Tausug Tribe

Mindanao Indigenous People of the Philippines

Origin of the Name Tausug Tribe.

The Tausug derives from tau, meaning “man,” and sug, meaning “current,” and thus
translates into “people of the current.” It refers to the majority Islamized group in the Sulu
archipelago, their language, and culture. The 2000 government census reports the Tausug
population in Mindanao at 894,207. They are found in significant numbers in three of the five
provinces of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), which consists of
Basilan, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi. They compose the majority in
Sulu province, particularly its northern part: Jolo Island and the neighboring islands of Pata,
Marunggas, Tapul, and Lugus, and to a lesser extent in Siasi and Pangutaran. In this province
alone, they number half a million, or 528,299, making up 85.27% of its total population. The
two other provinces of the ARMM with a Tausug population are Tawi-Tawi, where they
number 114,842, or 35.63% of its total population; and Basilan, where they number 76,366,
or 23%. Other ethnolinguistic groups in Sulu include the Samal, the Yakan, the Sama Dilaut,
and the Jama Mapun. Outside of the ARMM, the Tausug are also in Zamboanga City, where
there are 98,334, or 16.4% of the city’s total population.

The name “Sulu,” which is an archipelagic province, derives its name from sulug or sug
which in Tausug means “ocean current.” Measuring 2,699 square kilometers, it is comprised
of some 2,600 islands and islets at the southernmost tip of the Philippines. These islands and
islets are grouped into seven: Jolo, Tawi-Tawi, Samales, Tapul, Pangutaran, Sibutu, and
Cagayan de Sulu. The climate is warm and humid throughout the year, and is conducive to
various agricultural pursuits. Jolo, the capital and main island group, is mountainous and of
volcanic origin. Standing 870 meters above sea level, Mountain Tumantangis is the highest
mountain in the island group. Other mountains in Jolo are Mountain Sinumaan, 830 meters;
Mountain Daho, 705 meters; and Mountain Bagsak, 680 meters. The name “Jolo” is the
Spanish corruption of Sulu. The Tausug speak bahasa sug, a Malaya-Polynesian language
related to the Visayan variety spoken in Surigao, and write in a Malayo-Arabic script known
as jawi or sulat sug. The government census reports that the Tausug speakers in the whole
island of Mindanao number 747,530, which is 146,804 Tausug persons less than the reported
total Tausug population. Thus, the number of Tausug speakers is not necessarily equal to the
number of persons reporting their ethnic identity as Tausug.

History of the Tausug Tribe.

