Nostalgia as a Driving Force

● Russia's Pursuit of Soviet Union's Power and Influence

- Putin's focus on restoring Russia's global status
- Actions to regain control over former Soviet territories
- Strengthening military capabilities and expanding influence in the Middle East
- Promotion of a nationalist narrative emphasizing Russia's historical greatness

● China's Revival of Ancient Glory

- Xi Jinping's emphasis on the "Chinese Dream" of national rejuvenation
- Efforts to reclaim historical territories, such as in the South China Sea
- Revitalization of ancient cultural and philosophical traditions
- Investments in infrastructure projects to showcase modern Chinese power

● India's Quest for Past Glory

- Hindutva movement's aspiration to restore India's ancient Hindu civilization
- Emphasis on religious and cultural identity
- Revisionist approach to historical narratives to assert national pride
- Calls for a return to traditional values and customs

● Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism
- Erdogan's vision of a resurgent Turkey as a regional power
- Reconciliation with Ottoman past and celebration of its achievements
- Assertive foreign policy in the Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean
- Promotion of Turkish cultural and linguistic influence in the region

● Brazil's Yearning for Economic and Political Stability

- Bolsonaro's promise to restore law and order
- Nostalgia for the military dictatorship era
- Focus on economic liberalization and deregulation
- Calls for a return to conservative values and traditional family structures
The Pros and Cons of Nostalgia as a Driving Force
● Benefits of Looking to the Past
- Preservation of cultural heritage and traditions
- Restoration of national pride and identity
- Drawing inspiration from past achievements and lessons
- Building social cohesion and a sense of shared purpose

● Drawbacks and Risks

- Selective and distorted historical narratives
- Ignoring or downplaying past injustices and inequalities
- Resistance to change and innovation
- Potential for xenophobia, exclusion, and conflicts with minority groups

Context Matters: Evaluating the Appropriateness of Nostalgia

● Assessing the current state of the nation
- Political, economic, and social conditions
- Degree of national unity or fragmentation
- Challenges and opportunities in the global context

● Analyzing the potential benefits and risks

- Examining the goals and intentions behind the nostalgia-driven agenda
- Assessing the impact on social cohesion and inclusivity
- Weighing the potential for positive change against the risk of stagnation

