HOW TINTIN MET TCHANG:

THE SINO-BELGIAN CATHOLIC NETWORK IN

THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY

ZHIYUAN PAN

This dissertation is submitted for the Degree of Doctor of

Philosophy

HUGHES HALL
December 2019
 Declaration

 This thesis is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work
done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text.

 It is not substantially the same as any work that has already been submitted before for any
degree or other qualification except as declared in the preface and specified in the text.

 It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies
Degree Committee.
 How Tintin Met Tchang:
The Sino-Belgian Catholic Network in the Early Twentieth Century

Zhiyuan Pan

The thesis provides a detailed historical account of the Sino-Belgian Catholic network and argues
that by promoting mutual communication it contributed to building up a sense of solidarity, inspiring
people to see shared concerns beyond pre-set borders, in particular in the case of The Blue Lotus.

The question of whether the Roman Catholic Church in China should be westernized or Sinicized
has hung over its actions in modern China. In the context of western power superiority, a
strengthened hierarchy and Roman orthodoxy, the Catholic mission promoted westernization of the
church and converts in China. But this approach caused a social backlash, as seen in the numerous
missionary incidents. Imposed westernization has also been criticised by scholars of mission history,
who argue that the Church should have been Sinicized to suit the environment.

In contrast with this dualistic narrative, this study shows that in the early twentieth century the Sino-
Belgian Catholic network advocated the compatibility of different cultures, which was vividly
demonstrated in the making of The Blue Lotus episode of the popular Belgian comic, The Adventures
of Tintin, serialized on the newspaper Le Petit Vingtième from 1934-35. The Blue Lotus was set in
China and presented the friendship between Tintin and his Chinese friend Tchang. The comic was
the result of collaboration between Hergé, its creator, and Zhang Chongren, a Chinese art student in
Brussels.

Their meeting was the result of the initiatives of Chinese and Belgian Catholics including Ma
Xiangbo, Lu Zhengxiang and Vincent Lebbe. From around the turn of the twentieth century, this
group of Catholics had focused on deepening mutual communication, so as to reduce
misunderstandings and the attendant tensions. Faced with political and institutional obstacles, such
as the lack of an official China-Vatican relationship and the presence of the French Protectorate in
China, the network sought to provide facilities and create an environment on the ground where
mutual dialogue became possible, such as the Catholic project for Chinese students based in Belgium.
When the Mukden Incident broke out in 1931, this Catholic network sought to generate support to
China in Belgian media, which led to the creation of The Blue Lotus. In the 1930s, the comic’s
message to readers of solidarity with China meant opposition to Japanese aggression during the
Sino-Japanese conflict. In later periods, the Tintin-Tchang friendship in the story, and the syncretic
creations coming out the Hergé-Zhang encounter, such as the “clear line” artistic style of Hergé,
inspires readers of Tintin to realize the meaning of mutual understanding and cross-cultural dialogue.
 Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the following people and institutions for helping with this research project:

My parents for their care and support. My supervisor Professor Hans van de Ven and adviser Dr
Susan Daruvala, whose insight and knowledge into the subject matter steered me through this
research. My examiners Dr Lars Laamann and Dr Noga Ganany, who took time to read my early
draft and gave me constructive suggestions for improvement.

Dr Alexander Chow, Dr Wu Huiyi, Professor Roel Sterckx, Dr Stephanie Wong Kammerer, Dr

Adam Chau, Dr Françoise Lauwaert, Professor Nicolas Standaert, Dr Li Tiangang, Professor R. G.
Tiedemann, Professor David Maxwell, Dr Christine van Ruymbeke, Dr Li Wenjie, Professor Guy
Zelis, Professor Luc Courtois, Professor Henri Derroitte and Professor Arnaud Join-Lambert, who
patiently learnt of my search, offered their thoughts and introduced me to useful resources.

Véronique Fillieux for her efficient help with the Lebbe archives at the Archival Service of the
Catholic University of Leuven (Louvain-la-neuve), Omer Timmerman who shared with me all the
digitalized archives of Lu Zhengxiang at the St Andrews Abbey (Bruges), Xu Jinhua who helped
me with Jesuit archives at Xujiahui Library and lent his own book to me, Chen Yaowang and Cai
Shengping who kindly provided with me all their documents about Zhang Chongren, and Zhang
Wei who discussed with me his research and thoughts of the history of Xujiahui.

Tushanwan Museum, Zhang Chongren Museum, Musée Hergé, the Archives of Catholic World,
Academia Sinica, the Shanghai Municipal Archives, the French National Library, the Jesuit
Archives at Vanves, for providing useful information and documents.

My fellow students at the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, the Faculty of History,
Hughes Hall, Churchill College in Cambridge, and the Faculty of Theology at the Catholic
University of Leuven, for the many inspiring and encouraging discussions we have had. My special
thanks to Benjamin Pingault, who spent time helping me with French and explaining francophone
culture.

The Salesian sisters of Don Bosco in Louvain-la-neuve, who accommodated me in their community,
and Rev. Mark Langham at Cambridge University Catholic Chaplaincy, who explained the practices
and history of the Catholic Church to me and showed interests in my research.

I would like to dedicate the thesis to my late grandparents, who taught me the meaning of kindness,
consideration and care. R.I.P.
 Table of Contents

Front Matter................................................................................................................................ 1

I. List of abbreviations .............................................................................................................. 1

II. Note on transliteration .......................................................................................................... 2
Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3

I. Literature review .................................................................................................................... 5

II. Research topic..................................................................................................................... 14
III. Sources .............................................................................................................................. 18
IV. Outline............................................................................................................................... 21
Chapter 1: Catholic context of The Blue Lotus ........................................................................ 23

I. The Blue Lotus ..................................................................................................................... 23

II. Existing research and unanswered questions ...................................................................... 38
III. The Catholic context ......................................................................................................... 43
Chapter 2: Zhang in the Xujiahui Mission of the French Jesuits (1907-1928) ........................ 51

I. Xujiahui Mission and Tushanwan Orphanage ..................................................................... 52

II. Ma: rebalancing the knowledge transmission ..................................................................... 69
III. Problem of cultural priority: Zhendan University ............................................................. 75
IV. Institutional reason for the persistence of imbalance in cultural exchange ....................... 80
V. The development of national awareness in Zhang Chongren............................................. 83
Chapter 3: A Sino-Belgian Network of the Catholics (1901-1919) ......................................... 86

I. Catholic upbringings of Zhang and Hergé........................................................................... 87

II. Gap between the Church in China and in Belgium ............................................................ 94
III. Changes from within the Church: Vincent Lebbe ............................................................. 98
IV. Forming the Sino-Belgian network ................................................................................. 106
V. Joint actions of reform ...................................................................................................... 112
VI. French intervention ......................................................................................................... 116
Chapter 4: Destination Belgium: The Catholic Project for Chinese Students (1920-1934)... 121

I. Introduction of Hergéand Zhang and the Catholic concerns............................................. 122

II. Zhang’s route to the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship .................................... 130
III. Belgium as the headquarters of the Catholic project for Chinese students ..................... 143
 IV. Features of the project: solidarity and academic excellence ........................................... 151
Chapter 5: Conclusion: The Blue Lotus and Beyond.............................................................. 161

I. Reunion .............................................................................................................................. 161

II. A message of solidarity to readers .................................................................................... 170
III. Routes to deepening understanding ................................................................................. 178
IV. Legacy of the network..................................................................................................... 186
Appendix ................................................................................................................................ 193

Bibliography ........................................................................................................................... 194

 Front Matter

I. List of abbreviations

Associations:

A.B.C.: Amitiés Belgo-Chinois

F.C.C.: Foyer Catholique Chinois

C.I.S.B.: ComitéInteruniversitaire Sino-belge

A.C.J.B.: Association Catholique de la Jeunesse Belge

A.C.J.S.: Association Catholique de la jeunesse Chinoise (Sinica)

Catholic Terms:

SJ: Societas Jesu (Society of Jesus / Compagnie de Jésus)

CM: Congregatio Missionis (Congregation of the Mission / Congrégation de la Mission)

MEP: Sociétédes Missions étrangères de Paris (Society of Foreign Missions of Paris)

OSB: Ordo Sancti Benedicti (Order of Saint Benedict / Ordre de Saint-Benoît)

CICM: Congregatio Immaculati Cordis Mariae (Congregation of the Immaculate Heart of Mary /
Congrégation du Cœur Immaculé de Marie)

Propaganda Fide: Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (Sacred Congregation for the
Propagation of the Faith), the Roman administrative institution responsible for missionary
work and related activities

Archives:

BnF: Bibliothèque nationale de France

ARCA: Archives du monde catholique (Louvain-la-neuve)

A.V.L.: Archives Vincent Lebbe

S.M.A.: Shanghai Municipal Archives

A.L.: Archives of Lu Zhengxiang

D.A.: Diplomatic Archives (Academia Sinica)

1
II. Note on transliteration

1. Chinese characters will be transliterated using Pinyin instead of other forms of romanisation,
for example 徐家汇 will be “Xujiahui” instead of “Zi-Ka-Wei”, unless it is part of document
contents or an institution’s name, for example The Zi-Ka-Wei Orphanage (1915) and the
Zikawei Museum. For a list of different transliterations see appendices.

2. Due to varieties of linguistic use in Belgium, there are usually several names of the same place,
and because of historical changes, sometimes the same name refers to different places. This
thesis will use the current English equivalent, for example, “Bruges” instead of “Brugge” and
“Brussels” instead of “Bruxelles”, unless referring to the current institution by its official name,
for example, “St. Andrews Abbey” will be “Sint-Andriesabdij” to indicate the archives location.

The Catholic University of Leuven is now divided into the French-speaking Université
catholique de Louvain (Louvain-la-neuve) and Flemish-speaking Katholieke Universiteit
Leuven (Leuven). This thesis will use “Catholic University of Leuven” to refer to the historical
university (1834–1968) located in Leuven. To distinguish the current-day French-speaking
university from the historical one, “Louvain-la-neuve” in brackets will be added.

3. The names of some characters in Tintin are different in the English version from the original
French version. The thesis will use their French names as follows: “Tchang” (“Chang” in the
English version), “Milou” (“Snowy”) and “Dupont and Dupond” (“Thomson and Thompson”).

2
 Introduction

- Well? Better? By the way, what is your name? My name is Tintin.

- Me, Tchang. But...Why did you save me?

3
 - Yes. You are a white man, and yet you saved my life...I thought all the foreign devils were evil,
like those who slaughtered my grandfather and grandmother a long time ago. My dad told me
it was during the war of the “fists of justice”.
- Ah! Yes! The Boxer War. But no, Zhang, not all “whites” are bad, but people do not know
each other well. Also, many Europeans imagine that all Chinese are wicked and cruel men,
who wear a braid and spend their time inventing tortures and eating rotten eggs and swallow
nests. For them, all the Chinese women have had their feet tortured since childhood, so that
they remain very small. They are even convinced that Chinese rivers are full of unwanted
babies, thrown in when they are born. So, you see Tchang, that is what lots of people believe
about China!
- [Both laugh] They must be crazy people in your country!

The images above come from the Belgian comic strips (bande dessineé in the francophone contexts1,
hereafter comic) The Blue Lotus (1935), a story of The Adventures of Tintin (1929-1986). The two
characters are Tintin, a young Belgian reporter who came to China to investigate a case of
international opium smuggling, and Tchang, a Chinese boy who encountered and became friends
with Tintin. There are two fascinating points in this scene. First, in a light-hearted way, their dialogue
showed how nonsensical the mutual stereotypes of Europeans and Chinese are, which was a rare
message in visual communication at that time. In addition, the meeting and friendship of Tintin and
Tchang in the story mirrored the real ones of its creators, Hergé (1907-1983) and Zhang Chongren
张 充 仁 (1907-1998). Unlike other Tintin stories, The Blue Lotus was a product of close
collaboration. Coming from Shanghai, Zhang gave Hergé a detailed introduction to the
contemporary Chinese society and people, which provided the context of The Blue Lotus, and which
Hergé trusted, listened to and communicated in the story. Thanks to their collaboration, the comic
conveyed the idea of friendship and mutual understanding across countries, cultures and races.

1 Bande dessineé (abbreviated as BD), literally “drawn strips”, refers to the Franco-Belgian comics. It emerged
in the 1920s. Before the Second World War, BDs were almost exclusively published as tabloid size newspapers
intended for children or youth readers. Developed after the War, weekly BD magazine and album gained
popularity. Hardback A4 size album is the main format and remains popular among audience in Belgium and
France today. It is regarded as “the ninth art” (le neuvième art) in francophone culture. The term bande dessineéwas
first introduced in the 1930s and has become a popular genre of comics since the 1960s, alongside Japanese
manga, American graphic novel and Anglophone cartoon. Representatives BDs are The Adventures of Tintin
(Hergé), Gaston Lagaffe (Franquin), Asterix (Goscinny & Uderzo), Lucky Luke (Morris & Goscinny), and The
Smurfs (Peyo).

4
Researchers of Hergé, like Benoît Peeters, and biographers of Zhang, like Chen Yaowang, have all
been well aware of this background story of The Blue Lotus, and have discussed its significance.2
Yet, there is another less explored layer of their relationship, which is the Catholic context,
specifically the Sino-Belgian Catholic network in the early twentieth century. It is important not
only because Zhang and Hergé both grew up as Catholic and were introduced to each other by people
from the network, but also because the network generated an environment where a relationship of
mutual understandings became possible. The network was active between the 1910s and the 1940s,
and its core members included Chinese Catholics Ma Xiangbo 马相伯 (1840-1939), Lu Zhengxiang
陆徵祥 (1871-1949), and Belgian missionary Vincent Lebbe 雷鸣远 (1877-1940). In a broad sense,
it also loosely consisted of people in favour of their endeavours, regardless of status, nationality and
religious beliefs. For example, both lay Catholics, Hergé and Zhang were not directly involved in
the evangelical activities of the network, but benefitted and contributed to its purpose of promoting
mutual communication.

The making of The Blue Lotus epitomized the efforts of the Sino-Belgian Catholic network in several
aspects. Firstly, Zhang Chongren came to Belgium thanks to the scheme conducted by the network—
the Catholic project for Chinese students in Europe—, and he was introduced to Hergéthrough
priests from this project. Secondly, the changes of perceptions towards China of Hergébefore and
after The Blue Lotus show how his dialogue with Zhang shaped his worldview. Moreover, both the
artistic techniques and contents of the comics came from their joint efforts. Last but not least,
conveying the message of friendship further promoted the idea of cross-cultural dialogue to a larger
audience beyond the Church, thanks to the popularity of Tintin. Thus, this thesis seeks to understand
The Blue Lotus in the Catholic context, as well as to use the comic as an entry point to explore the
Sino-Belgian Catholic network, with the purpose of examining how the Catholic Church contributed
to cross-cultural dialogues. It argues that the network showed the Catholic effort in the early
twentieth century to build up a sense of solidarity across borders from dynamic interactions and
collaborations.

I. Literature review

Solidarity mainly involves sharing of values and a sense of what is important, which in philosophical
terms is “one person giving a certain subset of the interests of another person a status in her reasoning

2 Pierre Borvin, Hergésous Influence (Saint-Félicien, 2012); Benoî

t Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, trans. Tina A. Kover
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012); Zhang Chongren Jinianguan [Memorial Hall of Zhang
Chongren], ed., Zhang Chongren Yanjiu 张充仁研究 [Studies on Zhang Chongren], 3 vols (Shanghai: Shanghai
Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2007); ‘Nisu Shenshou Zhang Chongren 泥塑神手张充仁 [Master of Clay
Sculpture: Zhang Chongren]’ (Shanghai, September 2007).

5
that is analogous to the status that she gives to her own interests in her reasoning”.3 It can be found
in many organizations. One the most famous examples is the Marxist slogan “Workers of the world,
unite!”4 which urges proletarians of various backgrounds to develop a shared class identity. The
Catholic Church, which values community over individuals,5 encourages Catholics to view other
Catholics as brothers and sisters regardless of different origins. One of the moral principles of the
Catholic scout movement is “the scout is the friend of all and the brother of any other scout (le scout
est l’ami de tous et le frére de tout autre scout)”.6 In this case, boy scouts were inspired to welcome
other scouts even from different religions. In a similar vein, the Sino-Belgian Catholic network
aspired to build up a solidarity inspiring people across China and Europe to see their shared concerns
and interests. The mutual dialogue in the process and syncretized results transcend the binary
narrative of “Westernization” or “Sinicization”, which has been common in the previous scholarship
concerning the history of Christianity in China.

Although researches into the history of Catholic mission in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
such as Noël Golvers and Florence C. Hsia, have in general been positive in acknowledging its role
in promoting mutual knowledge communication between Europe and China,7 the historiography of
the Catholic Church in modern China has been overshadowed by that of the Protestant mission,
while the Catholics have frequently been presented as “reactionary” and “conservative”. These
phenomena are related to two main differences in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: the unequal
geopolitical relationship brought about by colonialism/imperialism, and secondly, the change of
Catholic evangelical focus from the elite to the poor, and from scientific method to direct
evangelization. But they are also related to two major narratives of modern Chinese history:

3 Waheed Hussain and Edward N. Zalta, ‘The Common Good’, The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy
(Spring 2018 Edition), 26 February 2018, https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2018/entries/common-good/.
4 Preface of the 1890 German Edition, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (Penguin Adult,
2002), https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto.
5 Charles E. Curran, ‘Catholic Social Teaching’, The Good Society 10, no. 1 (2001): 1–6.
6 Jean Pirotte, ‘Une Idéologie en Images. Prolégomènes à l’étude de l’‘art’ Scout Catholique en Belgique
francophone, 1930-1965’, Bijdragen Tot de Eigentijdse Geschiedenis 8 (2001),
https://www.journalbelgianhistory.be/en/node/40.
7 Jonathan Dermot Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci (New York, N.Y.: Penguin Books, 2012); Noël
Golvers and Ferdinand Verbiest, Ferdinand Verbiest, S.J. (1623-1688) and the Chinese Heaven: The Composition of the
Astronomical Corpus, Its Diffusion and Reception in the European Republic of Letters (Leuven: Leuven University Press,
Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation, 2003); Rachel Attwater and John Duhr, Adam Schall: A Jesuit at the Court of
China, 1592-1666 (Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Company, 1963); Florence C. Hsia, Sojourners in a Strange Land:
Jesuits and Their Scientific Missions in Late Imperial China (University of Chicago Press, 2011); Cheryl Ann Semans,
‘Mapping the Unknown: Jesuit Cartography in China, 1583-1772’ (Berkeley, University of California, 1989); Erin
M. Odor, Undoing the Binaries, Rethinking ‘Encounter’: Translation Works of Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Missionaries in
China, 2006; Matteo Ricci, Gianni Guadalupi, and Franco Maria Ricci, China: Arts and Daily Life as Seen by Father
Matteo Ricci and Other Jesuit Missionaries (Milan: Franco Maria Ricci, 1984); Jeremy Clarke et al., Binding Friendship:
Ricci, China and Jesuit Cultural Learnings (Chestnut Hill, Mass.: The Jesuit Institute of Boston College, 2011).

6
modernization and indigenization/Sinicization. Judged from these aspects, the Catholic Church
seemed to make little contribution, while in many cases it acted as an obstacle to progress.