Well, The first inhabitants of Sulu were the Buranun or Budanun (hill people), who were
probably descendants of the Dayak of Borneo. They were followed by the Tagimaha,
Baklaya (Malay), and much later, the Sama Badjao of Johore (Amilbangsa 1983, 9; Tan 2003,
12). In pre-Islamic Sulu, the Tausug aborigines were ruled by Raja Sipad the Older, who was
succeeded by Raja Sipad the Younger (Asain 1993, 27-28). And Many believe that Islam
from the Indo-Malay world came to Sulu in 1280 CE with the arrival of Tuan Mashaika (Tan
2003, 14; Rodil 2003, 7; Santos 2001, 185). A century later, Karim ul-Makdum arrived and
introduced the Islamic faith and settled in Sibutu until his death. The mosque at Tubig-
Indangan which he built still stands. In 1390, Raja Baguinda landed at Buansa and extended
the missionary work of Makdum. The Muslim Arabian scholar Abu Bakr arrived in 1450,
married Paramisuli, Baguinda’s daughter and, after Baguinda’s death, became sultan, thereby
introducing the sultanate as a political system then Later, political districts were created in
Parang, Pansul, Lati, Gitung, and Luuk, each headed by a panglima or district leader. After
Abu Bakr’s death, the sultanate system became well-established in Sulu. Even before the
coming of the Spaniards, the ethnic groups in Sulu—the Tausug, Samal, Yakan, and Sama
Dilaut—were already in varying degrees united under the Sulu Sultanate, considered the most
centralized political system in the Philippines (Orosa 1970, 20-21). And With the arrival of
the Spaniards came successive expeditions to conquer the Muslim groups in the south. Called
the “Moro Wars,” these battles were waged intermittently from 1578 till 1898 between the
Spanish colonial government and the Muslims of Mindanao. In 1578, an expedition sent by
Governor Francisco de Sande and headed by Captain Rodriguez de Figueroa began the 300-
year warfare between the Tausug and the Spanish authorities. In 1579, the Spanish
government gave de Figueroa the sole right to colonize Mindanao. He was killed in an
ambush and his troops retreated to an anchorage near Zamboanga. In retaliation, the Muslims
raided Visayan towns in Panay, Negros, and Cebu. These were repulsed by Spanish and
Visayan forces, In the early 17th century, the largest alliance composed of the Maranao,
Maguindanaon, Tausug, and other Muslim groups was formed by Sultan Kudarat or Cachil
Corralat of Maguindanao, whose domain extended from the Davao Gulf to Dapitan on the
Zamboanga peninsula. Several expeditions sent by the Spanish authorities suffered defeat. In
1635, Captain Juan de Chaves occupied Zamboanga and erected a fort. This led to the defeat
of Kudarat’s feared admiral, Datu Tagal, who had raided pueblos in the Visayas. In 1637,
Governor-General Hurtado de Corcuera personally led an expedition against Kudarat and
triumphed over his forces at Lamitan and Ilian. On 1 January 1638, de Corcuera, with 80
vessels and 2,000 soldiers, defeated the Tausug and occupied Jolo. A peace treaty was forged.
The victory did not establish Spanish sovereignty over Sulu as the Tausug abrogated the
treaty as soon as the Spaniards left in 1646. Also In 1737, Sultan Alimud Din I entered into a
“permanent” peace treaty with Governor-General F. Valdes y Tamon and in 1746 befriended
the Jesuits sent to Jolo by King Philip V. In 1748, he was forcibly removed by the forces of
Bantilan, son of an earlier sultan. Alimud Din was charged as being “too friendly”’ with the
Christians, whereupon he left for Manila in 1749. He was received well by Governor-General
Arrechderra and was baptized on 29 April 1750. He was humiliated in 1753, when after being
reinstated as sultan, he was arrested on his way back to Sulu, under the orders of Governor-
General Zacarias. The Tausug retaliated by raiding northern coasts. In 1763, he was released
by the British forces that had occupied Manila. He returned to Sulu as sultan and, in 1769,
ordered the invasion of Manila Bay.
After 1848, when the colonial authorities started using steamboats, the Sulu sultanate started
to fall apart. In 1851, General Urbiztondo led an expedition that successfully destroyed the
Tausug, effectively ending piracy. However, Sulu wasn't actually captured until 1876, when
Governor-General Malcampo used naval artillery to successfully destroy the Jolo kota (fort)
and stop the smuggling of supplies to the beleaguered army. In Jolo, a garrison under Captain
P. Cervera's command was established. The Tausug's attempts to retake the city failed and
The Sultan of Sulu received Sabah (then known as North Borneo) as a reward from the Sultan
of Brunei in 1658 for his assistance in putting an end to the brutal uprisings in Brunei. The
British North Borneo Company was given a lease on North Borneo by Sultan Jamalul A'lam
of Sulu in January 1878. One of the Philippines's evidences for claiming Sabah as part of
Sulu and hence part of its territory is a "Confirmatory Deed of 1903," which was signed by
the sultan's son, Sultan Amirul Kiram. also mirul Kiram became Sultan Jamalul Kiram II in
1893 after succession disputes, and the Spanish government formally accepted the title. After
Spain lost the Spanish-American War in 1899, Colonel Luis Huerta, the final governor of
Sulu, gave the Americans control of the Jolo garrison, And during the Philippine-American
War, the Americans adopted a policy of noninterference in the Muslim areas, as spelled out
in the Bates Agreement of 1899 signed by Brigadier General John Bates and Sultan Jamalul
Kiram II of Jolo. The agreement was a mutual nonaggression pact, which obligated the
Americans to recognize the authority of the sultan and other chiefs, who in turn agreed to
fight piracy and crimes against non-Christians. However, the Muslims did not know that the
Treaty of Paris, which had ceded the Philippine archipelago to the Americans, included their
land as well. The idea that they were part of the Philippines had never occurred to them until
then. Although the Bates Agreement had “pacified,” to a certain extent, the Sulu sultanate,
resistance continued. In 1901, panglima Hassan and his followers fought the Americans,
believing that acceptance of American sovereignty would affect the panglima’s authority and
after the Philippine-American War, the Americans established direct rule over the newly
formed “Moro province,” which consisted of five districts—Zamboanga, Lanao, Cotabato,
 Davao, and Sulu. Political, social, and economic changes were introduced. These
included the creation of provincial and district institutions; the introduction of the public
school system and American-inspired judicial system; the imposition of the cedula or head
tax; the migration of Christians to Muslim lands encouraged by the colonial government; and
the abolition of slavery. These and other factors contributed to Muslim resistance that took 10
years to pacify.