● Considering alternative approaches

- Balancing historical pride with forward-thinking strategies
- Fostering national unity through inclusive narratives
- Emphasizing adaptability and resilience rather than rigid restoration
Putin and the New Russia
● Vladimir Putin's experience in the KGB during the collapse of the Soviet Union had a
profound impact on his political career and goals.
● Putin witnessed the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of Soviet power in Europe
while stationed in East Germany, which he found humiliating and shocking.
● He had to face an angry crowd attempting to storm the KGB headquarters in Dresden,
and he had to bluff about armed backup to protect sensitive files.
● Putin felt a sense of national humiliation and the loss of a powerful state, rather than
mourning the human or material costs of the Soviet collapse.
● Determined to restore Russia's global importance, Putin rose through the political ranks
in the 1990s and became the deputy mayor of St. Petersburg.
● He witnessed the weakness and lack of influence of the new Russia, especially during the
1998 crisis when President Yeltsin's protests against US airstrikes in Serbia were
ignored.
● Putin's style of leadership was different from Yeltsin's. He projected self-control,
confidence, and used his KGB background to show he was in control.
● Putin wrote an article in 1999, expressing concern that Russia could be relegated to a
second or third-tier global power and called for unity to maintain a first-tier status.
● He invoked Russia's history, particularly the victory in World War II, as a national
founding myth to instill pride and discourage questioning of the darker aspects of the
Soviet war narrative.
● Putin cultivated a tough-guy image through carefully staged photo opportunities that
emphasized his macho credentials.
● The circle of decision-makers around Putin shrank, and he prioritized loyalty, often
surrounding himself with people from security services or his KGB days.
● Putin is a cloistered leader, receiving information mainly through briefing notes and
rarely interacting with the public in unscripted encounters.
● His personal relationships, including his marriage to Ludmila, depicted him as
authoritarian and demanding.
● Putin extended his presidency for over two decades, presenting himself as synonymous
with the new state and weaving a narrative of Russian glory through historical figures
like Prince Vladimir.
Abstract
● Fascist regimes, such as those led by Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany, had a
tendency to glorify the national past of their respective countries.
● These regimes sought to resurrect an even more ancient and glorious past, often turning
towards ancient Greece and Rome.
● The appropriation of antiquity by Fascism and National Socialism received more
attention from classicists and ancient historians in the past, but there is now growing
interest from modern historians and scholars of fascism.
● The author aims to explore the significance of the fascist regimes' recourse to ancient
models and the role of classicizing ideology and propaganda.
● The article seeks to understand the commonalities and deeper roots of the preference for
the classical past in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, going beyond the traumatic events
of the Great War and its aftermath.
● Identification with an idealized ancient Greece and Rome helped create and strengthen
national identities in Italy and Germany at critical junctures in their histories.
● The article does not propose a simplistic parallel or essentializing classical Sonderweg,
but rather emphasizes the analogous function of ancient Greece and Rome in
nation-building.
● While acknowledging the importance of other aspects of the national past, the article
argues that the classical trope deserves serious investigation in its own right.
● The discussion situates itself within the current debate on fascist 'chronopolitics,' which
refers to the regimes' attitudes towards time and temporality.
● The study draws on diverse historiographical strands, including scholarship on the
classical tradition, fascism, and Italian and German national identity.
● The article aims to engage in a comparative analysis and bridge the gap between Italian
and German historiographies.