The May Fourth Movement in 1919 highlighted the narrative. The period saw a surge of demands
among Chinese students for democracy, science and nationalism. Christianity was seen as running
against these requests, as it was regarded both as an outdated superstition and a forerunner of foreign
imperialism.8 These opinions were supported not only by previous conflicts involving missionaries
in China, among which the Boxer Rebellion was most violent, but also contemporary anti-clerical
discourse in Europe, which criticized the role of religion and championed secularization. The
nationwide Anti-Christian Movement in the 1920s manifested the general attitude towards the
presence of the Christian mission in China.9 Chinese historians like Wu Shengde and Li Shiyue
acknowledge the argument that Christianity hindered the development of China in modern period.
10
It is particularly pronounced in the study of “missionary incidents”, backed up by numerous
archives of anti-missionary cases such as the Zongli Yamen [Office in charge of Affairs of All
Nations] archives at Academia Sinica,11 and the collection of materials on missionary incidents to
support an anti-imperialist argument in mainland China.12

From the Church’s side, in the nineteenth century most records and research were written in the
evangelical and missiological style, which reflected their limited success at conversion in China
despite decades of efforts. From the beginning of the twentieth century, clergies such as the French
Canon Léon Joly began to reflect on the problem by taking into consideration the special relationship
between the mission and Western colonial powers. Canon Joly called for the separation of religious

8 Zhuo Xinping, ‘Religious Policy and the Concept of Religion in China’, in Religion in China, ed. Max Deeg and
Bernhard Scheid, 1st ed., Major Concepts and Minority Positions (Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2015),
51–64.
9 Ka-che Yip, ‘Religion, Nationalism, and Chinese Students: The Anti-Christian Movement of 1922-1927’
(Bellingham, Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University, 1989).
10 Wu Shengde, Jiaoan Shiliao Bianmu 教案史料编目 [Catalogue of the Historical Materials on Missionary Incidents]
(Beijing: Yanjing daxue zongjiao xueyuan shujishi, 1941); Li Shiyue, Jindai Zhongguo Fanyangjiao Yundong 近代中国
反洋教运动 [Anti-Christianity Movements in Modern China] (Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe, 1985); Chen Yinkun,
Qingji Minjiao Chongtu de Lianghua Fenxi 清季民教冲突的量化分析: 1860-1899 [Quantitative Analysis of Social-
Religious Conflicts at the End of Qing: 1860-1899] (Taipei: Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1980); Su Ping, ‘Jindai Jiaoan
Zhong Fanjiao Yaoyan de Lianghua Yanjiu 近代教案中反教谣言的量化研究 [Quantitative Study on the
Anti-Christian Rumors in the Missionary Incidents in Modern History]’, Ershiyi Shiji [The Twenty-First Century],
no. 10 (January 2003), http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ics/21c/media/online/0209014.pdf.
Institute of Modern History of Academia Sinica, Zhongguo Jindaishi Ziliao Huibian: Jiaowu Jiaoan Dang 中国近代
11

史资料汇编: 教务教案檔 [Collection of Modern History Documents: Missionary Activities and Anti-Missionary Cases]
(Taipei: Jinhua Yinshuguan, 1974).
12 Zhu Jinpu, Diyi Lishi Danganguan [The First Historical Archives of China], and Fujian Shifan Daxue Lishixi
[History Faculty of Fujian Normal University], eds., Qingmo Jiaoan 清末教案 [Missionary Cases in the Late-Qing
Period], Zhongguo Jindaishi Ziliao Conggan Xubian [Sequel of the Series of Modern History Documents]
(Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1996).

7
and political agendas. 13 Joly’s understanding was taken in by his contemporaries, such as the
missionary Vincent Lebbe, and ultimately acknowledged by Pope Benedict XV in his encyclical
Maximum Illud in 1919. Theologically-oriented scholarship on the history of Chinese mission,
therefore, shared the apprehension that the main mistake by the Catholic mission was its dependence
on political power.14 While admittedly very insightful, it also strengthens the impression of people
outside the Church that Western imperialism and the Christian mission did share the same agenda,
without knowing the complexity of the relationship.

Turning away from Church-oriented considerations, Western scholarship gradually came to regard
the topic of Christian China missions as part of Chinese studies. In 1929, Kenneth Scott Latourette
initiated critical examinations of the tactics and role of Christian mission in Chinese society.15 From
the 1970s, research on Christianity and China become closely related to Chinese studies and
underwent a shift of theoretical frameworks moving from an “impact and response” analysis to a
“China-centered” focus. The former led by John King Fairbank’s China’s Response to The West was
applied to the research of Christianity in China: Fairbank advocated a fuller use of missionary
sources and more attention to the history of Christian missions in China, which shared certain
similarities with the evangelical approach of Church historians.16 After producing the research of
the anti-foreignism tradition in missionary movement in the 1860-70 in the same framework,17 Paul
Cohen turned to a China-centered perspective as stated in his Discovering History in China. 18
Following this change, scholars such as Daniel Bays, David Mungello and Nicolas Standaert paid
more attention to Chinese Christian agency and engaged extensively with Chinese materials, to
present Christianity as a creative indigenous force.19 In Standaert’s words, there was “a shift from
a mainly missiological and Eurocentric to a Sinological and Sinocentric approach”. 20 Many works
have come out which explore the position, function and influence of the Christian mission from the

13 Léon Joly, Le Christianisme et l’Extrême Orient: Missions catholiques de l’Inde, de l’Indo-Chine, de la Chine, de la Corée.
(Paris: Lethielleux, 1907).
14Robert E. Carbonneau, ‘The Catholic Church in China 1900-1949’, in Handbook of Christianity in China, ed. R.
G. Tiedemann (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 516–25.
15 Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of Christian Missions in China (New York: MacMillan Company, 1929).
16John King Fairbank and Ssu-yüTêng, China’s Response to the West: A Documentary Survey 1839 -1923
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954).
17 Paul Cohen, China and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Anti-Foreignism, 1860-1870,
vol. 11, Harvard East Asian Series (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963).
18 Paul A Cohen, Discovering History in China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984).
19Daniel H Bays, A New History of Christianity in China (Chichester [England]; Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell,
2013); David E Mungello, Curious Land: Jesuit Accommodation and the Origins of Sinology (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner,
1985); Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Voices in the Rites Controversy: Travelling Books, Community Networks, Intercultural
Arguments, Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S.I 75 (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2012).
20 Nicolas Standaert, ‘New Trends in the Historiography of Christianity in China’, The Catholic Historical Review
83, no. 4 (1997): 573–613.

8
perspective of Chinese societal change, for example the research by Ryan Dunch on Fuzhou
Protestants and by Rudolf Wagner on the role of religion in the Taiping Rebellion.21 Although not
necessarily similar to the narratives adopted by Chinese scholars before the 1980s, they nevertheless
pursued the question of the role of the Church in the process of modernization, such as in the
foundation and development of higher education.22

Recent studies in China, such as the research into the links between mission education and modern
Chinese education, have become more nuanced, no longer over-simplifying the Christian mission
as imperialist cultural invasion. Thanks to the relative relaxation on the research of Christian mission,
more availability of archival documents and more frequent communication between Chinese and
Western scholars, they similarly acknowledge the modern enterprises first brought into China by
missionaries.23 Even public exhibition such as the Tushanwan Museum in Shanghai openly gives
credits to Jesuit missionaries for their introduction of modern technology and knowledge. But the
Museum as well as all researchers are well aware of the contexts of inequality between China and
the West, and the special relationship between the Christian mission and imperialism.

This concern with the unequal power domination was not only accepted but also turned into the
orientation of indigenization/Sinicization approach in the West, with the popularity of post-modern
and post-colonial theories in the 1980s. Foucault’s knowledge/power theory24 and Edward Said’s
concept of Orientalism25 provided researchers with the methodological framework to examine the
Christianity-China relationship in an “Us-Other” way. The criticism of colonialism/imperialism

21 Ryan Dunch, Fuzhou Protestants and the Making of a Modern China, 1857-1927 (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2001); Barend J. ter Haar, The White Lotus Teachings in Chinese Religious History (Honolulu: University of
Hawai’i Press, 1999); Rudolf G Wagner, Reenacting the Heavenly Vision: The Role of Religion in the Taiping Rebellion
(Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1982); Jason Kindopp, God and Caesar in
China: Policy Implications of Church-State Tensions, ed. Carol Lee Hamrin (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution
Press, 2004); Lars Peter Laamann, Christian Heretics in Late Imperial China: Christian Inculturation and State Control,
1720-1850 (London: Routledge, 2006); R. G Tiedemann, ed., Indigenous Agency, Religious Protectorates and Chinese
Interests: The Expansion of Christianity in China, 1830-1880 (Cambridge: North Atlantic Missiology Project, 1997).
22 Philip Lauri Wickeri and Lois Cole, Christianity & Modernization: A Chinese Debate (Daga Press, 1995); Tao
Feiye and Yang Weihua, eds., ‘Zhongguo Jidujiao Jiaoyu Yanjiu 中国基督教教育研究 [Studies of Protestant
Education in China]’, in Jidujiao Yu Zhongguo Shehui Yanjiu Rumen 基督教与中国社会研究入门 [Handbook of
Christianity and the Chinese Society] (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 2009), 112–23, 273–76; Zhang Kaiyuan
and Waldron Arthur, eds., Zhongxi wenhua yu jiaohui daxue: Shoujie Zhongguo Jiaohui Daxue shi Xueshu Yantaohui
Lunwenji 中西文化与敎会大学: 首届中国敎会大学史学术研讨会论文集 [Christian university and Chinese-
Western cultures: Selected works of the First International Symposium on the History of pre-1949 Christian universities in China]
(Wuhan: Hubei Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1991).
23Shi Jinghuan and He Xiaoxia, Jiaohui Jiaoyu Yu Zhongguo Jiaoyu Jindaihua 教会教育与中国教育近代化
[Mission Education and Modernization of Chinese Education] (Guangzhou: Guangdong Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1996); Lin
Zhiping, Jidujiao Yu Zhongguo Jindaihua Lunji 基督教与中国近代化论集 [Colleted Essays on Christianity and Chinese
Modernization] (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1970).
24Michel Foucault and Colin Gordon, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977 (New
York: Pantheon Books, 1980).
25 Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York, N.Y.: Vintage, 1979).

9
acknowledged the resistance of Chinese society against Western hegemony embodied in Eurocentric
Christian methods. Researchers took up an anti-colonial discourse, such as Ernest Young’s
Ecclesiastical Colony.26 Furthermore, from a Sinocentric standpoint, it also gave rise to a research
focus on “indigenization/Sinicization” of the Church in local areas, in favor of a “local form”
(vernacular language, architect, music etc.) of the Church, such as the work by Jean-Paul Wiest,
Andrew Walls and Wang Xiaoqing.27

Thanks to the numerous records of missionary conflicts, missiological reflections, the Sinocentric
turn and post-colonial theories, Western and Chinese scholarship, both from within and outside the
Church seem to agree that the history of Christian mission in modern China should be examined in
terms of the extent of indigenization/Sinicization in Chinese society and its role in the modernization
process.

Following this line of thought, the Catholic mission does not seem worth much attention, because it
did not “serve” Chinese society. Its “failure” lay in its reluctance to enlist Chinese agency and its
stubbornness in sticking to a Romanized Church model, and though it lifted some limitations in the
twentieth century, it never fully adopted a “Chinese practice”. The Catholic Invasion of China by
David Mungello summarizes much of the historiographical debates on these questions.28 Due to the
preference for the “indigenization/Sinicization” model, research on the Protestant mission is more
popular.29 Historically Protestant mission were less restricted compared with the Catholic mission
in recruiting local clergy and allowing the use of local languages in Church. It provided many cases
showing local agency, for example, the Bible translation and the development of Chinese Protestant
theologians.30 The description of “how the Christian Church became Sinicized” is also welcomed
in Chinese scholarship, as it is conveniently in line with the narrative “nationalism”. For example,

26Ernest P. Young, Ecclesiastical Colony: China’s Catholic Church and the French Religious Protectorate (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2013).
27Jean-Paul Wiest, ‘Learning from the Missionary Past’, in The Catholic Church in Modern China: Perspectives, ed.
Edmond Tang and Jean-Paul Wiest (Maryknoll, N.Y: Orbis Books, 1993), 181–98; Jean-Paul Wiest, Maryknoll in
China: A History, 1918-1955 (Armonk: Sharpe, 1988); Andrew F. Walls, The Missionary Movement in Christian
History: Studies in the Transmission of Faith (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1996); Xiao-qing Wang, ‘Staying Catholic:
Catholicism and Local Culture in a Northern Chinese Village’ (2004).
28 David Emil Mungello, The Catholic Invasion of China: Remaking Chinese Christianity, Critical Issues in World and
International History (Rowman & Littlefield, 2015).
29 Peter Tze Ming Ng, Chinese Christianity: An Interplay between Global and Local Perspectives (Leiden: Brill, 2012);
Samuel D Ling, ‘The Other May Fourth Movement: The Chinese “Christian Renaissance”, 1919-1937’ (Ann
Arbor, Mich., University Microfilms International, 1981); Jonathan Chao, The Chinese Church and Christian Missions
(Silver Spring, Md.: China Graduate School of Theology, 1977); Philip L Wickeri, Seeking the Common Ground:
Protestant Christianity, the Three-Self Movement, and China’s United Front, 2011; Pui-lan Kwok, Chinese Women and
Christianity, 1860-1927 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992).
30See the summary and selected bibliography in ‘Bible Translations and the Protestant “Term Question”’, in
Handbook of Christianity in China: Volume 2, 1800 to the Present, vol. 15, Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section
Four: China (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 361–70; Tao Feiye and Yang Weihua, ‘Zhongguo Jidujiao Jiaoyu Yanjiu’;
ChloëStarr, Chinese Theology: Text and Context (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016).

10
the title Fenjin de licheng: zhongguo jidujiao de bensehua [The Process of Endeavour: The
Indigenization of Chinese Christianity] by Duan Qi suggests that the end goal of Christianity in
China was indigenization.31

Compared with the Protestants, the Catholics also largely missed out in the process of Chinese
modernization. Although as mentioned earlier the Tushanwan Museum showcases the Jesuit
Catholic mission, this is a rare example, and most research has focused on Protestant ones. The
reason for this disparity is because historically Protestant mission adopted socio-cultural methods to
attract the middle-class in urban areas, while Catholic mission paid more attention to direct
evangelization (ritual, day-to-day life) among lower class in rural areas. As Tao Feiya and Yang
Weihua have pointed out, the activities of the former could be easily related to topics such as
“modernization”, added to which they also left more written documents.32

While it is true that “indigenization/Sinicization” is a useful angel from which to examine the
development of the Christian church in China, and the question of imperialism seems quite
inescapable, such narrative also has the tendency to essentialize “Christianity” and “China”. For
example, Jacques Gernet argued that the conflict between Christianity and Chinese culture lay the
irreconcilability of Chinese language and Indo-European languages. 33 It also gave rise to the
simplified narrative of “Westernization” versus “Sinicization”. When this becomes the
preoccupation of studies of Christian mission in China, it risks to reducing missionary actions to
arrogance, and overriding any genuine curiosity to learn and good intention to converse.

Several scholars have reflected upon the theoretical limitations of the indigenous/Sinocentric
perspective. Chen Xiaomei warned in Occidentalism that “Sino-centrism can be simply
Eurocentrism turned upside-down”. It can function merely as a reaction to Eurocentrism, not as a
real alternative to it. She disagreed with the dismissal of “works of Pound, Kingston, Polo, Ricci,
Waley and Snyder as expressions of Orientalism”.34 Naoki Sakai said local cultural nationalism by
over-emphasizing on “the unity of the national/ethnic community, the local tradition and the
particularity of its culture”, “posited itself as a closure” and regarded its interaction with the West
was “unilaterally invaded”. From a specific literary perspective, he proposed regarding translation

31Duan Qi, Fenjin de licheng: zhongguo jidujiao de bensehua 奋进的历程: 中国基督教的本色化 [The Process of
Endeavour: the Indigenisation of Chinese Christianity] (The Commercial Press, 2004).
32Tao Feiya and Yang Weihua, Jidujiao Yu Zhongguo Shehui Yanjiu Rumen 基督教与中国社会研究入门
[Handbook of Christianity and Chinese Society] (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 2009), 192–93.
33Jacques Gernet, China and the Christian Impact: A Conflict of Cultures (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1985).
34Xiaomei Chen, Occidentalism: A Theory of Counter-Discourse in Post-Mao China (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield,
2002).

11
as a “social space” from which to address ourselves to others, where misunderstandings and
mistranslations are acknowledged, because it strives to create understandings among one another.35
John James Clarke stated that the process “to confront the structures of Western knowledge and
power and to engage with Eastern ideas in ways which are more creative, more open-textured, and
more reciprocal than are allowed for in Said’s critique”.36 Stephen Jankiewicz argued that in the
procedures Orientalists used for producing knowledge, rather than just the produced work itself,
there were also relationship, emotions, and day-to-day interactions with “oriental” people shaping
the produced knowledge. 37 Studying the image of China in the eighteenth century, Stefan
Gaarsmand Jacobsen considered that the point is not to discern whether an image of China was a
“transmission” or “projection”, but to consider its performativity.38 Standaert has spoken against
essentializing, noting that: “‘Christianity’ and ‘China,’ have been associated with terms such as
Western, scientific, modern, traditional, stable, unchanging, etc. The danger of this approach is the
essentialist labeling which does not accept any evolution, change, or transformation. It can make
communication impossible. The alternative is to consider the two entities as open, dynamic, and
mobile”.39 Many of Standaert’s works exemplify his point of view, but since he specializes in the
pre-modern period, he has not put this method in practice in modern cases.40

The preoccupation with established narratives obscures other phenomena shown in the records of
Christianity. For example, regarding the Christian mission as anti-modern overlooks a body of
literature produced in the modern period on how Christianity could empower China – not technically
but spiritually. In fact, even a left-wing revolutionist like Chen Duxiu had admitted the strong points
in Christian teaching despite his mainly critical attitude. In 1920 he published the article “Jidujiao
yu Zhongguoren [Christianity and Chinese People]” on Xin Qingnian [New Youth], which
acknowledged the virtues of self-sacrifice, forgiveness, and universal love of Jesus.41 Throughout
the Republican period, many Chinese Christians discussed in great detail how Christians could use

35Naoki Sakai, ‘Civilizational Difference and Criticism: On the Complicity of Globalization and Cultural
Nationalism’, Modern Chinese Literature and Culture 17, no. 1 (2005): 188–205.
36John James Clarke, Oriental Enlightenment: The Encounter between Asian and Western Thought (London: Routledge,
2003), 273.
37Stephen Jankiewicz, ‘Orientalists in Love: Intimacy, Empire, and Cross-Cultural Knowledge’, Journal of World
History 23, no. 2 (2012): 345–73.
38Stefan Gaarsmand Jacobsen, ‘Chinese Influences or Images? Fluctuating Histories of How Enlightenment
Europe Read China’, Journal of World History 24, no. 3 (2013): 623–60.
39 Standaert, ‘New Trends in the Historiography of Christianity in China’.
40 Nicolas Standaert, Confucian and Christian in Late Ming China: The Life and Thought of Yang Tingyun (1562-1627)
(Leiden: Brill, 1988); Nicolas Standaert, The Fascinating God: A Challenge to Modern Chinese Theology: Presented by a
Text on the Name of God Written by a 17th Century Chinese Student of Theology (Roma: Pontificia Università
Gregoriana, 1995).
41Chen Duxiu, ‘Jidujiao Yu Zhongguoren 基督教与中国人 [Christianity and Chinese People]’, Xin Qingnian
[New Youth] 7, no. 2 (February 1920).

12
moral force to contribute to the revival of China from philosophical and theological perspectives,
including the Protestants Wu Leichuan and Zhao Zichen, and the Catholics Ma Xiangbo and Lu
Zhengxiang.42

Ultimately, the value of studying the history of Christianity and China lies in its potential to enrich
historical understanding. One of the reasons is that it epitomizes the encounter between East and
West. Erik Zürcher considered the arrival of Christianity in China to be a means to know China
better, whereas Standaert further stated that “the study of Christianity should lead to a better
understanding of both Chinese and Western culture and of the interaction between them”.43 Though
related to the topics of “modernization” or “decolonization”, the study of Christianity in China is
not merely to provide another example reiterating the paradigms. Therefore, it is necessary to
transcend the previous consensus of examining the Christian mission by its extent of
indigenization/Sinicization and its role in the technical modernization process.

New research orientations could help to remedy the shortcomings of previous frameworks. In recent
years, scholars of Chinese studies have written more globally, transcending the Eurocentric or
Sinocentric binary. Scholars such as Lydia Liu, Kenneth Pomeranz and Hans van de Ven have
inspired this research to apply the global perspective to the study of Christian mission in modern
Chinese history.44 Therefore, firstly the thesis pays attention to “collaboration” instead of conflicts,
an approach which sheds light on hitherto unnoticed activities by Christian mission. As noted earlier,
both Christians and non-Christians had seriously considered the feasibility of Christianity
facilitating national rejuvenation. The Church in Europe, including the Vatican on occasion, had
made several attempts to form a peaceful and friendly relationship with China since late Qing.
Though not all collaboration implies equality and respect, voluntary collaborations suggest that there
was certain basis of trust, reciprocity and shared concern. A research focus on collaboration becomes
increasingly interesting when what is under investigation is not a one-off case, but one sustained by
institutional facilities and thus able to witness prolonged repetitions. I regard such case as an
endeavor to build up solidarity across pre-set boundaries.

Another approach is to choose “interaction” as the unit of analysis, which is conducive to a reduction
in a binary, essentializing view of China and Christianity, as seen in some studies of early Catholic

42 Duan Qi, Fenjin de licheng.

43 Standaert, ‘New Trends in the Historiography of Christianity in China’.
44 Lydia He Liu, Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Translated Modernity - China, 1900-1937
(Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1995); Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the
Making of the Modern World Economy, The Princeton Economic History of the Western World (Princeton and
Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000); Hans van de Ven, Breaking with the Past: The Maritime Customs Service
and the Global Origins of Modernity in China (New York: Columbia, 2014).