The Department of Mindanao and Sulu replaced the Moro province on 15 December 1913. A
“policy of attraction” was introduced, ushering in reforms to encourage Muslim integration
into Philippine society. In 1916, after the passage of the Jones Law, which transferred
legislative power to a Philippine Senate and House of Representatives, polygyny was made
illegal. Provisions were made, however, to allow Muslims time to comply with the new
restrictions. “Proxy colonialism” was legalized by the Public Land Act of 1919, invalidating
Muslim pusaka (inherited property) laws. The act also granted the state the right to confer
land ownership. It was thought that the Muslims would “learn” from the “more advanced”
Christianized Filipinos and would integrate more easily into mainstream Philippine society.
And In February 1920, the Philippine Senate and House of Representatives passed Act No
2878, which abolished the Department of Mindanao and Sulu and transferred its
responsibilities to the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes under the Department of the Interior.
Muslim dissatisfaction grew as power shifted to the Christianized Filipinos. Petitions were
sent by Muslim leaders between 1921 and 1924 requesting that Mindanao and Sulu be
administered directly by the United States and Realizing the futility of armed resistance,
some Muslims sought to make the best of the situation. In 1934, Arolas Tulawi of Sulu, Datu
Manandang Piang and Datu Blah Sinsuat of Cotabato, and Sultan Alaoya Alonto of Lanao
were elected to the 1935 Constitutional Convention. In 1935, two Muslims were elected to
the National Assembly and the Muslim benefits that had been granted to them by the
previous American administration were intended to disappear during the Commonwealth
years. Both the right of Muslims to use their local Islamic courts as stated in the Moro Board
and Muslim exemptions from several national laws as stated in the administrative code for
Mindanao were abolished. The Office of Commissioner for Mindanao and Sulu, which took
the role of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes, had as its major goal to unlock Mindanao's
full economic potential—not for Muslims, but for the Commonwealth. These "development"
initiatives led to unhappiness.

In general, Muslims are opposed to anything that jeopardizes Islam and their way of life.
According to Che Man (1990), they were simply opposed to any kind of foreign intrusion
into their way of life and weren't anti-American or anti-Filipino. Muslims in general backed
the war against the Japanese during World War II because they were less compassionate and
harsh toward them and After gaining independence, attempts to include Muslims in the new
political system encountered fierce opposition. Given that the Muslims had a longer cultural
history as Muslims than the Filipinos do as Christians, it was doubtful that they would give
up their identity. Kamlun, a wealthy and religious citizen of Tandu Panuan, started fighting
the government in 1951 for a variety of reasons. He had a bad relationship with some of the
other local leaders, some of whom he killed. Additionally, there were issues with land titling,
which Kamlun refused to handle because, in his opinion, ownership of land is not clearly
demonstrated by a piece of paper. After independence, efforts to integrate the Muslims into
the new political order met with stiff resistance. It was unlikely that the Muslims, who have
had a longer cultural history as Muslims than the Filipinos as Christians, would surrender
their identity. In 1951, Kamlun, a devout and wealthy native of Tandu Panuan, took up arms
against the government for a number of reasons. For one, he was not on good terms with
other local leaders, some of whom he killed. There were also problems with land titling
which Kamlun refused to undertake since, to him, ownership of land is not evident by means
of a piece of paper. Fearing government persecution, he went to the hills. In July 1952, the
first negotiation for his surrender was held between Alibon, Kamlun’s brother, and Secretary
of Defense Ramon Magsaysay. However, a week later, Kamlun resumed his fight, accusing
the government of bad faith. “Operation Durian” was launched to capture him. He
surrendered on 10 November 1952 but on 2 December was granted parole. In 1953, he went
back to the hills until his surrender on 24 September 1955. On “death row,” he was finally
pardoned by President Marcos on 11 September 1968.

