in life is
considered a domestic one, focused on becoming mothers and
homemakers for their husband and children. These traditional
attitudes help explain why the schooling rate for girls is far less
than for boys.
Urban and Rural Regional Variation

Pashtunwali traditions are stronger in the rural, tribal, and
mountainous areas of Pakistan than in the urban, plains areas. In
rural areas, parents of school-going girls frequently face resistance
from their extended families, many of whom may consider
education for girls to be contrary to Pashtunwali tradition and
expressed in gossip and negative comments about school-going
girls. Often the attitudes of extended family members create
shame for the girls’ immediate families. This resistance from
elders and extended family members leads some parents to move
to the city expressly to educate their daughters. In short, girls’
education is much more complex and urgent in rural tribal areas
of the region than in urban settings.30 Some differences between
rural and urban Pashtun regions are shown in Table 4.1.
Table 4.1: Rural-urban variation in girls’ education.

Rural Pashtun Areas Urban Pashtun Areas
More traditional and conservative view of Gradual shift towards moderate and
women’s role and responsibilities inclusive view of women’s roles and
responsibilities
Pashtunwali is strictly followed and Moderate version of Pashtunwali is
respected practiced
Early marriage of girls is widely practiced Gradual change in attitude about girls’
marital age; emerging trend of
comparatively late marriages
Any household economic shock (crop Relatively lower economic gender
loss, natural disaster, death in the family) disparity in girls’ education
affects girls’ schooling in a more negative
way than boys
Highly limited job opportunities for Better job opportunities for women
women
Fathers' desire to educate a daughter is Fathers' desire to educate a daughter is
lower higher
Rural Pashtun Areas Urban Pashtun Areas

Despite strong resistance, slow but Rapid, mushrooming growth of internet
gradual growth in internet and media cafés and access to social media
access
High percentage of absenteeism among Relatively less absenteeism of teachers in
teachers in rural girls' schools31 urban areas
Poor quality of education; school Most girls’ schools are regularly
administrators rarely visit schools in monitored by the Directorate of
remote rural areas; lack of accountability Education
and transparency
Poor accessibility to schools: girls have to Schools are comparatively accessible; if
travel long distances, especially for there is some distance to the school, local
secondary or high school transportation is widely available
Schools are largely abandoned by Schools are overcrowded
teachers and students who often do not
show up
Female teachers avoid and resist working Most female teachers prefer to work in the
in rural areas, creating a severe shortage urban areas
of teachers
School buildings are not girl-friendly and Physical facilities are relatively better and
have poor sanitation are supervised
Majority of school-age girls in rural areas Better nutritional status, and better access
have poor health and nutrition to health facilities
Widespread extremism and militancy Relatively better control of government
within last two decades; little or no and local administration, providing some
control of government and security to girls’ schools
administration, especially in tribal areas
bordering Afghanistan
Poorly educated Imams (religious leaders) Masjids (Mosques) in urban areas often
with limited knowledge of contemporary have well-educated religious scholars,
religious issues who usually do not oppose girls’ access
to education
Rural areas receive less attention in Government is more interested in political
government policies and education hotspots; urban areas receive relatively
priorities better attention in development policies
Due to insecurity and poor infrastructure, Most NGOs prefer to work in the secure
very few NGOs prefer to work actively in urban areas; a recent study found that
the rural areas 78% of NGOs are based in urban areas32
Insecurity and Extremism across the Border

The third contextual factor that must be acknowledged is well-
known: owing, no doubt, to its strategic location as gateway for
central Asia, the Pashtun region in Pakistan has for years been a
site of violent conflicts. Bordering Afghanistan, the people of
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province have faced constant threat
and insecurity ever since the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
More than 3 million Afghans fled across the border to take refuge
in the province; approximately half still live there.33 With the
invasion of Afghanistan by NATO forces in 2002, a fresh wave of
militancy began. This time, extremism and insurgency hit the
province directly, causing 3.5 million people to be internally
displaced. These continued wars and the resultant instability have
marred the overall progress and socioeconomic health of the
region, including, of course, women’s development and girls’
education.
Due to militancy and religious extremism, an environment of
fear pervades the area—people with diverse views on sensitive
issues are reluctant to share them openly. For this reason, a
research strategy was adopted whereby participants could freely
discuss sensitive issues in a safe environment.
Methodology
A qualitative Delphi method was used due to its ability to structure

group communication, enabling a group of individuals to engage
a multidimensional, sensitive issue in a secure environment.34 The
Delphi technique is a method for working toward agreement of
opinion between participants concerning real world issues. It is an
iterative process consisting of a number of “rounds” in which
participants are interviewed, the data analyzed, and a statement of

the position of the whole group written and then circulated to
participants for comment. A Delphi study consists of a number of
such rounds.35 The following four key characteristic of the Delphi
method have been highlighted in the literature: (a) anonymity, (b)
iteration with controlled feedback, (c) summarized group
response, and (d) participants’ potential reconsideration or
changes to original responses.36
During initial visits in summer 2010 to Peshawar in northwest
Pakistan, I contacted key informants in the areas of women’s
development and girls’ education. With their help, and using
purposive sampling,37 a pool of twenty-five participants was
identified. Of these, twenty agreed to be involved. They had
diverse but relevant backgrounds, encompassing tribal councils of
elders (Jirga), religious leaders (Imams), rural community leaders,
politicians, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the Ministry
of Education, Pashtun men with low incomes, scholars, fathers of
daughters, and government officials of KP province.
Barriers of language, access, and cultural legitimacy were
significantly reduced because I was born and raised in a Pashtun
tribe of KP. This insider status helped me gain rapid and complete
acceptance among participants in addition to a better level of trust
and openness that enabled in-depth data collection. However, I
faced challenges similar to those acknowledged by Armstrong38
and Dwyer and Buckle.39 Sometimes I feared that my enthusiasm
for gender justice and girls’ education may have hindered some
participants from sharing certain opinions and experiences,
especially because my Canadian background and education at
Western universities might have created the impression that I am
a Pashtun man who has been too heavily influenced by Western
culture. Nevertheless, my Pashtun tribal affiliation and social
position, continued connections in the region, and strong

commitment to social justice and girls’ education played a vital
role in establishing trust and respect within the community. This
credibility allayed the concerns that research participants may
have had. Moreover, as suggested by Hoffmann,40 I tried to
manage the interviews from a variety of angles and perspectives,
including the use of discussion, in-depth probing, confirming one
account with the account of another, and triangulating the Delphi
study with on-site interviews. Moreover, being a male researcher,
I had the advantage of being able to move freely around the area,
comfortably develop contacts, and effectively establish rapport
during interviews. In Pashtun culture, a highly gendered
segregated society, men are more comfortable relating to, and
sharing their opinions with, other men rather than women. This
helped me to effectively explore men’s perspectives on gender and
girls’ education.
On the other hand, as Williams and Heikes point out, there is
always the danger of social desirability biases; based on my
gender, participants may have made assumptions about my
perspective on the issues under discussion.41 During intensive
interviews, there were occasions when participants would attempt
to bond around our common identity;42 for example, saying,
“Being a Pashtun man, you know what I mean.” At some points,
I would initially agree to keep the rapport of the interview going,
but then circle back or use probing techniques to find the meanings
hidden by such bonding ploys. I agree with Williams and Heikes43
that qualitative interviews are a gendered context that can provide
only a partial and contextual understanding of the social world.
Another challenge was that this study was conducted during a
war-like situation while active fighting was going on in many
regions of the KP province of Pakistan. Avoiding high-risk areas,
I conducted interviews with Pashtun men residing in

comparatively settled and peaceful areas of KP province.
The geographical coverage of the study ranged from major
cities to small rural communities of KP to Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan (Figure 1.2).
Data Collection: Round 1

In the first round of the Delphi process, semi-structured telephone
interviews were conducted with sixteen of the Pashtun men who
had agreed to participate (i.e., Participants A–P in Table 1.1).
Interview questions were open-ended, non-leading, and broad in
scope “so as to widely cast the research net.”44 The interviews
averaged an hour and a half in length. They were recorded and
later translated and transcribed.
A qualitative analysis was conducted to identify relationships,
themes, and areas where there was a difference of opinion among
participants. A two-thousand-word report was then prepared and
provided to all participants who were given at least two weeks to
reflect on the report.
Data Collection: Round 2

In this round, participants were encouraged to carefully evaluate
the report of Round 1—which of course included responses of all
participants—and, if necessary, to reconsider their responses in
light of the group response.45 The defining characteristic of the
second round was to confirm the degree of consensus on the
themes emerging from Round 1.
Interviews in Round 2 focused on key issues in girls’
education. The interviews were guided by questions relevant to
the agreed-upon areas and those that needed further clarity.
During Round 2, the range of responses decreased as the panel

converged toward consensus on major issues. However, because
much can be learned from disagreements or “alternative
thinking,”46 special attention was paid to areas of disagreement
and changes of opinion from Round 1. Participants with differing
views were asked for their rationale, and their responses were
included in the analysis.
The two rounds of the Delphi exercise were followed by in-
depth, face-to-face qualitative interviews with four Pashtun men
in Peshawar, Pakistan (Participants Q–T in Table 1.2). The
purpose of these interviews was to triangulate the Delphi findings,
thereby improving the credibility and applicability of the
findings.47 An overview of the entire research process is provided
in Figure 1.1.
Findings and Recommendations
Seven key concepts emerged from the qualitative data. These are
not “themes” so much as points of leverage—places where action
may be usefully applied to overcome barriers to girls’ education.
In what follows, these concepts are elaborated through the words
of the participants; each section ends with a policy
recommendation. The first finding and recommendation explicitly
explores the need to involve men—especially community
leaders—in education for girls, whereas the other conclusions
outline ways that the study’s male participants identified as key to
improving girls’ access to schooling.
Men
There was consensus that constructively engaging men,
particularly community elders (Masharan) and religious leaders
(Imams), is the key to opening doors for girls’ education.
Participants emphasized that without the involvement of men, one
cannot take an effective step in gender-related issues. Participant
D, an experienced educator, explained:
There are elected representatives in every area like

councillors or you can contact the elders of a
community. You can also contact those Islamic clerics
who are flexible and broad-minded. Your first target
should be those men, elders, and clerics who are open-
minded and who are able to live and think in their era.
Because religion plays a central role in Pashtun life, the
Imam of the community is normally a role model for
Pashtun men, who follow his advice on most social and
political issues.
There was consensus that if an Imam is convinced girls’

education is important, many closed doors would immediately
swing open. For example, some Imams are already invested in
community education though mosque schools, which were
established in the most remote and poor areas where there were
no government primary schools. Anderson and Chaudhry describe
a study in which the Imam of the mosque was paid a reasonable
stipend to teach two subjects, Quran and Islamiat (religious
lessons).48 These measures made community Imams central
members of the school’s core team, and their involvement
significantly helped in reducing some of the parents’ concerns
about sending their daughters to school.49 Research on the quality

of education in mosque schools is not available, but there was a
substantial increase in enrolment at the primary level, estimated to
be hundreds of thousands of new students, 30 percent of whom
were girls.50
When I asked how the Imam can support girls’ education if he
has a negative opinion of it, participants suggested that most
authentic and properly educated Imams are not against girls’
education. They may have minor concerns about the school
environment or curriculum, but as a whole they do not oppose it.
As Participant G said, “Most Imams are sending their own
daughters to school; how will they oppose girls’ education?”
Participant C, an Imam in a central mosque, confirmed this:
Two of my daughters are now finishing college. They

passed their matric [high school]. They used to go
fifteen kilometers [to reach school]. The transportation
cost is 1,200 rupees each. I am paying 2,400 rupees. No
one has the courage to stop me from educating my
daughters.
Participant D, who runs a private school in a remote rural area

of KP, consulted many Imams, including the Islamic jurist (Mufti),
before allowing village girls to join his primary school:
Imams said girls are allowed to get education. However, you

will come across many local Imams who are either silent or
have reservations about female education. But properly
qualified scholars of religion say that all girls’ education is
allowed. These Ulema [religious leaders] clearly advise that
girls can gain education and also do jobs.
Participants suggested that an effective strategy would be to

initiate a dialogue within the Madrassa system through a respected
Mufti or head of Madrassa (Muhtamim). These Muftis and
Muhtamims are respected religious scholars and role models for
Imams who serve in village and town mosques. If an Imam’s
teacher has a positive view toward an issue, the local Imam
follows suit. Participant O observed:
Girls’ education activists should specially focus on

Ulema or the central Madrassa’s Imam; if properly
approached, satisfied, and convinced with authentic
Islamic references, they could significantly help in
spreading the word in support of girls’ education.
Teachers and school administrators should therefore arrange a

meeting with the village Imam and Masharan, the purpose of
which is to listen to their concerns and suggestions. With them as
allies, girls’ education would make significant progress.
Recommendation 1: Engage credible men, particularly Imams
(religious leaders) and Masharan (village elders), as allies. Some
helpful strategies would include focusing on religious (Islamic)
value of girls’ education from Quran and Sunnah (Islamic
scripture); highlighting significance of girls’ education for the
well-being of children and community; mobilizing those “few
men” of the community who support girls’ education, which could
open a dialogue that expands support and nurtures the critical
mass.
Community Institutions
The second point around which consensus emerged was the
strategic importance of three historically established, highly
respected institutions of the Pashtun community: the men’s guest
house (Hujra), council of elders (Jirga), and mosque (Jumaat).
Hujra, a central spot for gatherings of village men, is the most
appropriate place to initiate conversations about extending
education initiatives for girls. A Jirga member in the Delphi panel
emphasized that “the best way to discuss girls’ education is to sit
in the Hujra and win the confidence of the elders of the village.”
The Jirga is another highly respected and honorable institution in
the Pashtun tribes. The support coming from a Jirga would be
taken seriously by the community, as it possesses prestige and
credibility befitting its role as a centuries-old institution for
justice.51 The Jirga norms and decision-making processes define
indigenous ways Pashtuns discuss and resolve their social,
economic, and political issues at village, tribal, and regional
levels.52 Therefore, Jirga holds promising potential and provides a
powerful platform to engage community elders in addressing
critical issues of gender justice in Pashtun society.
Participant D, a community elder, suggests that members of
these institutions would possess meaningful authority in
community discussions about girls’ education by virtue of their
communal and religious standing:
Any person who possesses both religious and

mainstream knowledge about the issue of girls’
education should come forward and talk to people in the
mosque or guest house.
Participant E, a community leader, politician, and member of a

Jirga, called attention to the need for men to be involved through
Hujra and Jirga so that their concerns could be addressed by those
who have adequate knowledge of the issue. He explained the
strategy, highlighting the importance of the guest house:
Awareness about girls’ education can only be done in a

Hujra. There is a Hujra in every village. Guests [girls’
education activists] should go to a Hujra, ask the hosts
to gather the people of the village because they want to
discuss a few things with them. Guests will present
proposals and the villagers would give their views and
comments.
Visitors could include fathers who are already sending their

daughters to school: they are ideally placed to reach out to fathers
of girls not yet enrolled.53
In addition to these traditional institutions, participants
suggested that newer institutions—notably, the media—could
also help persuade Pashtun men of the benefits of education for
girls:
Topics of girls’ education should be discussed on the

local radio. Television programs may also discuss the
importance of girls’ education in child rearing and the
role of parents. The programs may also highlight the
importance of girls’ education in the context of
community overall well-being. Awareness may be
created through local TV dramas on the topic. Men
watch TV with great interest in their Hujra. (Participant
E)
Thus, the Delphi panel strongly recommended using local

media (Pashtun TV Channel, radio, newspapers), village Eid fairs,
local celebrations, and farmers’ markets to educate communities,
particularly men, about the importance of gender justice and girls’
education.
Recommendation 2: Make effective use of the community’s
existing institutions. Approach Hujra (men’s community center),
Jirga (council of elders) and Jumaat (mosque) as key resources to
gain trust and support for girls’ education. These institutions could
be effectively engaged through the support of local Imams and
community elders.
School Accessibility
The third consensus point was the importance of increasing the
number of and physical access to schools. The lack of physical
access to schools is one of the key factors restricting girls’
education in rural and remote areas of Pakistan. In tribal regions,
where Pashtunwali traditions are strong, there is an urgent need
for girls-only high schools. For example, of the twenty-seven high
schools in the FATA, only three are solely for girls.54 As a tribal
elder in a rural community said, “Build me a school here and I will
send my girls to it.” A UNICEF report suggested that the
“establishment of more girls-only schools near to the girls’
residence in rural communities” would help “conservative parents
[be] more comfortable about sending their daughters to school.”
55
Participants agreed that special attention should be given to

establish more girls-only schools. The results of more schools for
girls were described by Participant N through his personal
experience as a community organizer:
Here, access to school is a big issue. If there is a school

close by then the situation is better, but mostly in remote
areas it’s not the case. For example, in my Union
Council when I was a Naib Nazim [Deputy Mayor], I
conducted a survey about girls’ education in remote
villages of our district. I found out only 10 percent of
girls were going to primary school and less than 2
percent of girls were continuing their education after
primary. After our analysis of the situation [knowing
that school distance is a major issue], we established a
few community-based primary schools in those remote
villages, two bigger middle schools [Grade 8] and one
high school [Grade 10] serving a few villages. Now all
of these schools are full of girls, and due to limited
space and physical resources we cannot accommodate
any more students there.
In some cases, the community shared its personal space and

assets to establish a girls’ school in the village. In one example
given by a previous Director of Education on the Delphi panel, the
community even managed teachers’ salaries to upgrade a primary
girls’ school to a middle school so their girls would not have to
travel long distances in a rural area.
If the creation of girls’ schools is not possible, transportation
to such schools is another option. However, there is no school-
transportation service, and the cost of private transportation is too
high for a low-income family; safety involved in traveling long
distances is also an issue. This panel member’s remarks were
fairly typical for rural areas of Pakhtunkhwa:
I have stopped sending my daughter to school after class