13
mission. Standaert has discussed the strength of such approach in his analysis “Methodology in View
of Contact between Cultures: The China Case in the Seventeenth Century”. He advocated
“interaction & communication” as the framework for examining this interaction and stressing on the
reciprocity between China and Europe, he proposed putting the research focus on the new cultural
product which emerges as a result of communication. Acknowledging that it is debatable whether
the framework can be applied to encounters in which one culture entirely dominated the other (i.e.
modern period), Standaert also pointed out that only by reinstating the subjected as subject one can
overcome the circle of domination.45

My focus on “collaboration” and “interaction” eliminates the supposed irrelevance of the Catholic
mission caused by earlier historiographical narratives. In fact, using Catholic mission as a research
subject is both richer in resources and more interesting. Because the Roman Catholic Church and
Chinese society both valued their traditions and habits, the process of realizing a collaboration
through dynamic interactions was varied, complicated and multi-faceted. Thus, this thesis chooses
to examine the endeavour of the Sino-Belgian Catholic network to build up a sense of solidarity
across China and Europe. To realize this goal, the Catholics involved were keen to utilize various
methods of interaction, including publications, public speeches, organizations and person-to-person
introduction. It was through these interactions that people across continents, divided by nationality
and ethnicity, got to know more and more about each other, and from then on to develop a sense of
solidarity, and even, in the case of Zhang and Hergé, a solid friendship. The influences of this
network led to enriched knowledge, mutual understanding and friendship, which in a way
counterbalanced the bias, inequality and hostility prevalent at that time.

II. Research topic

Rejecting a simplified approach to research on China and the Catholic Church in modern history,
the case study of the Sino-Belgian Catholic network presented in this thesis attempts to demonstrate
the facets of reciprocity and commonality. Using The Blue Lotus as the entry point, I will focus on
figures and events particular to it, as summarized in the diagram below. Although studies have been
published on certain personal connections, such as the Lebbe-Ying-Ma collaborations,46 the Lu-

45Nicolas Standaert, Methodology in View of Contact between Cultures: The China Case in the 17th Century, vol. 11 (Hong
Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002).
46 Sun Banghua, ‘Shilun Beijing Furen Daxue de Chuangjian 试论北京辅仁大学的创建 [A Preliminary
Discussion on the Establishment of Beijing Fu Jen Catholic University]’, Shijie Zongjiao Yanjiu [Studies in World
Religions], no. 04 (2004): 97–105; Zhou Pingping, ‘Butong Guodu, Xiangtong Qinghuai: Ying Lianzhi Yu Lei
Mingyuan de Jiaowang Shulve 不同国度、相同情怀:英敛之与雷鸣远的交往述略 [Different Countries,
Same Feelings: The Relations between Ying Lianzhi and Vincent Lebbe]’, Shijie Zongjiao Yanjiu [Studies in World
Religions], no. 01 (2016): 135–43.

14
Lebbe interactions,47 and the Ma-Zhang relations,48 they have not been linked up to give a fuller
picture. As these protagonists shared the same commitment demonstrated in their intentions and
activities, I came to view the connections between them as constituting within one network.
Ying Lianzhi 英敛之, Anthony Cotta
Catholic Action

Ma Xiangbo Vincent Lebbe

Project for Hergé
*Great Chinese
Briefly met
grandfather students in
in 1931
of Europe
Lu Zhengxiang
Zhang Chongren

Introduced Zhang, with the help of André

Boland, Leon Gosset and Edouard Neut
Visited and exchanged correspondence

*As claimed by Zhang

Building the network of cross-national and cross-cultural relationship itself embodied cross-cultural
negotiations. Urs Bitterli, who studied the different types of European contacts with non-Western
peoples, distinguishes between “cultural contact” (an initial, short-lived, or intermittent encounter
between a group of Europeans and members of an non-European culture), “collision” (in which the
weaker partner, in military and political terms, was threatened with the loss of cultural identity, while
even its physical existence was jeopardized and sometimes annihilated altogether), and “cultural
relationship” (a prolonged series of reciprocal contacts on the basis of political equilibrium or
stalemate). This thesis will present how people involved in the network endeavoured to build up a
prolonged series of reciprocal contacts to facilitate cultural dialogues. The term “dialogue”,
according Anna Wierzbicka, implies “equality and reciprocity, as well as an extended duration”, and
it “requires an effort to make ourselves understood, as well as try to understand”.49

47 Anne Vansteelandt, ‘Lu Zhengxiang (Lou Tseng Tsiang) a Benedictine Monk of the Abbey of Sint-Andries’,
in Historiography of the Chinese Catholic Church: Nineteenth and Twentieth Century, ed. Jerome Heyndrickx, vol. 1
(Leuven: Leuven University Press, Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation, 1994), 223–30; Sergio Ticozzi, ‘Lou Tseng-
Tsiang (1871-1949) and Sino-Vatican Diplomatic Relations’, Tripod 29, no. 152 (2009),
http://hsstudyc.org.hk/en/tripod_en/en_tripod_152_03.html.
48 Chen Yaowang, ‘Ma Xiangbo’s Role in the Success of Zhang Chongren’, trans. John A. Lindblom, Chinese
Cross Currents 7, no. 3 (2010), http://www.riccimacau.riccimac.org/doc/ccc/7.3/eng/3A.pdf.
49 Anna Wierzbicka, ‘The Concept of “Dialogue” in Cross-Linguistic and Cross-Cultural Perspective’, Discourse
Studies 8, no. 5 (October 2006): 678.

15
Because the relationship of dialogue within the network came into being in the contexts of political
inequality and China-Catholic Church antagonism, as previous researchers have demonstrated, it
was more difficult to achieve than Bitterli’s categorization, thus more significant. I will show that
the process was not linear but winding and fluctuating, historically conditioned, changing in
response to contextual shifts in both China and Europe, in face of institutional obstacles, and
sometime coincidental. Based on its final form and for convenience, I use the term “Sino-Belgian”
to describe the network, but does not imply that focus of analysis is limited to China and Belgium,
nor that it uses a national framework only, as the establishment was a complicated procedure and
the Catholic Church as the overarching organization transcended national boundaries.

In fact, long-term process of building the network was started not mainly by Belgium but France;
the change did not happen suddenly at a certain point, but had begun ever since the first contact
between missionaries and local people. The thesis will begin by putting the French Catholic Church
in the spotlight: it will show how the French Jesuit missionaries took the lead in founding some basis
of dialogue in the Xujiahui mission, Shanghai, which was also where Ma Xiangbo and Zhang
Chongren lived out part of their lives; how its connection with French politics influenced the mission
positively and negatively; how Vincent Lebbe, despite being Belgian, joined the French Catholic
enterprise and was initially conditioned by the trainings of the Lazarist order in France. Although
the late nineteenth century saw much violence between the Catholic mission and local society, there
were also manifest attempts to build up a cultural relationship, as seen in the educational, cultural
and scientific projects run in Xujiahui by the Jesuits. It was after failed attempts to further such work
with France that Ma, Lebbe and Lu Zhengxiang turned their attention to Belgium and also the
Vatican. Yet the Belgian Catholic Church was not merely a “Plan B” after France; its role and
particularity were determining factors in the realization of the network too, such as its features of
internationalist outlook, active social engagement and moral rearmament campaign of the youth.

Once established, the function of the network worked to challenge simplified perceptions and
presupposed oppositions between China and the Catholic Church. Because historically the “East-
West/China-foreign” binary was popular too, it reduced the possibility of dialogue and exacerbated
misunderstandings. As seen in the research by Zhuo Xinping, from a nationalist perspective, the
Catholic mission in China has been regarded as part of foreign imperialism since early twentieth
century.50 Meanwhile, despite efforts made by some missionaries to engage with local society, the
Catholic mission remained “foreign” in China, influenced by Ultramontanism (the ultimate
prerogatives and powers of the Pope) and the French religious Protectorate (the power of France to
presume to the role of Catholic protector in China and to intervene politically in the name of

50 Xinping, ‘Religious Policy and the Concept of Religion in China’.

16
protecting the mission). The protagonists involved in the network did not perceive matters in a black-
or-white way, nor did they favor a full “Westernization” or “Sinicization”. Instead, they advocated
the idea of “finding shared knowledge from different places to enrich each other”, in which they did
not consider one aspect superior or inferior to the other. Although they had different agendas – Ma
focused on education, Lu on morality and Lebbe on evangelization – they acknowledged the value
of building a cross-cultural dialogue amid antagonism.

To achieve this goal in the contexts of the early twentieth century, one focus was on detaching the
Catholic Church from a Eurocentric and politized label: they acted to demonstrate that the Catholic
religion was not exclusive to Western culture and it did not serve the political purposes of Western
countries; the other was on highlighting commonality regardless of ethnicity and nation: they wanted
to show that the Catholic religion spoke for all suffering people and that it had a moral contribution
to make to national empowerment. I chose to focus on the Catholic project for Chinese students in
Europe, initiated by Lebbe in 1920 to support Chinese students studying in Europe, aided largely by
the Belgian Catholic Church and the Vatican. This project is unique and representative because it
directly engaged with two audiences at the same time, Europeans and Chinese students and
endeavored to form a more friendly relationship between the two, while also preparing for further
developments of such relationships in the future.

The purpose of the network as a platform of cultural dialogues came out clearly in the making of
The Blue Lotus, as illustrated in the dialogue between Tintin and Tchang at the beginning of this
introduction. In addition to that, a precious outcome of the network was the long-term friendship
between Hergé and Zhang, which I consider as an attendant result. Friendship is a philosophical
concept and has various forms, but generally speaking there are some basic features: it has to be
established rather than given; it appears between people who have something in common. Despite
of different ethnicity and nationality, Zhang and Hergé had a lot in common: not only the same
gender, age, occupation and religion, but also a broad-mindedness of welcoming knowledge from
different places and a like-mindedness of empathizing on other people’s suffering. Such similarity
came out of various reasons, but the network played the key role in promoting cross-cultural
dialogue and encouraging people to find shared norms in different places. In a sociological study of
friendship, researchers Paul Lazarsfeld and Robert K. Merton used the term “homophily” to analyze
the extents and aspects of similarity between individuals. They divided it into two categories: “status
homophily” (same sex, of similar ages, from a similar occupational or class position, of similar
educational level, or from similar racial, ethnic or religious backgrounds) and “value homophily”
(same attitudes, values and beliefs). Using this concept, Hergé and Zhang could become friends
because they had high degree of “homophily”. Their story sheds light on the implication that, under

17
certain conditions, the network could facilitate and sustain solid and lasting friendship and was
significant in reducing conflicts and furthering peace.

III. Sources

To conduct this study, I utilised two important mission archives: the Jesuit archives in the Xujiahui
Library (Shanghai) and the Lazarist publications in the French National Library (Paris). Almost all
the materials I found were published, such as mission history and periodicals. Of course, because
they were usually for the purpose of fundraising from their readers in Europe, they would sometimes
exaggerate their hardships so as to convince Europeans of the value of their overseas work as well
as of their need for financial assistance, or to carefully promote their success to home readers so that
their sponsors would continue to fund them.51 Nevertheless, these sources are informative about
missionary perceptions and projects: how they made sense of their surroundings, what their concerns
were, and what result they intended to achieve through which method.

For research on individuals, I accessed the following sources: Lebbe’s archives in the Catholic
University of Leuven (Louvain-la-neuve) and his biographies,52 the Lu Zhengxiang archives in the
Sint-Andriesabdij (Bruges), private collections from the acquaintances of Zhang Chongren, as well
as publications containing primary records, such as the writings of Ma Xiangbo. Unfortunately, there
are some very useful but inaccessible sources. The HergéFoundation in Brussels owns the Hergé
archives and Zhang Chongren’s daughter has most of her father’s artworks, as well as diaries and
notebooks. Although I tried to contact them several times, I received no response. Therefore, I have
to rely on published recollections and biographies, including “the only large-scale interview”53 of
Hergé carried out between October 1971 and January 1972 by Numa Sadoul;54 biographies by
t Peeters and Pierre Assouline;55 the recollections of Zhang Chongren and the biographies by
Benoî
Chen Yaowang and Fu Weixin.56 These biographers are personally fond of or even become friends

51Reuben Loffman, ‘On the Fringes of a Christian Kingdom: The White Fathers, Colonial Rule, and the
Báhêmbáin Sola, Northern Katanga, 1909-1960’, Journal of Religion in Africa 45, no. 3–4 (16 September 2015):
279–306; David Maxwell, ‘Freed Slaves, Missionaries, and Respectability: The Expansion of the Christian
Frontier from Angola to Belgian Congo’, The Journal of African History 54, no. 1 (March 2013): 79–102.
52 Jacques Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance: The Life of Père Lebbe, trans. George Lamb (Sheed & Ward, 1958);
Léopold Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, Apôtre de la Chine Moderne (1877-1940) [Father Lebbe, the Apostle of Modern China]
(Brussels: Éditions Universitaires, 1948).
53 Harry Thompson, Tintin: Hergéand His Creation (London: John Murray, 2011), 198.
54 Hergéand Numa Sadoul, Tintin et moi: entretiens avec Hergé[Tintin and me: interviews with Hergé], Champs 529
(Paris: Flammarion, 2003).
55Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin; Pierre Assouline and Charles Ruas, Hergé:The Man Who Created Tintin (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2009).
56Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji (Jiexuan)自述传记 (节选) [Autobiography (Selected)]’, in Wenlun, ed.
Zhang Chongren Jinianguan [Memorial Hall of Zhang Chongren] and Shanghai Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu
18
with their subjects. While this might give biographers more insights into their subject’s private
thoughts, they might also tend to find excuses or downplay any negative story, and to highlight any
importance. Especially in the case of Lebbe, his biographies written by his clerical followers,
occasionally adopted a hagiographic tone and depicted him as a saint. I will examine claims made
in biographies in their related historical contexts to use them in a critical way.

Although these are many secondary sources on the Sino-French relationship in modern history, there
are not so many on the Sino-Belgian relationship. Moreover, I regret to say that, I am not able read
studies written in Flemish. To remedy this, I consulted the diplomatic archives of Republican China
at the Academia Sinica (Taipei) in order to grasp the official Sino-Belgian relationship and public
mutual perceptions. Where appropriate, I will use them a source for building historical contexts.

The final essential primary source for this project consists of the full collection of Tintin; for The
Blue Lotus in particular I have consulted both black & white and coloured versions. Books about
Tintin tend to mystify The Blue Lotus, and Hergédid not object to interpretation commenting: “it is
the job of the exegetes to discover unconscious things, which you are unaware of; I do not know if
they are right or wrong”. 57 Despite this pronouncement, having learned of Hergé’s preference
towards clarity and the techniques used to support a clear narration of his stories,58 I am inclined to
view Tintin by what is presented rather than hidden.

I will now briefly discuss the uses and limitations of secondary literature, divided into I will three
main categories. The first is the study of the Jesuit Xujiahui mission. A few books have come out in
China since 2010: Chongshi lishi suipian 重拾历史碎片 [Picking up the Historical Fragments]59
and Yaowang Tushanwan 遥望土山湾 [Watching Tushanwan from a Distance] discussed various
aspects of the Tushanwan Orphanage in the contexts of the Xujiahui mission, based on incomplete

Jiaoliu Zhongxin [Shanghai Research and Communication Centre of the Arts of Zhang Chongren], Zhang
Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Xilie 3 (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2010), 171–205; Chen
Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu: Zhang Chongren Zhuan 塑人塑己塑春秋: 张充仁传 [Cultivate People, Shape Oneself,
Create History: Biography of Zhang Chongren] (Shanghai: Xuelin Chubanshe, 2013); Chen Yaowang, Jidiaoqiezhuo
Fuguiyupu: Zhang Chongren de Yishu Shengya 既雕且琢，復歸於璞: 張充仁的藝術生涯 [Return to Simplicity after
Carving and Chiselling: The Art Life of Zhang Chongren], Studies in the History of Christianity in China 6 (Hong
Kong: Jidujiao Zhongguo zongjiao Wenhua Yanjiushe [Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion & Culture],
2016); Fu Weixin, ‘Zhang Chongren Chuanqi Yisheng 张充仁传奇一生 [The Legendary Life of Zhang
Chongren] (Part One)’, Yishujia [Artisit], no. 328 (September 2002): 274–306; Fu Weixin, ‘Zhang Chongren
Chuanqi Yisheng 张充仁传奇一生 [The Legendary Life of Zhang Chongren] (Part Two)’, Yishujia [Artisit], no.
329 (September 2002): 386–414.
57 Annie Baron-Carvais, La bande dessinée [Bande dessinée] (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2007), 81.
58 Benoî
t Peeters, Lire la bande dessinée [Read Bande dessinée] (Paris: Éditions Flammarion, 2010), 60–63.
59 Huang Shulin, Chongshi Lishi Suipian 重拾历史碎片：土山湾研究资料粹编 [Picking up the Historical
Fragments: The Collection of Sources of Tushanwan] (Beijing: Zhongguo Xiju Chubanshe, 2010).

19
documents. 60 Their main approach is to acknowledge the mission contributions in charity and
culture, while avoiding comments on religious issues, a tendency which is also displayed in the
museum exhibition. While undoubtedly detailed, the research does not make connections with wider
institutions, such as the role of the Vatican and France. It includes the presupposition that the
nineteenth century Jesuits were similar to their forebears in the seventeenth century. In this respect,
Henrietta Harrison’s case study of the Italian Franciscan mission in Shanxi showed a better approach
to local and global, past and present, by tracing the evolution of the mission area during three
centuries time and by narrating connected events taking place in China and in Italy. 61 Studies
outside China focused on the scientific and cultural achievements of the Xujiahui Mission,62 with
the exceptions of David Mungello and Wei Mo, who analysed internal and external power struggles
of the mission.63

The second category is the study of Tintin and The Blue Lotus. Due to the popularity of Tintin, many
books have been produced, particularly in French. A common aim of many books is to “read” the
hidden messages of Tintin. 64 Though fascinating to read, I found most of the interpretations
depended on the author’s speculation rather than being based on convincing evidence. The Blue
Lotus received special attention because of its unfamiliar setting and Chinese words appearing in
the drawings, which make it mysterious for a European reader. 65 I tend not to pursue the
interpretative perspective of these researches, but to consult them for on the background information
they provided, such as the publication and edition history of Tintin.66

60Zhang Wei and Zhang Xiaoyi, Yaowang Tushanwan: Zhuixun Xiaoshi de Wenmai 遥望土山湾：追寻消逝的文
脉 [Watching Tushanwan from a Distance: Tracing the Fading Cultural Vein] (Shanghai: Tongji University Chubanshe,
2012).
61 Henrietta Harrison, Missionary’s Curse and Other Tales from a Chinese Catholic Village, vol. 26 (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 2013).
62 Hui-Lan H. Titangos, ‘Xujiahui Library: A Cultural Crossroads between East and West’, Chinese Librarianship,
no. 41 (1 June 2016): 1–19; Nicholas Morrow Williams, ‘Angelo Zottoli’s Cursus Litteraturæ Sinicæ as
Propaedeutic to Chinese Classical Tradition’, Monumenta Serica 63, no. 2 (3 July 2015): 327–59; Agustí
n Udí
as,
‘The Correspondence of Johann Georg Hagen, First Jesuit Director of the Vatican Observatory, with Directors
of Jesuit Observatories’, Journal of Jesuit Studies, no. 3 (2016): 259–78.
63David Emil Mungello, ‘The Return of the Jesuits to China in 1841 and the Chinese Christian Backlash’, Sino-
Western Cultural Relations, no. 27 (2005): 9–46; Wei Mo, ‘The Gendered Space of the “Oriental Vatican”—Zi-Ka-
Wei, the French Jesuits and the Evolution of Papal Diplomacy’, Religions 9, no. 9 (September 2018): 278.
64Jean-Marie Apostolidès, The Metamorphoses of Tintin, or Tintin for Adults, trans. Jocelyn Hoy (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 2010); Jan Baetens, Hergéécrivain [Hergé,Writer], Champs (Paris: Flammarion, 2010); Tom
McCarthy, Tintin and the Secret of Literature (London: Granta, 2007).
65Pierre Fresnault-Deruelle, Les mystères du Lotus Bleu [The mysteries of The Blue Lotus] (Brussels: Éditions
Moulinsart, 2006); Patrick Merand and Li Xiaohan, Lotus Bleu décrypté[Blue Lotus decrypted] (Saint-Maur-des-
Fossés: Sépia BD, 2009).
66 Hergéand Michel Daubert, Tintin: The Art of Hergé, trans. Michael Farr (New York, N.Y.: Abrams ComicArts,
2013); Francis Bergeron, Hergé,le voyageur immobile : Géopolitique et voyages de Tintin, de son père Hergéet de son confesseur
l’abbé Wallez [Hergé,the motionless traveler: Geopolitics and travels of Tintin, his father Hergéand his confessor, Father Wallez]
(La Chaussée d’Ivry: Atelier Fol’fer, 2015); Philippe Goddin, Hergéand Tintin, Reporters: From Le Petit Vingtième to
20
The third and last category is theological and Church history style studies. These including Dujardin
and Prodhomme’s case studies in the anthology Mission and Science describing the role of China
mission in theology; 67 Jessie Lutz’s collection of writings from people inside the Church
(missionaries, the Apostolic Delegate to China, and clergies who were keen on mission work)
showed their various attitudes towards the China mission;68 Claude Soetens juxtaposing the history
of Catholic mission in China and the changes in the European Church located the China mission in
the Church;69 as well as theoretical discussions from Francis Anekwe Oborji70 and the conference
proceedings on the contribution of Lebbe to the Catholic Church mission.71 Although these studies
are mainly concerned about evangelism of the Catholic religion, such focus is in line with the main
orientation of Catholic mission. Researches of this type have been neglected recently, as scholars
tended to divide the socio-cultural enterprise and evangelical activities of the Church and focused
on the former. For example, Tao Feiya and Yang Weihua limited the extent of the concept of ‘Sino-
Western cultural communication’ to cultural enterprise only. 72 But from the standpoint of the
Church, the two were to be considered as one entirety initially. To engage with the research of an
evangelical perspective will help the thesis to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the
Catholic mission.