Livelihood of the Tausug People

The main economic activities of the Tausug, who can be categorized into two groups: the
parianon (people of the landing) and the guimbahanon (hill people), include farming, fishing,
and trading. The Parianon are seafaring people who work as goldsmiths, sailors, and
fishermen. The farmers in the interior are known as guimbahanon. Widespread crops include
rice, ube, cassava, and gabi, as well as fruits and root crops like jackfruit, durian, jackfruit,
lanzones, and mangoes. Along with non-food crops like tobacco and abaca, coffee is also
grown there. Thesefarming produce are taken to town centers, where these are sold to palilitu
intermediaries often at very low prices, The Parianon are more than just fishermen; they are
also traders, trading their wares for items like silk, amber, china, cigarettes, perfumes, and
other consumer goods. Southeast Asian nations like Borneo and Indonesia participate in this
barter trade system, which is practiced with little oversight from the government. The Tausug
are nighttime fishermen who utilize pressure lamps called kulayt to entice sardines, squid,
and piyatay (a small species of fish). They catch sharks, tuna, and ray fish during the day. To
increase their catch, some Tausug use explosives and poison. A few Parianon are employed
by various government agencies (Abdulla 1989, 32). The parianon sell their produce through
merchants, just like the guimbahanon do. Additional sources of income include mat weaving,
done by both married and unmarried women; basket making, and bamboo craft by men
(Bruno 1973, 43-44). The Tausug also practice pagsanda, an indigenous act of offering a
piece of property as butang (collateral) in order to secure cash loans. Derived from the word
sanda, a Bahasa Malayo term which means “pledge,” pagsanda was practiced by the Tausug
even before the coming of Islam (Kamlian 1999, 155).

Political System of the Tausug People

The raja institution was one of the earliest political institutions in pre-Islamic Sulu. The other
indigenous political institutions in Sulu’s political hierarchy were the timuay, tuan, datu, and
ulangkaya or orangkaya.

The Tausug were arranged into several separate banwa (communities), which are comparable
to the Tagalog barangay, before the establishment of the sultanate of Sulu. Under the
direction of the datu or chief, a sociopolitical structure had already been formed. As a result,
in order for the Sulu sultanate to exist, compromise was necessary. Taritib, an agreement
between the datu and the first sultan, set limits on the sultan's political influence over the datu.

In
reality, the Sultanate of Sulu was the end consequence of an Islamization process that started
around Tuan Mashaika's reign, about two centuries before the Sultanate was really founded in
1450 CE. The incorporation of the datu institution, whose ethno-kinship-determined freedom
would later be constrained by the Sultanate with its centralized administrative system, helped
to further the spread of Islam during the sultanate era through madrasa, sharia, and other
means.

Tausug Tribe Culture, Customs and Traditions

Blood and kinship form the basis of Tausug social relationships. The concept of usbawaris,
from usb areferring to “the kin of the father,” and waris, “the mother’s kin,” defines the
mutual role and obligations of close relations. The concept of kampung, on the other hand,
covers one’s duties toward kin of the second and third degrees of consanguinity.

Magtalianak is the relationship between parents and their children, and is defined by respect
and deference of the younger to the older generation. People of the same generation are
magtaymanghud or in a relation based on mutual assistance and respect. A relationship
between alternate generations, for example, grandparents and grandchildren, is described as
magtaliapu —one built on love and respect. Tausug terms to refer to their kin are the
following: ama (father), ina (mother), apu (grandparent or grandchild), taymang-hud (sibling),
magulang (older sibling), manghud (younger sibling), amaun (male of father’s generation),
inaun (female of father’s generation), pagtunghud (cousin), anak (child), anakun (kin of
child’s generation), bana (husband), asawa (wife), ugangan (father-, mother-, son-, or
daughter-in-law), and ipag (brother- or sister-in-law).