Fascist Chronopolitics and the Temporal Turn

● The concept of 'chronopolitics' has gained traction in the study of fascism, exploring the
fascist movements' unique visions of revolutionary missions and their temporal
dimensions.
● The article argues against overemphasizing the racial aspect of Nazi temporality and
highlights the transformation of cultural trends and mythicization of antiquity that
existed for centuries prior.
● The article suggests that both the Italian and German cases of classicizing 'distant
models' reflect the culmination and radicalization of pre-existing national traditions.
● Cultural heritage plays a significant role in shaping nationalism, and fascism
appropriates and distorts existing ideas and traditions found in the nationalist canon.
● Classical antiquity holds symbolic power and flexibility in justifying revolution or
constructing an empire, making it attractive to imperialist dictatorships like Fascist Italy
and Nazi Germany.
● The article will delve into the relationship between Italian Fascism and the ancient
Roman past (romanità) and then examine the relationship between Nazism and classical
antiquity.
Mussolini, Fascism and the Myth of Rome
● Mussolini initially held a negative view of Rome as Italy's capital, considering it a squalid
city. However, it was later claimed that he idolized ancient Rome since his childhood.
● The "myth of Rome" was used by Mussolini to solidify Fascist power and limit the
autonomy of rebellious squad leaders who viewed Rome unfavorably.
● Mussolini frequently referred to ancient Rome in his writings and speeches after World
War I, particularly in relation to race and the pursuit of power in the Mediterranean.
● Once in power, Mussolini glorified ancient Rome in various ways, including declaring
Rome's "birthday" as a national holiday and proclaiming a resurrection of the Roman
Empire after Italy's colonial conquests in Ethiopia.
● Mussolini identified himself with Roman emperors, ascribing to himself the salvific
qualities and statuesque gravitas of a Roman emperor. He aimed to transform Rome's
architectural and archaeological fabric from stone to marble, similar to Augustus's
transformation of the city.
● Mussolini took comparisons to Julius Caesar seriously, keeping a bust of Caesar on his
desk and considering him the greatest man after Jesus Christ. However, as his rule
extended, he sought to align himself more with Augustus and his long-lasting empire.
● Mussolini's belief in the enduring nature of the Roman Empire was exemplified in
propaganda images of him posing on horseback in Tripoli with Libyan "lictors" dressed
in authentic Roman costume.
● Mussolini's fascination with his own myth and perceived apotheosis led him to adapt
Augustus's quotes and buy into hagiographic encomia, claiming to have surpassed all
Roman emperors.
● Mussolini's transformation of Rome's urban space, driven by his personal interest in
Roman archaeology, led to the removal of medieval, baroque, and Renaissance elements
and the restoration of ancient Roman monuments.
● Several notable projects exemplify Mussolini's grandiose plans for Rome, including the
restoration of the Ara Pacis, the transformation of the Circus Maximus, and the creation
of the Foro Mussolini (now Foro Italico) and the Via dell'Impero.
● The EUR (Esposizione Universale Roma)/E42 global exhibition ground, intended as a
showcase for the new Rome, featured monumental stripped classicism, including the
"quadratic coliseum" or Fascist "Palace of Roman Civilization."
● The myth of Fascist Rome was not solely propagated by Mussolini but involved
collaborations between scholars, teachers, architects, artists, archaeologists, and
intellectuals. It was a product of complex negotiations and intellectual currents ranging
from anticlericalism to Catholicism, modernism to historicism, nationalism to
universalism.
● The Fascist accession to power led to an explosion of Latin-language literature, including
odes in praise of Mussolini, prose orations extolling the regime, epics on Italy's colonial
exploits, and Latin inscriptions on monuments.
● Efforts to promote Latinitas were not limited to official initiatives but also represented
the voluntary contributions of individual schoolteachers, intellectuals, and academics
who saw Latin as the perfect expression of Italian Fascism's new spirit.
● The Mostra Augustea della Romanità aimed to assimilate the Age of Augustus and the
Age of Mussolini in the public's perception and involved cooperation between scholars,
museum staff, and government officials.
● Popular manifestations of romanità, such as advertisements featuring the Dea Roma or
modern mosaics with squadristi or sports imagery, served as effective ways to market the
idea of Fascist Rome's antique modernity to the Italian populace.
● The popularity of Romanizing names in christening records during this period indicates
the effectiveness of the promotion of Roman ideals.
● Fascist headquarters and households often displayed classicizing decorations, including