IV. Outline

This thesis has five chapters, organized around the question of how the Sino-Belgian network
realized mutual communication in face of political and religious obstacles, and follows the thread
of the making of The Blue Lotus. The first chapter begins by analysing the breakthroughs of the
comic and discussing previous interpretations. It points out the Catholic contexts of the comic and
explains why it is necessary to examine The Blue Lotus and the Sino-Belgian Catholic network
together. The second chapter covers the time period from 1907-1928 when Zhang Chongren grew
up in the Xujiahui mission of the French Jesuits. After introducing Zhang’s syncretized artistic style,
it examines the multiple influences which he received from the Jesuit mission and Chinese Catholic

Tintin Magazine (London: Sundancer, 1987); Marcel Wilmet, Tintin noir sur blanc: l’aventure des aventures, 1930-1942
[Tintin Black on White: The Adventure of the Adventures], 1 vols (Brussels: Casterman, 2011).
67Carine Dujardin and Claude Prudhomme, eds., Mission and Science: Missiology Revised/Missiologie Revisitée, 1850–
1940, KADOC Studies on Religion, Culture and Society (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2015).
68 Lutz, Christian Missions in China.
69Claude Soetens, L’Eglise Catholique en Chine au XXe Siècle [The Catholic Church in China in the 20th Century] (Paris:
Beauchesne, 1997).
70 Francis Anekwe Oborji, ‘Missiology in Its Relation to Intercultural Theology and Religious Studies’, Mission
Studies 25, no. 1 (1 April 2008): 113–14.
71Arnaud Join-Lambert et al., eds., Vincent Lebbe et son Héritage [Vincent Lebbe and His Heritage] (Louvain-La-
Neuve: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 2017).
72 Tao Feiya and Yang Weihua, Jidujiao Yu Zhongguo Shehui Yanjiu Rumen, 165–67.

21
Ma Xiangbo. It aims to show the basis of mutual communications between China and Europe since
the mid-nineteenth century. The chapter also points out the difficulties of the dialogue, which could
be seen in particular from the case the conflict around Zhendan University between Ma and the
Jesuit missionaries. The chapter argues that understanding such limitations needs to take into
consideration the contexts of the Catholic Church in China and Europe. Hence the third chapter goes
back to 1901-1919 and looks into the activities of Catholics like Vincent Lebbe, Ma Xiangbo and
Lu Zhengxiang. The group of Catholics made efforts both in China and Europe to reduce the
limitation of mutual communications between the Catholic mission in China and Chinese people. It
shows how Lebbe, Ma and Lu engaged the Catholic Church in Belgium, the Vatican as well as the
Chinese society to conduct reforms, and discusses the obstacles they faced from the French
Protectorate. The direct influence of their activities on the making of The Blue Lotus was to form a
connection between Belgium and China via the Catholic Church, which later enabled Zhang
Chongren to go to Brussels in 1931. The fourth chapter centres on how the network, in particular
the Catholic project for Chinese students in Europe, facilitated the meeting of Hergéand Zhang
Chongren to work on the what was to become The Blue Lotus in 1934. Given the obstructions from
French intervention on the Catholic issues and an anti-Christian sentiment in China, the chapter sets
out how Lebbe and his associates formed the Catholic project to communicate with Chinese youths,
and made Belgium its headquarters as a solution to tackle the difficulties from 1920. Thanks to the
project and the amity it evoked in Belgian society, Zhang was able to pursue study in Belgium and
find mental support to relieve his anxiety for his homeland, as China was embroiled in the Sino-
Japanese conflict. Catholics working for the project like AndréBoland and Lu Zhengxiang initiated
the collaboration of Zhang and Hergé, since they expected that the Belgian Catholic media could
express solidarity with China. The conclusion chapter discusses the influence and legacy of The Blue
Lotus on both Hergéand Zhang individually and to readers of the comics. It demonstrates that the
message of solidarity worked not only in the 1930s with regards to the Sino-Japanese conflict, but
also in recent times through the friendship of Tintin and Tchang. In addition, the aspiration to
syncretise Chinese and Western knowledge advocated by Ma Xiangbo and Lu Zhengxiang resulted
in Hergé’s artistic style, as he merged the art line of Chinese painting into his “clear line” style.
Although the Sino-Belgian Catholic network dissolved in the 1940s after the foundation of PRC,
due to the hostility between the Chinese state and the Catholic Church, the comic and the art
continues to carry the message mutual communication and solidarity across borders.

22
 Chapter 1: Catholic context of The Blue Lotus

Produced in 1935, the Belgian comics The Blue Lotus (The Adventures of Tintin) is regarded as
breakthroughs of its creator Hergé. His careful presentation of China and the emotional depiction of
Tintin’s friendship with Tchang indicated his changing attitudes towards other cultures, compared
with that in the previous Tintin as well as other contemporary comics, e.g. the “yellow peril”
stereotype. It is widely known that such changes were influenced by his collaboration with Zhang
Chongren, a Chinese art student in Brussels. Tintinologists put forward possibilities to explain the
pro-China stance in the comics, including the suspicion of Zhang being a secret communist agent.
Yet tracing the wider connections of Zhang and Hergérespectively, I purpose that The Blue Lotus
needs to be read in the contexts of a Sino-Belgian Catholic network. Because this network wanted
to realize a solidarity between the Catholic Church and China, it was sensitive to the presentation of
China in Catholic media, including Tintin on the Catholic newspaper Le Vingetième Siècle. This
Catholic context provide a perspective to understand the comics. In return, The Blue Lotus serves as
a prism to look into a facet of the complicated relationships between the Catholic Church and China
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.

I. The Blue Lotus

In 1934 Brussels, a new comic of the adventures of Tintin began to be serialized in the Catholic
youth weekly supplement Le Petit Vingtième [The Little Twentieth]. Having had been to The Soviet
Unions, Congo, America and Middle East since 1929, the cartoon Belgian journalist embarked on a
new adventure to Shanghai, China. The comic would run from August 1934 to October 1935. It was
called “Tintin in the Far East” (Tintin en extrême-orient) before being renamed “The Blue Lotus”
(Le lotus bleu) in 1936.

Continuing the story taking place in the Middle East where Tintin revealed the secrets of an
international opium smuggling enterprise (Cigars of the Pharaoh), The Blue Lotus is the story of
how Tintin and his Chinese friends worked together to confront another branch of the international
opium traffic in China. Against the backdrop of the Sino-Japanese conflict in the 1930s, Tintin
arrived in Shanghai after receiving a message seeking his help. He soon joined forces with the Sons
of the Dragon, the local secret society led by Mr Wang. The society was to combat an opium
smuggling group which was operated by the Japanese agent Mitsuhirato 平野松成 and held secret
meetings at an opium den called “Blue Lotus”. Tintin thwarted the traps set for him by bandits,
associated with mainly the Japanese, but also English authorities. At that time, different parts of

23
Shanghai were separately controlled by the International Settlement, Japanese force (the Hongkou
虹 口 area) and the local municipal government, and they had interesting exchanges and
negotiations among each other.

In order to find a cure to treat Didi, the son of Mr Wang who was poisoned by the Japanese and went
mad, Tintin went to see a Dr Fang Hsi-ying (the French version) 方世英 but found that he had been
kidnapped. On his way to a small town called “Hou-Kou” where he was going to pay a ransom for
Dr Fang, he saved a Chinese orphan boy Tchang from the flooding river and they quickly became
friends. Upon return, having discovered that Mr Wang and his family had been captured by
Mitsuhirato, Tintin found a clue and hurried to the Blue Lotus opium den, but he was discovered.
Just as he and the Wangs were facing the immense danger of being decapitated by Didi who was
still in madness, Tchang and other members of the Sons of the Dragon showed up to save them and
arrest the opium traffickers. In the end, Dr Fang cured Didi, Mr Wang adopted Tchang as his son,
and Mitsuhirato committed suicide. Tearfully, Tintin said his goodbyes to Tchang and Mr Wang at
the dock and boarded the boat back to Belgium.1

1 Hergé, Le Lotus bleu.

24
Figure 1.1 Some covers of “Tintin in the Far East”: top left, the announcement of the
forthcoming comic, with the motto “What is under heaven is for all” of Sun Zhongshan in
Chinese on the banner (2nd August 1934); top middle, “Between two fires!” as Tintin was caught
in the crossfire in front of the “International Settlement” (7th March 1935); top right, “We see
that Mr Fang Hsi-ying has been kidnapped” with Mr Fang walking towards a car in the rain
(4th April 1935); bottom left, “a rescue” as Tintin saving Tchang from the flood (30th May 1935);
bottom middle, “in the mouth of the wolf” with Tintin, Mr Wang and Mrs Wang facing the
immense danger of being decapitated by Didi who was poisoned by the Japanese villain
Mitsuhirato (29th August 1935); bottom left, “Tintin returns!” as Mr Wang and Tchang waving
goodbye to the boat departing from Shanghai (17th October 1935). Images from the internet.

Hergé(pseudonym of Georges Prosper Remi), the creator of Tintin, was pleased with this comic. In
1936, According to Benoî
t Peeters, after the serialisation of The Blue Lotus in the newspaper, Hergé
wanted to promote it in book format with the help of his publisher, Casterman, as the sales had
remained modest.2 Following the suggestion of the publisher to modify the format of the Tintin
album, so as to utilise colours as much as possible, Hergécreated the coloured cover design of The
Blue Lotus.3 Inspired by the film Shanghai Express (1932),4 in which a coded telegram refers to a
“blue lotus”, in the comic “blue lotus” in a telegram was decoded to be the name of the opium den.
To make the comic more appealing, Hergédecided to make it the title of the comic, which was short

2 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 79.

3 Wilmet, Tintin noir sur blanc, 62–63.
4 Shanghai Express is a 1932 American film directed by Josef von Sternberg and starring Marlene Dietrich, Clive
Brook, Anna May Wong, and Warner Oland. Set in a three-day express train from Beiping to Shanghai in the
civil war-embroiled China, the story is about love and adventure between the British Captain Donald Harvey
and “Shanghai Lily” Madeline. It was a financial success that year.

25
and mysterious. Given the popularity of Shanghai Express (box office of 3.7 million dollars), it
would remind people of Shanghai and China (fig. 1.2). The cover design of The Blue Lotus created
in 1936 also took inspiration from a photo in A-Z magazine of Anna May Wong 黃柳霜, who played
a role in Shanghai Express (fig. 1.3).5 Hergéwas satisfied with the outcome when he received the
copy of the book. He wrote in the letter to his friend Charles Lesne on 8th October 1936 that: “It is
too good for kids!”6

Figure 1.2 Left, the mysterious telegram of a “blue lotus” in Shanghai Express; middle and right,
the encrypted telegram pointing to the Blue Lotus opium den in The Blue Lotus. Images from
the Tintin website and Le Lotus bleu.

Figure 1.3 Left, photo of Anna May Wong in A-Z magazine (1932); middle, cover of The Blue
Lotus (1936 edition); right, cover of The Blue Lotus (1946 edition). Images from the Tintin
website.

5 ‘The Blue Lotus’, accessed 13 July 2019, http://en.tintin.com/albums/show/id/29/page/0/0/the-blue-lotus.

6 Wilmet, Tintin noir sur blanc, 64.

26
At first glance, The Blue Lotus is a continuation of previous episodes in that Tintin carried on
restoring justice and helping the weak around the world. In addition, the theme of combatting
international opium smuggling is a natural sequel to the previous Middle Eastern adventure. Yet
examined closely in the contexts of the Tintin series, The Blue Lotus has many striking
breakthroughs, which has been widely discussed and acknowledged in previous studies of Tintin.

First and foremost is the precise depiction of China and Chinese people, in sharp contrast with those
vague caricatures in previous Tintin and other contemporary comics. In the first Tintin story to the
Soviet Unions, there appeared two Chinese people. They looked alike except for the differences in
their clothing: the same appearances and the same role to torture Tintin (fig. 1.4).7 In the 1930s,
there were not many comics concerning China, while those that mentioned it presented Chinese
people in the same caricatured manner. For instance, in Bibor et Tribar [Bibor and Tribar] by Rob-
Vel (1938), the two French sailors, Bibor and Tribar, came across ordinary Chinese people and
mandarins wearing braids, having slanted eyes and dressed in traditional-looking costumes. They
are presented in the same stereotype as in Tintin in the land the Soviets (fig. 1.5). After analysing
comics about China during that period, Kim Yong-ja said in summary that “the image of China
appears both ambiguous […] and distorted by anachronism and exoticism”.8

7 Hergé, Les aventures de Tintin au pays des soviets [The Adventures of Tintin in the land of the Soviets], Les Aventures de
Tintin 1 (Tournai: Casterman, 1930), 66–67.
8 Kim Yong-ja, ‘Le Chinois dans la Bande Dessinée et la Caricature de la Presse Européenne Francophone
durant l’entre-Deux-Guerres’, in Stéréotypes Nationaux et Préjugés Raciaux aux XIX et XX°Siècles : Sources et Méthodes
pour une Approche Historique, UniversitéCatholique de Louvain 24 (Louvain-la-Neuve/Leuven: Bureau du
Recueil, 1982), 117–33.

27
 Figure 1.4 Chinese people in The Adventures of Tintin in the land of the Soviets
Images from Les aventures de Tintin au pays des soviets.

Figure 1.5 Chinese people in “Bibor et Tribar”, by Rob-Vel in Le Journal de Spirou (1938).
Images from Stéréotypes nationaux et préjugés raciaux aux XIX et XX siècles.

28
Even over a decade after The Blue Lotus, the presentation of Chinese/Asian people remained the
same, despite a huge leap in the drawing technique, for example, Blake and Mortimer (Les Aventures
de Blake et Mortimer) which came out in 1946 created by Edgar P. Jacobs. The comic was about
the adventures of Philip Mortimer, a leading British scientist, and his friend Captain Francis Blake
of MI5. Its first story, Le Secret de l’Espadon [The Secret of the Swordfish], created an enemy of
the “free world” – the “Yellow Empire”. In the story, the “Yellows” were about to launch a
worldwide aggression and destroy the free world. The facial feature and the cruel personality of the
“Yellows” did not vary much far from the two Chinese people in Tintin in the land the Soviets (fig.
1.6). Benoît Peeters pointed out that: “in Blake and Mortimer and Buck Danny (Les Aventures de
Buck Danny) […] it would still be nothing but ‘the Yellows’ and ‘lemon faces’ for a long time to
come”.9

Figure 1.6 The Yellow Empire as the villain in the bande dessinée The Adventures of Blake
and Mortimer. Image from Le Secret de l’Espadon (1946).

Comparing the drawings above of Chinese people with those in The Blue Lotus, the visual difference
is remarkable. As shown in the preparatory sketches for the comic below, there were studies of
precise variations of Chinese people, showing all kinds of facial features and attire, which
contributed to the making of distinctive Chinese figures in the story, such as Mr Wang and Tchang.

9 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 77.

29
On top of that, The Blue Lotus specifically devoted a dramatic and hilarious scene to make fun of
people still unaware of stereotypes. In the scene, two European policemen, Dupont and Dupond,
believed that they were in perfect disguise among Chinese, by wearing out-dated and exaggerated
costumes. Their self-approval contrasts with the reality that they became the laughing stock. The
locals were depicted here with rich individual differences, providing another visual contrast to the
identical appearances of the two policemen (fig. 1.7). In this respect, the originality of these changes
and the changes themselves are both striking in comparison.

Figure 1.7 Left, sketches of figures; right, the “stereotype” scene

Photo by author at Musée Hergé(September 2017) and image from Le Lotus bleu

Not only the precision of figures, but also almost all the details in the comic are based on actual
references. Michael Farr commented that: “The result is a masterpiece. Tintin is immersed in
extreme realism – Shanghai exactly as it was in 1934. It takes Tintin to a level we had not seen
before, because the previous adventures were approximations of a country [...] They did not have
the rich, accurate detail of The Blue Lotus”.10 This includes the language: as shown in one of the
covers of Le Petit Vingtième, the motto of Sun Zhongshan 孙中山 “What is under heaven is for all”
天下为公 was written in accurate Chinese (fig 1.1). It also replicates the political and social setting.
As described in the synopsis, The Blue Lotus presented the complexity of different administrative
zones in Shanghai and their interrelationship.

Secondly, Tintin’s personality shows a more humane and cooperative side. Unlike previous stories
where Tintin dealt with dangers by himself, in China Tintin worked with Chinese people. It is a

10 Michael Farr, ‘The Best Book on Tintin’, n.d., https://fivebooks.com/best-books/tintin-michael-farr/.

30
reciprocal collaboration: while he helped to decipher mysterious messages and save the lives of Didi
and Tchang, he was also saved by Mr Wang, Tchang, even ordinary strangers several times (fig 1.8).
Chinese people in The Blue Lotus was no longer cruel and primitive as in the Soviet story; instead
they were kind and smart, showing the same qualities as Tintin.

Figure 1.8 Left, Tintin saved Tchang from the river; right, realizing the man disguised as
a photographer was part of a trap to kill Tintin, Tchang fought to stop him from pulling
the trigger. The Japanese bandit said “Damn! My machine gun is jammed!” and “Filthy
Chinese! I am going to teach you to mind your own business!” Images from Le Lotus
bleu.

Tintin relied on their local knowledge to tackle difficulties. A representative scene shows how
Tchang used his wit and ability to save Tintin after he was detained by the two policemen Dupont
and Dupond. The policemen obtained a warrant written in Chinese for the arrest of Tintin, but they
accidentally dropped the paper. Tchang noticed it, picked it up and replaced it with another one
written in Chinese that “in case you have not noticed, we are lunatics and this proves it”. Retrieving
the paper but unaware of the substitution, Dupont and Dupond handed it in to the local Chinese
superintendent, who laughed out and immediately released Tintin after reading it. When Tchang
explained what had happened and cleared his confusion, Tintin graped Tchang’s shoulders with both
hands and exclaimed: “What a great fellow you are, Tchang!” (fig 1.9)

31
 Figure 1.9 Tchang explained to Tintin why he was immediately released by the local
superintendent. Image from Le Lotus bleu.

Towards the end, Tintin and Tchang became such close friends that Tintin was in tears when he had
to leave Shanghai. Although it is not correct as Harry Thompson has claimed that “Chang [Tchang]
is the only character Tintin ever cries for”11, Tintin did weep very rarely throughout his twenty-four
adventures over forty-eight years: twice for his dog Milou as he thought he had lost it (Tintin in the
Land of the Soviets and Flight 714), twice in The Blue Lotus, for the Wang family out of his
sympathy for Didi and for Tchang at departure (fig 1.10). Twice again for Tchang in a later story,
Tintin in Tibet (1960), when he learnt that Tchang had disappeared after a plane crash and when he
finally found him.

11 Thompson, Tintin.

32
 Figure 1.10 Left, seeing that Mrs Wang is weeping over the madness of her son, Didi,
Tintin cried with sympathy (“poor poor Mom”) and comforted her that he would try
to get the poison analysed the day after, to find a cure for her son; right, tearful parting
with Tchang and Mr Wang at the dock. Images from Le Lotus bleu.

Tintin has never been that emotional, nor been that close to local people in places he travelled to in
previous adventures. In the trip to the Congo – then a Belgian colony – Tintin hired a local boy,
Coco, to assist him in his travels. Jean-Marie Apostolidès criticized the fact that Tintin possessed
such a dominating and imposing attitude towards the Africans that: “Coco teaches him nothing about
the country. Face with his master’s raised finger, Coco always responds: ‘Yes, Master.’ The little
African is assigned only menial tasks: watching the car, preparing the meals, and carrying their
equipment”. 12 Judged by contemporary readers today, the Congo story has a strong racist and
colonial tone, for which it was strongly criticized, even triggering campaigns to ban it around 2010.13
However, Michael Farr pointed out that it was created in 1931 when colonialism was the common
sense.14 Contrary to the mainstream negative view, Farr witnessed its reception in Africa during his
travels there: “the hardest book to buy in Francophone Africa is Tintin in the Congo – not because
it’s politically incorrect but because they love it so much it is sold out in bookshops. Africans I have
spoken to have said what a privilege it was that Tintin came to their continent”.15 According to the

12 Apostolidès, The Metamorphoses of Tintin, 13.

13 Sarah Rainey, ‘Tintin: List of “racist” Complaints’, 3 November 2011, sec. Culture,
https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/booknews/8866997/Tintin-list-of-racist-complaints.html; ‘Ban
“racist” Tintin Book, Says CRE’, May 2009, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1557233/Ban-racist-
Tintin-book-says-CRE.html; ‘Tintin: Heroic Boy Reporter or Sinister Racist?’, May 2010,
http://content.time.com/time/arts/article/0,8599,1986416,00.html; ‘Effort to Ban Tintin Comic Book Fails in
Belgium’, May 2012, https://www.theguardian.com/law/2012/may/14/effort-ban-tintin-congo-fails.
14Pascal Lefèvre, ‘The Congo Drawn in Belgium’, in History and Politics in French-Language Comics and Graphic
Novels, ed. Mark McKinney (University Press of Mississippi, 2008).
15 Farr, ‘The Best Book on Tintin’.