5th because middle school is away from our village. My

boy still goes to school using bicycle, but girl would
need to use public transportation that would cost me
money; that I can’t afford. (Participant A)
Participant G also suggested that NGOs could help the

government and community arrange safe and secure
transportation:
We have primary, middle, and high schools, but they

are far away from many villages. I see that there are
girls who carry heavy bags full of books walking
through fields. It is hard for them to travel these long
distances. We have a girls’ high school in Shergarh; it
needs at least ten buses. Whether it is the NGOs or
whoever, the best way to help us is to arrange school
buses for girls.
Participants supported the idea of “horse schools” as another

possibility. Participant E explained that there are many
mountainous areas in the Pashtun region, making access to
schools challenging. There are simply no roads. He suggested that
if the children couldn’t travel to school, the school could travel to
them:
As for the remote mountainous areas, teachers could be

provided with horses. Each teacher can go to different
villages to teach the kids who do not have a school
nearby. He will go to the village and gather five or six
kids under a tree. The same teacher can then teach in
different close-by villages in the same day.
Mosque schools were another suggestion that emerged through

the Delphi process. Every Pashtun community has a mosque. As
discussed above, with the cooperation of village elders and the
Imam, these spaces could be effectively used for educating girls
and boys at the primary level. In addition, informal programs for
parents could be organized to help create awareness of the benefits
of education. Older mothers are highly respected in Pashtun
communities; they could be involved in informal programs to gain
support for girls’ education.
Recommendation 3: Improve the number and accessibility of
girls-only schools. Establish small cost-effective community
schools through use of such existing community spaces as mosque
schools; improve physical conditions of existing government
schools; arrange appropriate transportation service for girls
traveling long distances to school.
Female Teachers
The shortage of female teachers was a dominant topic in
discussions of girls’ education in rural areas. There was consensus
that having more female teachers would build trust in the
community and remove many obstacles. Several studies have
confirmed the positive impact of female teachers on parents’
willingness to send their daughters to school, revealing that the
presence of women on the teaching staff contributes positively to
girls’ enrolment, attendance, and achievement.56 However, most
qualified teachers prefer to work in cities because of the lack of
support and resources available in rural areas. Participant G, who
has years of experience in the education sector, argued that to
persuade female teachers to work in remote areas, they should be
offered special incentives, including either safe residences or

proper transportation:
In the Swat valley, I saw there was no residence for

female teachers. The female teacher will have to go to
malak or khan’s [village leader’s] place, and you know
a woman will find it very difficult to work and live with
a family full of strange men.
Participant E shared his experience:
In my village, no bus, no car or horse coach goes there.

It is impossible for the female teacher to walk to the
school through fields. She just can’t do it.
Some participants recommended that in each cluster of

villages, there should be a women’s hostel for female teachers
where they—along with girls from far-flung mountainous areas—
could reside. The hostel should be provided with buses to take the
students and teachers to and from school.
While resources and benefits are necessary to assist these
women, the shortage of female teachers is partly due to their not
having access to higher education. Participant O observed that
more opportunities need to be created for girls graduating from
school in rural and tribal areas. Most girls in these regions never
get a chance to study beyond primary school, and yet there are
many who, if supported, would do well in high school and be an
asset to their communities. In the meantime, if there were secure
women’s hostels in urban areas, parents could confidently send
their daughters there for higher education. As teaching is one of
few acceptable professions for women in the Pashtun community,
these strategies would help increase the number of female teachers

in rural areas.
Recommendation 4: Increase the training and number of female
teachers in rural areas. Allocate special living and transportation
allowances for qualified teachers going to remote and rural areas;
Establish women’s hostels or arrange safe and secure
transportation for female teachers going to remote rural areas.
Community’s Ownership and Trust

Fostering meaningful communication between the community
and school staff (which may include both government and NGO
schools) about curriculum, instruction quality, and other school
activities was identified as an important strategy to gain the
community’s commitment to girls’ education. Participants noted
that existing community assets can often support girls’ education
initiatives. For example, community members with agricultural
and other traditional skills could participate by teaching those
skills in girls’ schools.
What fathers think about the local school may be the single
most significant factor in deciding whether to send their
daughters. Studies confirm that fathers’ attitudes, favorable or not,
strongly affect girls’ enrolment.57 In the present study, fathers
were deeply concerned with the cultural relevance of the
curriculum. Therefore, instead of using only universal textbooks,
a curriculum relevant to community needs would enhance
support.58 Community elders should be involved in major
decisions about school environment and curriculum; this could
also include local Imams teaching religious classes, as discussed
earlier. Such involvement would establish a sense of community
ownership and help the school administration appreciate the
community’s unique religious, cultural, and socioeconomic

dimensions.59
The Delphi process revealed that seemingly minor but sensitive
issues can create concern for parents, thereby restricting girls’
education. If the overall school environment does not conflict with
community values, parents feel comfortable sending girls to
school. When probed for particular building or infrastructure
facilities that might mollify community concerns, participants
named practical ways to make girls’ schools more attractive:
(i) build high boundary walls to address the
Purdah issue (physically segregating women so they are not
exposed to public gaze);
(ii) provide appropriate toilet facilities with properly locking
doors;
(iii) ensure adequate water and sanitation facilities;
(iv) restrict entrance of men;
(v) provide reasonable classroom furniture;
(vi) begin the day with a lesson from the Quran;
(vii) hire the local Imam to teach Islamic studies;
(viii) include local agriculture and traditional skills in the
curriculum; and
(ix) arrange for local experts to teach indigenous skills.
Recommendation 5: Gain community trust by an inclusive
approach to curriculum design and school environment. Respond
to local needs and sensitivities regarding religious and cultural
issues in curriculum and instruction design and implementation,
as well as overall school environment and facilities.
Food Supplement as Motivator

There was consensus that girls’ education must be understood in
the context of the socioeconomic realities of the community.
Participants suggested that due to extreme poverty in many
mountainous and rural areas of KP, financial incentives could
have a considerable impact. It is necessary to evaluate a
community’s level of poverty and its development needs.
Incentives and support are often required, and sometimes a simple
grocery item is all it takes to persuade parents to send their girls
to school. Participant G reported:
In Swat area an NGO announced an incentive of a five-

kilogram tin of ghee [cooking oil] to the parents each
month or two. In Salaam Pur village, girls’ enrolment
increased so much that we ran out of space for girls in
the school. We had no accommodation in our
classrooms. Then we built a few more classrooms.
The same participant did, however, report an unexpected

consequence of the incentive program:
At the end of the year, in Upper District Dir, many

parents who were receiving monthly tin of cooking oil
for sending their girls to school approached teachers
and headmistresses with an interesting request: “Please
do not let our daughters graduate from school, fail
them”—so girls can stay in school for longer period and
family could continue receiving monthly cooking oil.
Research has shown that the distribution of food through

schools effectively addresses barriers related to poverty. 60 Several
empirical studies have revealed the positive impact of Food for
Education (FFE) programs in increasing enrolment and
attendance in primary school as well as positively influencing the
overall well-being of students. Provision of stipends and food
rations to parents in marginalized and remote areas showed a
reduction in the dropout rate of girls in primary school.61 World
Food Program studies found that take-home ration programs,
which reward the families of girls who enroll and attend school
regularly (usually a minimum of 22 days per month), brought
about significant increases in girls’ enrolment and attendance.62
Critics of these programs, however, argue that we should also be
mindful of the dependency syndrome these programs might bring
to the community. Some doubt the relative cost effectiveness of
the programs, with their higher administrative costs, in
comparison to other programs for girls’ education.63 A World
Bank report64 suggested adequate implementation strategies for
FFE programs to overcome potential challenges, such as
corruption in the procurement and contracting necessary to carry
out the food initiatives.
In some Pashtun areas, such as the Dir and Swat districts of
KP, the food supplementation program has already significantly
encouraged the participation of girls. The World Food Program
initiated such a scheme in Bajaur (part of FATA bordering
Afghanistan) during 2011 in which students received cooking oil
every 2 months in return for attending school 22 days a month.
Enrolment increased significantly.65 Such programs should be
implemented throughout the rural and tribal areas of KP.
Recommendation 6: Implement food supplementation
programs as motivators. Identify and work around community
development needs and their level of poverty and provide

appropriate support and incentives to needy families for sending
their girls to school.
Local Government
Three participants (F, H, and O), all of whom work in the field of
girls’ education in rural areas of KP province, recommended
establishing a good working relationship with government
officials at local and provincial levels. In Round 2 of the Delphi
exercise, participants unanimously supported this
recommendation. The government is a key stakeholder, and if
government officials are ignored or bypassed, they may create
barriers to any proposed initiative. Participant O, a social activist
and founder of several girls’ education initiatives in remote areas
of KP, gave the example of international organizations that spend
a great deal of money to establish private schools but fail to
consult local officials. Consequently, their efforts are largely
ineffectual: “They were very good at organizing seminars and
workshops but were not able to do any fieldwork.” The same
participant shared his experience when government officials were
involved:
In one of our projects, the community provided land,

and the government department supported the initiative;
UNICEF provided salary for teachers and provided
training. We arranged female teachers from within the
community or arranged appropriate transportation for
them. Through this project 27,000 girls have received
primary education.
Several participants mentioned their concerns about unlawful

political pressures and corruption within the government. Even so,
they argued that government must be included. Their point makes
sense when one considers the government’s well-established
network of schools, resources, and connections with communities.
Participant O explained that he usually does not involve
government officials in funding or financial matters but does
engage them in the planning process. He is also careful to follow
at least some of their recommendations.
Thus, the international community may promote girls’
education with ideas and funding, but unless government is
involved in both policy and implementation, there will be no
meaningful improvement.66 The present study suggests that,
despite the many challenges of corruption and mismanagement,
development professionals need to work closely with government
departments for long-term and sustainable solutions to the gender-
gap problem.67 The Delphi panel further agreed that structural
reforms are needed in federal and provincial policies to prioritize
girls’ education. Moreover, girls’ education and women’s
development should become key agenda items in negotiations
between the UN, government, and donors. Admittedly, these
kinds of changes are not going to happen overnight. In the
meantime, vigilant and strategic collaboration with government
officials at all levels is called for.
Recommendation 7: Engage political leadership at all levels.
Collaborate with local government in girls’ education initiatives
and influence political parties through both civil society
organizations and religious groups to make girls education an
urgent development priority. Make support for girls’ education a
key element in UN, government, and donor negotiations.
Conclusion
The struggle for gender justice faces significant challenges. Men’s

engagement is not only a socioeconomic and cultural issue, but
also a political one, for it attempts to involve a privileged group in
challenging that very privilege.68 Instead of alienating men,
programs should be developed that constructively involve men by
clarifying their concerns, creating awareness about the oppressive
effects of gender injustice, and providing incentives to girls’
education. This research suggests that when men realize girls’
education is beneficial not just to their daughters, but also to
themselves and their communities, they will support such
initiatives.
It is true that many men across the globe prefer to maintain
their privilege. Nevertheless, the present findings are consistent
with Ruxton’s69 that even in highly patriarchal communities—and
few societies are as patriarchal as the Pashtuns—there are men
who do not support existing gender inequalities and are open to
more just and progressive alternatives. In the present study, some
participants showed deep concern about gender discrimination
and its negative implications for their communities. These men,
even if few in number, could become strong allies in establishing
a counter-narrative to existing religious and patriarchal accounts.
That is, the engagement of “the few” could open a dialogue that
expands support and nurtures the critical mass required to initiate
community change.
Some may suggest that the present study’s focus on men
merely perpetuates the patriarchy it aims to challenge. On the
contrary, to quote the social work cliché, I think rather it “begins
where the client is at”: by engaging the gatekeeper, we are using
existing sociocultural systems of privilege to open opportunities
for those who are disadvantaged. An important implication of the

present study is to explore adequate policies and strategies for
constructively engaging men in gender justice and girls’ education
initiatives within the Pashtun region of Pakistan.
There are always risks in tackling such sensitive projects in
patriarchal societies, of course, especially in regions suffering
from wars and internal conflicts. Some of the major perils include
religious extremism, an environment of fear, and negative
opinions of those working for gender justice and girls’ education.
As discussed in chapter 3, a community that is going through
proxy wars and internal clashes may consider social workers or
NGO professionals as foreign agents working to impose Western
values and thus view them with distrust and cynicism. Some of
these risks could possibly be mitigated through building self-
reflective, inclusive, and respectful relationships with the
community, especially religious institutions. I hope these risks
never generate compromise in the efforts of men and women for
the broader goal of gender justice. It is necessary that we face the
harsh contextual realities of women’s lives and confront, with
courage and perseverance, the problems.70 It is hoped that this
study encourages development researchers, practitioners, and
social activists to attempt to engage and work in solidarity with
men, as we continue the struggle for justice in all parts of the
world.
Looking Forward
Throughout this book, I have explored an approach to gender

justice that could begin a new dialogue within Pashtun
communities across Pakistan and Afghanistan. This novel
approach—engaging men in gender justice—is rooted in my
reflections on growing up in a traditional Pashtun family in
Pakistan, in my years of experience in social development during
the Cold War era and Afghan Jihad, and in my recent field
research actively involving local communities and particularly
men in the region. Besides providing a framework for
consciousness raising and advocacy within the community, I hope
these findings will help policy makers and development
professionals design effective policies and practice strategies in
this area.
Looking Forward 141
Community resistance and opposition to gender-related

development programs are often brought about by a disconnect
between social realities and development policies. Pashtun men
possess a decisive leadership role in their social structures and
institutions, so if we do not effectively involve them in gender-
related initiatives, our efforts will be either rejected or simply
ignored by the community. Gender justice requires a critical
reflection on perceptions of gender roles and a change in mindset,
attitudes, and behaviors for both men and women. In this study, I
have therefore argued for an inclusive approach to community
change and I have suggested making men strong allies in this
struggle. I ask for an ethical reawakening and advocacy for a
social movement based on the collective mobilization of men for
gender justice.
It is true that privilege is often invisible to the privileged group.
Some men would prefer to maintain their privilege, while others
aren’t fully aware of their power and the oppressive practices and
harm it causes in a patriarchal society. Nevertheless, my personal
experiences while working in a leadership role in various social
movements in the region, as well as the findings of this study,
suggest that even in a patriarchal Pashtun community, there are
men who do not support unjust cultural practices and are looking
for more just and ethical alternatives. These men are open to
reassessing their conventional gender norms, roles, and privileged
position in the community and are ready to challenge the
oppressive practices and aggressive behaviors of masculinity
imposed in their communities. Some participants of the present
study also showed deep concern about gender discrimination and
its negative consequences for their communities. These men, even
if few in number, could become strong allies in establishing an
alternative narrative to existing religious and patriarchal
142 Looking Forward
definitions of gender roles and practices. In each village and town,

the engagement of even a few could open a dialogue that expands
support and nurtures the critical mass required to initiate
community change. One of those few shared with me his family
story:
My father, [who was] one of few educated men in the

community, couldn’t resist the community’s pressure
and dropped my sister from school. My other two
uncles were in support of their daughters’ education and
moved to another village. They took a firm stand
against the community’s resistance and continued
schooling of their daughters. In a few years, other
parents in the village realized the importance of girls’
education and started sending their daughters to school.
Now, after a decade or so, each morning, two buses full
of girls are going to the university from the village.
Some girls of that village are now school teachers.
Listening to some of my interviewees’ inspiring stories of

struggle, resilience, courage, and passion made me even more
committed to the urgent and valuable initiative of mobilizing men
for gender justice in the region.
In my study, I employed a community-based qualitative design
with a modified Delphi method to obtain the insight, opinion,
experience, and collective wisdom of the community and
stakeholders. The method allowed me to uncover deep-rooted
perceptions about gender and education. At the same time, it
enabled the evaluation of alternative solutions for gender justice
and overcoming barriers to girls’ education.
Looking Forward 143
Before discussing a few points for further reflection, it may be

useful to concisely recollect core ideas and themes that emerged
from my use of this research model.
Perception of Women’s Status and Girls’ Education
In the beginning of the study, I explored Pashtun men’s overall

perception of women’s role and responsibilities in the family and
the community, as well as the value and significance of women’s
education for the well-being of a community. The perception of
women is constructed in the context of Pashtunwali (tribal code)
and rigid religious interpretations. Men express their masculinity
through aggressive behavior, whereas women are expected to be
passive and loyal and to avoid bringing shame to the community.
However, I argue that this perception of women has a different
meaning and context within the community than the image of
miserable, submissive, helpless “third-world women” portrayed
by Western liberal feminists and development agencies. I argue
instead that there are multiple identities and roles for Pashtun
women. The dutiful and passive woman is perceived within the
particular context of relationships with her parents and her
husband. However, her status significantly changes when she
becomes a mother. She is then perceived to be the most respected
and strongest personality in the home and in the community. As a
mother, she plays a powerful, decisive role in various
socioeconomic and cultural matters of the family and larger
community. While many decisions outside the household are
taken by men, women are at the center of making decisions for the
household, family, and society.
144 Looking Forward
Furthermore, these women have informal but influential