The Tausug believe that family ties should be passionately respected and defended, like the
land they owned, against threats of any kind (Rixhon 2014, 309). In Sulu, the traditional term
for interfamily or clan revenge is called mamahuli, which means “to take revenge.” Some
Tausug use the generic term pagbanta, which means “to fight or oppose.” The usual causes of
clan conflict are land dispute, political rivalry, possession of firearms, martabbat (honor), and
disagreements or misunderstandings.

Tausug culture had three classes prior to the abolition of slavery: nobles, commoners or free
people, and slaves. Noble titles were inherited and granted their holders a great deal of
privilege. Despite not having titles, commoners held key positions in the administration and
in religion, including that of the panglima and imam. They had the ability to own land and
actively participated in trade and business. Children of slaves or war captives were
considered slaves in that state. Marriage to powerful nobility or commoners freed them from
servitude. Even while class divisions nowadays are more flexible and take into account
economic and professional position, they are nonetheless based on the nobility-commoner
divide.
The Tausug wife permits her pregnancy to be discovered through symptoms; she usually
keeps it a secret. She receives more consideration and understanding, especially from her
husband, and despite the fact that her diet is strictly controlled, she is allowed to eat
everything she wants. All those present must stay awake, assist with the removal of nails, and
unlock trunks and other containers while a panday (midwife) assists in the delivery. After
delivery, the panday cuts a section of the umbilical chord, which is measured by dragging it
from the newborn's toes to his or her forehead. The panday bathes the infant in a warm bath
that is scented with guava leaves, taking care not to wet the residual chord. The first feces of
the kid, which is provoked by giving the newborn a mixture made from the leaves of the
bitter melon known as paliya, is when breastfeeding is permitted.

Religious Beliefs and Practices of the Tausug

The Tausug adhere to accepted Islamic doctrine and customs. The Quran is revered by all
Muslims as the book that contains all of Islamic law, beliefs, and principles. It was revealed
to the Prophet Muhammad by the archangel Gabriel. Ijtihad (independent judgment) and
Qiyas (analogy), in addition to the Quran, the Sunnah, and the Haddith, literally "a way, rule,
or manner of acting," are other Islamic sources of law. The belief in the exclusivity of God
and Muhammad's prophethood, as well as the four tenets of prayer, almsgiving, fasting, and
at least one lifetime trip to Mecca, make up Islam's Five Pillars.

Islamic instruction in the Muslim Philippines generally performed in the local guru's house
before the 1950s, with a focus on memorizing verses rather than translating or interpreting
the Quran. Later, in the Islamic institutions known as madrasa, Muslim students were taught
to comprehend the Arabic of the Quran, Islamic history, exegesis (tafsir), and Traditions of
the Prophet (hadith). Middle Eastern graduates who are known as ustadzes rather than gurus
created madrasas without needing the support of the established authorities thanks to some
religious donations. Later on, this madrasa would be crucial for the cultural education of
Muslims in the Philippines.

A concept often misunderstood is parang sabil or holy war. The term derives from the Malay
words perang, meaning “war,” and sabil, from the Arabic fi sabil Allah, meaning “in the path
of God.” It refers to a jihad (holy war) against those who threaten the sanctity of Islam. It is
resorted to when all forms of organized resistance fail. Those who die in the struggle are
pronounced shahid (martyrs) and automatically gain a place in sulga (heaven). Failing to
understand this religious dimension, the Spaniards and the Americans have reduced the
concept into a psychological disorder and have referred to the shahid as “juramentados” and
“amock,” respectively. The Tausug are concerned with spirits that live in nature, particularly
rocks and trees, and who are said to be the source of human misery in addition to Allah or
Tuhan. These include jinn (unseen entities) and saytan (bad spirits). A flying creature known
as the balbaian (manananggal), which adores the liver of corpses, is one of the saytan that
have names. Iblis, who tempts people to do evil, is the iblis to the Christian devil. The
transcendental soul, the life-soul connected to the blood, the breath or life essence, and the
spirit-soul that travels during dreams and creates the human shadow are also believed to be
the four composites of the human soul by the Tausug. The Tausug concept of religious merit
also differs from that of the orthodox Muslims. Unjustified killing transfers the merits of the
offender to the victim and the demerits of the victim to the offender. The terms sulga and
narka (hell) do not denote places but states of being, and they are interchangeable with the
concepts of karayawan (state of goodness) and kasiksaan (state of suffering), respectively.
Traditional Houses and Community of the Tausug People

T
he Tausug do not live in tiny communities. An example is Barangay Luas in the municipality
of Parang, Sulu. In 1972, the barangay’s population was 290, grouped into 28 houses, of
which 17 were dispersed. The remaining 11 were concentrated near the beach. Most residents
of the settlement were related by consanguinity or affinity. Household composition ranged
from three to 30.