33
analysis of Christophe Cassiau-Haurie, one of the reasons for Congolese being proud of it today is
that Tintin in the Congo was one of the first artistic works to bring the country into the world
imagination.16 Moreover, in fact Congolese did not appear all passive in the story: Tintin’s travel
companion, Coco, despite being a cowardly boy, took the initiative to free Tintin from being
captured (fig. 1.11).

Figure 1.11 Left, Tintin asked Coco to wait and watch the car while he went hunting and
Coco replied “Yes Master”; right, Tintin was captured and accused of stealing a fetish which
was planted in his hut; later that night Coco showed up to save him. Images from Tintin au
Congo (1946 coloured version).

In sum, compared with the previous Tintin and in the contexts of contemporary comic works, The
Blue Lotus pays attention to precision instead of approximation of the setting, and overcomes the
colonial ideologies found in earlier works. It presents China in a sharply different way from the
common stereotype of barbarity and makes Chinese characters more active and humane, so much
so that the relationship between Tintin and local people becomes equal and reciprocal. Benoî
t
Peeters described the comic as “exceptionally moving”17 and Laurence Vanin sees it as a work “to
rethink the differences and to meditate tolerance [...] [and] resolve the shortcomings of the
ethnocentricity”.18

Taking into consideration a common perception of China at that time helps to make sense of the
early image of China in Tintin. The notion of “Yellow Peril” from the late nineteenth century spoke
of the anxiety that people from the East are danger and threat to the Western world.19 The Boxer
Movement in 1900 reinforced the stereotype. The Getty Research Institute holds one of the largest

16 Christophe Cassiau-Haurie, L’Histoire de la Bande Dessinée Congolaise (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2010); ‘Tintin
Superstar au Congo’, Le Monde, 3 September 2015, https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2015/09/04/tintin-
superstar-au-congo_4746163_3212.html.
17 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 76.
18Laurence Vanin, Tintin & Hergé : une aventure de la pensée !, 1 vols, Essais (Valence-d’Albigeois: Éd. de la Hutte,
2013).
19John Kuo Wei Tchen, Yellow Peril!: An Archive of Anti-Asian Fear, ed. Dylan Yeats (London: Verso Books,
2013).

34
collections of China photography in the United States. Having studied the holdings, Sarah E. Eraser
argues that between 1860-1920 “China” became a popular object of spectatorship, created by
professional photographers and consumed by Western audience, but it was framed through violence
and submission: “the captions note class and racial qualities, and the images are often explicitly
violent”.20 One of the example she chose to illustrate her point was a photograph of a group of
Boxers. Colin MacKerras studied the ways in which Westerners have perceived China by analysing
the sources from the media. Concerning the Boxer Movement, he pointed out that: “the main images
of the Chinese to emerge from the literature spawned by the Boxer uprising are cruelty, treachery,
and xenophobia”.21

The stereotype had an impact on popular culture and was reproduced by it. As shown above, Edgar
P. Jacobs drew a story on the threat to the “free world” coming from the “Yellow Empire” in his
Blake and Mortimer adventure (fig. 1.4). During the same period, a more influential fictional villain
is Fu Manchu 傅满洲 by Sax Rohmer, who was portrayed as an evil criminal mastermind. Ruth
Mayer, Jenny Clegg and Christopher Frayling have studied how this character gives shape to the
persistent Yellow Peril myth and how it was related to the rise of Sinophobia.22

Hergé initially reacted in the same way. He said that he “had been impressed by images and stories
of the Boxer Movement, where the focus was always on the cruelties of the Yellows”, which had a
strong impact on him.23 It explains his depiction of cruelty in the Tintin Soviet story. But just a few
years after it, Chinese characters in The Blue Lotus were no longer evil nor threatening, but kind and
friendly. What prompted him to this radical change?

The key factor was revealed by Hergé himself – his collaboration with Zhang Chongren when
creating the The Blue Lotus in 1934 (fig. 1.12). Zhang helped Hergéto correct the contexts and
details of China in the comic. Learning about China from Zhang, Hergésaid that he changed his
previous understandings and began to appreciate its culture. He commented that: “He [Zhang] made
me discover and love Chinese poetry, the Chinese [literary] writing […] For me, it was a revelation”.
He said that Zhang introduced to him a civilization of which he had been completely ignorant. It

20 Sarah E. Fraser, ‘The Face of China: Photography’s Role in Shaping Image, 1860—1920’, Getty Research
Journal, no. 2 (2010): 39–52.
21 Colin Mackerras, Western Images of China (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 60.
22Ruth Mayer, Serial Fu Manchu: The Chinese Supervillain and the Spread of Yellow Peril Ideology (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 2013); Jenny Clegg, Fu Manchu and the Yellow Peril: The Making of a Racist Myth (Staffordshire:
Trentham, 1994); Christopher Frayling, The Yellow Peril: Dr Fu Manchu & the Rise of Chinaphobia (London: Thames
& Hudson, 2014).
23 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 60–61.

35
also made him realize that he should be careful and responsible for what he drew, for the sake of
honesty vis-à-vis those who read him.24

This experience had a long-term influence on his worldview and working method. He became more
open-minded towards other cultures and people, as he said: “more and more, I strive to know and
understand, to break barriers, literally and figuratively. If I started to travel […] this was not only to
see new landscapes, not only to get documents, but to discover other ways of living, other ways of
thinking; in sum, to expand my worldview. All this is partly owed to Zhang”25 He also realized a
sense of responsibility. He said to Peeters in 1977 that: “I think that Zhang was, without knowing it,
one of the artists who had the most influence on me […] it was he who made aware of the absolute
necessity of being well informed about a country […]”.26 His worldview and responsibility were
reflected on his working method, as Ann Miller summarized: “Famously, after his meeting with
Tchang Tchong-Jen [Zhang Chongren] [...] Hergé began an almost obsessive concern with
documentary accuracy in his depiction of the locations into which he sent his heroes”.27

In addition to content, his appreciation and learning of Chinese culture also inspired him to improve
his drawing technique. When answering Sadoul’s question on who he recognized as artistic
influences, alongside the French illustrators Benjamin Rabier (1864–1939) and RenéVincent (1879-
1936), the American cartoonist Geo MacManus (1884-1954, Bringing Up Father) and the
francophone comic pioneer Alain Saint-Ogan (1895-1974, Zig et Puce), he said:

— Hergé: Another influence, from The Blue Lotus on: Chinese drawing. My friend Zhang, at
that time, had given me a small collection of [drawing] models that were used in the schools
there [in China], to teach both reading and drawing. So, I was able to study the best Chinese
painters and drawers.
— Sadoul: Undoubtedly, The Blue Lotus is also a turning point in your drawing technique: it
is the first episode which one can speak of the aesthetics.
—Hergé: Perhaps. Anyway, my drawing began to improve from that point on.28

24 Hergéand Sadoul, 61.

25 Hergéand Sadoul, 92.
26 Hergé, HergéIn His Own Words, ed. Dominique Maricq (Brussels: Éditions Moulinsart, 2010), 30.
27Ann Miller, Reading Bande Dessinee: Critical Approaches to French-Language Comic Strip (Bristol: Intellect Books,
2007), 30.
28 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 140–41.

36
 Figure 1.12 Zhang and Hergéin Brussels: left, in front of Hergé’s apartment; right, in
the Parc du Cinquantenaire
Images from Tchang, Comment l’amitié déplaça les montagnes

From this collaboration, Zhang and Hergébecame close friends. This friendship also influenced the
relationship between the characters in The Blue Lotus: Tintin’s friend Tchang, who was helped by
and then helped Tintin, is inspired by Zhang. Although at the end of The Blue Lotus, Tchang and
Tintin wave a tearful farewell, he is not a one-off character. Hergédedicated Tintin in Tibet to him
in 1960, in which Tintin was determined to find Tchang who was thought to have died in an air crash
in Tibet. Hergésaid Tintin in Tibet was “a kind of song dedicated to friendship”.29

Thus, it is obvious that Zhang was the key reason the for the changes seen in The Blue Lotus, even
breakthroughs. His help gave the comic precise details of the setting, his introduction of China
overcame the common stereotype of Yellow Peril, and their friendship endowed the characters in
the story a relationship of mutual trust and respect. Almost all the studies or popular introductions
on Tintin or The Blue Lotus know the importance of Zhang to Hergé: biographies by Pierre Assouline,
Benoî
t Peeters and Philippe Goddin respectively described their encounters; Michael Farr introduced
the character Tchang as well as its model Zhang; Pierre Borvin, discussed the important influences

29 Hergéand Sadoul, 203.

37
on Hergé, including that of Zhang.30 The most comprehensive summary comes from Jean-Loup
Batelière, who produced a book to introduce how Hergécreated The Blue Lotus.31

However, this answer to the changes in The Blue Lotus does not go far enough, because Zhang seems
to bring not only just one or two new items of technical or cultural knowledge to Hergé, but also a
radical change in ideology, if one focuses on the shifts in ideological content from previous Tintin
stories expressed in Tintin.

II. Existing research and unanswered questions

In his previous stories, Tintin represented right-wing ideology: anti-Communism (Soviet), pro-
colonialism (Congo) and anti-financial capitalism (America). But with The Blue Lotus, Hergébegan
to criticize colonialism and imperialism. To expose the problem of Western self-approving
superiority, in one scene he sarcastically made the businessman Mr Gibbons claimed about
“civilizing the Chinese” (fig. 1.13).32 Moreover, in the comic the context of Sino-Japanese conflict
is conveyed through recreating the Mukden Incident, which happened on 18th September 1931 as
the pretext for the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. Hergémade Tintin witness the whole plot and
showed that it was the Japanese conspiracy (fig. 1.14).

Figure 1.13 Scene of Mr Gibbons complaining: “Where are we heading if we cannot

even instil some notions of politeness in these dirty yellows? It really puts you off to
civilize a bit these barbarians! Would we thus no longer have no right over them? We,
who bring them the benefits of our beautiful western civilization?” Images from Le Lotus
bleu.

30 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin; Pierre Assouline, Hergé:The Man Who Created Tintin (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2009); Philippe Goddin, Hergé:Lignes de Vie (Brussels: Éditions Moulinsart, n.d.); Michael Farr and Hergé,
Tintin & Co. (London: Egmont, 2007); Borvin, Hergésous Influence, 102–23.
31 Jean-Loup Batelière, Comment Hergéa CrééLe Lotus Bleu (Bédéstory, 2009).
32 Hergé, Le Lotus Bleu [The Blue Lotus], Les Aventures de Tintin 5 (Tournai: Casterman, 1946), 7.

38
 Figure 1.14 Scene of rail bombing in The Blue Lotus
Images from Le Lotus bleu

Hergéacknowledged the political element in the comic: “there was in The Blue Lotus, in addition to
the story itself, a position-taking, an ‘engagement’ as one says today”.33 These political concerns
t Peeters: “[The Blue Lotus] may not
were not popular in right-wing politics. According to Benoî
necessarily be purely leftist, but it is are in any case far from being classically right-wing”. 34
Considering Herge’s close relationship with Zhang and the sudden change of political ideology,
some “Tintinologists” began to speculate about whether there was some hidden agenda beyond the
friendship: who was this Zhang Chongren? Did he purposefully want to generate pro-China
propaganda? Why had Hergétrusted him? Was there an agenda behind the whole thing?

For Tintinologists, Hergéis as mysterious and intriguing as the Tintin story. One reason is that Hergé
was publicity shy and did not reveal much about himself, according to Michael Farr.35 Another
reason is that the HergéFoundation which owns most of his archives is not open to the public.
According to Harry Thompson, the commercial considerations of the Foundation play a role.36 This
Foundation “dispenses worldwide merchandising franchises, and exercises an iron creative control

33 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 71–72.

34 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 77.
35 Farr, ‘The Best Book on Tintin’.
36 Thompson, Tintin, Author's Note.

39
over what can and cannot be done in Hergé’s name”,37 which implies that it is sensitive to the
reputation and image of Hergé. Researchers who had received its assistance described how the
Foundation was keen to get involved in the process of research. For example, Pierre Assouline said
that: “[the Foundation] assisted me in every way, as if there had been an institutional decision to
dispel all misunderstandings or doubt about any aspect of his life and to clear up any confusion about
the origins of his work”.38

Therefore, although there have been many publications and discussions about Tintin and Hergé, the
sources which they are based upon are mainly published works by those who could access the Hergé
documents with the approval of the Foundation, and Tintin itself. The limited access to first-hand
information resulted in the phenomena that a large number of publications are exegetical analyses
which attempt to “reveal” the “hidden messages” between lines (or images). Jan Baetens argued that
Tintin should not be merely regarded as BD but “literature”.39 Tom McCarthy pointed out it has
many motifs echoing classic literature, and that, as a whole, it is a story of illegitimacy and deceit.40
Others went even further. Dominique Cerbelaud made a comparison between the characters in Tintin
and those in the Bible: the Christ-like traits of Tintin and the roles of his companions as apostle,
traitor, disciples or mother.41 By referring to mythological or religious texts, rituals and symbols,
Olivier Reibel claimed that the recurring themes of secret societies, occult sciences and Oriental
religions in Tintin are not simply curiosities of Hergé, but metaphors to reveal the hidden message
that esotericism is omnipresent at the heart of his work and life.42 In fact, Hergédid not object to
interpretation: “it is the job of the exegetes to discover unconscious things, which you are unaware
of; I do not know if they are right or wrong”.43 These literary analysis are thus rich and interesting
to learn of, but this historical research will not mainly use textual analysis but documents.

It is the same with The Blue Lotus. In fact, the comic appears even more mysterious than other
episodes for a European reader, because of its specific historical setting and the Chinese words in
the drawings. Interpretative reading is popular: Pierre Fresnault-Deruelle focused on visual analysis
of the black & white version, and argued that the use of light effect symbolizing the contrast;44 Jean-

37 Thompson, 208.
38 Pierre Assouline, Hergé:The Man Who Created Tintin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), x.
39 Jan Baetens, Hergéécrivain [Hergé,Writer], Champs (Paris: Flammarion, 2010).
40 Tom McCarthy, Tintin and the Secret of Literature (London: Granta, 2007).
41 Dominique Cerbelaud, ‘Le héros christique [The Christic hero]’, in L’archipel Tintin, Réflexions faites (Brussels:
les Impressions nouvelles, 2012), 36–49.
42 Olivier Reibel, La vie secrète d’Hergé: biographie inattendue, 1 vols (Paris: Dervy, 2010).
43 Annie Baron-Carvais, La bande dessinée [Bande dessinée] (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2007), 81.
44 Fresnault-Deruelle, Les mystères du Lotus Bleu.

40
Marie Apostolidès discussed the plot and claimed that the poisoned Didi always trying to behead his
father and mother should be understood as an expression of the Oedipus complex.45

As far as this research is concerned, I am inclined to use information from books aiming to give
more contexts rather than interpretations, in addition to primary sources, for example biographies of
Zhang and Hergé. But some secondary sources are also misleading due to their assumptions, as in
the following two examples. Lotus Bleu décrypté[Blue Lotus decrypted] by Patrick Merand and Li
Xiaohan explained all the Chinese words in the comic and provided brief cultural references for a
better understanding. 46 It shows that many Chinese words have political messages: “Abolish
unequal treaties”, “Down with imperialism” and “Boycott Japanese goods” (fig. 1.15). It also
translated all the locations mentioned in the comic. Assuming that they are all existing names like
Shanghai and Nanjing, it suggested that small town “Hou-Kou” in the story is Hukou 湖口 in
Jiangxi. Tchang, Comment l’amitié déplaça les montagnes [Zhang, How friendship moved the
Mountains] by Jean-Michel Coblence and Tchang Yifei (second daughter of Zhang) presented the
life of Zhang Chongren.47 The book narrated how Zhang, who was born into a poor family and
brought up in the Jesuit mission in Shanghai, came to study arts in Belgium and met up with Hergé.
Talking about Zhang’s choice to study abroad in 1931, it added an insert to introduce the popularity
of study abroad among Chinese students in the 1920s and 30s. Titled “Chou [Zhou Enlai], Deng
[Deng Xiaoping], Tchang [Zhang Chongren] and others”, it said that: “The most politicized among
them, who will often be found in the ranks of the Communist Party, also want to immerse themselves
in the world of the workers [...] Land of liberties, of human rights, France is par excellence the
country they want to know to acquire a solid political education; two of the greatest Chinese
statesmen stayed there in 1923 and 1924: Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping”.48 It seems to suggest
that Zhang was influenced by the Work-Study Movement to France in the 1920s, as were early
communists.

45 Apostolidès, The Metamorphoses of Tintin; Baetens, Hergéécrivain [Hergé,Writer]; McCarthy, Tintin and the Secret of
Literature.
46Patrick Merand and Li Xiaohan, Lotus Bleu décrypté[Blue Lotus decrypted] (Saint-Maur-des-Fossés: Sépia BD,
2009).
47Jean-Michel Coblence and Tchang Yifei, Tchang, Comment l’amitiédéplaça les montagnes [Chang, How friendship
moved the Mountains] (Moulinsart, 2003).
48 Coblence and Yifei, 48.

41
 Figure 1.15 Left, “Abolish unequal [treaties]”; middle, “Down with imperialism”; right,
“Boycott Japanese goods”. Images from Le Lotus bleu.

Extrapolating the unproven conclusions from the two books discussed above to pursue the question
of why there was a radical change of ideology in The Blue Lotus, some writers have voiced
suspicions about the Zhang-Hergérelationship.

The French investigative journalist Roger Faligot put forward his deduction that Hergéhad been
manipulated by communists through Zhang to gain sympathy for China and even the Communist
Party. His reasons are as follows: firstly, the political slogans and messages in Chinese corresponded
to the propaganda of the Chinese Communist Party; secondly, as Tchang Yifei mentioned the group
of the political figures who went as Chinese students to Europe and that Zhang was acquainted with
Tong Dizhou,49 who would become vice president of Chinese Academy of Science of PRC, Faligot
suspected that Zhang and Tong were both secret sympathizers of the communists; finally, believing
“Hou-kou” is Hukou as explained by Li Xiaohan, he found this choice of place was suspicious,
because Jiangxi contained an important communist base in the early 1930s. He claimed that it was
because society prefers the apolitical story of friendship that The Blue Lotus/communism story took
so long to emerge.50 But in fact he did not go much further than what a fictional comic had already
speculated. Georges & Tchang – Une histoire d’amour au XXe siècle [Georges & Zhang – A Story
of Love in the 20th Century] by Laurent Colonnier basically came up with the same Comintern plot:
Zhang’s room-mate, Tong, a committed communist, manipulates him into getting Hergéto write an
anti-imperialist propaganda piece as part of the communist cause.51

Further research would show that such seemingly plausible arguments cannot hold water. In the first
place, in the 1920s and 1930s, the political demand of equality with the Powers was not limited to

49 Coblence and Yifei, 50.

50 Roger Faligot, Chinese Spies: From Chairman Mao to Xi Jinping (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019),
https://tintinomania.com/tintin-tchang-espion-chinois.
51 Laurent Colonnier, Georges & Tchang : Une Histoire d’amour au Vingtième Siècle (Glénat BD, 2012),
https://www.tintinologist.org/forums/index.php?action=vthread&forum=11&topic=5133.

42
the Communist party. The movement for the abolition of the unequal treaties was led by the
Nationalist party and its successes were achieved by Republican diplomats. Secondly, neither Zhang
nor Tong were member of the Communist Party when they were in Belgium. In fact, the reason for
Zhang to come to Belgium had little to do with the Work-Study Movement to France, as I will show
later. Finally, “Hou-Kou” in the comic is not Hukou in Jiangxi, but a made-up name which is more
likely to be inspired by Zhenjiang in Jiangsu. In the story “Hou-Kou” was both near the Yangtze
River and along the railway line connected with Shanghai. In the 1920s-30s, Shanghai and Jiangxi
were not connected by railway but by the Yangtze River, while the Nanjing-Shanghai line linked
Shanghai directly to the south bank of the River, where Zhenjiang is. When one looks into the
connection of Zhang, its prototype became even clear: Zhang was close to Ma Xiangbo, whose
ancestral home was in Dantu 丹徒, now one of the districts of Zhenjiang. Thus “Hou-Kou” has
nothing to do any communist intention, but is simply a product of Zhang’s familiarity with the
Zhenjiang area.