groups and associations in which they discuss family issues and
develop a consensus on important family and community matters.
Some of these informal groups are centered around religion. For
example, many rural women have established women-only
chapters of tablighi jamaat (an indigenous movement for
individual reformation and purification through Islamic
teachings), where they establish “women jamaat” for their social
and spiritual well-being. In these programs, rural Pashtun women
not only get the opportunity for social interaction with women
across the nation and sometimes internationally, but they also gain
confidence through interactions with diverse groups of women
and through sharing their knowledge and experience. The women
of tablighi jamaat have also been challenging men’s various
oppressive codes of Pashtunwali through authentic Islamic
teachings. For example, in our village and family, some elder
women stood up for their right of inheritance according to the
Islamic teachings, and as a result, people have now begun to give
a share of their land and property to their daughters and sisters.
Thus Pashtun women, through their cultural and religious roots
and identities, receive a space for collective empowered
consciousness. These self-created spaces provide the women with
a medium of expression and allow them to respond to any
injustices done by the men of the community. It is important for
the goals of social justice and women’s empowerment to
recognize the agency of these women and appreciate these
informal forums. Understanding and utilizing this strength of
Pashtun women is a significant lesson for policy makers and
practitioners working in the area of gender justice, girls’ education
and other welfare programs.
Looking Forward 145
Moreover, the participants in the study have acknowledged a

significant, positive shift in the perception of women’s status and
role in the community itself. Communities are realizing the
importance of women’s education as educated girls are becoming
role models for the rest of the community. Interestingly, rural
communities with relatively more educated women have more
private schools that provide education to both girls and boys. As
this cycle continues and there is a growth in both the number of
female teachers and the number of small private schools in rural
areas, parents are finding affordable and secure opportunities to
send their girls to school. One participant revealed another
interesting new trend in the region: “Now more and more boys are
interested in marrying educated girls—they are competing for
having an educated wife.” Particularly after boys get a higher
education locally or abroad, on their return to the village, they
prefer to marry an educated girl. This new trend has been
motivating parents to educate their daughters so that they may
have better choices in life partners. As a result, despite continued
conflict and a war-like situation in the region, within the last
decade the girls’ education rate has increased and a good number
of Pashtun women have begun taking an active role in the
socioeconomic development of their communities. While these
are some encouraging developments, there is still much work to
be accomplished in overcoming barriers to gender parity in
education.
Barriers to Girls’ Education
The participants developed a consensus on the major barriers

preventing girls’ access to education: poverty, Pashtunwali,
146 Looking Forward
religion, accessibility, resources, shortage of female teachers,

curriculum, and lack of political will.
Continued wars and conflicts in the region have created an
insecure and uncertain environment that has discouraged any
progress in the socioeconomic condition of the area, which has
had a direct impact on women’s development and girls’ education.
As discussed in the UNDP report,
The refugees and the politics of the war in the vicinity

has eroded the traditional social order in the province,
broken down law and order, crippled the economy,
discouraged investment and resulted in large-scale
emigration of skilled labor to the rest of Pakistan and
the growing economies of the region. Above all, the
refugees taxed the social and physical infrastructure of
the province. Finally the province has become the
battleground of an insurgency since 2007, which has its
roots in the war in Afghanistan.1
In addition, these layers of extremism brought with them rigid

interpretations of religious texts that have had a direct impact on
women’s roles and status in the community. In some Pashtun
areas, this fearful environment strongly curbed diverse or critical
views about the existing social order, and various authentic
religious interpretations were forcefully discouraged. During the
Cold War era, a particularly rigid interpretation of Islam was
introduced and strengthened by the importation of an extreme
version of Islamic ideology. These rigid sociopolitical ideologies
infiltrated Pashtun societies during the period of Jihad-e-
Afghanistan (Soviet-Afghan War) in the 1980s.
Looking Forward 147
This brought a major religious shift within Pashtun

communities that has shaped mindsets and restructured women’s
roles and responsibilities in society. For example, despite a
patriarchal society, Pashtun women had established informal
household, neighborhood, and community networks to address
their socioeconomic issues and cultural activities. Pashtun women
would go out and bring wood for cooking, go together to wash
clothes in the river, or take some role in farming, using such
activities as opportunities for socializing with other women. I also
remember women taking a lead role in cultural celebrations and
communal events. During annual Eid festivals, I as a child would
visit “Women Eid fairs” with my aunts and cousins, which were
organized by women exclusively for women. I recall those joyful
women-only gatherings—hundreds of women and girls from
surrounding villages laughing and enjoying rides, food, and many
traditional games and fun activities. Craftswomen would be
selling and discussing features of their clay and wooden artifacts.
Those crafts would have embodied feelings, values, and images
defining women’s multiple identities and the world in which they
were living. These events provided a space for women to interact
socially, develop new connections, and to facilitate sociocultural
decisions.
However, during the Cold War era and Afghan Jihad, newly
introduced, rigid interpretations of scripture banned all such
activities of women outside the home and thereby took away those
much-needed liberating moments that had been playing a positive,
empowering role in their social well-being. In an environment of
fear and militancy, this rigid interpretation was strong enough to
challenge and change established rituals of the Pashtun
community. Tensions over extremist ideology and its impact on
the social life of Pashtuns were highlighted by participants with
148 Looking Forward
great concern and distress. A participant of the study who was

once captured by a militant group for ransom and lived with them
for more than five weeks shared his experience:
As I also had knowledge about Quran and Prophet

(PBUH) teachings, I used to argue with my captors about
many religious issues. They have a clear stance against
girls’ education. Indeed, it’s an ideology.
There is no doubt that religious leaders (Imams) have strong

influence in rural areas and are seen as the highest authority
among these people. Unfortunately, some of them have been
misinterpreting various verses of the holy Quran to support their
male-dominant stance and encourage others to blindly follow
them. However, some participants of the study argued that the
religious narrative against girls’ education is not the core reason
behind the burning of girls’ schools in the region, but that there
are other invisible political and conflict-related factors: “Girls’
schools are burned because they are considered symbols of
Western imperialism.” One participant who belongs to the war-
affected Swat area argued that only those schools that were used
by paramilitary forces against the insurgency were destroyed. He
also mentioned, with concern and caution, that there is some
evidence that girls’ schools were even destroyed by paramilitary
forces who then blamed the militants. A former director of schools
explained the situation:
Burning girls’ schools does not mean that militants are

specifically against female education, but that there are
other reasons too, such as to take revenge, show
opposition to the government, etc. I am going to tell
Looking Forward 149
something important here. Note it down for the world

to know [laughs]—you see [speaks with emphasis]:
only those schools or only those police stations were
burned which were very old. I know of only one new
school that was burned. Those that were were more than
at least fifty years old [laughs], so there is more to it
than meets the eye. Yes, there is much more to it [with
sarcasm].
Another participant, an active member of a religious political

party, argued that Islam does not create any restrictions on girls’
education but rather fully supports it. He quoted passages from
Quran and Hadith in which the Prophet (PBUH) preached about
making girls’ education mandatory on each Muslim. When I
inquired about the militants and a few famous Imams’ verdicts on
the restrictions of women’s education, he said:
Our religious political parties were earlier penetrated by

some ignorant bad people in the garb of scholars. All
the violence that flowed into Pakistan from Afghanistan
was actually a seditious trend, a great trail. All our great
scholars called it a fitna [conflict, chaos].
When asked why authentic Ulema (religious leaders) are either

silent or not openly speaking against this non-Islamic verdict
perpetuated by the militants, he tried to clarify with examples of a
few famous scholars of Islam in the province:
You know Maulana Hasan Jan Sayb, who was martyred

because he spoke against the militants. There was a
scholar in district Tanra up north. He was shot dead
150 Looking Forward
when he openly spoke against the extreme religious

ideologies of militants. However, there are still many
good scholars who are making valuable contributions in
the society.
Another religious leader responded:
People who destroy schools, we have no relations with

them. People who know about religion will never be
against girls’ education. There are mosques, madrassas,
and scholars. From these reliable people and great
Islamic scholars…no one has said a woman going to
school in purdah is forbidden….When women stay
within the proper etiquette of Islam, then there is no one
to forbid them from education.
Many people, including men interviewed for this study, argued

that the holy Quran and the teachings of the Prophet (PBUH)
clearly encourage education of both boys and girls. Some religious
groups and leaders have interpreted religious texts for their
personal and political agenda because in a conservative culture
like the Pashtuns’, very few would question any religious verdict.2
On the other hand, this study found strong evidence of support for
gender justice and girls’ education among Islamic leaders.
Evidence that Islam does not restrict girls’ education can be
found in the girls’ education ratio in the most key Islamic
countries. For example, Turkey, Malaysia, Indonesia, Kuwait, and
the United Arab Emirates show significant progress in gender
parity in multiple sectors of development. In Pakistan, one of the
conservative Islamic political parties (Jamaat-e-Islami) has
established hundreds of girls’ schools and women’s colleges in
Looking Forward 151
Pakistan, particularly in urban Pashtun regions, thus

demonstrating support for girls’ education. These schools provide
modern education blended with Islamic teachings, thus
maintaining a religiously relevant academic environment. They
have also established a Women’s University in Islamabad where
women are taught modern education in a religiously appropriate
environment. Moreover, it was interesting to find that most
religious leaders interviewed for the study were sending their
daughters to modern schools. For example, a renowned religious
leader in the area shared his situation:
My two daughters are in college now….No one dare to

argue with me [about why I am sending my daughters
to school]. One of my daughters is a physician. She is
doing her specialization in Islamabad. My daughter-in-
law is a physician too. She works for an NGO. They
train other women to work in gynecology in her home
village hospital. They became role models for other
girls in the village. Now there are many girls going to
schools and colleges.
As discussed above, due to militancy and religious extremism,

an environment of fear and insecurity has been created in the
whole area, and people with diverse views are reluctant to openly
share their views on sensitive issues. During these in-depth
interviews and through personal observations in the field, I
realized that security and peace are key to initiating and sustaining
any positive and productive dialogue. When people are not
concerned about their safety and security and a relationship of
trust is established, they are willing to share their thoughts, even
152 Looking Forward
on sensitive issues such as women’s rights and educational

opportunities for girls.
Though religion stands out as a crucial component of the
Pashtun sociocultural and political environment, the Pashtunwali
code exerts equal, if not greater, influence on gender justice. A
religious leader on the Delphi panel argued that Pashtuns adhere
to their culture strictly. If Islamic teachings conflict with tribal
norms, Pashtuns will try to sidestep religious protocol so as not to
compromise deep-rooted cultural values. For example, some
participants suggested that there are many well educated and
conservative Pashtun families who are reluctant to give
inheritance to women in the family. They would favor sons over
daughters in distributing inheritance even if it’s violating Islamic
principles.
However, I found that compared to rural tribal areas, there is
more support and recognition for gender justice and girl’s
education in urban areas of KP. During my visits to urban Pashtun
areas, I came across many parents who had moved from tribal
regions to cities to educate their daughters. Those parents
explained that their elders or extended family members do not like
them sending their daughters to school. One participant in
Peshawar shared his experience:
I decided to educate my daughters; we left our big house

and a prosperous life style in our village in Khyber
agency [tribal area bordering Afghanistan] and rented a
small house in this congested neighborhood of
Dabgarhee [urban center in Peshawar city]—just to
educate my three daughters. They [elders in the rural
areas] won’t let us send our daughters to school.
Looking Forward 153
These comments point to the importance of understanding the

rural/urban divide and how it affects education parity.
Urban and Rural Variation

During my fieldwork in the region, I soon realized that it was
important to understand significant variations in sociocultural and
economic dynamics, particularly as they relate to the areas of
women’s development and girls’ education. One of the strongest
themes that emerged in almost every interview was the rural-urban
or mountains-plains variation within the context of socioeconomic
development. For example, women in rural areas receive less
attention than women in urban areas in terms of development and
education policies. Likewise, women in the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan
receive much less education than women in the Punjab, Sindh, and
Kashmir provinces of Pakistan. In cities, due to public transport,
access to school may not be a big issue, but access in rural and
mountainous areas is highly limited. A countrywide study by the
World Bank reports that within Pakistan, shortcomings in female
education are particularly notable in the rural Pashtun areas,
which, as of 2004, had the lowest ratio of female enrolment of any
province in Pakistan. According to the World Bank EFA 2000
assessment report, only 11percent of women are literate in the
Pashtun-dominated tribal and rural areas.3 A recent survey
reported 7.8 percent female literacy rate in FATA.4 The MDG
report of KP province5 shows a continued trend of significant
gender and regional disparity in literacy and enrolment levels,
“with rural females faring extremely poorly in educational
attainment at all levels.” A United Nations report released
February 14, 2018,6 found that Pakistan was one of four countries
154 Looking Forward
where “4.9 million women aged between 18 and 49 years are

simultaneously deprived in four SDG [sustainable development
goal]-related dimensions,” including access to education.
According to the report, “the most deprived population in
education comprises rural Pashtun women,” where “98.8 percent
of women from the poorest rural households are education poor
(defined as having only completed six or less years of education).”
To address this problem, the report recommends “investment in
accessible, affordable and quality early childhood education and
care.”7
In recent years, the government of KP initiated some promising
programs for girls’ schooling that, if implemented and maintained
properly, could bring positive change. For example, in 2016, the
government built one thousand community-based schools to
address the accessibility issue for girls. Through the support of
various funding organizations, the government has maintained
these schools and provided free textbooks to the students. These
are good initiatives, but unless communities are fully involved and
their concerns about a culturally appropriate school environment
(e.g., female teachers, proper boundary walls) and relevant
curriculum are adequately addressed, parents won’t feel
comfortable sending their daughters to school.
It is also important to note the significant phenomenon of
private schooling in both urban and rural areas of KP. In the last
two decades, private schools showed a major breakthrough both
in terms of the number of schools and the size of enrolment for
both boys and girls in rural areas of Pakistan. According to the
statistics of the education department of KP for the 2015–2016
academic year, there are around seven thousand private schools in
the province with 1.71 million students: 1.18 million boys and
0.53 million girls. Interestingly, private schools are attracting
Looking Forward 155
relatively more girls than government schools, even though there

are more government schools in the area (23,000). Concerns over
teachers’ absenteeism and the quality of teaching at government
schools may be behind this trend. Some studies also explain that
parents are more comfortable sending their daughters to private
schools because of their closer proximity and higher ratio of
female teachers. A countrywide study found that if there are no
female teachers, girls only make up 22 percent of the student
population; however, if a school has all female teachers, this
number increases to 52 percent.8 Moreover, because they are
established by locals, these relatively small schools are more
connected to the community and more sensitive to cultural and
religious concerns. Another important factor is the ability and
flexibility of private schools to effectively assess the demands and
priorities of local population and innovatively respond to those
needs. There is also a considerable growth in private school
franchises (chains) with diverse ideological orientations. It will be
interesting to follow the impact of these schools on the
sociocultural dynamics of the region.
Besides the government and private sector, international NGOs
have been playing a key role in education and gender-related
programs in the province and tribal areas. During my fieldwork, I
found it critical to get a close look at the community’s views of
and trust in these powerful institutions.
Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs)
The remarkable increase in the number of NGOs, and the financial

resources and contracts flowing into these organizations, have
enabled them to become a powerful force in many key
156 Looking Forward
sociopolitical and economic areas in the region. Due to the

increased involvement of the international community in the
region following the Cold War, NGOs have grown rapidly and
have become more significant and contextually complex. I found
that most NGOs are perceived with deep suspicion and concern
among the Pashtun society. NGOs are perceived as an extension
of Western imperialism—the smiling face of Western invaders.
NGOs are not trusted because the community thinks that they are
involved in violations of local culture, the spread of immorality,
corruption and lack of credibility and transparency (see Chapters
3). Most of their funding comes from Western donors with set
priorities for the type of project they wish to fund, priorities that
may not be congruent with local needs and community values.
Traditional women have also criticized Pakistani women who
establish NGOs aimed at gender empowerment (and particularly
girls’ education) for taking on Western ideas unquestioningly and
abandoning their own religious and cultural values.9 Even if
someone from within the Pashtun tribe joins an NGO, people
gossip about their intentions, saying that they may have
compromised their tribal values for personal financial gain. One
participant, a devoted humanitarian and social worker who
predominantly works in the area of peace building and community
development, shared his field experiences while working on a
clean water project in his own tribe, a remote village region
bordering Afghanistan:
I belong to Upper Mohmand where things are out of the

control of the government. You see ultra-conservative
people live there. About ten years ago when there was
no militancy, I took a donor to my village to do a water
project. They did their survey and then we left. But
Looking Forward 157
when I came back, my uncle told me, “You see there is

a Madrassa [religious school] near our village, in a
place called Da Khwalo Daag [the Valley of Sweat].
There are many students and teachers in that Madrassa
who said, ‘Your nephew is an American agent and he is
changing people’s beliefs here.’”
Such cynicism and suspicion about NGOs in the Pashtun

region does not appear to be the exception. The key to countering
this suspicion is to discover what the causes of these concerns are
and what can be done to improve the image of NGOs. The
response would require “looking reality in the face, rather than
clinging to illusions, in understanding the world as it is instead of
imagining it as we would like it to be.”10 In Chapter 3, I explored
these questions and developed a framework for effective and
trustworthy NGOs. I suggested that the trust of the community
could be established by (a) listening to and learning from the
community, (b) respecting religious and cultural values, (c)
engaging credible key stakeholders in decision-making processes,
(d) ensuring a long-term presence and commitment of the NGO,
(e) developing sustainable programs that are ultimately owned by
the community, and (f) achieving transparency and accountability.
One major means to overcoming resistance to NGOs seems to
be to acknowledge the significance of religion in people’s lives
and the active role taken by religious organizations working for
the empowerment and welfare of local communities. Historically,
there has been scant interest in understanding the complex but
active contribution of religious NGOs in the development sector.
However, recently the question of the impact of religion in
international development and its complex connection to NGOs
has attracted both academics and policy makers. In their recent
158 Looking Forward
study, Feener and Fountain arrived at two important conclusions:

(1) faith-based organizations are playing significant roles within
the fields of development and humanitarianism, and (2) citizens’
understandings and experiences of religion are being transformed
through encounters with NGOs.11 Among the estimated several
thousand NGOs working in Pakistan, an increasingly active and
visible number use religious teachings as their core ideology to
guide their humanitarian work. Islamic NGOs have hundreds of
committed volunteers with knowledge and understanding of local
values and traditions. In terms of funding, most of these local
faith-based NGOs are not perceived to be dependent on foreign
powers, but are instead supported by local people. In KP and
FATA, Islamic NGOs have a grassroots presence and are
perceived as the most trusted and effective actors in any natural-
disaster or humanitarian crisis. For example, the majority of
participants identified the Alkhidmat Foundation as one of the
most effective Islamic NGOs working in the areas of disaster
management, flood relief, humanitarian crisis, orphan care,
education, clean water projects, and medical missions across the
province and tribal areas. My visits to their relief sites and
meetings with their dedicated team of staff and volunteers led me
to believe that these faith-based NGOs cannot be ignored; rather,
they must be actively involved in the policy making and practice
of the development sector. If approached appropriately, these
NGOs, could become strong allies in the struggle for social justice
in the region. They have deep and well-established connections
with the powerful elite and the political leadership, and they
actively participate in significant advocacy and sociopolitical
activism concerning the poor and marginalized majority
population. I believe that “advocacy from within” is the area
where Islamic NGOs have an edge over many other international
Looking Forward 159
NGOs. Despite the many ideological, religious, and political

challenges in the region, it is important to meaningfully engage
and coordinate with faith-based NGOs in developing solutions to
multifaceted sociocultural issues.
Policy Implications and New Directions
The findings above suggest the need for a systemic approach to

overcoming barriers to girls’ education by engaging the
community and offering contextually relevant, localized models
of schooling. Instead of focusing only on supply-side
improvements (such as more schools), policymakers should give
proper attention to the demand side. That is, they should take into
account local, on-the-ground social realities, such as Pashtun
tribal and cultural traditions. Furthermore, it is also important to
earn the trust and support needed for girls’ education through the
effective use of the community’s traditional institutions such as
the Hujra (men’s community center), Jirga (council of elders), and
Jumaat (mosque). Given the patriarchal nature of Pashtun society,
it would seem that girls’ access to education will not improve until
the community and particularly Pashtun men are actively involved
in changing the situation.
In Chapter 4, I elaborated on a framework for involving men
in gender justice and girls’ education initiatives with important
policy and practice recommendations. These strategies include:
Engage masharan (village elders) and imams in gender justice
and girls’ education programs;
Use hujra (community centers) and jirga (councils of elders) as
central points to involve men in outreach programs;
160 Looking Forward
Maintain strong relationships and effective coordination

between NGOs and government education departments at both
local and central levels;
Increase the number and safety of girls-only schools;
Increase the number, quality, and safety of female teachers;
Respond to local needs, skills and religious and cultural
sensitivities in curriculum design and overall school
environment by involving community elders in the decision-
making process;
Establish masjid (mosque) or hujra schools in smaller rural
communities;
Provide support and incentives to needy families for sending
their girls to school, such as a school food supplement program;
and
Enhance political will and the commitment of government by
making girls’ education a priority in education reform and
policy dialogue at both national and international levels.
As this last recommendation suggests, this study makes an
urgent call for enhancing the political will of central and
provincial governments as well as the political elite in support of
girls’ education. The international community may come up with
wonderful ideas and generous funding to promote girls’
education, but until the government is fully onboard in both the
policy and implementation, there won’t be any meaningful
development. Significant changes and systematic structural
reforms can only be achieved with strong political and
institutional support at local and federal levels.12 This study
suggests that, despite the challenges of corruption and
mismanagement, the international community and NGOs should
work in collaboration with government departments in order to
Looking Forward 161
achieve long-term and sustainable development in gender justice

and girls’ education programs.
Throughout my research journey, and in response to frequent
discussions with my colleagues and scholars across the globe, I
have come to realize that this study opens up possibilities for
future research in a number of under-explored areas of knowledge.
In most development programs, men have not been considered a
target group for women’s development, but their undeniably
dominant decision-making role in patriarchal societies,
specifically Pashtun tribes, necessitates the need to know more
about their perceptions and attitudes, and how and why they would
be inspired to become involved in gender-equity initiatives. This
study has also provided a basic framework for identifying
contrasting values and qualitative differences in socioeconomic
and political dynamics between rural and urban Pashtun areas. It
would be interesting to develop a comprehensive study that could
compare gender justice issues and factors restricting girls’
education in these two distinct geographical areas. Understanding
and mobilizing men’s active participation would also be critical in
advancing other women’s development initiatives, such as
domestic violence, forced marriages, land inheritance, and
women’s involvement in socioeconomic and political initiatives.
Some concepts and recommendations from this study could
possibly be applied to the majority of communities in the global
South, particularly when creating programs for gender justice and
girls’ education. However, this would require further inquiries to
explore the applicability of recommendations of the present study
to those particular settings. In the last couple of years, I have also
been discussing these findings with my colleagues and students at
universities in North America. Interestingly, our discussions often
concluded with the relevance of these findings to the Western
162 Looking Forward
world. Further research could map these connections and

applications as well.
What Would Motivate Men to Engage in Gender

Justice?
An interesting question is always raised about the

participation of men in gender-related issues: because men are a
privileged social group, what would motivate them to unite in the
struggle for gender justice? There are many factors that could
motivate men in the struggle for gender justice, such as collective
consciousness, moral and religious values, concern for children,
family welfare issues, socioeconomic realities, and ethical and
political commitments. Research also suggests that gender justice
at home has a positive impact on building strong bonding and
relationships within family and the community. When men are
just and fair in their behavior at home, involved in some sort of
housework and child care, their wives are healthier and their
children do better in school and are more socially cooperative.13 It
is equally important to understand that continued chronic
underdevelopment and neoliberal forces have also put traditional
masculinities in question and challenged men’s dominant role in
the household. This impact can be clearly seen across Pakistan
with a comparatively slow but gradual shift in men’s traditional
role in the Pashtun communities. Some factors include lifestyle
and economic pressures forcing women to work outside home,
girls performing much better in schools than boys, changing social
structures of the communities, increased population with limited
resources in both urban and rural areas, and an increase in single
motherhood due to conflicts and other social issues. While
Looking Forward 163
keeping the traditional structure of the family and established

gender roles, many men in the developing world are now privately
negotiating these roles with the women of their household.14
Globalization, rapid technological advancement, and social
media are also playing an important role in women’s and men’s
awareness of global issues, connection to rest of the world, and
changing perceptions of the social structures of their communities.
Social media have made it easy for the Pashtun diaspora living
across the globe to stay connected to their families and
communities in their homeland. These social networks and
transnational connections are playing an important role in
changing perceptions about gender roles. While visiting various
universities and colleges in KP, I have found that a good number
of Pashtun youth are questioning some of their rigid traditional
practices and are open to an egalitarian view of women’s status
and role in the community. This new trend may help in redefining
strict gender roles but, at the same time, if not properly channeled,
could negatively affect and challenge men’s traditional identity
and self-esteem, resulting in internal conflicts and violence.
Therefore, I believe it is important to take an inclusive approach
and constructively engage men for a positive change in the
community.
This inclusive approach cannot ignore religion—an integral
part of Pashtun communities, one that plays a critical role in
shaping everyday life for Pashtuns.
Religious Space
Most would agree that the moral and ethical base of Pashtun
society is rooted in Islamic principles. Excluding this critical
164 Looking Forward
religious dimension from gender justice programs by imposing

Western ideals would alienate the community and discredit the
whole initiative. Instead, I emphasize understanding the
significance of religious spaces for both men and women; in these
spaces, feelings, issues, and concerns can emerge and be resolved
peacefully. These spaces would offer policy makers and
development practitioners the most effective means to ignite the
change process. Here, I once again point to the role of religious
leaders (Imams) in reforming Pashtun minds through authentic
teachings of the Quran and the practice of Prophet Muhammad
(PBUH). As one participant emphasized,
Jumaat [mosque] is the most prestigious institution in Pashtun

culture, and a strong and an authentic voice needs to be raised
from the podium of the mosque in support of gender justice and
to challenge those ignorant and oppressive norms and
behaviors.
Strong voices coming from the mosque could effectively shift

the discourse about how to be a good Pashtun man. A role model
of the Prophet (PBUH) could be highlighted from the podium of
the mosque by separating unjust cultural practices from the
teaching and practice of the Prophet (PBUH). Religious leaders
could focus on how the Prophet (PBUH) empowered women with
the most progressive rights: how well he treated women of his
family; how he raised his voice for the rights of women in one of
the most oppressive environments for women; how he involved
women in the community decision-making process, and why the
Prophet (PBUH) encouraged women to be active participants in
the political spheres of the society.
Looking Forward 165
In terms of education, the Prophet (PBUH) clearly declared

that “the pursuit of knowledge is obligatory on every Muslim—
male and female,” and “whoever has three daughters and he
accommodates them, shows mercy toward them, and supports
them, Paradise is definitely guaranteed for him.” Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH) used to work with his wife, patch and sew
garments, mend sandals, and milk goats at home. Unlike some
men, he never found these chores womanish. He said, “The best
of you is the one who is best to his wife, and I am the best of you
to my wives.15 In my conversations with Pashtun men, I quote the
above-mentioned teachings and practices of the Prophet (PBUH),
followed by a meaningful dialogue on the implications of these
concepts for some of the existing oppressive gender norms and
traditions evident in Pashtun culture.
Some scholars argue that we need to evolve and reform our
understanding of Islam and critically reconsider our sociocultural
practices.16 It is especially important to acknowledge that the
universality of Islam requires us to accept the diversity in
interpretations of text and the diversity of cultures within the
boundaries of core principles of scripture. It is also important to
be clear that the text cannot be properly understood without
context. Historically, Islamic scholars read, understood, and
interpreted the text according to their viewpoint and in light of
their sociocultural and political realities. Similarly, we need to
reflect, learn, and understand the text according to the social
realities of our times and within the boundaries of the core
principles of Islam. This will also require clarity on differences
between local cultural practices and the essence of Islamic
teachings. This whole process cannot be done without engaging
men, particularly religious scholars and local Imams. Here we
need to be clear that the goal is not to please the dominant forces
166 Looking Forward
but to live by the true essence of the tradition. The core holistic
message of the Quran and teachings and practice of Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH) is centered around liberation, social justice,
equality, and human dignity for both men and women. We need
to reclaim these true values with a call for men to struggle for
social justice and become strong allies by breaking the cycle of
oppressive practices.
It is encouraging to note that some men in the community have
already begun the journey to challenge established Pashtun
traditions in their own capacity. One of the few Pashtun men who
has the potential of becoming strong ally in the struggle for gender
justice showed deep concern about the perception of women’s
restricted role in his community. He shared a small but meaningful
step in this direction:
In our rural area, women have to sit in the back seat of

the car. It is considered a shame for a Pashtun man to
have a woman sitting beside him at the front seat. Once,
while going from Islamabad to my village, I thought to
break this tradition and asked my wife to sit in the front
seat beside me. She was hesitant about what people
would think when they see us. But I insisted and
convinced her to sit with me in the front seat. Initially
people in the village didn’t like it and some were staring
at us disapprovingly….But with the passage of time
now, I see many men are having their wives at the front
seat in the car.
Some participants brought an interesting change to another

established cultural taboo. Men are generally not expected to hold
their infant children or to play with them. People would consider
Looking Forward 167
it a shame to see a Pashtun man holding his own child, particularly

a girl child. But some educated men are questioning this taboo and
changing the trend. In my recent visits to Pashtun villages, I
noticed a good number of young fathers carrying their babies in
the streets and playing with them, and they seem to be feeling
good about developing strong relations with their children.
Another Pashtun man, from a remote rural area of KP, shared an
inspiring story:
About three decades ago, there was only one girls’

school in our area which was about ten miles away from
our village. People were not sending their girls to
school. My father and my elder brothers took a stand for
my sisters’ education and hired a Suzuki van to send
them to high school in Dargai. This was the first
initiative of its kind in the whole tehsil Dargai. My
sisters became role models for the village. In short
period of time, more families started using our van to
school. Soon, there was time when there was no more
room in the van. Within about six months there were
about six to seven Suzuki vans going from my village
to high school. We didn’t bother with the typical
ghairat (Pashtun honor) issue and took a firm stance for
our sisters’ education. Now all my five sisters are highly
educated—four of them are college professors and one
is doing a PhD in Montreal, Canada. Now we have a
middle school and a high school in our village with over
a thousand girls.
I believe these small but courageous initiatives coming from

within the community have a long-lasting, powerful impact on
168 Looking Forward
raising consciousness about gender justice and bringing a positive

cultural change in the community. These men are generally not
connected through any formal structure but are involved in similar
though fragmented initiatives that bring about gradual
sociopolitical and cultural change. Asef Bayt calls these “non-
movements,” as they are “non-collective actors” who have no
formal leadership or organizational structure but who are
nonetheless engaged in “collective action,” informally organizing
consciousness-raising activities and effectively beginning a
dialogue for social change.17 In the case of gender justice, I found
that middle-class educated men are at the forefront of such
consciousness-raising initiatives. When I look deep into the lives
of these men, I observed that they were also victims of structural
oppression by powerful elites, and were struggling with their
process of liberation from an unjust system of governance. Their
personal experiences of oppression, blended with education and
awareness, probably helped create a sense of empathy that led
them to stand up to oppressors. Here I suggest a few
characteristics of men with potential for becoming allies in the
struggle for gender justice:
Acknowledgment of their own struggles with various forms of
injustice and oppression
A realistic sense of their own power as men in pashtun
communities
A critical understanding of and reflection on existing beliefs
and cultural practices
Consciousness of gender injustice
Resistance to gender discrimination within their own families
Credibility and respect from the community for their stance of
fairness and justice in everyday matters
Looking Forward 169
Good connections with diverse community members

Good understanding of religious and cultural sensitivities
Openness to difference of opinion in religious, cultural, and
political issues
Respect for others’ points of view with the courage to speak
their minds
Adequate knowledge about the community and its history
Awareness that good intentions are no substitute for taking
action
Readiness for self-reflexivity through dialogue with others.18
Moderation in perspective and conduct, and
Good role models in their family, e.g., having a father, mother,
or grandparents who were just and fair with women.
In almost every Pashtun village and town I visited, I found such
men who were deeply concerned about gender disparities and
oppressive cultural practices. They were already trying to bring
positive change within their families and were ready to take
collective action for this cause. With the overwhelming support of
a few of these Pashtun men, we developed an informal group and
initiated a gender justice and girls’ education initiative in the
Pashtun region, mainly in the rural areas of Mardan, Peshawar,
Abbottabad, and Mansehra. This modest but promising program
was initiated around the core theme of this study: constructively
engaging Pashtun men in both policy and implementation
strategies to foster girls’ education programs.
I have been visiting various villages and towns within the
Pashtun region and, through Hujra and Jumaat (guest house and
mosque), developing strong groups of men for the noble cause of
gender justice and girls’ education. In 2011, we also established a
nonprofit program (www.educateachildinpakistan.org) for the
170 Looking Forward
education of orphan girls in conflict-affected areas of KP.