The Tausug's Bay sug, or home, is often a single room without walls. The nine posts of the
Tausug home represent various parts of the human anatomy: the pipul (navel) at the center,
the pigi (hip), the agata (shoulder), the northeast and northwest corners, the gusuk (ribs), the
liug (neck), the hita (groin), the southeast and southwest corners, and the southeast and
southwest corners (Perez et al. 1989, 239). The roof is supported by all eight non-center
pillars and is constructed from sari, nipa, sago palm, or plaud (coconut palms from the
marang tree). The ridge beam gives the roof its shape. Other roofing designs include the
square libut and the sungan, which are both highly ventilated by a hole created by only two
(out of four) slopes meeting at the peak. The tadjuk pasung, or carved wood design, which
may be a manuk-manuk (bird) with ukkil motifs or a naga (dragon design bird), crowns the
rooftop of Tausug dwellings. Instead of ceilings, the Tausug decorate the bilik (room) with a
large luhul or rectangular cloth to catch leaves, dust, and pests. Depending on their finances,
the Tausug use plywood, split bamboo, or woven coconut palm for walling. Except for
woven coconut palm, the walling usually has a window of various styles attached to it.
Ventilation is provided by holed jalajala panels situated between the walls and the roof. In the
past, the Tausug only had wall slits as windows to conceal their unmarried women inside.
Tausug Arts and Crafts

Tausug visual arts are represented by carvings, metalworks, woodworks, tapestry and
embroidery, mat making and basketry, textile and fashion, pottery, and other minor arts
(Szanton 1963). In general, Tausug visual arts follow the Islamic prohibition of representing
human or animal forms. Consequently, Mindanao and Sulu have developed ukkil or abstract
motifs, which are carved, printed, or painted onto various media. These motifs are suggestive
of leaves, vines, flowers, fruits, and various geometric shapes. The sunduk, or grave
monument, serves as the best example of tausug carving. The Tausug sunduk are carvings of
geometric or floral shapes made of wood or stone, however they are not as stylized as those
of the Samal. Men's burial markers are more flowery in style, while those for women are
flatter and have carved geometric patterns. For Tausug carving, sakayan or outriggers offer
yet another medium. Usually, decorations are placed on the prow, although they can also be
seen on the sambili or in strips across the hull. Either the boat itself is carved, or the carvings
are done on a separate piece of wood that is subsequently fastened to the boat. The most
typical manuk-manuk (bird) themes are abstract. The wrapped sail is supported by carved tips
known as ajong-ajong or sula-sula; the hidjuk (dark cord) on the sangpad (prow-plate) also
serves as decoration. The carved saam or crosspieces that support the outriggers are referred
to as the boat's mata (eyes). Yellow, red, green, white, and blue are the colors utilized on the
finished carvings.

Traditional Attire of the Tausug People

Among the Tausug, hablun, or cloth weaving, is a well-known art form. The male headdress,
also known as pis siabit, is the most widely used woven item. It is around one square meter in
size and stands out for its geometric patterns. One pis requires around three to four weeks of
work due to its complexity. Only women are capable of weaving the pis and other items like
the loincloth and sashes known as kandit and kambut, both of which have sadly completely
vanished (Szanton 1973, 64–65). Wefts with fine threads are typically employed for the pis
siabit and kandit (Amilbangsa 2005, 92). Tiyahian is the name given to hablun embroidery.