painted wall decorations, chalk busts, and fasces-shaped ornaments.
● Ancient Rome provided a flexible paradigm for Fascist dominion, conquest, and internal
political order. It justified various initiatives, such as ruralism, architectural
reconstruction, and the promotion of Roman virtues.
● The myth of Rome became a pervasive belief within Fascism's symbolic universe and was
exemplified by Mussolini's proclamation "Civis Romanus sum" shortly before the March
on Rome.
Hitler, Nazism and Antiquity
● Hitler and Mussolini saw Roman history as a blueprint for securing and immortalizing
imperial dominion.
● Hitler admired Rome for its military power, efficient infrastructure (such as roads), and
monumental architecture.
● However, when it came to finding a paradigm for the envisioned "anthropological
revolution," Hitler and his hierarchy turned to ancient Greece.
● The ancient Greek world, particularly the martial simplicity of Sparta, served as a model
for artistic, cultural, and social life, as well as long-term colonization.
● Hitler and the National Socialist worldview intertwined the ancient Greek and Germanic
cultures, considering them consanguineous and united.
● The National Socialist "new man" was often depicted as a young Greek Adonis, and he
was to undergo physical and intellectual education similar to the ancient Greeks.
● The connection between the present-day Germans and ancient Greeks was reinforced
during the German invasion of Greece in 1941, portraying it as a "return" to their
ancestral land.
● Sparta was the city-state that best represented the Third Reich's aspirations due to
Hitler's strong admiration for it as the "purest racial state in history."
● Observers from France, Britain, and Soviet Russia noted eerie similarities between
Sparta and the Third Reich.
● Nazi leaders exploited these correspondences and made private visits to Sparta,
considering it a German city.
● Nazi figures like Goebbels, Bernhard Rust, and Richard Walther Darré expressed
admiration for Sparta and its ideals.
● The German encirclement at Stalingrad was propagandized as a modern Battle of
Thermopylae, drawing on the Spartan legacy.
● The ideas of a totalitarian Sparta found endorsement among academics, teachers, artists,
intellectuals, and commercial enterprises.
● The White Rose resistance group criticized the regime as a totalitarian Sparta before
their activities were halted.
● While other nations and cultures like the British Empire, the United States, and Japan
had their role in Nazi ideology, Greece, particularly Sparta, held a significant place.
● The Third Reich sought to construct a society based on the Spartan paradigm, and future
leaders were indoctrinated with it in elite boarding schools like the National Political
Education Institutes and the Adolf-Hitler-Schools.
● While the entirety of Greco-Roman history was mythicized and Aryanized under Nazism,
when a specific model was needed for the desired society, Greece, specifically Sparta, was
chosen.
German Philhellenism, Romanità, and the Discontents of National
Identity
● German Philhellenism and Italian Romanità served as means of bolstering national identity
during periods of fractured national identity and struggles for national unification.
● The German pursuit of philhellenism and the Italian relish for romanità were not
uncontested, with some preferring to focus solely on the Teutonic or anti-Romanist aspects
of their national identity.
● Both Germany and Italy turned to ancient Greece and Rome to find cultural and historical
models that could provide a sense of superiority and a civilizing mission for their nations.
● The lack of congruity between state borders and linguistic and cultural boundaries posed
challenges to the path of German unity, and integrating a population with strong local and
regional loyalties was difficult.
● German nationalists developed a cultural form of nationalism and constructed a national
image and identity using classical antiquity and models and examples from foreign countries.
● Greece became a paradigm for Germany to trounce French and Napoleonic pretensions, and
it was seen as a route to cultural, artistic, and national greatness.
● The turn towards Greek antiquity found appeal in both Prussia and Bavaria, with influential
figures such as Wilhelm von Humboldt and King Ludwig I embracing Hellenophile
sentiments.
● Even after unification, large-scale archaeological excavations in Greece and Asia Minor were
framed in philhellenism terms, emphasizing the cultural connection between Germany and
ancient Greece.
● Italy faced challenges in forging a culturally-mediated national identity due to linguistic,
cultural, and infrastructural differences among its states and kingdoms.
● The majority of Italians were indifferent to any loyalty beyond their local municipalities, and
the Roman Catholic Church strongly opposed the unified Italian state.
● Italy's wealthy North and impoverished South were deeply divided, leading to disparaging
comparisons and references to the Mezzogiorno as a disease or lacking civilization.