Pakistani families from across the globe take responsibility for
educating an orphan girl for at least ten years. Our long-term
program design not only provides financial assistance for tuition,
books, and other expenses, but also regularly evaluates the
progress of each child through timely guidance and counseling
sessions with children and their mothers. Most individual and
family issues, whether financial or academic, are resolved by
timely interventions. A dedicated group of volunteers (mostly
local Pashtun men) implement and monitor the program. As of
June 2018, we had forty-nine children sponsored in various rural
areas of KP.
Every year, I visit Pakistan to meet these resilient children and
their hard-working mothers. Most importantly, I get energy and
hope from this group of men with consciousness and courage who
are standing firm for the cause of gender justice and other
sociocultural issues in these difficult times. In my August 2017
visit to Swat, I was impressed by how quickly and effectively the
community healed their wounds of oppression and violence after
a brutal period of violent extremism, and how girls’ education
became an obsession for both men and women of the Swat valley.
A few of my colleagues in the social movement worked together
and developed a good quality boarding school (Parwarish) for
girls and boys whose parents were killed in recent conflicts. This
was not an easy task. It required the persistent efforts of both men
and women to get back on track toward a resilient, educated, and
just society.
***********************
This book is a contribution to the scholarship on gender justice,
and brings a particular emphasis on a relatively new concept: the
engagement of men. My core reason for taking up this project is
Looking Forward 171
my love for the people of Pakistan and my passion for a just and
peaceful world for both the men and women of this region.
Pakistan, and particularly the Pashtun region, have been the center
of proxy wars and conflicts. Due to its strategic location, the
region has been going through many security-related
sociopolitical uncertainties. This caused a pattern of chronic
underdevelopment, which had a greater impact on the well-being
of the most vulnerable population—women and children. Such a
devastating environment is ideal for developing and nurturing a
culture of extreme behaviors, oppressions and injustices.
However, this need not be the case. Cultures are not static: people
do change, heal, learn, and grow. But healing can only come from
within.
Our communities cannot be effectively led or changed by the
values and principles of outsiders, but only by the values of the
community. In order to achieve this, we men need to explore and
learn about our invisible privilege, power, and culturally dominant
position in the community. Privilege is generally invisible to those
who have it,19 so this initially requires deep reflection on our
experiences of privilege and power, leading to consciousness
about gender justice. It will not be easy in the beginning because
it will involve pain, resistance to learning about ourselves,
resistance to acknowledging our position as members of the
oppressive group, and understanding the experiences of
oppressed.20 However, this whole process of reflection and
understanding could lead us to become strong allies who play an
active role in reforming those oppressive cultural values and
traditions.
In closing, I would like to acknowledge that this research
journey has given me a deeper understanding of and insight into
the lives of Pashtun women, and it has shaped the course of my
172 Looking Forward
life by redefining my long-term goals for gender justice. I learned

that instead of reacting to external agendas and irrelevant,
politically loaded narratives coming from outside, Pashtuns need
to collectively reflect on and proactively work on their world from
within in order to bring positive social change for the well-being
of their communities. We have to be critical of our unjust cultural
practices that discriminate against women in many spheres of life.
The active involvement and support of men is critical in this
discourse because when only women speak about gender-related
discrimination, some may consider it a subjective truth—but when
men speak about it, it becomes an objective truth.21 Any social
movement for gender justice will be successful only when men
are involved in a collective attempt at change. In almost every
village, I found men who were critical of existing gender
inequalities and who were open to more just and fair alternatives.
We need to mobilize these few men in every community, while
also building up their collective consciousness and passion. Let us
encourage them to raise their voices for gender justice and become
allies against all forms of oppression and injustice in our world.
Endnotes
Introduction
1
UNICEF, Pakistan: Annual Report—2010. Retrieved from
http://www.unicef.org/pakistan/UNICEF_Pakistan_2010_
Annual_Report_-_low_res.pdf. (accessed Nov. 10, 2016).
2
Pamela Hunte, “Looking Beyond the School Walls: Household
Decision-Making and School Enrolment in Afghanistan,” Afghanistan
Research and Evaluation Unit Briefing Paper (March 2006),
http://www.areu.org.af/Uploads/EditionPdfs/607E-
Looking%20Beyond%20the%20School%20Walls-BP-print.pdf.
3
Bina Agarwal, A Field of One’s Own: Gender and Land Rights in South
Asia (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Amna Latif,
“A Multi-Method Qualitative Inquiry of Girls’ Access to Education and
Literacy through the Implementation of a Critical Literacy Curriculum
in Rural Pakistan” (Doctoral dissertation, University of North Carolina,
Greensboro, 2010); Khawar Mumtaz, Monitoring Implementation of the
SAARC Social Charter in Pakistan (Nepal: South Asia Centre for Policy
Studies, 2006); Carol Mann, “Models and Realities of Afghan Woman-
hood: A Retrospective and Prospects.” Paper prepared for Gender
174 Endnotes
Equality and Development Section, Social and Human Sciences Sector,

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, July
2005. Retrieved from http://www.womeninwar.org/
CMann_afghanwomanhood.pdf.
4
Agarwal, A Field of One’s Own; Latif, “A Multi-Method Qualitative
Inquiry of Girls’ Access to Education”; Mumtaz, Monitoring
Implementation of the SAARC Social Charter; Mann, “Models and
Realities of Afghan Woman-hood.”
5
Michael Kimmel, “Foreword,” in Masculinities Matter! Men, Gender
and Development, Global Masculinities, ed. Frances Cleaver (London:
Zed Books, 2002).
6
Latif, “A Multi-Method Qualitative Inquiry of Girls’ Access to
Education.”
7
Michael Flood, “Men’s Collective Anti-Violence Activism and the
Struggle for Gender Justice,” Development 44, no. 3 (2001): 42–47.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1110260.
8
Sandy Ruxton, ed., Gender Equality and Men: Learning from Practice
(Oxford: Oxfam, 2004); Emily Esplen, Engaging Men in Gender
Equality: Positive Strategies and Approaches, Bibliography No. 15
(Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex,
2006).
9
Ruxton , Gender Equality and Men.
10
Michael Kaufman, “Transforming our Initiatives for Gender Equality
by Addressing and Involving Men and Boys: a Framework for Analysis
and Action,” in Gender Equality and Men: Learning from Practice ed.
Sandy Ruxton (Oxford: Oxfam, 2004),
http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/resources/downloads/gem-
6.pdf.
11
Maliha Zulfacar, “The Pendulum of Gender Politics in Afghanistan,”
Central Asian Survey 25, no. 1(2006): 27–59.
12
Yvonna S Lincoln and Egon G. Guba, Naturalistic Inquiry (Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage, 1985), 39
13
Ibid., 40.
Endnotes 175
14
Jay A.Conger, “Qualitative Research as a Cornerstone Methodology
for Understanding Leadership,” The Leadership Quarterly 9, no.
1(1998): 110.
15
Charlotte A. Davies, Reflexive Ethnography: A Guide to Researching
Selves and Others (New York: Routledge, 1999).
16
D. Soyini Madison, Critical Ethnography: Method, Ethics, and
Performance (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2005), 8.
17
Dorothy E. Smith, “Telling the Truth After Postmodernism,” in
Writing the Social: Critique, Theory, and Investigations (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1999), 128.
18
Dorinne K. Kondo, Crafting Selves: Power, Gender, and Discourses
of Identity in a Japanese Workplace (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1990), 10.
19
M Sharon Armstrong, “Women Leaving Heterosexuality at Mid-Life:
Transformation in Self and Relation” (Doctoral dissertation, York
University, Toronto, 2001).
20
Sonya Corbin Dwyer and Jennifer L Buckle, “The Space Between: On
Being an Insider-Outsider in Qualitative Research,” International
Journal of Qualitative Methods 8, no. 1(2009): 54–63. Retrieved from
http://wigan-ojs.library.ualberta.ca/index.php
/IJQM/article/viewFile/2981/5198.
21
Christine L. Williams and E. Joel Heikes, “The Importance of the
Researcher’s Gender in the In-depth Interview: Evidence from Two Case
Studies of Male Nurses,” Gender and Society 7, no. 2 (1993): 280–291.
22
Michael L. Schwalbe and Michelle Wolkomir, “Interviewing Men,” in
Handbook of Interview Research (2nd Ed.), eds. Jaber F.
Gubrium and James A. Holstein, 203–220 (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications, 2001).
23
Elizabeth A. Hoffmann, “Open-ended Interviews, Power, and
Emotional Labour,” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 36, no. 3
(2007): 318–346.
176 Endnotes
1.Why He Won’t Send His Daughter to School: Barriers to Girls’

Education
1
Akbar S. Ahmed, Resistance and Control in Pakistan (New York, NY:
Routledge, 2004); Fazle Karim Khan, A Geography of Pakistan:
Environment, People and Economy (Karachi, Pakistan: Oxford
University Press, 1991).
2
Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 6th Population and Housing Census 2017,
2017 Retrieved from: http://www.pbscensus.gov.pk
3
Fredrik Barth, Political Leadership among Swat Pathans (London:
London School of Economics and Political Science, 1975), 105.
4
Akbar S. Ahmed, Pukhtun Economy and Society: Traditional Structure
and Economic Development in a Tribal Society (London, Boston:
Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980).
5
Tariq Rahman, “Pashto Language and Identity-formation in Pakistan,”
Contemporary South Asia 4, no. 2 (1995): 160.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584939508719759.
6
Ahmed, Pukhtun Economy and Society; Benedicte Grima, The
Performance of Emotion among Paxtun Women (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 1998); Charles Lindholm, Generosity and Jealousy:
The Swat Pukhtun of Northern Pakistan (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1982); Andre Singer, “Ethnic Origins and Tribal
History of the Timuri of Khurasan,” Afghan Studies, no. 3–4(1982):65–
76.
7
Fredrik Barth, Features of Person and Society in Swat: Collected essays
on Pathans (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981).
8
Humala S. Khalid, and Eshya M. Mukhtar, The Future of Girls’
Education in Pakistan (Islamabad: UNESCO, 2002).
9
UNICEF, Pakistan: Annual Report—2010. Retrieved from
http://www.unicef.org/pakistan/UNICEF_Pakistan_2010_
Annual_Report_-_low_res.pdf. (accessed Nov. 10, 2016).
10
Xanthe Ackerman, International Day of the Girl Child: Taking Stock
of Girls’ Education (Washington D.C: Brooking, 2013).
http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/education-plus-
Endnotes 177
development/posts/2013/10/10-international-day-of-the-girl-child-
ackerman.
11
Amna Latif, “A Multi-Method Qualitative Inquiry of Girls’ Access to
Education and Literacy through the Implementation of a Critical Literacy
Curriculum in Rural Pakistan” (Doctoral dissertation, University of
North Carolina, Greensboro, 2010); Government of Pakistan, Pakistan
Integrated Household Survey (PIHS 2001-2002) (Islamabad: Federal
Bureau of Statistics, 2002); United Nations Development Programme,
Report on the Status of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Millennium Development
Goals 2011 (Pakistan: UNDP, 2011). Retrieved from
http://www.pk.undp. org/content/pakistan/en/home/library/mdg
/khyber-pakh-tunkhwa-mdg-report-2011.htm; UNICEF, Progress for
Children: A Report Card on Gender Parity and Primary Education
(Number 2). Retrieved from
http://www.unicef.org/progressforchildren/2005n2/
UNICEF, Pakistan: Annual Report—2010.
12
Akbar S. Ahmed, Pukhtun Economy and Society; Melody E. Chavis,
Meena, Heroine of Afghanistan: The Martyr Who Founded RAWA, the
Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (London,
England: Bantam, 2001); Carol Mann, “Models and Realities of Afghan
Woman-hood: A Retrospective and Prospects.” Paper prepared for
Gender Equality and Development Section, Social and Human Sciences
Sector, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, July 2005. Retrieved from http://www.womeninwar.org/
CMann_afghanwomanhood.pdf; Valentine M. Moghadam, “Patriarchy
and the Politics of Gender in Modernizing Societies: Iran, Afghanistan
and Pakistan,” International Sociology 7, no. 1 (1992): 35–53; Maliha
Zulfacar, “The Pendulum of Gender Politics in Afghanistan,” Central
Asian Survey 25, no. 1(2006): 27–59.
13
Bina Agarwal, A Field of One’s Own: Gender and Land Rights in
South Asia (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Latif,
“A Multi-Method Qualitative Inquiry of Girls’ Access to Education”;
Khawar Mumtaz, Monitoring Implementation of the SAARC Social
Charter in Pakistan (Nepal: South Asia Centre for Policy Studies, 2006).
178 Endnotes
14
Struggle for Gender Justice,” Development 44, no. 3 (2001): 42–47
http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1110260
15
Emily Esplen, Engaging Men in Gender Equality: Positive Strategies
and Approaches, Bibliography No. 15 (Brighton, UK: Institute of
Development Studies, University of Sussex, 2006).
16
Ibid. Lahoucine Ouzgane, Islamic Masculinities (London: Zed Books,
2006).
17
G. Balatchandirane, “Gender Discrimination in Education and
Economic Development: A Study of South Korea, China and India,”
International Studies 40, no. 4 (2003): 349-378; T Paul Schultz, “Returns
to Women’s Education,” in Women’s Education in Developing
Countries: Barriers, Benefits, and Policies, eds. Elizabeth M. King and
M. Anne Hill, 51-99 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
1993).
18
UNESCO, Global Monitoring Report 2005, 7. Retrieved from:
http://www.unesco.org/new/en/education/themes/leading-the-
international-agenda/efareport/reports/2005-quality/.
19
Education.”
20
UNICEF, Progress for Children: A Report Card on Gender Parity and
Primary Education, 2005. Number 2.
http://www.unicef.org/progressforchildren/2005n2/.
21
Government of Pakistan, Pakistan National Education Census 2005
(Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Academy of Education Planning and
Management, Statistics Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics, 2006).
22
Government of Pakistan, Pakistan Integrated Household Survey (PIHS
2001-2002) (Islamabad: Federal Bureau of Statistics, 2002).
23
GoP, Pakistan National Education Census.
24
Endnotes 179
25
Keiko Arai and Yoshinori Tabata, "Socio Cultural Factors Affecting
Girls’ Limited Access to School Education in North West Frontier
Province of Pakistan." paper presented at APERA Conference
2006. Hong Kong, Japan, November 28-30, 2006; Zulfacar, “The
Pendulum of Gender Politics in Afghanistan”; Khawar Mumtaz,
Farida Shaheed, “Women’s Education in Pakistan,” in The Politics of
Women’s Education: Perspectives from Asia, Africa and Latin America,
eds. Jill Ker Conway and Susan C. Bourque, 59–75 (Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press, 1993).
26
Cathryn Bradshaw, “Research Leadership and Management: The
Voices of Research Leaders” (Master’s thesis, University of Calgary,
Alberta, Canada, 2008); Jacqueline Ismael, Shereen Ismael, and
Chris Langille, “Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Women in the
Muslim World,” Arab Studies Quarterly 33, no. 1 (2011): 23–43;
Catherine Powell, “The Delphi Technique: Myths and Realities,”
Journal of Advanced Nursing 41, no. 4 (2003): 376–382.
27
Frederick J. Parenté, et al., “An Examination of the Factors
Contributing to Delphi Accuracy,” International Journal of Forecasting
3 (1984): 173–182.
28
Harold Linstone and Murray Turoff, The Delphi Method: Techniques
and Application (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1975).
29
Gregory J. Skulmoski, Francis T. Hartman and Jennifer Krahn, “The
Delphi Method for Graduate Research,” Journal of Information
Technology Education 6, no. 1 (2007): 10.
30
Bradshaw, “Research Leadership and Management.”
31
Ibid. Powell, “The Delphi Technique.”
32
33
E.g., Jonathan D Boote, Rosemary Barber and Cindy L Cooper,
“Principles and Indicators of Successful Consumer Involvement in NHS
Research: Results of a Delphi Study and Subgroup Analysis,” Health
Policy 75, no. 3 (2005): 280–297; Bradshaw, “Research Leadership and
Management”; Andre L. Delbecq, Andrew H. Van de Ven and David H.
Gustafson, Group Techniques for Program Planning (Glenview, IL:
Scott Foresman, 1975); Jan A. Van Dijk, “Delphi Questionnaire Versus
180 Endnotes
Individual and Group Interviews: A Comparison Case,” Technology