Although Faligot made a lot of highly contestable claims, he was right about one thing: people have
not investigated the context in which Zhang and Hergébecame friends. He was led in an erroneous
direction by his belief that the sympathy towards the anti-imperialist cause could only come from a
Communist or left-wing milieu. Despite the wrong speculation, the question of why there was such
an eager political statement in The Blue Lotus and how Zhang and Hergé became close friends
remained intriguing. I will pursue the questions from a selectively overlooked yet influential aspect
to both Zhang and Hergé, the Catholic context.

III. The Catholic context

It is easy to figure out the Catholic milieu when one takes a brief look into the biographies of Zhang
and Hergé. Zhang was born to a poor family in Xujiahui, Shanghai in 1907 (fig. 1.16). His parents
were both converted to the Catholic religion by Jesuit missionaries. After his mother passed away,
his father sent him to the Jesuit Tushanwan Orphange, where he was taken care of and received
primary education. Graduated from school, he learnt painting, photography and French with the
Jesuit priest An Jingzhai 安敬斋. Zhang was close to Ma Xiangbo, the Catholic Jesuit intellectual
and founder of Zhendan 震旦 and Fudan 复旦 University, who also lived in Xujiahui. With the
help of Ma, he sought the chance to study arts in Brussels.52

Hergéwas born in the same year as Zhang, in Etterbeek, the south-eastern part of Brussels. As many
Belgians at that time, his family belonged to the Catholic Church. Growing up primarily in a Catholic

52 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu.

43
environment, he went to Catholic schools and joined Catholic-led scouting. 53 His passion for
drawing was discovered by René Weverbergh, the scout director at his school, Saint-Boniface
(Institut Saint-Boniface). Weverbergh published his illustrations in the Catholic scout journal Le
Boy-Scout (fig. 1.17) and recommended Father Norbert Wallez, director of the Catholic newspaper
Le Vingtième Siècle, to hire him, where Hergéfirst published Tintin.54

Figure 1.16 St. Ignatius Cathedral Figure 1.17 Cover of Le Boy Scout journal
(Cathédrale Saint-Ignace) 圣 依 纳 爵 天 by Hergé (see his signature on the right

主堂 in Xujiahui (1910s). Images from side of the tip of the scarf) in 1926. Image
from Tintinomania website.
Virtual Shanghai website.

Father Wallez and Le Vingtième Siècle popularized Tintin in its early stage. After Tintin’s Soviet
adventure, he organized a promotional publicity stunt: a boy called Lucien Pepermans dressed up as
Tintin and accompanied by Hergé, pretended to return from the Soviet Unions and arrived at the
Brussels North station (fig. 1.18). They were welcomed by over three thousand children.55 Wallez
put up a similar event after the Congo story and received over six thousand attendants (fig. 1.19).56
The newspaper press published the stories in book format after their serialization on the newspaper
to promote sales. Wallez made Tintin known to other countries via their Catholic journals: through

53 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 29.

54 ‘René Weverbergh : Grace àlui, Georges Remi est Devenu Hergé’, n.d., https://tintinomania.com/tintin-
herge-weverbergh.
55 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 40.
56 ‘Tintin, Hergé et les Trains’ Exhibition, 2010, Musée Hergé.

44
his meeting with Father Gaston Courtois, director of the French Catholic weekly Cœurs Vaillants
[Brave Hearts], Tintin began to serialize exclusively in France in 1930. 57 In 1932 the Swiss
magazine L’Écho Illustré [The Illustrated Echo] and in 1936 the Portuguese Catholic magazine O
Papagaio [The Parrot] also reprinted the comic.58

Figure 1.18 “Tintin” played by Lucien Pepermans (second from left) and his loyal fox terrier “Milou”
(on the leash) at the welcome ceremony at the Brussels North Station of his return from “The
Soviet Unions” in 1930. Image from the video “Tintin revient” of the exhibition “Tintin, Hergé
et les Trains” (Musée Hergé, 2010).

57 ‘En Savoir plus sur Hergé et Cœurs Vaillants’, n.d., https://tintinomania.com/tintin-coeurs-vaillants.

58 Hergé, HergéIn His Own Words, 21–22.

45
Figure 1.19 Procession to the office of Le Vingtième Siècle, after the welcome ceremony of
“Tintin” (in the car). Recognizable words on the banner are “Tintin” and “Milou”. Image from
the video “Tintin revient”.

Therefore, Tintin could be said to be born in the Catholic milieu of Francophone comics from the
interwar period. Bob Garcia, Philippe Delisle and Luc Courtois have noticed and detailed the
relationship between comics and the Catholic religion. 59 Looking into early Belgian comic
cartoonists, such as Hergé, Jijé, Franquin, Peyo, and Mitacqa, they found that they all exclusively
published their works in Catholic media (weekly and magazine). Luc Courtois explained that it is
because the Catholic Church had both the text-image cultural tradition and the intention to influence
the younger generation, led by Pope Pius X whose motto is “Instaurare Omnia in Christo [Restore
all things in Christ]”. The Church was eager and able exercise a quasi-monopoly in the children’s
press and promote early comics.60

Judging from the backgrounds of Zhang, Hergéand Tintin, it seems that the comic has a strong
Catholic tie. Yet when it comes to the analysis of The Blue Lotus and Tintin in general, the Catholic
dimension has been rarely mentioned. The Catholic element also hardly appear in Tintin: except for
the Congo episode which shows a missionary, there was no obvious presence of Catholic element.
Garcia pointed out his surprise: “despite the impressive amount of exegesis on Hergé, there is no

59 Bob Garcia, Tintin, Le Diable et le Bon Dieu (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 2018); Philippe Delisle, Spirou, Tintin et
Cie: Une Littérature Catholique? (Paris: Karthala, 2010); Luc Courtois, ‘Les Catholiques Francophones Belges et la
Bande Dessinée: Un Apport Majeur’, in Presse Populaire Catholique et Presse Démocrate Chrétienne en Wallonie et à
Bruxelles (1830-1914) [Popular Catholic Press and Christian Democrat Press In Wallonia and Brussels], ed. Paul Gérin
(Louvain: Nauwelaerts, 1975).
60 Courtois, ‘Les Catholiques Francophones Belges et la Bande Dessinée: Un Apport Majeur’, 519–20.

46
work offering a reading of his work from a religious angle”. His thus attempted to unveil the spiritual
concern in Tintin, which he said has allusions to the values of Catholic religion, which he thought
Tintin teach us tolerance, respect and openness to the world.61

As far as I am concerned, Garcia and many other researchers have examined Tintin from the
perspective of a contemporary reader, in which the Catholic element seems lacking and needs textual
analysis to draw the connection between the religion and the comic. Yet, as shown above, before the
Second World War Tintin came out and was circulated among Catholic readers, thus the Catholic
element did not need to be explicit. When one considers The Blue Lotus from the perspective of its
historical audience, its underlying Catholic message would become clear: who were the intended
readers? what was the contexts it responded to? what the result it wanted to achieve?

It needs to be pointed out in the first place that the Belgian society was divided mainly between the
liberals and Catholics from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. As I will show
in the following chapters, belonging to the Catholic milieu implies having little contact with non-
Catholic institutions, as social life was organised according to ideological belonging.62 Therefore,
the majority of the Tintin readers were children from Belgian Catholic families and their parents.

In addition to that, another group of reader was also the intended audience of The Blue Lotus:
Chinese students in Belgium. Confided to Sadoul by Hergé, the meeting with Zhang was introduced
by the Catholic priest Leon Gosset, chaplain for Chinese student at Leuven University, who gave
him a special warning: “Now, Tintin will depart for China. If you show the Chinese as how
Westerners often represent them; if you show them with a braid, which was, under the Manchu
dynasty, a sign of slavery; if you show them as cunning and cruel; if you speak of ‘Chinese’ tortures,
then you will cruelly hurt my students. Please, be careful; inform yourself!”63 Zhang Chongren also
recalled the initiator: it was through the introduction of Lu Zhangxiang, former Prime Minister of
Republican China and then Benedictine monk in Bruges, that he came to know about Hergéand
help him with creating the comic.64 A letter of reply from Hergéto Father AndréBoland in 1934,
the predecessor of Gosset, revealed more details about the intention: Boland suggested him make

61 Garcia, Tintin, Le Diable et le Bon Dieu.

62 Jan Art, ‘Social Control in Belgium: The Catholic Factor’, in Social Control in Europe: 1800-2000, ed. Clive
Emsley, Eric Johnson, and Pieter Spierenburg, vol. 2 (Columbus: The Ohio State University Press, 2004), 112–
24, https://muse.jhu.edu/book/28322.
63 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 59–60.
64 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 196–203.

47
the Tintin story to China a charge against Japanese imperialism rather than a caricature of the
Chinese, which Hergéagreed.65

The purpose of the comic become easier to understand, given the involvement from Catholic priests
before its making. A group of priests including Gosset, Boland and Lu hoped that the comic would
care about the feelings of Chinese student group in Belgium; it would show more about China that
were unknown to most Europeans; and it would influence the public opinion in Belgium concerning
the Sino-Japanese conflict. Considering this background, the Catholic presence in The Blue Lotus is
not lacking but prevalent. Absorbing the suggestions from these priests, the comic realized them
through its careful treatment of details of China and its explicit criticism of Japanese imperialism.

This Catholic presence in the making of The Blue Lotus leads to a further inquiry, because the
initiative and intention of Gosset, Boland and Lu seem to be coordinated and unanimous. If their
involvements were not out of individual opinion but institutional, then what had united these priests
in Belgium to care about China, its students, its difficulties and the public opinion of it in Europe?

Since the beginning of the twentieth century, a group of Catholics in Belgium as well as in China
has been concerned about not only China, but the China-Catholic relationship at large. Because they
were worried about the hostility and misunderstanding expressed in the China-Catholic encounter
from the nineteenth century (missionary incidents) to the early twentieth century (anti-Christianity
movement). Figures including Lu Zhengxiang, Ma Xiangbo and Vincent Lebbe believed that China
and the Catholic Church would benefit from each other if the relationship became more friendly and
mutual. Seeking this common ground, a Sino-Belgian network was established to collaborate on
activities aiming to generate more understandings and empathies between China and Europe,
between non-Catholics and Catholics.

One of their activities was the Catholic “project of Chinese students in Europe (les œuvres
d’étudiants chinois en Europe)”, which had its headquarters in Belgium. It was initiated by Vincent
Lebbe in 1920 and carried on by AndréBoland and Leon Gosset. Through founding associations
(Amitiés Belgo-Chinois, A.B.C.; Association Catholique de la jeunesse Sinica, A.C.J.S.; Foyer
Catholique Chinois, F.C.C.) and collaborating with the committee responsible for the Sino-Belgian
Boxer Indemnity Scholarship (ComitéInteruniversitaire Sino-belge, C.I.S.B.), the project intended
to show Chinese students the friendliness of the Catholic Church, hoping to change common
negative perceptions towards the Church in China. It worked to relieve the financial difficulties of
Chinese students and cared about their patriotic mentality. It was sensitive to outdated opinion and
mocking attitudes of China in Europe; eager to update the public with the latest information and to

65 Hergéto AndréBoland, 24 March 1934, A.V.L., ARCA.

48
call for more respect. The project functioned as a bridge, drawing local Europeans and Chinese
students face-to-face and encouraging mutual dialogues and understandings. When Lu Zhengxiang
entered the Benedictine abbey in Bruges in 1927, he joined the project to promote the China-Catholic
relationship in Belgium.

When the Mukden Incident happened in 1931, the priests involved in the Catholic project of Chinese
students paid great attention to it. Boland and Gosset, being chaplains of Chinese students in Leuven,
knew well of their concerns, angers and worries in face of the Sino-Japanese conflict and the
unfriendly attitude towards China in Europe. They discussed the issue with Lu and felt that they had
to do something to show the empathy from the Church to the students. Tintin on the Catholic
newspaper Le Vingtième Siècle happened to draw their attention, hence the letter addressed to its
creator Hergé. Looking for a recommended candidate to help him, the priests thought of Zhang
Chongren, who they had met in person before and known that he was Catholic and a diligent student,
as he gained the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship for four years with his excellence in
study. Thereafter, Zhang and Hergégot to know each other and The Blue Lotus came into being.

Thus, the Sino-Belgian Catholic network was the fuller contexts in which the comic was created.
Against this backdrop, I prefer to read the The Blue Lotus as a message of tolerance, respect and
openness. In addition to the immediate need to show Catholic support China in the 1930s, there is
also the lasting message of “solidarity” in the Catholic sense. According to the Compendium of the
Social Doctrine of the Church, solidarity calls for a relationship of interdependence between
individuals, and a firm and persevering determination to commit oneself to the common benefit.66
It was the goal that the Sino-Belgian Catholic network wished to achieve through their work:
regardless of origins and backgrounds, people across borders (national, religious) could come to
realize their commonalities and benefit from each other. In the comic, the close tie and collaboration
of Tintin-Tchang friendship expresses this idea vividly. In reality, the Hergé-Zhang friendship
equally shows how cultural dialogues enrich knowledge and bring up breakthroughs. It could be
said that The Blue Lotus epitomizes the value advocated by the network.

Speaking of building up solidarity through transnational interactions and cross-cultural

understandings, the history of the network is richer than that of The Blue Lotus. As discussed in
introduction, it complements the understanding of the Catholic Church in modern Chinese history
as an effort to transcend pre-set borders; sheds light on its dynamism shown in collaborations and
interactions; and helps to free its history from being examined in the paradigms of “modernization”

66 ‘Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church’, n.d.,

http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/justpeace/documents/rc_pc_justpeace_doc_2006052
6_compendio-dott-soc_en.html.

49
or “decolonization”. But meanwhile the history of the network is much more complicated than the
making of the comic. Since the network was in response to the problems in the China-Catholic
relationship throughout decades, as well as launched different kinds of activities to ameliorate, it
will be challenging to give a comprehensive account of all their works and implications. Using The
Blue Lotus as an entry point to pinpoint relevant protagonists and events would help to focus the
attention to unveil the cross-border feature of the network. This thesis starts with the case study of
the Jesuit mission in Xujiahui, where Zhang Chongren and Ma Xiangbo lived, to discover what had
been the complexity during the Catholic-China encounter that later Catholics had to tackle.

50
 Chapter 2: Zhang in the Xujiahui Mission of the French Jesuits (1907-1928)

Zhang Chongren grew up in the Xujiahui mission run by French Jesuits in Shanghai. As a child from
a poor family, he received primary education and was cared for in the Jesuit Tushanwan Orphanage.
Zhang discovered his interest in western painting through the art and craft training at the institution,
and was grateful for the devotion of his priest teachers. At the same time, due to his close relationship
with Ma Xiangbo (1840-1939), a well-known Catholic intellectual and educationist, he also realized
the importance of learning Chinese traditional arts as well as Confucian classics. These two
influences shaped his approach towards different sources of knowledge, both local and foreign.

The reason Ma Xiangbo prompted Zhang to look to Chinese knowledge was embedded in his own
experience with Jesuit missionaries. Although the missionaries adopted certain local customs, they
rejected Chinese initiatives and any influences challenging the Church orthodoxy. Aspiring to
restore China-Catholic intellectual dialogue as early Jesuits did in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, Ma attempted to collaborate with the Jesuits to found Zhendan University in 1903, but the
two sides split in 1905. This rupture signaled the mismatched aims of the mission and Ma: the former
mainly cared about the development of the Church and was indifferent to Chinese national interests,
while Ma’s educational intent was combined with a concern for national salvation. The differences
between them came to delineate the limits of two-way knowledge transmission.

Although Zhang lived in the relatively secluded Xujiahui away from the metropolitan Shanghai city,
he was deeply aware of historic events, for example the Jiangsu-Zhejiang War in 1924 and the
May Thirtieth Movement in 1925 and learnt of political figures like Yu Youzhen 于右任 and Zhang
Taiyan 章太炎 through Ma, which drew his attention to national questions. Unlike Ma, Zhang was
not fully aware of, nor engaged in, the complexities of China-Catholic relationship, but Ma made
him aware of national events.

At the turn of the twentieth century, the Catholic position became subject to criticism, when it was
entangled with suspicions of “cultural colonialism”. The mission’s focus on the poor aroused
accusations that it was generating a foreign-dependent population through the French Protectorate,
and their indifference towards Chinese knowledge was seen as diminish national awareness among
Chinese. However, by taking into consideration of the similarity of the Catholic approach in China
and in Europe, I argue that instead of pure cultural colonialism, the confrontational attitude of the
Catholic mission resulted also from the impact of the Church’s European experiences in the
nineteenth century which led it, to see itself as one universal unity in the fight against heterodoxy.

51
 I. Xujiahui Mission and Tushanwan Orphanage

In The Blue Lotus, Tintin’s adventures took place largely inside Shanghai, although he did not stay
in the city for the most time, as he was hosted by Mr Wang, whose house was located in the suburb,
outside the city wall. It could be argued that this setting served the entertainment purpose of the
story, because it created the pretext for Tintin to play various tricks to enter and exit via the city gate
under inspection (though there was no city wall in the 1930s Shanghai), when he was wanted by the
main villain, Mitsuhirato (fig. 2.1).

Figure 2.1 Left, wanted poster of Tintin and city gate inspection; right, Tintin being
helped by a local Chinese to pass through the city gate. Images from Le Lotus bleu.

Yet, taking into account the life experience of Zhang Chongren, I speculate that Zhang had his
hometown in mind when he suggested this background setting to Hergé. According to Hergé, in the
creation of The Blue Lotus, he asked Zhang to help with the street views, customs and any Chinese
words appeared in drawings.1 It is very likely that Zhang used the places and people he was familiar
with as references. In certain drawings, the scene looks like a photo taken by Zhang (fig. 2.2). In the
drawing of the hotel room of Tintin, the couplet “时值云升遮泰山, 会当日出归苍海 [The
moment arrives when a sea of clouds veils Mount Tai / It is then that the rising sun seems to plunge
back into this sea of clouds]” was based on a calligraphy hanging in Zhang’s work place before he
left to studying abroad, according to the discovery of his daughter Zhang Yifei 张以菲 (fig. 2.3).2

1 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 131.

2 Yifei Zhang, ‘Dingding Yu Zhongguo de Gushi“丁丁”与中国的故事 [Stories of Tintin and China]’, Shijie
[La Monda], 2003, 17–20.

52
The location of Mr Wang’s place where Tintin is based also had resemblance with the that of
Zhang’s hometown: Xujiahui 徐家汇, which was eight kilometres west of Shanghai city.

Figure 2.2 left, “Retour”, photo by Zhang in Shi Bao Pictorial (1928); right, drawings
from The Blue Lotus. Images from Quanguo Baokan Suoyin database and Le Lotus bleu.

Figure 2.3 The couplet “时值云升遮泰山，会当日出归苍海” as interior decoration

of Tintin’s room at hotel. Images from Le Lotus bleu.

More importantly, the resourceful character Mr Wang, who adopted the orphan Tchang (based on
Zhang Chongren) at the end of the story, looks like the renowned Chinese Catholic intellectual and
educationist, Ma Xiangbo (1840-1939). Zhang referred to Ma as his great grandfather and tutor in

53
life, as he recalled in his memoirs: “I always went to visit great grandfather Ma to ask for his advice
[…] he always told me something that I did not know but I wanted to know”.3 According to Zhang,
he painted a portrait for Ma when learning painting in Xujiahui, and sculpted a bust after returning
from Belgium (fig. 2.4).4 In fact, Ma played an important role in introducing Zhang to the facilities
of the Sino-Belgian Catholic network, of which he himself was an active member: he helped Zhang
to get in contact with the committee of the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity to study in Belgium.5

Figure 2.4 Left, Ma Xiangbo; middle, Mr Wang in The Blue Lotus; right, bust of Ma by Zhang
in 1936. Image from Le Lotus bleu and photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang.

Channelling Xujiahui and Ma Xiangbo into The Blue Lotus suggests their importance to Zhang
Chongren. Xujiahui was a French Jesuit mission from the mid-nineteenth century. Zhang and Ma
both spent much of their time living there. It was from the Jesuit institution, the Tushanwan
Orphanage 土山湾孤儿院, that Zhang discovered his interest for western painting through its art
and craft training. The relationship with Ma Xiangbo made him realize the importance of learning
Chinese traditional arts as well as Confucius classics. The two influences shaped his approach
towards different sources of knowledge, both foreign and local. Thus, although Zhang later went to
pursue the study of western painting and sculpture in Belgium, he was keen to introduce Hergéto
Chinese painting, and “sent him a volume of Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting 芥子园画
谱 to let him know about the Chinese literature and arts”.6 As mentioned in the previous chapter,

3 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 175.