● The legacy of Rome played a crucial role in reforming Italy into a united nation, as it
symbolized past glories and the last period of Italian unity under the Roman Empire.
● Key figures of the Risorgimento, such as Gioberti, Garibaldi, and Mazzini, believed in the
symbolic power of ancient Rome and saw it as a unifying force for Italy.
● Count Cavour viewed Rome as the ideal national capital due to its historical significance.
● Francesco Crispi revived the idea of a Roman empire for Italy's colonial ambitions, claiming
that the greatness of Rome demanded a proper empire.
● The House of Savoy used the myth of Rome to furnish the young kingdom with a prestigious
past, leading to Romanizing monuments and archaeological excavations.
● The idea that classical history could seamlessly connect with Italian national history was
embraced by scholars and intellectuals, setting the stage for the Fascist 'cult of romanità.'
● The disappointments and failures of the Italian parliamentary state prior to WWI led
nationalist activists like D'Annunzio to criticize the betrayal of the ancient ideal of Rome.
● Mussolini's ability to resurrect Rome was seen as a welcomed development, aligning with the
equation of ancient Rome with Italian national redemption.
● The equation of ancient Rome with Italian national identity had a long history and provided
a seamless connection for Fascism to exploit without causing major ruptures with the past.
Conclusion
● The conclusion highlights the salient differences and parallels between the deployment
of the 'cult of romanità' in Mussolini's Italy and philhellenism in Hitler's Third Reich.
● The 'cult of romanità' in Italy was imposed in a top-down manner by the ruling classes,
while philhellenism in Germany had a broader reach and appeal due to the multifarious
historical phenomenon of ancient Greece.
● Both phenomena need to be treated seriously and situated within a broader historical
timeframe, rather than solely attributing them to the aftermath of World War I.
● The turn to antiquity in both cases represented a fascistizing incarnation of a
pre-existing claim to classicizing national identity, arising from the discontents of
fractured statehood and late unification.
● The recourse to ancient models was driven by a desire to attain authority beyond
nationalist particularism.
● Although Greece and Rome were not the sole content of the Nazi and Fascist historical
imaginaries, they formed dominant themes.
● The models of Sparta and Rome shared similarities, glorifying an antidemocratic
paradigm opposed to the Athenian exemplar and emphasizing bellicose virtues, aligning
with fascist sensibilities.
● The turn to Rome and Greece aimed to create an 'alternative modernity' that was
future-oriented, rather than reactionary.
● Fascist and Nazi classicizing chronopolitics transformed humanistic cultural tropes into
a new form of 'classicizing modernism,' utilizing the power of ancient examples to fuel a
confident leap into the imagined fascist future.
Nostalgia for ’50s Gets Close Scrutiny
● David Frum, author and contributing editor to the Weekly Standard, warns
conservatives against idealizing the 1950s and succumbing to nostalgia.
● Frum cautions against viewing the 1950s as a model to be recreated and emphasizes that
the era was the result of unique circumstances.
● The 1950s are often remembered as a time of consensus, stability, and respect for
authority, with high marriage rates and low divorce rates.
● However, Frum argues that these conditions were temporary and unnatural, shaped by a
society formed by war.
● From 1898 to the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam, the United States was almost
constantly at war or in imminent danger of war.
● The constant war mentality influenced the governance of the United States even during
times of peace, as leaders and elites believed in mobilizing the country's strength for war.
● Frum describes the 1950s as a "blue-collar utopia" resulting from the destruction of
America's economic competitors during World War II and the granting of broad union
powers.
● The victory in World War II instilled faith in political leaders, as Americans trusted
figures like General Dwight D. Eisenhower.
● The shared experience of World War II created a sense of common endeavor and
political consensus in the postwar era.
● While criticizing the liberal portrayal of the 1950s as a nightmare, Frum acknowledges
that the consensus and homogeneity of the era were partly due to government policies
that conservatives often reject.
● Examples of such policies in the 1950s include a top federal income tax rate of 95%, the
military draft, strict economic regulation, unrestricted wiretapping, urban renewal, and
closed-shop labor union agreements.
● Frum argues that the concentration of authority during the 1950s contradicts the
American way, and the wartime discipline triggered a revolution in the 1960s.
● Contrary to conservative critics, Frum locates the national convulsion of the 1960s more
accurately in the 1970s.