Forecasting & Social Change 37, no. 3 (1990): 293–304; Simone J
van Zolingen, Cees A Klaassen, “Selection Processes in a Delphi Study
About Key Qualifications in Senior Secondary Vocational Education,”
Technology Forecasting & Social Change 70, no. 4 (2003): 317–340.
34
Arif Naveed and Nazim Ali, Clustered Deprivation: District Profile
of Poverty in Pakistan (Islamabad: Sustainable Development Policy
Institute, 2012). Retrieved January 6, 2015 from
https://www.sdpi.org/publications.
35
UNESCO, New Report: Pakistan Shows Slowest Progress Getting
Poor Girls into School in South & West Asia., 2012.
http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/ED/pdf/gmr
2012-press-release-pakistan.pdf.
36
Rabea Malik and Pauline Rose, “Financing Education in Pakistan:
Opportunities for Action.” Country Case Study for the Oslo Summit on
Education for Development 6, 7 July 2015. Retrieved January 6, 2016
from http://reliefweb.int/report/pakistan/financing-education-pakistan-
opportunities-action-country-case-study-oslo-summit.
37
Uday Desai, Environmental Politics and Policy in Industrialized
Countries (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2002); Chona R. Echavez,
Gender and Economic Choice: What’s Old and What’s New for Women
in Afghanistan? Results from a Rapid Qualitative Assessment in Kabul
and Parwan Provinces (Kabul: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation
Unit, 2012). Retrieved from
Gender%20and%20Economic%20Choice%20RQA%202012.pdf;
Khawar Mumtaz, Monitoring Implementation of the SAARC Social
Charter; Zeba A. Sathar and Cynthia B.Lloyd, “Who Gets Primary
Schooling in Pakistan: Inequalities among and Within Families,”
Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 2 (1994): 103–134.
38
Ashley Jackson, High Stakes – Girls’ Education in Afghanistan
(Oxford, UK: Oxfam GB, 2011), 10,
http://www.oxfam.org.uk/resources/ policy/education/downloads/bp-
high-stakes-girls-education-afghanistan-240211-en.pdf.
Endnotes 181
39
Community Information, Empowerment and Transparency
International, Community Voice in Planning in Pakistan: The Bond of
Care. Final Report., CIET International, 1999.
http://www.ciet.org/www/image/country/_pakistan-bond.html
40
Schultz, “Returns to Women’s Education,” 51–99.
41
Ibid.
42
Khawar Mumtaz and Farida Shaheed, “Women’s Education in
Pakistan,” in The Politics of Women’s Education: Perspectives from
Asia, Africa and Latin America, eds. Jill Ker Conway and Susan C.
Bourque, 59–75 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993).
43
National Institute of Population Studies. (2008). Pakistan
Demographic and Health Survey 2006-07. Retrieved from
https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR200/FR200.pdf
44
Greg J. Duncan, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Pamela Kato Klebanov,
“Economic Deprivation and Early-Childhood Development,” Child
Development 65, no. 2 (1994):296–318.
45
United Nations Development Programme, Report on the Status of
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
46
Ibid.
47
Andrea Rugh, Starting Now: Strategies for Helping Girls Complete
Primary (Washington, DC: Academy for Educational Development,
SAGE Project, 2000).
48
Ibid.
49
Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: The Power of Militant Islam in Afghanistan
and Beyond (2nd ed.) (London: I. B. Tauris and Co., Ltd., 2010).
50
Amin Tarzi and Robert D. Lamb, Measuring Perceptions about the
Pashtun People (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International
Studies, 2011).
http://csis.org/files/publication/110316_Lamb_PashtunPerceptions_we
b.pdf.
51
Jackson, High Stakes – Girls’ Education; Carol Mann, “Models and
Realities of Afghan Woman-hood: A Retrospective and Prospects.”
Paper prepared for Gender Equality and Development Section, Social
and Human Sciences Sector, United Nations Educational, Scientific and
182 Endnotes
Cultural Organization, July 2005. Retrieved from

http://www.womeninwar.org/ CMann_afghanwomanhood.pdf; Rugh,
Starting Now: Strategies for Helping Girls; Mumtaz & Shaheed,
“Women’s Education in Pakistan.”
52
Jackson, High Stakes – Girls’ Education, 16
53
Hunte, “Looking Beyond the School Walls,” 5.
54
Jackson, High Stakes – Girls’ Education
55
Ali Wardak, Jirga: A Traditional Mechanism of Conflict Resolution in
Afghanistan (Glamorgan UK: University of Glamorgan, 2003).
Retrieved from
http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/apcity/unpan01
7434.pdf
56
UNESCO, Education for All 2000 Assessment: Country Report:
Pakistan (Bangkok, Thailand: UNESCO Principal Regional Office for
Asia and the Pacific, 2000).
57
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 38.
58
Echavez, Gender and Economic Choice.
59
Ibid., 4.
60
Ibid.
2. NGOs, Participatory Development, and Construction of Identities
1
Nadia Naviwala, Harnessing Local Capacity: US Assistance and
NGOs in Pakistan, Harvard Kennedy School Policy Exercise USAID
Afghanistan-Pakistan Task Force, 2010. Accessed November 14, 2013.
http://www.hks.harvard.edu/cchrp/sbhrap/forum/article_0003/Harnessi
ngLocalCapacity.pdf
2
Masooda Bano, “Dangerous Correlations: Aid’s Impact on NGOs’
Performance and Ability to Mobilize Members in Pakistan,” World
Development 36, no. 11 (2008): 2297–2313.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2007.11.001
3
Lisa Carol Laumann, “Teaching Gender: Pakistani Nongovernmental
Organizations and their Gender Pedagogies” (PhD dissertation.
Endnotes 183
University of California, Los Angeles, 2000); Bano, “Dangerous

Correlations: Aid’s Impact on NGOs’ Performance.”
4
Bano, “Dangerous Correlations: Aid’s Impact on NGOs’
Performance”; Sarah L. Henderson, “Selling Civil Society: Western Aid
and The Nongovernmental Organization Sector in Russia,” Comparative
Political Studies 35, no. 2 (2002): 139–167; Rahnuma Shehabuddin,
“Encounters with the State: Gender and Islam in Rural Bangladesh”
(PhD dissertation, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, 2000).
5
Maria E. Baaz, The Paternalism of Partnership: A Postcolonial
Reading of Identity in Development Aid (London: Zed Books, 2005), 11.
6
Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy:
Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (2nd ed.) (London: Verso,
2001).
7
Baaz, The Paternalism of Partnership:
8
Ibid,
9
Tamsin Bradley, Challenging the NGOs: Women, Religion and
Western Dialogues in India (London, New York: Tauris Academic
Studies, 2006).
10
Denise Thomsson, Solidarity Not Charity: Discourse of Power in
Partnership And Development Aid (Sweden: Linkoping University,
2006).
11
Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other
Writings, 1972–1977( New York: Vintage, 1980), 49; Cathryn
Bradshaw, “Research Leadership and Management: The Voices of
Research Leaders” (Master’s thesis, University of Calgary, Alberta,
Canada, 2008).
12
Michaela Guerin Hackner, “Shaping International Development
Discourse: the Embeddedness of Economic Theory and Policy Reform”
(Master’s thesis, Georgetown University, 2004).
13
David B Moore and Gerald J.Schmitz, Debating Development
Discourse: Institutional and Popular Perspectives (New York: St.
Martin’s Press, 1995).
14
Ibid.
184 Endnotes
15
Richard Peet and Elaine Hartwick, Theories of Development (New
York: Guilford Press, 1999) 146.
16
Hackner, “Shaping International Development Discourse.”
17
Ibid.
18
Alan Rew, “The Donors’ Discourse: Official Social Development
Knowledge in the 1980s,” in Discourses of Development, eds., R. Grillo
and R. Stirrat, 81–106 (Oxford: Berg, 1997), 81.
19
Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontent (New York: Norton,
2002), x.
20
Bradley, Challenging the NGOs, 3.
21
Ibid., xx.
22
Ibid.
23
Ibid.
24
Barbara Thomas-Slayter, Andrea Lee Esser, and M. Dale Shields,
Tools of Gender Analysis: A Guide to Field Methods for Bringing
Gender into Sustainable Resource Management (Worcester, MA: Clark
25
Riall W. Nolan, Development Anthropology: Encounters in the Real
World (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2002), 21.
26
Bill Cooke and Uma Kothari, Participation: the New Tyranny?
(London: Zed Books, 2001), 5.
27
Sangeeta Kamat, Development Hegemony: NGOs and the State in
India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).
28
Cooke & Kothari, Participation: The New Tyranny?, 5.
29
Niharika Banerjea, “Poor Women’s Mobilization and Participatory
Development: An Ethnography of Volunteering Practices in a Kolkata
Slum” (Doctoral dissertation, State University of New York at Buffalo,
2007).
30
Victoria A. Beard and Randi S Cartmill, “Gender, Collective Action
and Participatory Development in Indonesia,” International
Development Planning Review 29, no. 2, (2007): 211.
http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/idpr.29.2.3
31
Bradley, Challenging the NGOs.
Endnotes 185
32
Lynn M. Morgan, “Community Participation in Health: Perpetual
Allure, Persistent Challenge,” Health Policy and Planning 16, no. 3
(2001): 221–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/16.3.221
33
Neera Desai, “Women’s Education in India,” in The Politics of
Women’s Education, eds. Jill Ker Conway and Susan C. Bourque, 23–
44 (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1993); Andrea
Cornwall, “Whose Voices? Whose Choices? Reflections on Gender and
Participatory Development,” World Development 31, no. 8, (2003):
1325–1342. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0305–750X(03)00086-X;
34
Bradley, Challenging the NGOs, 39.
35
Ibid, 5.
36
Britha Mikkelsen, Methods for Development Work and Research: A
New Guide for Practitioners (2nd ed.) (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage,
2005).
37
Homa Hoodfar, “Women, Religion and the “Afghan Education
Movement” in Iran,” Journal of Development Studies 43, no. 2 (2007):
265–293. doi: 10.1080/00220380601125115; Naila Kabeer, “Ideas,
Economics and “the Sociology of Supply”: Explanations for Fertility
Decline in Bangladesh,” Journal of Development Studies 38, no. 1
(2001): 29–70; Khawar Mumtaz, Farida Shaheed, “Women’s Education
in Pakistan,” in The Politics of Women’s Education: Perspectives from
Asia, Africa and Latin America, eds. Jill Ker Conway and Susan C.
Bourque, 59–75 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993).
38
Hoodfar, “Women, Religion and the “Afghan Education Movement.”
39
Ibid. 266.
40
Performance,” 108.
41
Ibid, p. 108.
42
H. Khan, Militants Blow up Five More Schools. Daily Dawn, Pakistan,
January 20, 2009, accessed January 29, 2009.
http://www.dawn.com/2009/01/20/top7.htm.
186 Endnotes
43
Greg Mortenson and David Oliver Relin, Three Cups of Tea: One
Man’s Mission to Promote Peace—One School at a Time (New York:
Penguin Books, 2008).
44
Nicholas D. Kristof, “It Takes a School, Not Missiles,” New York
Times, July 13, 2008, 13, accessed November 13, 2013.
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/13/opinion/13kristof.html.
45
Julia Berger, “Religious Nongovernmental Organizations: An
Exploratory Analysis,” Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary
and Nonprofit Organizations 14, no. 1 (2003): 15–39.
46
Bradley, Challenging the NGOs
47
Harry Ferguson, “Welfare, Social Exclusion and Reflexivity: The Case
of Child and Woman Protection,” Journal of Social Policy 32, no. 2
(2003): 199.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0047279402006967
48
Dorothy C. Herberg, Frameworks for Cultural and Racial Diversity
(Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press, 1993).
49
Carl R. Rogers and Barry Stevens, Person to Person: The Problem of
Being Human: A New Trend in Psychology (Walnut Creek, CA: Real
People Press, 1967), 17.
50
Jan Fook, Social Work: Critical Theory and Practice (London: Sage,
2002), 44.
51
Bradley, Challenging the NGOs ,190.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid.
54
Dharm P. Bhawuk and Richard Brislin, “The Measurement of
Intercultural Sensitivity: Using the Concepts of Individualism and
Collectivism,” International Journal of Intercultural Relations 16, no. 4
(1992): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147–1767(92)90031-O
55
Daniel J.Kealey, Cross-cultural Effectiveness: A Study of Canadian
Technical Advisors Overseas (2nd ed.) (Hull, QC: Dept. of Foreign
Affairs & International Trade, Canadian Foreign Service Institute,
Centre for Intercultural Learning, 2001).
56
Ibid.
57
Ibid., 11
Endnotes 187
58
Ibid., 87.
59
60
Performance.”
61
Alan Fowler, The Virtuous Spiral: A Guide to Sustainability for Non-
Governmental Organizations in International Development (London:
Earthscan, 2002), 29.
62
Performance.”
63
Fatima L. Adamu, “A Double-Edged Sword: Challenging Women’s
Oppression within Muslim Society in Northern Nigeria,” Gender and
Development, Gender, Religion and Spirituality 7, no. 1(1999): 56–61.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/741922934
64
Performance.”
65
Ibid., 99.
66
Ibid., 95.
67
Ibid.
.68 Ibid.
69
Masooda Bano, “Self-interest, Rationality, and Cooperative
Behaviour: Aid and Problems of Cooperation within Voluntary Groups
in Pakistan” (Doctor of philosophy thesis, University of Oxford, 2005).
70
Luce Irigaray, Democracy Begins Between Two (London: Athlone
Press, 2000).
71
Rogers and Stevens, Person to Person: The Problem of Being Human.
72
William R. Smyser, The Humanitarian Conscience (1st ed.) (New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
73
74
Dorothy E. Smith, The Conceptual Practices of Power (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1990).
75
Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–
1900 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002).
188 Endnotes
76
Development Studies, University of Sussex, 2006)
77
Ibid., 5.
78
Robert Morrell, "Youth, Fathers and Masculinity in South Africa
Today." Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity, 2005, 84-87.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4066704; Esplen, Engaging Men in Gender
Equality)
79
Esplen, Engaging Men in Gender Equality, 10.
80
Gary T. Barker, Dying to be Men: Youth, Masculinity and Social
Exclusion (London: Routledge, 2005).
81
Sandy Ruxton, ed., Gender Equality and Men: Learning from Practice
(Oxford: Oxfam, 2006); Esplen, Engaging Men in Gender Equality.
82
Ruxton, Gender Equality and Men.
83
Esplen, Engaging Men in Gender Equality
84
Ibid.
85
Cornwall, “Whose Voices? Whose Choices?”
86
Ibid, 1.
87
http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1110260.
3. Angels of Mercy or Smiling Western Invaders? Community’s

Perception of NGOs
1
Lynne Healy, International Social Work—Professional Action in an
Interdependent World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
2
Sangeeta Kamat, “The NGO Phenomenon and Political Culture in the
Third World,” Development 46, no. 1 (2003): 88–93; World Bank, World
Development Report 1998/1999: Knowledge for Development (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1998).
3
Endnotes 189
Development 36, no. 11 (2008): 2297–2313.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2007.11.001; Tamsin Bradley,
Challenging the NGOs: Women, Religion and Western Dialogues in
India (London, New York: Tauris Academic Studies, 2006); Kamat,
“The NGO Phenomenon and Political Culture.”
4
Andrew Beath, Fotini Christia and Ruben Enikolopov, “The National
Solidarity Program: Assessing the Effects of Community-Driven
Development in Afghanistan,” International Peacekeeping 22, no. 4
(2015): 302–320. Doi.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2015.1059287; Sherri Roff,
“Nongovernmental Organizations: The Strengths Perspective at Work,”
International Social Work 47, no. 2 (2004): 202–12; Inger Ulleberg, The
Role and Impact of NGOs in Capacity Development: From Replacing
the State to Reinvigorating Education (Paris: Report, International
Institute for Educational Planning, UNESCO, 2009). Available online
at: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001869/186980e.pdf
(accessed 10 November 2016).
5
Jackie Kirk and Rebecca Winthrop, “Home-based Schooling: Access
to Quality Education for Afghan Girls” Journal of Education for
International Development 2, no. 2 (2006). Available at:
http://www.equip123.net/JEID/articles/3/HomebasedSchoolingforAfgh
anGirls.pdf (accessed Nov. 10, 2016).
6
Desiree Bliss and Lynnette Larsen. Surviving the Pakistan Earthquake:
Perceptions of the Affected One Year Later (San Francisco: Fritz
Institute Report, 2006). Available at:
http://www.fritzinstitute.org/PDFs/findings/PakistanEarthquake_percep
tions.pdf (accessed Nov. 10, 2016); Andrew Wilder, Perceptions of the
Pakistan Earthquake Response: Humanitarian Agenda 2015 Pakistan
Country Study Report (Tufts University: Feinstein International Centre,
2008). Available at: http://fic.tufts.edu/assets/HA2015-Pakistan-
Earthquake-Response.pdf (accessed Nov. 10, 2016).
7
Performance”; Wilder, Perceptions of the Pakistan Earthquake
Response.
190 Endnotes
8
Tahir Ul Mulk Kahlon “Governance in Pakistan: Legitimacy Regime
of NGOs,” National Defence University Journal 24 (2015). Available at:
http://www.ndu.edu.pk/issra/issra_pub/articles/ndu-journal/NDU-
Journal-2015/09-Governance-in-Pakistan.pdf (accessed Nov. 10, 2016).
9
Kamat, “The NGO Phenomenon and Political Culture.”
10
NGOs in Pakistan. Harvard Kennedy School Policy Exercise USAID
ngLocalCapacity.pdf
11
UNHCR (UN Refugee Agency), UNHCR Country Operation
Report—Pakistan, 2015. Available at:
http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e487016.html (accessed Nov. 10, 2016).
12
Aamir Jamal, “Engaging Men for Gender Justice: Overcoming
Barriers to Girls’ Education in the Pashtun Tribes of Pakistan,”
International Journal of Social Welfare 24, no. 3 (2015): 273–286.
13
Performance.”
14
Harold A. Linstone and Murray Turoff, The Delphi Method:
Techniques and Application (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1975).
15
Ibid.
16
Alberta, Canada, 2008).
Catherine Powell, “The Delphi Technique: Myths and Realities,”
Journal of Advanced Nursing 41, no. 4 (2003): 376–382.
17
18
Ibid.; Powell, “The Delphi Technique.”
19
20
Christine Williams and E. Joel Heikes, “The Importance of the
Researcher’s Gender in the In-Depth Interview: Evidence from Two
Case Studies of Male Nurses,” Gender and Society 7, no. 2 (1993): 280–
291.
Endnotes 191
21
Bliss and Larsen, Surviving the Pakistan Earthquake; Wilder.
Perceptions of the Pakistan Earthquake Response.
22
James McGann and Mary Johnstone, “The Power Shift and the NGO
Credibility Crisis,” Brown Journal of World Affairs 11, no. 2 (2005):
159–172.
23
Ibid.
24
Ivan Illich, “To Hell with Good Intentions.” Speech at Conference on
InterAmerican Student Projects (CIASP), Cuernavaca, Mexico, April
20, 1968. Retrieved from the Swaraj Foundation website:
http://www.swaraj.org/illich_hell.htm.
25
Ibid.
26
Sangeeta Kamat, Development Hegemony: NGOs and the State in
India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002); Riall W. Nolan,
Development Anthropology: Encounters in the Real World (Boulder,
CO: Westview Press, 2002), 21.
27
Ghazala Mansuri and Vijayendra Rao, Can Participation be Induced?
Some Evidence from Developing Countries (Washington, DC: World
Bank, 2012). Available at:
https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/11973 (accessed
Nov. 10, 2016).
28
Ivan Illich, “Development: Its Three Dimensions,” Bulletin of Science,
Technology and Society 1, no. 4 (1981): 339–349.
29
Performance.”
30
Ibid; Tamsin Bradley, Challenging the NGOs; Jacqueline Ismael,
Shereen Ismael, and Chris Langille, “Post-Conflict Reconstruction and
Women in the Muslim World,” Arab Studies Quarterly 33, no. 1 (2011):
23–43; Islah Jad, “NGOs: Between Buzzwords and Social Movements,”
Development in Practice 17, no. (4–5) (2007): 622–629.
31
International Federation of Social Workers, Statement of Ethical
Principles, 2012. Available at: http://ifsw.org/policies/statement-of-
ethical-principles/ (accessed Nov. 10, 2016).
32
Kenneth Anderson, “What NGO Accountability Means—and Does
Not Mean [review of NGO Accountability: Politics, Principles and
192 Endnotes
Innovations, L. Jordan and P. van Tuijl (eds.). American Journal of