4Zhang Chongren, “Cong suxiang tandao zuoren 从塑像谈到做人 [Behavior Reflected from Sculpture],” in
Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Xilie, 153.
5 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 181.
6 Ibid., 202.

54
Hergéregarded knowledge of Chinese drawing an important source of influence to his drawing style.
In 1962, in a talk on plastic arts, Zhang noted that “through my investigations for many years, I
absorbed the techniques from Chinese painting”. 7 In the 1980s, when Zhang was known as an
accomplished sculptor, he was invited to give talks on the techniques of Chinese paintings at the
Brussels Écoles supérieures des arts Saint-Luc, and a series of talks at the Paris Guimet Museum
(national museum of Asian arts) in 1986.8 Researchers such as Chen Yaowang, Xu Yuanzhang and
Yan Youren considered that Zhang was well acquainted with Chinese arts, and that his style was “a
syncretic style of the western painting and traditional Chinese painting”.9

In what follows I will introduce what Xujiahui was like and how its Tushanwan Orphanage nurtured
and educated Zhang, as well as the teaching Zhang received from Ma. This information is necessary
to understand the formation of Zhang’s syncretic artistic style, while also showing the elements of
mutual communication in the Xujiahui mission since the late nineteenth century as well as the
difficulties to realize further in-depth dialogue.

Xujiahui was a Catholic complex developed from the 1840s, on the basis established by early Jesuits
in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, together with the Xu Guangqi 徐光启 (Paul Xu, 1562-
1633) family. The village name literally means “the confluence of the Xu family”. Xu was a Ming
dynasty statesman, and a Catholic converted by Matteo Ricci 利玛窦. Xu and Ricci jointly translated
Euclid’s Element into Chinese Jihe Yuanben 几何原本. Xu also had a church building enlarged at
his expense in nearby Shanghai. His Catholic descendants continued to be the main benefactors of
apostolic activities in the following decades. Through their marriages to other wealthy families, the
Xu’s granddaughters drew help from their husbands’ families to the Catholic Church.10 The most
famous is Candide Xu 徐甘弟大 (1607-1680),11 who generously provided alms to missionaries.12

7Jin Shixin, “Huajia Zhang Chongren Mantan Zaoxing Yishu 画家张充仁漫谈造型艺术 [Informal
Discussion on Plastic Arts by Painter Zhang Chongren],” in Zhang Chongren Yanjiu, vol. 2, 126.
8 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 218; Chongren Zhang, ‘Zhongguohua Jifa 中国画技法 [Skills of
Chinese Paintings]’, in Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Xilie 张充仁艺术研究系列（文论） [The Research Series on
Zhang Chongren’s Art Essays], ed. Memorial Hall of Zhang Chongren (Shanghai Renmin Meishu Press, 2010), 75–
83.
9 Chen Yaowang and Xu Yuanzhang, “Lun Zhangchongren de Shuicaihua Yishu 论张充仁的水彩画艺术
[On Zhang Chongren’s Art of Watercolour Paintings],” in Zhang Chongren Yanjiu 张充仁研究 [Studies on
Zhang Chongren], by Museum of Zhang Chongren, vol. 3, 3 vols. (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Press,
2009), 186–96; Yan, “Zhang Chongren Xiansheng de ‘Xifa Donghun’张充仁先生的‘西法东魂’ [‘Western Skill
vs Chinese Spirit’ of Zhang Chongren].”
10 Joseph de La Servière, Les Anciennes Missions de la Compagnie de Jésus en Chine [The Old Missions of the Society of Jesus
in China] (1552-1814) (Shanghai: Imprimerie de la Mission, Orphelinat de T’ou-sè-wè, 1924), 25–26.
11 Gail King, ‘Candida Xu and the Growth of Christianity in China in the Seventeenth Century’, Monumenta
Serica 46, no. 1 (1 January 1998): 49–66.
12 de La Servière, Les Anciennes Missions de la Compagnie de Jésus en Chine, 39.

55
In the mid-seventeenth century, Shanghai became one of the Catholic centres in Jiangnan with an
active apostolate. When Francisco Brancati 潘国光 (1607-1671) was in charge of this area, he
founded congregations to enlist local people as auxiliaries, such as the St. Francis Xavier
congregation of catechists, the Blessed Virgin congregation of women, the St. Ignatius of the literati
etc., which sustained the Catholic population in these places. In the late seventeenth century,
according the Jesuit records, there were over fifty thousand Catholics in Shanghai, which formed
the basis of Catholic community and tradition in the area.13

In the eighteenth century, the disruption later known as the “Chinese Rites Controversy”中国礼仪
之争 occurred: a dispute over whether Chinese ritual practices, such as ancestral worship, were
religious rites and thus incompatible with Catholicism. The debate lasted over a century and engaged
different Catholic orders (Jesuits, Dominicans and Franciscans), Popes, Chinese Emperors,
European Kings, philosophers like Gottfried Leibniz, as well as Chinese Catholics. Its scope and
implications have drawn the scholarly attention of as Li Tiangang, Nicolas Standaert, and David E.
Mungello.14 According to Paul A. Rule, the former Jesuit missionary Henri Bernard-Maî
tre, who
was in China from 1940-47 considered it possibly “the greatest internal struggle in the long history
of the Catholic Church”, in terms of “the number and caliber of the participants, its length and
ferocity”.15 The result of this large-scale debate was the severance of the mutual relationship from
the highest hierarchy of both sides: in 1704, Pope Clement XI banned the Chinese rites; in 1723, the
Qing Emperor Yongzheng 雍正 issued a ban on Christianity in China, and expelled missionaries
from the Empire; in 1742, Pope Benedict XIV reaffirmed the ban and forbade further debate (the
ban on Chinese rites was in effect until 1939). In addition, Pope Clement XIV suppressed the Society
of Jesus in 1773, which caused a shortage of clergy in the Jiangnan area (including Shanghai).

From the mid-eighteenth to the early nineteenth century, local Catholics in Jiangnan kept to their
religious practice despite the shortage of clergy, the same as in other places all over China. 16
Jiangnan Catholics had to run the Church with local priests and lay auxiliaries. Having learnt of the
restoration of the Society of Jesus (in 1814), local Catholics immediately appealed to the Pope for

13 de La Servière, 26–27, 39.

14 Li Tiangang, Zhongguo Liyi zhi Zheng: Lishi, Wenxian he Yiyi 中国礼仪之争: 历史，文献和意义 [Chinese Rites
controversy: History, Documents and Significance] (Shanghai: Guji Chubanshe, 1998); Standaert, Chinese Voices in the Rites
Controversy; David E. Mungello, The Chinese Rites Controversy: Its History and Meaning (Nettetal: Steyler, 1994); Zheng
Qi, ‘Yongzheng Shiqi Jinjiao Zhengce Yu Jinjiao Shiqi de Tianzhujiao 雍正时期禁教政策与禁教时期的天主
教 [Policy of the Prohibition of Catholicism during the Yongzheng Reign and Catholicism during the
Prohibition Period]’, Lilunjie [Theory Horizon], no. 02 (2010): 115–17.
15Paul A. Rule, ‘The Chinese Rites Controversy: A Long Lasting Controversy in Sino-Western Cultural
History’, Pacific Rim Report, no. 32 (2004).
16 Arnulf Camps, ‘Catholic Missionaries (1800-1860)’, in Handbook of Christianity in China: Volume 2, 1800 to the
Present, vol. 15, Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section Four: China (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 115–32.

56
the return of Jesuit priests.17 In 1834 two Chinese priests, Zhang Shaotai 张绍台 and Jean de Spina
Wang 王若望, initiated the first appeal to Pope Gregory XVI, lamenting the poor pastoral conditions
and asking for the return of the Jesuits, followed by second petition signed by fifty-one Christians
in 1835 and the third in 1838 signed by ninety-eight Christians.18 Ludovico de Bési 罗伯济/罗类
思 (180? - 1871), a young Veronese propagandist priest was then sent to China, despite the risk of
being hanged under the Qing imperial anti-Christian policy, and arrived in Shanghai in 1841.19 The
Pope also called on the Society of Jesus to return.20 The French Jesuit Claude Gottenland 南格禄
(1803-1856) was chosen as superior, together with two younger priests, François Estère 艾方济
(1807-1848) and Benjamin Brueyre 李秀芳 (1810-1880). They departed Brest (France) for China
on 28th April 1841 and reached Shanghai in July 1842.21

Since the beginning, French missionaries accounted for the largest number of clergies in Jiangnan:
there were twenty French nationals out of thirty-five priests (including six Chinese) in 1854.22 In
1856, the Holy See decided to establish the apostolic vicariate “Jiangnan Province” and entrusted it
completely to the Jesuits. “Jiangnan” defined in the ecclesiastical term encompassed Shanghai,
Jiangsu, as well as certain parts of Anhui, Jiangxi and Zhejiang.23 Within the Society of Jesus,
Jiangnan was assigned to Paris.24 Therefore the missionaries in Jiangnan were in general called as
“French Jesuits”, although some of them were of other nationalities, such as Belgian, German, Italian
and Greek.

17Henri Havret, La Mission du Kiang-Nan, son Histoire, ses Oeuvres [The Jiangnan Mission, Its History, Its Works] (Paris:
Imprimerie de J. Mersch, 1900), 42, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k375443d.
18 Mungello, ‘The Return of the Jesuits to China in 1841 and the Chinese Christian Backlash’.
19For example, the martyrdoms of Bishop Gabriel T. Dufresse, MEP (1815), Giovanni Lantrua de Triora,
OFM (1816), François Regis Clet, CM (1820) and Jean Gabriel Perboyre, CM (1840).
20 Auguste Colombel, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi (1842-1864) 江南传教史 [Histoire de la Mission de Kiang-Nan],
trans. Zhang Tingjue, vol. 3 (Taipei: Fuda Shufang, 2014), 40, 3.
21 Colombel, 3:9–10, 39–42.
22 Colombel, 3:553.
23 Gustave Gibert and Alexandre Brou, Jésuites Missionnaires, un Siècle, 1823-1923 [Jesuit Missionaries, a Century]
(Paris: Éditions Spes, 1924), 1.
24Joseph de la Servière, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi 江南传教史 [Histoire de la Mission du Kiangnan], trans. Tianzhujiao
Shanghai Jiaoqu Shiliao Yixiezu [Translation Group of the Historical Sources of the Roman Catholic Diocese of
Shanghai], vol. 1 (Shanghai, 1983), 60.

57
 Figure 2.5 Kiang-nan [Jiangnan]
Image from Les étapes de la mission de Kiang-nan (BnF)

Based on the Treaty of Whampoa 黄埔条约 in 1844, negotiated between the French envoy
Théodose de Lagrenéand the Qing government, practice of Christianity in China was legalised and
missionaries were allowed to construct mission buildings in treaty ports. 25 Hence the superior
Claude Gottenland selected Xujiahui to build the Jesuit Residence, which was completed in 1847.26
In the following years, the complex continued to grow: there were the St. Ignatius Middle School
徐汇公学 (Collège Saint Ignace, 1849), St. Ignatius Cathedral (Cathédrale Saint-Ignace) 圣依纳
爵天主堂 (1851, and later reconstructed in 1906), Tushanwan Orphanage (L’Orphelinat de T’ou-
sè-wè, 1864), the Virgin Mary Convent 圣母院 (Seng-Mou-Yeu, 1868),27 the Xujiahui Museum
(Museum de Zi-Ka-Wei, 1868), the Xujiahui Observatory (1872), and the Xujiahui Library 徐家汇
藏书楼 (Bibliotheca Zi-ka-wei, 1897).

The Tushanwan Orphanage where Zhang was brought up was one of mission works with the poor
and Jesuit missionaries in Xujiahui dedicated much effort to its development. It was officially
founded in 1864, as a relocation, amalgamation and expansion of previous orphanages in Hengtang
横塘 and Caijiawan 蔡家湾, because the earlier ones were destroyed during the Taiping Rebellion
太平天国 (1851-1864). The director of Caijiawan Louis Massa 马理师 as well as twenty-six

25Wei Louis Tsing-Sing and Huang Qinghua, Faguo duihua chuanjiao zhengce 法国对华传教政策 [French Policies of
Mission in China (1842-1856)] (Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe, 1991), 577–78.
26 Colombel, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi, 2014, 3:186.
27Anon., ‘Tianzhutang Jishi Ji 天主堂基石记 [Cornerstones of Catholic Buildings]’, in Xujiahui Cangshulou
Mingqing Tianzhujiao Wenxian, ed. Nicolas Standaert et al., vol. 5 (Taipei: Fangji Chubanshe, 1996), 2430, 2433.

58
children were killed by the Taiping army. The rest of them fled to Xujiahui for protection and were
taken into the newly-built orphanage.28

The Tushanwan Orphanage accommodated significant numbers of children. Just from 1864 to 1871,
it took in 853 children,29 and in later years although the number fluctuated, usually they looked after
about three hundred children per annum.30 The children included both orphans and those from poor
families.31 Before eight years old, they were cared for by the Sisters from the Society of the Helpers
of the Holy Souls (Les Sœurs Auxiliatrices). After that, they would receive elementary education
from primary schools attached to the Orphanage until twelve years old, including all the teaching of
the catechism. During this period, all living and education expenses were entirely paid externally by
the Association of the Holy Childhood (Œuvre de la Sainte-Enfance). This organisation was
established in France in 1843 by Mgr. de Forbin-Janson, with the aim of financing missionaries to
save and evangelize children.32 It had a particular interest in the China mission, as saving abandoned
Chinese children was the initial inspiration for Forbin-Janson to set up such association.
Coincidentally the Bishop of Jiangnan Ludovico de Bési was a friend of his. Thus, the first sum of
money amounting to three thousand francs from the Holy Childhood to Shanghai arrived in 1845.33
It was continuously generous to many other missions as well, so that in 1870 the apostolic vicars of
China sent a collective letter of gratitude for its help.34

28Joseph de La Servière, ‘Tushanwan Gueryuan: Lishi yu Xianzhuang 1864-1914 土山湾孤儿院: 历史与现

状 [l’Orphelinat de T’ou-Sè-Wè: son histoire, son état présent]’, in Chongshi Lishi Suipian, by Huang Shulin, trans.
Zhang Xiaoyi (Beijing: Zhongguo Xiju Chubanshe, 2010), 149–86, http://www.academia.edu/6527299/.
29Auguste Colombel, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi 江南传教史 [Histoire de la Mission de Kiang-Nan 1865-1878], trans.
Zhang Tingjue, vol. 4 (Taipei: Fuda Shufang, 2017), 161.
30 Compagnie de Jésus, Relations de Chine: Kiang-Nan [Relations of China: Jiangnan] (Paris, 1903-1931).
31 de La Servière, ‘Tushanwan Gueryuan’.
32 John Willms, ‘Association of the Holy Childhood’, in Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton
Company, 1913),
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Catholic_Encyclopedia_(1913)/Association_of_the_Holy_Childhood.
33 Colombel, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi, 2014, 3:811–16.
34 Joseph de La Servière, Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan: Jésuites de la province de France (Paris) 1840-1899 [History
of the Jiangnan Mission: Jesuits of the Province of France (Paris)], vol. 2 (Shanghai: l’Orphelinat de T’ou-sè-wè, 1914),
184.

59
 Figure 2.6 Tushanwan Orphanage 1864
Image from The Tushanwan Museum website

Zhang Chongren’s father Zhang Shaopu 张少圃 was a wood craver. His mother Yin Lianzi 殷莲
子 was an embroideress. Zhang Chongren was born on 25th September 1907 and baptised with the
Christian name Mathieu. When Zhang was four, Yin Lianzi passed away. His father had little choice
but to rely on the mission facilities: he sent Zhang to the Tushanwan Orphange.35 The year was
1911 and there were 302 children at the Orphanage.36

Zhang Chongren was cared for and educated at the Orphanage, thanks to the wholehearted devotions
of the Jesuits working for the children. Before Zhang’s entry, one of the masters of the Orphanage
was Émile Chevreuil 石可贞, who spent over twenty-two years in the position: “he was always kind
and benevolent to the orphans, no matter how naughty and lazy the child was. They were the children
of the Father!”37 Although the children were of difficult backgrounds, the Jesuits were positive and
encouraging: “they are of good little natures, very simple and also sometimes very passionate and
very violent […] Under their coarse, often savage appearances, my children hide treasures of

35 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 15–17.

36Compagnie de Jésus, ed., ‘Œuvres Spéciales: Changhai et ses Environs [Special Works: Shanghai and
Surroundings]’, Relations de Chine, no. January (1911).
37 de La Servière, ‘Tushanwan Gueryuan’, 173.

60
delicacy, of devotion and of faith that they only uncover to those having managed to win their
confidence and affection, and this is not always easy; it takes a lot of patience”.38

Zhang met the first initiator of his life passion of arts, to whom he was always grateful, in the primary
school. Father Tian Zhongde 田中德 was the headmaster and was ethnically Japanese but grew up
in the Orphanage.39 He discovered Zhang’s talents in painting and encouraged him. Zhang respected
him all his life and never spoke ill of him, even during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). When
religion and foreigners were seriously denounced, Zhang was forced to “confess” his relationship
with this “Japanese spy”. He wrote in his confession that: “[Principal Tian] always liked my
paintings. I have sent him five Chinese paintings to celebrate his eightieth birthday. On one of them
was written ‘longevity’ and on another painting of pine was written ‘as chaste as the pine.’ […] The
eighty-year-old kept celibacy, which is considered as chastity in religion. Therefore, I thought this
metaphor was suitable”.40

Not many records about the details of education and life at the Orphanage survive; nevertheless,
there are photos showing that there were various leisure time activities, including a European music
band, football, theatrical performances of Christian stories, and sports activities with military
connotations:41

38P.J. Hernault, ‘À l’Orphelinat de Tou-Sé-Wei [At the Tushanwan Orphanage]’, Relations de Chine, no. January-
April (1919): 186.
39 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 17.
40 Chen Yaowang, 19.
41 Zhang Wei, ‘Meihao de Huiyi: Tushanwan Guermen de Yeyu Shenghuo 美好的回忆: 土山湾孤儿们的业
余生活 [Happy Memories: The Leisure Life of Tushanwan Orphans]’, in Yaowang Tushanwan: Zhuixun Xiaoshi de
Wenmai, by Zhang Xiaoyi and Zhang Wei (Shanghai: Tongji University Chubanshe, 2012), 68–80; ‘L’orphelinat
de T’ou-Sé-Wé: Présentation, Divers, Photos [Tushanwan Orphanage: Introduction, Miscellaneous, Photos]’,
1906, ©Archives jésuites (Vanves).

61
 Figure 2.7 Leisure activities of children at Tushanwan. Above left, drums and bugles; above right,
football team; below left, theatre performance; below right, sports meeting programme. Images
from Yaowang Tushanwan and archives photographed by author (below right, Archives jésuites).

What was special about the Orphanage was that, in addition to nourishing the children, the institution
also taught them technical skills to “learn a lucrative trade”.42 It opened several workshops in the
Orphanage to train the children, so that the children could afford a part of their maintenance after
twelve. The workshop training usually lasted for six years. Once the trade was learnt, the young
worker would be able to find a job either in or outside the Orphanage. Many remained attached to
the Orphanage, and some of them who made fortunes became benefactors.43 The main workshops
included the painting studio, printing, woodcraft and goldsmithery. The studio painted numerous
religious images for Catholic churches nationwide in China; the printing workshop published
catechisms, prayer books, Gospels, as well as textbooks and hagiographies; the woodcraft and
goldsmiths workshops crafted altars for the churches44 and essential ritual objects, such as sets of
portable mission altars, monstrances, and censers.45

42 Joseph de La Servière, Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan: Jésuites de la province de France (Paris) 1840-1899 [History
of the Jiangnan Mission: Jesuits of the Province of France (Paris)], vol. 1 (Shanghai: l’Orphelinat de T’ou-sè-wè, 1914),
225.
43Compagnie de Jésus, ed., ‘L’incendie de l’Orphelinat de T’ou-Sè-Wei [The Fire of the Tushanwan
Orphanage]’, Relations de Chine, no. July-October (1920): 341.
44 Colombel, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi, 2017, 4:159–61.
45 Orphelinat de T’ou-sé-wé, Zi-ka-wei, Atelier d’Orfèvrerie: Objets de Culte [Goldsmith Workshop: Objects of Worship]
(Shanghai, 1928).

62
 Figure 2.8 Portable mission altars and worship objects by the goldsmith workshop
Image from Atelier d'Orfèvrerie Objets de Culte (Xujiahui Library)

Figure 2.9 Inside view of the workshops of sculpture and cabinetmaking

Image from Ateliers du Scuplture et l'Ébénisterie (Xujiiahui Library)

In 1921, Zhang finished his primary education. At that time the Orphanage had workshops for
gilding, varnishing, goldsmithery, carpentry, foundrywork, sculpture, shoemaking, painting,

63
photography, and Chinese and European printing.46 Zhang Chongren was attracted by the painting
studio, which had the longest history of all the workshops. Nowadays the studio is regarded as
having played a leading role in the introduction of Western arts to China, 47 in its methods of
teaching and practicing.48 In 1943, the painter Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿 commented that the studio was
“the cradle of Western painting in China”.49 It produced artworks adapting Western and Chinese
painting techniques. It was one of the influences which contributed to Zhang Chongren’s future
artistic style.