● Frum challenges the conservative belief that human nature is fixed and immutable,
asserting that it changes over time.
● He cites changes in sexual attitudes, such as men's unwillingness to fight in defense of
women's honor, as an example of human nature's mutability.
● Frum predicts that these changes in human nature will lead America toward something
new, with new vices, virtues, sins, and progress.
The politics of nostalgia and populism
● Populist leaders worldwide often exploit nostalgia by referring to a glorious past that has
been lost today in their countries.
● Examples include Donald Trump's slogan "Make America Great Again," which yearns for a
past when gender and racial relations were more "ordered" in the US.
● In Venezuela, Chavistas refer to Simon Bolivar as El Libertador, seeking to reestablish an
independent Latin America.
● Populist Justice and Development Party governments in Turkey build their rhetoric on
Ottoman nostalgia.
● Right-wing populists in Western Europe refer to the era before the influx of immigrants and
European unification when they had not yet lost their sovereignty.
● The Brexit campaign's slogan "Let's Take Back Control" also carries a nostalgic message of
wanting to return to a better past.
● Viktor Orban, the Hungarian Prime Minister, invoked nostalgia in his speech
commemorating the Treaty of Trianon, emphasizing the importance of historical justice and
Hungary's enduring presence.
● Nostalgia is seen as a homecoming, seeking refuge in a shelter that protects the pure and
authentic people, creating borders between the "us" and the "them."
● Populists use nostalgia to generate an intergroup cleavage between the people and the elites,
strengthening shared social identity.
● Nostalgia helps maintain in-group identity during times of change, breakdown, collapse, or
threat.
● Populist moralistic imagination portrays political opponents as "enemies to be destroyed,"
leading to increased political enmity.
● In Turkey, the conflict between Islamists and secularists since the late Ottoman era creates a
significant intergroup cleavage.
● Islamist politics in Turkey glorifies the Ottoman Empire as the zenith of the Turkish people's
history, aiming to reconstruct "the Great Turkey" today.
● Kemalist nostalgia emerged as a reaction to the rise of political Islam and Islamist populism,
yearning for a strong, independent, self-sufficient, and secular state dominant in the past.
● Research conducted in Turkey shows that nostalgia has a significant positive relationship
with populism, with Islamist Ottoman nostalgia having a stronger impact than Kemalist
nostalgia.
● Ottoman nostalgia directs resentment towards Kemalist elites and the establishment, while
Kemalist nostalgia is a response to the rise of political Islam.
● Competing nostalgias may lead to rising polarization in other contexts, such as Trump's
nostalgia for "authentic American values" versus Sanders' nostalgic views on better
conditions for the working class in the past.
● Nostalgia can be an effective and inexpensive tool to generate an enemy image and an
antagonistic "us versus them" identity, contributing to populism.
● However, nostalgia for a liberal past, used to criticize illiberal politics, can increase support
for democracy.
● Nostalgia tends to idealize the past and ignore negative aspects, but future-oriented and
honest politics that acknowledge the past while being hopeful about the future are preferable.
Moving back to older times
● The phenomenon of certain populations within a country choosing to return to an older
lifestyle can be observed in various examples, such as the British Luddites, New York
teenagers, and the Mennonites in Belize.
● The British Luddites were a group of textile workers who destroyed mechanical looms
during the early 19th century in protest against the industrialization of their industry.
They believed that the machines were taking away their jobs and devaluing their
craftsmanship.
● In contemporary times, New York teenagers are noted for setting aside their
smartphones and embracing simpler, less technologically-dependent lifestyles. This can
be seen as a reaction to the omnipresence of digital devices and a desire for a more
balanced and authentic way of living.
● The Mennonites in Belize, often mistaken for the Amish, prefer traditional practices and
reject modern conveniences like cars and electric appliances. They adhere to a simpler
way of life, relying on horses and buggies for transportation and engaging in manual
labor.
● The question of to what extent people should have the freedom to opt out of the modern
world raises complex ethical considerations and often involves a balance between
individual autonomy and societal norms.
● Arguments in favor of allowing people the freedom to opt out of the modern world
include the respect for individual choices and the preservation of cultural diversity.
Communities that choose to maintain traditional practices and reject modern
advancements may find value and meaning in their way of life.