International Law 103, no. 1 (2009): 170–178;
33
Ismael, Ismael, and Langille, “Post-Conflict Reconstruction.”
34
Anthony J. Hill and Linda Plitt Donaldson, “We Shall Overcome:
Promoting an Agenda for Integrating Spirituality and Community
Practice,” Journal of Religion & Spirituality in Social Work: Social
Thought 31, no. (1–2) (2012): 68
35
Jeong Woong Cheon and Edward R. Canda, “The Meaning and
Engagement of Spirituality for Positive Youth Development in Social
Work,” Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social
Services 91, no. 2 (2010): 122.
36
Hill and Donaldson, “We Shall Overcome: Promoting an Agenda,” 68.
37
Michael Edward, “Have NGOs “Made a Difference”? From
Manchester to Birmingham with an Elephant in the Room,” in Can
NGOs Make a Difference? The Challenge of Development Alternatives,
38–52 (London: Zed Books); Nicola Banks and David Hulme,
“The Role of NGOs and Civil Society in Poverty Reduction” BWPI
Working Paper 171 (Manchester: Brooks World Poverty Institute,
June 2012), Available at:
http://www.bwpi.manchester.ac.uk/resources/Working-Papers/bwpi-
wp-17112.pdf (accessed July 10, 2016).
38
Afshan Jafar, “Engaging Fundamentalism: The Case of Women’s
NGOs in Pakistan,” Social Problems 54, no. 3(2007): 256–73.
39
Julia Berger, “Religious Nongovernmental Organizations: An
Exploratory Analysis,” Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary
and Nonprofit Organizations 14, no. 1 (2003): 15–39.
40
Tariq Ramadan, The Quest for Meaning: Developing a Philosophy of
Pluralism (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2010).
4. Engaging Men for Gender Justice: Overcoming Barriers to Girls’

Education
1
IFSW, Women: Policy Statement, 2012, section 1.3. Retrieved from:
http://ifsw.org/policies/women/
Endnotes 193
2
UNESCO, Adult and Youth Literacy: Gobal Trends in Gender Parity
(Canada: UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2010). Retrieved from
http://www.unesco.org/education/ild2010/FactSheet2010_Lit_EN.pdf
3
Xanthe Ackerman, International Day of the Girl Child: Taking Stock
of Girls’ Education (Washington D.C: Brooking, 2013).
http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/education-plus-
development/posts/2013/10/10-international-day-of-the-girl-child-
ackerman
4
UNESCO, Schooling of Millions of Children Jeopardised by Reduction
of Aid, 1. Retrieved from
http://www.uis.unesco.org/Education/Documents/fs-25-out-of-school-
children-en.pdf.
5
Ibid.
6
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Millennium Development Goals 2011 (Pakistan:
UNDP, 2011). Retrieved from http://www.pk.undp.
org/content/pakistan/en/home/library/mdg/khyber-pakh-tunkhwa-mdg-
report-2011.htm.
7
G. Balatchandirane, “Gender Discrimination in Education and
Economic Development: A Study of South Korea, China and India,”
International Studies 40, no. 4 (2003): 349-378; T Paul Schultz, “Returns
to Women’s Education,” in Women’s Education in Developing
Countries: Barriers, Benefits, and Policies eds. Elizabeth M. King and
M. Anne Hill, 51-93 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
1993); T Paul Schultz, “The Economic Importance of Human Capital in
Modernization,” Education Economics 1, no. 1(1993): 13–19; Amartya
Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Knopf, 1999).
8
Sabina Alkire, Human Development: Definitions, Critiques, and
Related Concepts. United Nations Development Programme, Human
Development Reports Research Paper, 2010; Talat Azhar, “Patriarchy,
Militarization, and the Gender Gap in Education: The Case of Pakistan”
(Doctoral dissertation, Pennsylvania State University, Pennsylvania,
2009); Amna Latif, “A Multi-Method Qualitative Inquiry of Girls’
Access to Education and Literacy through the Implementation of a
194 Endnotes
Critical Literacy Curriculum in Rural Pakistan” (Doctoral dissertation,

University of North Carolina, Greensboro, 2010).
9
UNICEF, Girls’ Education Campaigns: Message for the World’s
Biggest Lesson, 2004 Retrieved from
http://www.unicef.org/education/campaign_message.html.
10
Government of Pakistan, Pakistan National Education Census 2005
(Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Academy of Education Planning and
Management, Statistics Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics, 2006).
11
Douglas Lynd, The Education System in Pakistan: Assessment of the
National Education Census (Islamabad: UNESCO, 2007). Retrieved
from
http://unesco.org.pk/education/documents/publications/The%20Educati
on%20system%20in%20pakistan.pdf.
12
Government of Pakistan. Pakistan Integrated Household Survey
(PIHS 2001-2002) (Islamabad: Federal Bureau of Statistics, 2002).
13
Government of Pakistan (GoP), FATA Sustainable Development Plan
(Peshawar: Planning and Development Department, Civil Secretariat
FATA, 2006).
14
Humala Shaheen Khalid and Eshya Mujahid Mukhtar, The Future of
Girls’ Education in Pakistan (Islamabad: UNESCO, 2002).
15
See Bina Agarwal, A Field of One’s Own: Gender and Land Rights in
South Asia (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Akbar,
S. Ahmed, Pashtun Society and Economy (London: Routledge & Kegan,
1983); Melody E. Chavis, Meena, Heroine of Afghanistan: The Martyr
Who Founded RAWA, the Revolutionary Association of the Women of
Afghanistan (London, England: Bantam, 2001); Anila Daulatzai,
“Acknowledging Afghanistan: Notes And Queries on an Occupation.
Cultural Dynamic, 18, no. 3 (2006): 293–311; Saba Gul Khattak,
“Adversarial Discourses, Analogous Objectives: Afghan Women’s
Control,” Cultural Dynamics 16, no. 2–3(2004): 213–236; Carol Mann,
“Models and Realities of Afghan Woman-hood: A Retrospective and
Prospects.” Paper prepared for Gender Equality and Development
Section, Social and Human Sciences Sector, United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization, July 2005. Retrieved from
Endnotes 195
http://www.womeninwar.org/CMann_afghanwomanhood.pdf;
Valentine M. Moghadam, “Patriarchy and the Politics of Gender in
Modernizing Societies: Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan,” International
Sociology 7, no. 1 (1992): 35–53; Maliha Zulfacar, “The Pendulum of
Gender Politics in Afghanistan,” Central Asian Survey 25, no. 1(2006):
27–59.
16
Lahoucine Ouzgane, Islamic Masculinities (London: Zed Books,
2006).
17
Development Studies, University of Sussex, 2006).
18
Education.”
19
http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1110260;
Michael Kaufman, “The White Ribbon Campaign: Involving Men and
Boys in Ending Global Violence against Women,” in A Man’s World?
Changing Men’s Practices in a Globalized World, eds. Bob Pease, Keith
Pringle (London: Zed Books, 2002); Michael Kaufman , The AIM
Framework: Addressing and Involving Men and Boys to Promote
Gender Equality and End Violence Against Women, 2003. Retrieved
from http://www.michaelkaufman.com/wp-
content/uploads/2009/01/kaufman-the-aim-framework.pdf; Robert
Morrell, (ed.). Changing Men in Southern Africa (London and Durban:
University of Natal Press and Zed Books, 2001); Pierella Paci, Gender
in Transition (Washington DC: World Bank, 2002). Retrieved from
http://lnweb90.worldbank.org/eca/eca.nsf/Attachments/Gender+in+Tra
nsition/$File/GenderDraftPaper052802cFINAL.pdf; Rhoda E Reddock,
Interrogating Caribbean Masculinity (Kingston, Jamaica: University of
the West Indies Press, 2004); Sandy Ruxton, ed., Gender Equality and
Men: Learning from Practice (Oxford: Oxfam, 2006).
20
21
Kaufman, “The White Ribbon Campaign.”
196 Endnotes
22
Esplen, Engaging Men in Gender Equality.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid.; Ruxton, Gender Equality and Men.
25
Asma Barlas, Believing Women in Islam: Understanding Patriarchal
Interpretations of the Qur’an (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002);
Riffat Hassan, “Rights of Women within Islamic Communities,” in
Religious Human Rights in Global Perspective, eds. Johan D. van der
Vyver and John Witte (Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publication,
1996); Homa Hoodfar, “Women, Religion and the “Afghan Education
Movement” in Iran,” Journal of Development Studies 43, no. 2 (2007):
265–293. doi: 10.1080/00220380601125115; Khawar Mumtaz and
Farida Shaheed, “Women’s Education in Pakistan,” in The Politics of
Women’s Education: Perspectives from Asia, Africa and Latin America,
eds. Jill Ker Conway and Susan C. Bourque, 59–75 (Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press, 1993).
26
Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India (Cambridge: Cambridge
27
Gary T. Barker, Dying to be Men: Youth, Masculinity and Social
Exclusion (London: Routledge, 2005).
28
Deniz Kandiyoti, “Bargaining with Patriarchy,” Gender & Society 2,
no. 3 (1988): 274–290; Moghadam, “Patriarchy and the Politics of
Gender in Modernizing Societies”; Nancy Tapper, Bartered Brides:
Politics, Gender and Marriage in an Afghan Tribal Society (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991).
29
Mann, “Models and Realities of Afghan Woman-hood.”
30
Chona R. Echavez, Gender and Economic Choice: What’s Old and
What’s New for Women in Afghanistan? Results from a Rapid
Qualitative Assessment in Kabul and Parwan Provinces (Kabul:
Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, 2012). Retrieved from
Gender%20and%20Economic%20Choice%20RQA%202012.pdf;
Ashley Jackson, High Stakes – Girls’ Education in Afghanistan (Oxford,
UK: Oxfam GB, 2011). Retrieved from
http://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam.org/files/afghanistan-girls-
Endnotes 197
education-022411.pdf; United Nations Development Programme,

Report on the Status of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; UNESCO, Education for
All 2000 Assessment: Country Report: Pakistan (Bangkok, Thailand:
UNESCO Principal Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, 2000).
31
Cynthia Lloyd, Cem Mete and Zeba Sathar, “The Effect of Gender
Differences in Primary School Access, Type, and Quality on the
Decision to Enroll in Rural Pakistan,” Economic Development and
Cultural Change 53, no, 3 (2005): 685-710.
32
NGOs in Pakistan. Harvard Kennedy School Policy Exercise USAID
ngLocalCapacity.pdf
33
UNDP, Report on the Status of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
34
Harold A. Linstone and Murray Turoff, The Delphi Method:
Techniques and Application (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1975).
35
Michael Adler and Erio Ziglio, “Preface,” in Gazing into the Oracle:
the Delphi Method and its Application to Social Policy and Public
Health,eds. M. Adler T. and E. Ziglio (London: Jessica Kingsley
Publishers, 1996), ix–xi; Linstone & Turoff, The Delphi Method.
36
Gene Rowe, George Wright, and Fergus Bolger, “Delphi—a
Reevaluation of Research and Theory,” Technological Forecasting &
Social Change 39, no. 3(1991): 235–251; Catherine Powell, “The Delphi
Technique: Myths and Realities,” Journal of Advanced Nursing 41, no.
4 (2003): 376–382.
37
Alberta, Canada, 2008); Ismael, Ismael, and Langille, “Post-Conflict
Reconstruction”; Powell, “The Delphi Technique.”
38
M Sharon Armstrong, “Women Leaving Heterosexuality at Mid-Life:
Transformation in Self and Relation” (Doctoral dissertation, York
University, Toronto, 2001).
39
Sonya Corbin Dwyer and Jennifer L Buckle, “The Space Between: On
Being an Insider-Outsider in Qualitative Research,” International
198 Endnotes
Journal of Qualitative Methods 8, no. 1(2009): 54–63. Retrieved from

http://wigan-
ojs.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/IJQM/article/viewFile/2981/5198.
40
Elizabeth A Hoffmann, “Open-ended Interviews, Power, and
Emotional Labour,” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 36, no. 3
(2007): 318–346.
41
Williams & Heikes, “The Importance of the Researcher’s Gender in
the In-Depth Interview.”
42
Michael L. Schwalbe and Michelle Wolkomir, “Interviewing Men,”
in Handbook of Interview Research (2nd ed.), eds. Jaber F.
Gubrium and James A. Holstein (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications, 2001), 203–220.
43
Williams & Heikes, “The Importance of the Researcher’s Gender in
the In-Depth Interview.”
44
Gregory J. Skulmoski, Francis T. Hartman and Jennifer Krahn, “The
Delphi Method for Graduate Research,” Journal of Information
Technology Education 6, no. 1 (2007): 10.
45
46
Ibid; Powell, “The Delphi Technique.”
47
Jonathan D Boote, Rosemary Barber and Cindy L Cooper, “Principles
and Indicators of Successful Consumer Involvement in NHS Research:
Results of a Delphi Study and Subgroup Analysis,” Health Policy 75, no.
3 (2005): 280–297; Bradshaw, “Research Leadership and Management;
Andre L. Delbecq, Andrew H. Van de Ven and David H. Gustafon,
Group Techniques for Program Planning (Glenview, IL: Scott,
Foresman, and Co., 1975).
48
Mary B. Anderson and N.P. Chaudhry, The Impact of the Mosque
Schools Policy on Girls’ Access to Education in Pakistan, BRIDGES
Papers on Primary Education in Pakistan, Report No. 7 (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard Institute for International Development, 1989).
49
Donald P. Warwick and Fernando Reimers, Hope or Despair?
Learning in Pakistan’s Primary Schools (Westport, CT: Greenwood
Publishing Group, 1995).
Endnotes 199
50
Anderson & Chaudhry, The Impact of the Mosque Schools; Donald
P. Warwick, Fernando Reimers and Noel McGinn, The Implementation
of Educational Innovations in Pakistan: Cases and Concepts.
Development Discussion Paper No. 365ES. (Cambridge, Massachusetts,
Harvard Institute for International Development. Harvard University,
1991). Retrieved from http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNABK017.pdf
51
Rubina Saigol, “The Multiple Self: Interfaces between Pashtun
Nationalism and Religious Conflict on the Frontier,” South Asian
History and Culture 3, no. 2 (2012): 197–214. doi:
10.1080/19472498.2012.664418.
52
Ali Wardak, Jirga: A Traditional Mechanism of Conflict Resolution in
Afghanistan. (Glamorgan, UK: University of Glamorgan, 2003).
Retrieved from
http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/apcity/unpan01
7434.pdf.
53
54
Government of Pakistan (GoP), FATA Sustainable Development Plan.
55
UNICEF, Overcoming Barriers to Girls’ Education in South Asia
(Kathmandu: UNICEF ROSA, 2006), 24.
56
Min Bista, “Review of Research Literature on Girls’ Education in
Nepal” UNESCO Kathmandu Series of Monographs and Working Paper
3 (Kathmandu: UNESCO, 2004); CERID (Research Centre for
Educational Innovation and Development), Gender Equality and Gender
Friendly Environment in School. Education for All 2004–09 Formative
Research Project Study Report No. 8, 2006.
57
Chona R. Echavez, Gender and Economic Choice; Hunte,”Looking
Beyond the School Walls.”
58
Mohammad Saiful Islam, “Factors Responsible for Primary School
Dropouts in Rural Bangladesh: A Delphi Study” (Doctoral dissertation,
Kansas State University, Manhattan, Kansas, 2000).
200 Endnotes
59
Genevieve W. Chabot, “A Case Study of Educational Needs,
Obstacles and Opportunities for Girls, Women and Teachers in Remote
Pakistan” (Doctoral dissertation, Montana State University, Bozeman,
Montana, 2009).
60
Primary (Washington DC: Academy for Educational Development,
61
Sarah W. Adelman and Daniel Gilligan and Kim Lehrer, “How
Effective Are Food for Education Programs? A Critical Assessment of
the Evidence from Developing Countries,” IFPRI Food Policy Review,
9 (2008). Retrieved from
http://papers.ssrn.com/s013/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1313159; GCE
(Global Campaign for Education), A Fair Chance: Attaining Gender
Equality in Basic Education by 2005, 2003. Retrieved from
http://www.ungei.org/resources/files/gce_afairchance_full.pdf.
62
World Food Program (WFP), School Feeding Programs: Why They
Should be Scaled up Now. Retrieved from
http://www.unep.org/training/programmes/Instructor%20Version/Part_
2/Activities/Dimensions_of_Human_Well-
Being/Education/Strategies/School_Feeding_Program.pdf
63
Adelman, Gilligan and Lehrer, “How Effective Are Food for
Education Programs?”
64
Donald Bundy et al., Rethinking School Feeding: Social Safety Nets,
Child Development, and the Education Sector. The World Bank:
Directions in Development: Human Development 48742. Retrieved
from
https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/2634/48
742.pdf?sequence=1.
65
Zofeen Ebrahim, “Pakistan’s FATA Area Reports Significant Increase
in School Enrolment,” The Guardian, August 9, 2012. Retrieved from
http://www.guardian.co.uk/global-development/2012/aug/09/pakistan-
fata-area-increase-school-enrolment.
66
Rugh, Starting Now: Strategies for Helping Girls.
Endnotes 201
67
Beyond governments, NGOs also have an important role to play in
achieving gender justice. Indeed, their place is so important that it
discussed in detail elsewhere in this book (see Chapters 3 and 4).
68
Michael Flood, “Men’s Collective Anti-Violence Activism.”
69
70
Jackie Kirk, “Addressing Gender Disparities in Education in Contexts
of Crisis, Postcrisis, and State Fragility,” in Girls’ Education in The 21st
Century: Gender Equality, Empowerment, And Economic Growth, eds.
Mercy Tembon and Lucia Fort, 153–180 (Washington, DC: The World
Bank, 2008).
Looking Forward
1
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Millennium Development Goals 2011 (Pakistan:
UNDP, 2011). Retrieved from http://www.pk.undp.
org/content/pakistan/en/home/library/mdg/khyber-pakh-tunkhwa-mdg-
report-2011.htm
2
Primary (Washington DC: Academy for Educational Development,
3
UNESCO, Education for All 2000 Assessment: Country Report:
Pakistan (Bangkok, Thailand: UNESCO Principal Regional Office for
Asia and the Pacific, 2000).
4
Bureau Report, “Survey Paints a Bleak Picture of Social Indicators in
FATA,” Dawn, January, 20, 2016. Retrieved from www.dawn.com
/news/1234160.
5
UNDP, Report on the Status of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 38.
6
Faiza Ilyas, “48pc Pakistani Women have No Say in Health Matters:
UN,” Dawn, February 15, 2018. Retrieved from:
https://www.dawn.com/news/1389532.
7
Ibid.
8
Tahir Andrabi, Jishnu Das and Asim Ijaz Khwaja, “The Rise of Private
Schooling in Pakistan: Catering to the Urban Elite or Educating the Rural
202 Endnotes
Poor?” Working paper (Harvard Kennedy School, 2002). Retrieved