The female biyatawi is a shirt with tambuku (gold or silver buttons) on the breast, shoulders,
and cuffs that is composed of plain fabric, usually satin. It is typically paired with loose-
fitting silk or brocade sawwal. Either thrown across the shoulder or allowed to hang from one
arm, a habul tiyahian. The patadjung is a versatile skirt that both men and women can wear. It
can also be used as a blanket, hammock, sash, turung, or headcover, among other things. The
fabric for a patadjung resembles a large pillowcase and has patterns that are inspired by a
variety of cultures, including batik prints from Indonesia and Malaysia, checks and stripes
from India, dunggala or stylized geometric and floral patterns from Sarawak, Indonesia, or
Malaysia, and calligraphic motifs from the Middle East and Tausug men pair their sawwal
kuput or sawwal kantiyu—tight or loose pants—with the badju lapi—a short, collarless jacket
with a tailored fit akin to the biyatawi. The badju lapi has sleeves that are either long or
"three-fourths," with wrist slits. Tambuku is also used to decorate the shoulders, cuffs, and
breast of the badju lapi. Skin-tight to the ankles, the sawwal kaput's legs feature 22.5-
centimeter side slits that are embellished with buttons. The sawwal kuput is held in place with
a kandit that is knotted around the waist. You can either tie a pis siabit around your head or
dangle it from your shoulder and today, the sawwal kuput or sawwal kantiyu and badju lapi
are worn only for special occasions. Some Tausug men wear kantiyu only at night and in
going to the mosque. For everyday clothes, the young and older sets of Tausug prefer shirts
and pants (Asain 1993, 47). The badju lapi is sometimes matched with Western pants while
the sawwal kuput is matched with T-shirts.
Tausug Literary Arts

Poetry, prose, narrative, and nonnarrative forms all appear in tausug literature. The content of
these forms falls under one of two traditions: Islamic, which is based on the Quran and the
Hadith (sayings) and Sunna (traditions and customs) of the prophet Muhammad; or folk,
which is more closely tied to indigenous culture.

Folk nonnarrative poetry comprises riddles (tigum-tigum or tukud-tukud), proverbs

(masaalaa), poetic conversation (daman), maxims (pituwa), word inversions (malikata), love
charms (tilik), and poems (tarasul) (Tuban 1977, 101).

Tausug tigum-tigum questions are either posed informally or are sung in festivities; in either
case, the solution is offered as soon as the audience has given up trying to guess. When sung,
they can take the shape of a rhymed couplet, a quatrain, or even prose. The natural world,
everyday objects, terrain, weather, celestial bodies, human anatomy, food, games, and
religious practices are examples of popular topics (Tuban 1977, 101, 108, 111-112). In
Tausug society, teasing mostly serves as a kind of amusement, particularly during weddings,
wakes, and the month of Ramadan, when it takes on a contest of wit and knowledge. It also
has pedagogical benefits since it teaches kids to think critically and to be aware of their
surroundings, including nature.

Islamic Literature of the Tausug People

The hadith or hadis, the khutba or Friday sermon, and the inspired Arabic manuscripts are all
examples of Islamic literature. The waktu (time) for the salat (prayer) is subuh (early dawn),
luhul (noon), asar (about three in the afternoon), magalib (after sunset), and aysa (early
evening). The azhan is the call that signals the start of the salat at each of these times. In rural
places, gongs or drums are used to announce the waktu for prayers, and the azhan is called. In
addition to the daily salat, there are also duwaa (devotional prayers), particularly when a
person, family, or community suffers great joy or hardship. When these crises are effectively
resolved, duwaa salamat (thanksgiving prayers) are said. As a repentance prayer known as
magtaubat, another du'aa is recited in which taubat (sins) are begged to be forgiven by Allah.
Other prayers include duwaa ulan, which is for drought relief, and duwaa arowa, which is for
remembering death anniversaries. A jamu (feast) is frequently held in conjunction with these
prayers.

Tausug Musical Instruments and Folk Songs

The Tausug's music is created using a variety of musical instruments, either solo or in an
ensemble. The ensemble of two gandang (drums), a tungallan (big gong), a duwahan (set of
two-paired gongs), and the kulintangan (a graduated sequence of eight to eleven little gongs)
is the most noteworthy. The ensemble, which is used to accompany dances or provide music
during celebrations, requires a minimum of five players.

The gabbang and the biyula are two additional well-liked instruments. The gabbang, which
has 14 to 24 keys separated into seven-note scales, is now the most played musical instrument
in Sulu. It is used to support vocal music by the Tausug people, such as the sindil (sung
verbal combats). Tahtah is the sound made when a man or woman plays the gabbang by
themselves.