● However, there are also arguments against complete freedom to opt out, particularly
when it comes to practices that may infringe on fundamental human rights or impede
societal progress. For example, if a community restricts the education of its children by
teaching only a limited version of history, it can limit their understanding of the world
and potential for personal development.
● Similarly, if a community enforces starkly delineated gender roles, it may perpetuate
gender inequality and restrict the freedom and opportunities of individuals based on
their gender.
● The distinction between a group that imposes restrictions only on its own members and
one that seeks to implement its preferences more broadly is a crucial consideration.
Allowing communities to impose restrictions within their own boundaries may be seen
as a matter of cultural autonomy and individual choice. However, when a group seeks to
impose its preferences on a larger scale, it can raise concerns about human rights,
societal progress, and potential harm to individuals who do not share the same beliefs.
● Balancing the freedom of individuals and the potential harm caused by certain practices
or beliefs requires careful consideration. In democratic societies, the principles of
individual rights and societal well-being are often weighed against each other through
legal frameworks, public debate, and the evolution of societal norms.
● Ultimately, finding a balance between individual freedom and societal interests is a
complex and ongoing process that varies across different cultures and contexts. It
requires thoughtful examination of the potential consequences of allowing or restricting
certain choices and practices, while also respecting the values, diversity, and well-being
of all individuals within a society.
British Luddites
● In 1984, Thomas Pynchon raised the question of whether it was acceptable to be a
Luddite, someone who opposes technological progress, as personal computers were
becoming more prevalent.
● Modern-day Luddites employ technological means, such as computer viruses and cyber
worms, to disrupt and sabotage technologies they oppose, including critical
infrastructure like the London Stock Exchange and nuclear power plants.
● Even those who try to resist technology often find themselves using technological devices
and platforms, such as smartphones and social media, to express their concerns and
criticisms.
● The term "Luddite" is used in various ways in contemporary language, sometimes to
describe someone who is inept or resistant to technology, but it can also be seen as a
badge of honor or a symbol of opposition to certain aspects of modern technology.
● The original Luddites, who emerged during the British industrial revolution around 200
years ago, were not against technology itself and were skilled machine operators in the
textile industry.
● The Luddite protests were triggered by economic upheaval and widespread
unemployment among working-class families, and their attacks on machinery were a
response to fraudulent and deceitful practices by manufacturers, not a rejection of
technology as a whole.
● The Luddite disturbances primarily targeted the stocking frame, a knitting machine that
had been in use for over 200 years, and their actions were part of a long history of
machine-breaking as a form of industrial protest.
● The Luddites were not as organized or dangerous as authorities believed, and their
attacks mainly focused on breaking machines rather than inflicting violence on people.
● The Luddites' reputation and enduring legacy can be attributed to the fictional figure of
Ned Ludd, who served as a symbolic leader and source of inspiration for the protesters.
● The Luddites blended serious protest with humor, using taunting language and dressing
in women's clothes to mock and challenge societal norms.
● While the original Luddites targeted specific machines, our modern technology is much
more pervasive and intangible, making it challenging to resist or oppose.
● The essay emphasizes the importance of questioning how technology shapes our lives
and making conscious choices about its use, both in small ways like taking breaks from
devices and in larger ways by standing up against technologies that prioritize profit or
convenience over human values.
Anti-Social Network
● Logan Lane got her first smartphone at the age of 11 and started using social media
platforms like Instagram, Snapchat, and TikTok.
● When she was 14, the pandemic hit, and her school switched to virtual learning, leading
to increased social media usage.
● Lane felt overwhelmed by spending too many hours online every day and decided to take
a break from social media.
● At the age of 17, Lane is now a senior at Edward R. Murrow High School and the
founding member of the Luddite Club, a group of teenagers who believe that technology
is consuming too much of their lives.
● The club is named after the 19th-century English textile workers who destroyed
machines they saw as a threat to their livelihoods.