from:
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228758859_The_rise_of_priv
ate_schooling_in_Pakistan_Catering_to_the_urban_elite_or_educating
_the_rural_poor
9
Development 36, no. 11 (2008): 2297–2313.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2007.11.001.
10
Gilbert Rist, The History of Development: From Western Origins to
Global Faith (London and New York: Zed Books, 2008).
11
R Michael Feener and Philip Fountain, Religion and NGOs:
Understanding New Global Configurations of Humanitarian,
Development, and ‘Faith-Based’ Institutions. Oxford Department of
International Development, 2018. Retrieved from:
http://www.qeh.ox.ac.uk/blog/religion-and-ngos-understanding-new-
global-configurations-humanitarian-development-and-‘faith.
12
Andrea Rugh, Starting Now: Strategies for Helping Girls.
13
Michael S. Kimmel, “Privilege is Invisible to those who have it –
Engaging Men in Workplace Inequality,” Interview by Fiona Smith. The
Guardian. International edition. June 8, 2016. Retrieved from:
https://www.theguardian.com/sustainable-
business/2016/jun/08/workplace-gender-equality-invisible-privilege.
14
Frances Cleaver, Masculinities Matter! Men, Gender and
Development, Global Masculinities (London, New York: Zed Books,
2002).
15
Sunan Ibn Majah, Vol. 3, Book 9, Hadith number 1977.
16
Tariq Ramadan, The Quest for Meaning: Developing a Philosophy of
Pluralism (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2010).
17
Asef Bayat, Post-Islamism: The Changing Faces of Political Islam
(Oxford University Press, 2013).
18
Bradley, Challenging the NGOs; Anne Bishop, Becoming an Ally -
Breaking the Cycle of Oppression in People (Toronto: Fernwood
Publishing, 2006).
Endnotes 203
19
Kimmel, “Privilege is Invisible to those who have it.”
20
Bishop, Becoming an Ally.
21
Michael Kimmel, Why Gender Equality is Good for Every One –
Including Men. Ted Talk, May 2015, May). Retrieved from:
https://www.ted.com/talks/michael_kimmel_why_gender_equality_is_
good_for_everyone_men_included?c=10425.
Index 205
Index
Acknowledging others, 73
“ Afghan War in the 1990s, 11
Afghan-Arabs, 50
“add-women-and-stir” approach, Afghanistan, 5, 7, 9, 13, 16, 17, 19,
76 22, 24, 29, 33, 35, 36, 46, 47,
48, 50, 54, 55, 56, 59, 61, 68,
9 73, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85,
86, 104, 109, 112, 116, 117,
9/11, 81 120, 135, 140, 146, 149, 152,
153, 156, 173, 174, 177, 178,
A 179, 180, 181, 182, 189, 190,
194, 196, 197,199
a community-based qualitative
AIDS, 98
methodology, 7
206 Index
Alkhidmat Foundation, 95, 96, Construction of Identities, xxiii,

105, 158 59, 61, 182
Arab power elites, 50 contextual beliefs, 8
Arab world, 50 corruption and lack of
transparency, 84
B cross-disciplinary approach, 7
cultural and religious ideologies,
badal, 18 5, 19
Badin, 40 cultural backwardness, 62
Bajaur, 135 cultural legitimacy, 11, 25, 82, 118
Baluchistan, 17, 45 cultural norms, 17, 76, 113
Bangladesh, 45, 183, 185, 199 Curriculum, 42, 173, 177, 194
barriers of language, 11, 82
battlefield, 72
D
Businessman, 26
Dabgarhee, 152
C decentralised planning, 65
Delphi method, 7, 8, 23, 78, 81,
central Asia, 47, 117 117, 142
Charsada, 104 Delphi panel, 45, 46, 47, 54, 55,
China, 72, 178, 193 56, 58, 103, 125, 127, 128, 137,
civil society, 57, 102, 137 152
civil society organizations, 57, Delphi Process, 82
102, 137 demand-side, 22
Cold War era, xix, 4, 50, 140, 146, dependency theories, 64
147 development agencies, 65, 103,
community elders, 14, 56, 76, 143
108, 122, 125, 127, 160 development discourse, 13, 20,
Community Institutions, 125 59, 60, 62, 65, 84, 103
community leaders,, 5, 8, 22, 24, dignity of family and clan, 32
26, 102, 107, 109, 118 Dir, 34, 40, 134, 135
Community’s Ownership and Display of respect, 72
Trust, 132 do Pakhto, 17
community-driven, 65 Durand line, 17
conflicting values, 84
conservative culture, 49, 150
Index 207
E Gender Justice, 1, 2, xxiv, xxv,

xxix, 109, 162, 174, 178, 188,
economic freedom, 111 190, 192, 195
English language, 42 gender-disaggregated
Extremism, 47, 117 information, 64
extremism and insurgency, 117 gendered segregated society, 83,
extremism and militancy, 80 119
gender-equality initiatives, 67
F gender-related studies, 8
Ghost Schools, 41
Falahe Insaniyat, 95 girls’ education sector, 7, 21, 25,
Farmer, 26 28, 29, 40, 44, 90
Federally Administered Tribal global financial institutions, 80
Areas (FATA), xv, 9, 17, 24, 56, global politics, 60
80, 82, 111, 120, 153 goal of gender justice, 6, 77, 139
fictitious depiction, 66 gor, 51
fitna, 36, 149 government-allocated funds, 40
Food for Education (FFE) government-run schools, 40
programs, 135
Food Supplement, 134
H
G Hadiths, 49
head of Madrassa, 124
gap filler, 79 higher administrative costs, 135
Geb, 89 higher-income families, 46
geendha, 43 hijab, 20, 87, 112
gender and development (GAD) home-based schooling programs,
programs, 59 79
gender development honor killing, 98
professionals, 8 Hujra, 55, 58, 125, 126, 127, 159,
gender disparities, 21, 169 169
gender equitable, 75, 113 human rights, 79, 106, 107, 109
gender gap, 5, 18, 20, 22, 23, 49, Humanitarian consciousness, 73
110, 111 humanitarian crisis, 69, 105, 158
hybridity, 71
208 Index
I Kurram, 80
Kuwait, 49, 150
immorality of NGO workers, 84
Inadequate Physical Resources, 40 L
International Development, 2, xxi,
xxix, 71, 92, 183, 184, 187, 189, Lack of Political Will, 43
198, 199, 202 landlords, 41
international development liberal and secular settings, 9
policies and programs, 22 liberal Western feminists, 66
Iran, 67, 177, 185, 195, 196 local agriculture, 133
Islam and the West, 72 local needs of the community, 42
Islamiat, 122 low-income rural families, 26, 46
Islamic jurist, 123
Islamic NGOs, 68, 95, 105, 106, M
158
madrassa, 35
Madrassa, 25, 26, 38, 43, 85, 124,
J
157
Jihad-e-Afghanistan, 50 Making GAD an inclusive
jirga, 18, 159 approach, 73
Jirga, 24, 26, 55, 58, 82, 87, 97, Malala Yousafzai, 57
109, 118, 125, 126, 127, 159, Mansehra, 41, 44, 93, 95, 169
182, 199 marble coffee-table human rights,
Jirga norms, 55, 125 72
Jumaat, 55, 58, 125, 127, 159, Mardan district, 29, 32
164, 169 Masharan, 122, 124
media, xxx, 31, 116, 126, 127, 163
K melmastia, 18
members of parliament,, 8
kaafirs, 93 micro-financing, 66
Karachi, 17, 176 militancy, 47, 48, 51, 80, 81, 116,
Kashmir, 22, 56, 95, 104, 153 117, 147, 151, 156
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), 2, 16, Millennium Development Goals,
24, 43, 68, 117 21, 177, 193, 201
Kohistan, 40, 44, 92 Ministry of Education, 24, 26, 82,
kor, 51 118, 178, 194
Index 209
modernization, 64 patriarchal system, 76, 113

Mohmand tribe, 29 pattern of changing values, 32
Mufti, 26, 123, 124 pluralism, 107
Muhtamim, 124 political parties, 36, 49, 57, 105,
Mujahideen, 50 137, 149, 150
Mullahs, 36 politics of the war, 47, 146
private schools, 22, 99, 136, 145,
N 154
progressive interpretation, 67
nanawatee, 18 Prophet (PBUH), 36, 48, 105, 148,
NATO forces, 47, 80, 117 149, 150, 164, 165
Nepal, 45, 173, 177, 199 Punjab, 22, 46, 56, 153
NGEBO, 89 purdah, xxvii, 18, 34, 93, 150
NGO worker, 41, 44, 73, 91, 92,
93, 99, 100, 101, 102
Q
North West Frontier Province or
NWFP, 17 Qatar, 49
Quran and Sunnah, 48, 49, 124
O
R
opportunity cost, 46
oppression of women, 76 Radical Arab nationals, 50
outsiders, 68, 97, 171 radical revival of Islamic thought,
107
P refugees, 3, 4, 47, 73, 79, 146
regional variation, 22, 44, 111
paradigms of Islam, 67 religious leaders, academics,, 8
paramilitary forces, 36, 148 religious restrictions on women,
participatory approach, 13, 65, 77 38
Pashto or Pakhto, 17 remote rural areas, 41, 54, 116,
Pashtun values, 42, 98 132
Pashtunwali, 12, 16, 17, 18, 29, Rigid Interpretation of Religion,
32, 33, 51, 54, 55, 58, 114, 115, 34
127, 143, 144, 145, 152
patriarchal societies, 77, 112, 139,
161
210 Index
S third-world women, 143

tor, 18
Saudi Arabia, 49 Toroo Maray, 41
School Accessibility, 127 traditional knowledge, 113
schooling, dropout rates, 7
Self-Reflexivity, 9 U
Sindh, 22, 56, 153
social audit, 98 United Arab Emirates, 49, 150
social justice, xxi, xxix, 6, 11, 19, United States Agency for
72, 77, 107, 109, 119, 144, 158, International Development
166 (USAID), 92
socioeconomic fabric of society, upper Swat, 34
52 urban communities, 54
sociopolitical culture, 18
South and West Asian countries, V
19, 110
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, 47, Vietnam, 72
80, 117
strategic working relationships, W
69, 106
supply-side, 5, 13, 22, 58, 159 war and conflict, 5, 19, 45, 104
war- and conflict-affected
countries, 79
T Waziristan, 80
tablighi jamaat, 144 Western agents, 84
Taliban, 35, 36, 37, 38, 49, 50, 68, western imperialism, 78, 108
95, 104, 181 Western liberal feminists, 143
Taliban ideology, 36 Western NGOs, 62, 66, 73
Taliban insurgency, 36 Western world, 50, 60, 162
tarburwali, 18 WHO/UNICEF Alma Alta
The United Nations Children’s Declaration of 1978, 65
Fund (UNICEF), 103 women empowerment NGOs, 67
the White Ribbon Campaign in
Canada, 112

Aamir Jamal The Gate Keepers

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AAMIR JAMAL

(Paulo Coelho, The Alchemist)

List of Figures ........................................................................... xv

1. Why He Won’t Send His Daughter to School: Barriers to

Lack of Political Will and Corruption ............................... 43

Immorality and Conflicting Values.................................... 86

School Accessibility ......................................................... 127

Figure 1.1: Overview of the entire research process ................. 23

Table 1.1: Participants of the Delphi study. .............................. 26

Extensive field research in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,

This work is primarily based on my PhD research. The research

Aamir Jamal, “Why He Won’t Send His Daughter to School: Barriers to

Aamir Jamal, “NGOs, Participatory Development and Construction of

Aamir Jamal & Clive Baldwin, “Angels of Mercy or Smiling Western

Aamir Jamal, “Engaging Men for Gender Justice: Overcoming Barriers

It is my pleasure and privilege to write the preface to this important book,

daughters. He engaged with community and religious leaders as well as

a shortage of female teachers inhibit girls’ participation. In addition, the

Deborah K. van den Hoonaard, PhD

Canada Research Chair in Qualitative Research and Analysis, 2006-2016.

Aamir Jamal’s book, The Gatekeepers: Engaging Pashtun Men for

Initially, Jamal explains that previous research, is narrow in its focus.

To establish mobile schools and increase educational opportunities

Cecille Marie DePass, PhD, Calgary

Associate Professor Emeritus, University of Calgary (2015),

Since my childhood, evenings at the Saddar bazaar in Peshawar,

me the gift, she whispered in my ear, “Listen, Aamir, your mother

person, and my mother often acknowledged the strong support and

The childhood memories I hold of my mother’s role as a school

process,5 and that it is equally crucial to involve and understand

development programs in Afghanistan and Pakistan have often

I have adopted a cross-disciplinary approach with a community-

strategies. However, little is known about the preconceived

from conservative religious backgrounds, as well as from liberal

The design of my study also includes self-reflexivity, which is

own moral responsibility relative to representation and

Truth and knowledge are grounded in the

Afterward, when reflecting on my study, I asked a question that

worked extensively as a social activist and relief worker in most

is, based on my gender, participants may have made assumptions

overcoming barriers to girls’ education. Instead of considering

inclusive approach to development practice. Negative perceptions

motivating factors on this long and challenging path. Being a

Why He Won’t Send His

Resistance to girls’ education in Pakistan has long been an

The total population of Pashtuns is estimated to be about 50

The Pashtun Way: Pashtunwali

Pashtuns’ identity is generally governed by Pashtunwali. A tribal

Throughout history, girls’ education has been a contested social,

in society, and sociocultural issues, coupled with poor access to

Studies of gender equality in Muslim societies usually focus on

Purpose of the Study

The objectives of the study were (1) to investigate how male

Background and Context

The gender gap in education reflects the broader social, political,

reaching implications for most developing communities. Within

Status of Girls’ Education in Pakistan

enrolment drops by 50 percent in Grade 5 and 90 percent in Grade

Research Design and Method

I used a qualitative research design based on a modified two-round

Figure 1.1: Overview of the entire research process.

following groups: tribal councils of elders (Jirga), religious