● The Luddite Club currently has 16 members, some of whom have switched to using flip
phones to reduce their screen time.
● Generation Z, which includes today's teenagers, has grown up with smartphones and
social media, spending up to eight hours a day on screens.
● When Lane first went offline, she felt bored but eventually discovered creative ways to
spend her time.
● Lane has developed a routine of going to bed early and waking up early, always carrying
a book for her subway commutes, and engaging more in school activities.
● Lane met Jameson Butler, 16, at a party and bonded over their lack of smartphones,
leading to the creation of the Luddite Club.
● The club members engage in various activities during their weekly meetings, such as
sewing, journaling, sketching, and reading.
● Biruk Watling, a club member, used to view technology as an escape but decided to step
away from social media after reading the novel "White Noise" by Don DeLillo, which
critiques the detachment caused by technology.
● Watling quit Instagram and got rid of her smartphone earlier this year.
● During one of the club's meetings, they went from the library to Prospect Park, where
members engaged in activities like reading, playing guitar, painting, and setting up a
hammock.
● Some club members still have smartphones but attend meetings to reduce their online
time by a few hours.
● The Luddite Club aims to raise awareness about the addictive nature of technology and
encourages people to step back and use their time more wisely.
● Watling emphasizes that being a Luddite has made her more self-aware and provided
time for reflection.
● The club is concerned about its future when most of the current members go off to
college next year but welcomes anyone who wants to spend a few hours off social media
each week.
Mennonites in Belize
● Jake Michaels is a photographer who captured scenes reminiscent of a bygone era in the
American Midwest in his photographs.
● However, these photographs were not taken in the Midwest but in Belize, a small Central
American country.
● Belize is home to around 12,000 conservative Mennonites, a Protestant Christian sect
that lives in closed communities and rejects modern technology.
● The Mennonites have a history dating back to the 16th century in Europe and have
migrated to different parts of the world to find isolated farmland and escape persecution.
● The Mennonite colonies in Belize were established in the late 1950s when over 3,000
Canadian Mennonites immigrated from Mexico.
● The Belizean government offered them land, religious freedom, exemption from certain
taxes, and military service due to their pacifist beliefs.
● Mennonites play a significant role in Belize's agriculture sector, dominating the domestic
poultry and dairy markets despite representing less than 4% of the population.
● Jake Michaels visited three Mennonite colonies in Belize's north - Indian Creek,
Shipyard, and Little Belize - to document their traditional way of life.
● Despite the communities' initial reluctance to outsiders, Michaels found them
surprisingly hospitable and receptive.
● The Mennonites primarily speak Plautdietsch (Mennonite Low German), but many also
speak Belizean Spanish.
● Michaels spent time in Mennonite family homes and expansive farmland and discovered
a world that seemed frozen in time, inspiring the title of his book, "c.1950."
● The photographs portray an idyllic life centered around family and devoid of modern
technology.
● However, Michaels is cautious about romanticizing this way of life and acknowledges the
economic realities faced by the Mennonites.
● Mennonites in Belize have lower literacy rates compared to other ethnic groups in the
country, with only 5% completing formal secondary education.
● The colonies rely on commercial agriculture, and labor plays a crucial role in their
organization.
● Michaels' photographs depict Mennonites engaged in sorting beans, working at a
papaya-packing factory, attending auctions, and clearing land for farming.
● The photographs aim to show the intersection of the Mennonites' world with the modern
world, as some members work alongside Belizean people and are aware of external
influences.
● The images highlight the contrasts between the conservative and progressive members of
the Mennonite communities in Belize, including their attitudes towards technology.
● Despite their rejection of modern technology, occasional appearances of electronic
gadgets like cell phones and cameras can be seen in Michaels' photographs, creating a
powerful contrast.
● Michaels describes a photo of a young woman in traditional clothing holding a modern
digital camera as one of his favorites from the trip, emphasizing the blend of past and
present.
● The gradual infiltration of technology is not perceived as a threat by the Mennonites in
Belize due to their remote location and lack of competing lifestyles nearby.
● Michaels' experience with the Mennonites has influenced his photography style, making
him more interactive and social with people rather than solely focusing on taking photos.