Figure 2.10 Tushanwan Orphanage 1920

Image from Relations de Chine (BnF)

46 Compagnie de Jésus, ‘L’incendie de l’Orphelinat de T’ou-Sè-Wei’, 341.

47 Zhang Hongxing, “Zhongguo Zuizao de Xiyang Meishu Yaolan: Shanghai Tushanwan Gueryuan de Yishu
Shiye 中国最早的西洋美术摇篮：上海土山湾孤儿院的艺术事业 [The Cradle of Western Painting in
China: The Art Works in the T’ou-Sè-WèOrphanage in Shanghai],” in Chongshi Lishi Suipian, 259–70.
48 de La Servière, ‘Tushanwan Gueryuan’.
49Xu Beihong, Xu Beihong Tan Yi Lu 徐悲鸿谈艺录 [Essays of Xu Beihong on Arts], ed. Zhang Jingwu, 1st ed.
(Changsha: Hunan Daxue Press, 2009), 30.

64
 Figure 2.11 Tushanwan, a corner of the painting workshop
Image from Yaowang Tushanwan

Before the Orphanage was established, the Spanish missionary Jean Ferrer 范廷佐, who was a
sculptor by profession and had completed the study of art in Rome prior to joining the Society of
Jesus, started teaching oil painting and European-style sculpture to Chinese children. Ferrer died at
the age of thirty-nine in 1856.50 Later one of his pupils Liu Dezhai 刘德斋 (Siméon Liu), became
his successor in the studio. Liu was influential in the development of the studio from 1880 to 1912.
He “formulated practical and detailed syllabuses […] paid great attention to summarising teaching
experiences and took the lead to compile several books”.51 Liu brought the techniques from Chinese
painting into the teaching in the studio, even though the main style was European. His work could
been seen in the book Daoyuan Jingcui Tu 道原精萃图 [The “Collection of Doctrines” with
Illustrations] (fig. 2.12), which was produced through the cooperation of the Tushanwan painting
studio and printing workshop.52 Liu’s method gave rise to unique styles of artworks. According to

50 Colombel, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi, 2014, 3:470, 487.

51 Shanghai Tushuguan [Shanghai Municipal Library], Lishi Wenxian 历史文献 [Historical Records], vol. 17
(Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe, 2013), 393.
52 Liu Dezhai and Valentinus Garnier, ‘Daoyuan Jingcui Tu 道原精萃图 [The “Collection of Doctrines” with
Illustrations]’, in Fandigang Tushuguancang Mingqing Zhongxi Wenhua Jiaoliushi Congkan, by Zhang Xiping et al., vol.
3, 44 vols (Henan: Daxiang Chubanshe, 2014).

65
the research of Jeremy Clarke, in 1908, Liu received a commission from a Lazarist missionary René
Flament from Donglü东闾 (Heibei) to produce an image of the Virgin Mary. Flament mailed a
photograph of the portrait of the Empress Cixi 慈禧 by Katherine Carl along with his order (his
reason for doing so remains unclear). Liu therefore incorporated the attire, the furniture and
decorative details into the image, which was popularised and become the prototype image of Our
Lady of China 中华圣母 in 1924.53 Though when juxtaposing the two images together (fig. 2.13),
it is debatable whether the model of Our Lady of China was in fact Cixi, the image did incorporate
elements of Chinese attires, postures and decorations.

Figure 2.12 “Daoyuan Jingcui Tu” [The “Collection of Doctrines” with Illustrations]
Image from Fandigang Tushuguancang Mingqing Zhongxi Wenhua Jiaoliushi Congkan

53Jeremy Clarke, Our Lady of China : Marian Devotion and the Jesuits (St. Louis, MO: Seminar on Jesuit Spirituality,
2009), http://archive.org/details/ourladyofchinama413clar.

66
 Figure 2.13 Left, The Empress Dowager, Tze Hsi, of China by Katherine Carl in 1903; right,
Our Lady of China (1933). Images from Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery
and in Our Lady of China.

The special combination of both western and Chinese techniques by Liu was passed on to his studio
apprentices. One of his student was called Priest An Jingzhai (courtesy name Shouyue 守约), who
began to teach Zhang Chongren from 1921 (fig. 2.14). Although Zhang wanted to learn painting at
the studio, the workshop was full and could not take in any more children. At that time, An Jingzhai
was in charge of the photography section at Tushanwan. He offered Zhang a place as his assistant,
and agreed to teach Zhang painting two hours every day in the morning. From then on Zhang studied
painting with him until 1928, moving from water colour to oil painting, and sometimes going out to
sketch from nature.54 Priest An used Liu’s method of combined techniques to teach Zhang, as Zhang
was aware:

At the beginning, I traced figures and flowers on tracing paper with a wolf hair paintbrush 狼毫
in the way of line drawing 白描. After I had practised it on a couple of dozen drafts, Father An
considered that I could get to know how to use the “zhongfeng” 中锋 [brush held and used in

54 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 174.

67
 vertical position] and the lines that I drew became firm. He asked me to copy paintings on white
paper instead of tracing paper. Those were the best ways to start learning Chinese painting.
Although Father An did Western painting himself, because his teacher Liu Dezhai knew Chinese
painting, such practises were kept.55

Figure 2.14 Left, An Jingzhai (Shouyue); right, Zhang Chongren (front row, second from left)
with other Tushanwan children. Photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang.

During Zhang’s apprenticeship from 1921 to 1928, An Jingzhai recognized his competence in
paintings, as he commissioned Zhang to paint portraits in oil for all the nineteen rectors of the St.
Ignatius Cathedral (destroyed during the Cultural Revolution).56 In addition to painting, Zhang did
his main job as assistant to develop photographs and studied chemistry that was relevant to
photography.57 Fr. An also taught him French every day.58 Zhang had a good command of French.
His daughter, Zhang Yifei, remembered the book Extraits des ecrivains francais [Excerpts from
French writers], which Zhang Chongren used for studying French. He had carefully written notes

55 Zhang Chongren, 174.

56 Zhang Chongren, 175–76.
57 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 30.
58 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 174–75.

68
here and there in it. When he gave the book to Yifei, he told her to study it closely and pay attention
to the importance of accuracy in using a language.59

In 1922, the Xujiahui Museum caught special species of birds in Jiangnan and planned to publish an
album of its bird collection. This museum of natural history was opened in 1868 by Pierre Marie
Heude 韩伯禄, before being merged with Zhendan University and renamed Zhendan Museum (or
Heude Museum) in 1930.60 Zhang was in charge of taking pictures and retouching the photographic
plates of birds. When he was working on this commission, Fr. An told him that the status of a
museum was not determined by its size or money but by the rarity of its collection, which made him
learn to evaluate things based on quality over quantity.61 He was thankful to and moved by Father
An, of whom he said: “teacher An Shouyue had similar life experience with principal Tian Zhongde.
They both had wretched childhoods but it did not affect their determination. Their piety as Catholics
and diligence with their careers were unforgettable”.62

Judging from the combined painting approach at Tushanwan and the Xujiahui connection with early
Jesuits (especially with Matteo Ricci), there is a tendency in the research of Tushanwan to assume
that the Jesuit missionaries in the nineteenth century conducted Sino-Western communications in
the same way as their forerunners. But at Tushanwan, there remained an imbalance between the
different priorities of Western and Chinese art.

II. Ma: rebalancing the knowledge transmission

Studies of early Jesuits such as Matteo Ricci, Schall von Bell 汤若望, Ferdinand Verbiest 南怀仁
and Giulio Aleni 艾儒略 by Noël Golvers, Rachel Attwater and Florence C. Hsia and many others
have shown that they achieved success in both science and in apostolate work in the seventeenth and
eighteenth century. 63 Benoît Vermander summarized their methods and principles as: good
knowledge of Chinese, especially the use of Confucian vocabulary and worldview; adaptation of
customs; introduction of western science and technology as a way of indirect evangelization; and

59 Zhang Chongren, Wenlun 文论 [Essays], ed. Zhang Chongren Jinianguan and Shanghai Zhang Chongren
Yishu Yanjiu Jiaoliu Zhongxin, Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Xilie 张充仁艺术研究系列 [The Research
Series on Zhang Chongren’s Art] 3 (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2010), 234.
60Li-Chuan Tai, ‘From Zikawei Museum to Heude Museum: The Natural History Research of French Jesuits in
Modern China’, Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Kan [Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology
Academia Sinica] 84 (1 June 2013): 329–85.
61 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 175, 178.
62 Zhang Chongren, 178.
63Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci; Golvers and Verbiest, Ferdinand Verbiest, S.J. and the Chinese Heaven;
Attwater and Duhr, Adam Schall; Hsia, Sojourners in a Strange Land; Semans, ‘Mapping the Unknown’; Odor,
Undoing the Binaries, Rethinking ‘Encounter’; Ricci, Guadalupi, and Ricci, China; Clarke et al., Binding Friendship.

69
close partnership with scholars to produce sophisticated works.64 This flexibility exemplified their
accommodation towards Chinese culture, which was accepted by Chinese elites.

At the Tushanwan Museum today, a plague at the end of the exhibition notes that: “Tushanwan
engraves the days of the communications of cultures and fusions of arts between the East and
West”.65 Li Dandan, in her study of the French Jesuit missionary at Xujiahui, Adolphe Vasseur 范
世熙 (1828-1899), viewed him as being in the same vein as early Jesuits, as she wrote that:
“‘accommodation’ is the well-known strategy of Jesuit missions”. She regarded the method
advocated by Vasseur was example of Sino-West artistic communication. 66 Yet examining
Vasseur’s articles addressed to the Prefect of the Propaganda Fide, it could be seen that his purpose
was not to absorb Chinese arts into Catholic arts but to use the practice as a temporary “tool”.

Vasseur taught at the Tushanwan painting studio from 1870 to 1872. He had learnt block-printing
in Italy, which was not yet taught at the studio. This technique could produce larger numbers of
images much more quickly than oil painting. Vasseur intended to make use of this feature as a
powerful tool of evangelization.67 In his book Mélanges sur la Chine [Chinese Miscellany] written
in 1884 to the Prefect of the Propaganda Fide, he expressed his appreciations for Chinese painting.
“No doubt there is art in China”, he continued: “no one has the theory [of the laws of colour] to a
higher degree than the Chinese and the Japanese [...] Patient and faithful imitators of nature, they
had no other master”. 68 He was of the view that: “except for the Christian inspiration, current
Chinese art, as for the art of drawing, style, and the process, did not differ much from what the art
was in Europe”.69 Therefore, he purposed to incorporate Chinese skills and techniques into the
products, which would also make them more acceptable to the local people. For example, he was
happy to draw from local architecture: the church could use the elements of the “national architecture”
– “simple and patriarchal as a whole, but rich and varied in its ornaments”.70

64 Benoî
t Vermander, Jesuits and China (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).
65 Tushanwan Museum, ‘Conclusions’ (Shanghai, n.d.).
66Li Dandan, ‘Qingmo Yesuhuishi Yishujia Fanshixi 清末耶稣会士艺术家范世熙 [The Jesuit Artist in the
Late Qing Period: Adolphe Vasseur]’ (Ph.D., Hangzhou, China Academy of Art, 2015).
67 Li Dandan.
68 Adolphe Vasseur, Mélanges sur la Chine: Lettres Illustrées sur une École Chinoise de Saint-Luc, Auxiliaire de la
Propagation de la Foi [Chinese Miscellany: Illustrated Letters On a Chinese Saint-Luc School, Auxiliary of The Propagation of
Faith], Album de l’oeuvre des Images Destinées aux Missions et à la Propagande Religieuse (Imprimerie des
orphelins-apprentis, 1884), 44.
69 Vasseur, 6, (‘L’école Chinoise de Saint Luc appéciée par la société de l’art chrétien’ [The Chinese Saint-Luc
school, appreciated by the Christian art society]).
Vasseur, 30, (‘L’atelier Iconographique de Tou-Sei-Wei Orpheliant de la Sainte-Enfance’ [The Iconographic
70

Workshop of Tushanwan Orphanage of the Holy Childhood]).

70
 Figure 2.15 Vasseur’s model of the interior of a church in China
Image from Mélanges sur la Chine (BnF)

Yet, the reason for his incorporation of Chinese skills and techniques was to compete with local
beliefs, including Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, which he referred to as “enemies” and
“superstitions”.71 Noticing “the propaganda of superstition by popular images”, Vasseur wrote that
“it is time to see what we ourselves can do using the same weapons for the triumph of truth”.72 He
explained that China was more difficult and different than other mission areas in evangelisation,
because while elsewhere as the missionaries “did not find art in the local civilisation; anything that
[they] make will be deem to be beauty”, China had “a long civilisation, formed thousands of years
before us, having its literature and art, and therefore their national prejudice”. 73 Therefore, the
propagation of Catholic images in China needed to be more strategic: specifically, the Catholic
images should infiltrate into the forms of “decorations of the churches, large images for the public
explication, images of devotion, instructions for the families and illustrated books”.74 In sum, his

71 Vasseur, 44.
72 Vasseur, 22, (‘L’activité de la propagande Bouddhiste par l’imagerie populaire et les livres illustrés’ [The
activity of Buddhist propaganda through popular imagery and illustrated books]).
73 Vasseur, Mélanges sur la Chine, 41, (‘Application à l’oeuvre de la propagation de la foi [Application to the work
of the propagation of faith]’).
74 Vasseur, 41–44, (‘Application à l’oeuvre de la propagation de la foi’).

71
advocacy for the use of Chinese artistic methods was instrumental and technical, rather than an
inquiry into its systemic knowledge.

It was no doubt difficult for the missionary judgement and treatment of Chinese art behind the art
and craft training at Tushanwan to be fully comprehended by the young and poor apprentices. Yet,
the Catholic intellectual Ma Xiangbo, who had interacted with the Jesuit missionaries at Xujiahui
since 1851, was aware of the negligence and imbalance in Jesuit knowledge transmission.
Consequently, as Zhang Chongren frequently visited Ma at Tushanwan, he was able to follow Ma’s
injunction to pay attention to learning Chinese knowledge in depth by himself.

Ma (given name Liang 良, courtesy name Xiangbo, Catholic name Joseph), was a Chinese Jesuit
priest and scholar. He studied in the Jesuit St. Ignatius Middle School and the Seminary in Xujiahui
from 1851 to 1871. He was ordained priest in 1870 but left the priesthood in 1876, and went to work
for Li Hongzhang 李鸿章, one of the leading officials of the Qing Self-strengthening Movement 洋
务运动 (1861-1895). During 1881-1893, Ma visited Japan, Korea, UK, France, Italy and the US.
In 1897, following the Qing defeat by Japan in the First Sino-Japanese War 甲午战争 (1895) and
the death of his wife, son and mother (1893-5), he made repentance and reconciled with the Church.
From 1899, he returned to Xujiahui. 75 Ma mastered eight languages: Chinese, French, Latin,
English, Italian, Greek, Japanese and Korean. In 1900, he donated all his family property (including
two square kilometers of land and several properties) to the Jesuit mission to establish the future
higher education institution of both Chinese and Western learnings 中西大学堂, which would
become Zhendan University in 1903.76 In 1905 he founded Fudan University. After the foundation
of Republic of China, Ma moved to Beijing to act as the chancellor of Peking University 北京大学
and then joined the parliament of the government.77 In 1917, at the age of seventy-seven he retreated
at Tushanwan to read the Chinese classics and retranslate the Bible.78 Zhang was ten years old by

75 Mei Liao, ‘Ma Xiangbo Shengping Jianbiao 马相伯生平简表 [Chronology of Ma Xiangbo]’, in Ma Xiangbo
Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng, 1st ed. (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 1345–55; Jin Yan, ‘Ma Xiangbo Yu
Jidu Jiaohui 马相伯与基督教会 [Ma Xiangbo and Christian Church]’, Dangan Jianshe [Archives & Construction],
no. 2 (February 2012): 61–64.
76 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Juanxian Jiachang Xingxue Ziju 捐献家产兴学字据 [Contract of Donating Family Property
to Facilitate Education (1900)]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996),
36.
77 Liao, ‘Ma Xiangbo Shengping Jianbiao’, 220.
78 Lin Zou, “Tushanwan Leshantang Jiuwen 土山湾乐善堂旧闻 [Old Stories of Leshan Hall in T’ou-Sè-Wè],”
in Chongshi Lishi Suipian, 47.

72
then. Although according to the account of Zhang’s biographer, they were unlikely to have been
genealogical relations, Zhang often referred publicly to Ma as “great grandfather”.79

In Zhang’s memoir written in the 1980s, he said that he had enjoyed visiting Ma Xiangbo almost
every week. Ma was not an artist, but he told Zhang of many of his experiences and anecdotes he
had witnessed. Ma suggested to Zhang that he should read the Daoist classic Zhuangzi 庄子
carefully, because it had many artistic concepts from which Zhang could draw much inspiration.80
When Zhang was fifteen, he tried to paint an oil painting portrait of Ma. Halfway through, Ma
challenged him: “Do you think it looks like me? I do not think so”. Zhang recalled that at that time
he was not confident enough to say it would be good.81 Ma took up calligraphy when over seventy
years old, “either to copy the masterpieces of calligraphy or to write on other people’s requests” as
recalled by Zhang.82 Ma’s attainments in calligraphy attracted Zhang: “I like calligraphy very much,
and therefore I always went to visit great grandfather Ma to ask for his advice”.83

Thanks to the inspiration and encouragement of Ma Xiangbo, in addition to learning Western

painting and French, Zhang self-studied Chinese classics, such as Zhuang Zi, Guwen Guanzhi 古文
观 止 [Anthology of Guwen 84 ], Tang poetry, and practiced calligraphy. He offered to write
obituaries for deceased Chinese Catholics using calligraphy in Li script 隶 书 during his
apprenticeship.85 In 1935, after Zhang came back from Belgium, Ma Xiangbo asked him about his
understanding of the verse in Chu Ci 楚辞 [Songs of the South]: “not to eat carelessly only for
satiety, not to dress slovenly only for warmth” [meaning not to live meaninglessly only for comfort
食不媮而为饱兮，衣不苟而为温]. The context of this verse is about an underappreciated scholar
with his aspirations blighted. Zhang answered quoting Shi Jing 诗经 [The Book of Songs], stating
that he would not deceive the weak nor be afraid of the strong [蜦柔则不茹，刚亦不吐], which is
an expression of praise for an official as the pillar of the country. The two verses have the common
point of talking about the moral dignity of a literati in Chinese classical philosophy. Zhang said that
Ma was pleased and praised him saying that henceforward he could go his own way.86 Since the

79 Private conversation with Chen Yaowang, August 2019.

80 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 175–76.
81Zhang Chongren, ‘Cong suxiang tandao zuoren 从塑像谈到做人 [Behavior Reflected from Sculpture]’, in
Wenlun, ed. Zhang Chongren Jinianguan and Shanghai Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Jiaoliu Zhongxin, Zhang
Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Xilie 3 (Shanghai Renmin Meishu Press, 2010), 153.
82 Lin Zou, ‘Tushanwan Leshantang Jiuwen’, 47.
83 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 175.
84 Prose written in the “ancient style” which is free from the rigid structure of “parallel prose”.
85 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 174–76.
86 Zhang Chongren, ‘Cong suxiang tandao zuoren’, 154.

73
two quotes are not frequently-cited popular idioms, this incident indicated that Zhang was well-
versed in the Chinese classics, and that Ma Xiangbo acknowledged his life orientation.

It could be seen from above that Zhang gained the knowledge of Western art as well as French from
the Jesuit Tushanwan Orphanage, and Chinese knowledge influenced by Ma Xiangbo. His artistic
style came from the unique training method from the Tushanwan studio, and also due to his in-depth
learning of both Western and Chinese cultures.

Tushanwan was one of the key stages for Zhang as an artist, for which in most cases he expressed
gratitude, especially for his teachers Tian and An. Yet he once spoke critically of it. According to
Yan Youren, who was a student and then a colleague of Zhang Chongren from the 1960s to 1990s,
Zhang once told students of the importance of having profound Chinese knowledge. On that
occasion, he used the Tushanwan workshop as comparison:

It is far from enough only to have skilled techniques without the knowledge of classic poetry. If there
is no Eastern wisdom or the classic literary culture, you can never reach a higher level! It is common
to see that the white-haired craftsmen are working diligently in the workshops without reaching all
they could accomplish. Why? Deficiency of the artistic culture! Some of my brothers in Tushanwan
can only do Catholic sculptures and religious paintings all their lives. Why? [They are] captured by
the western techniques due to the lack of the traditional Chinese knowledge.87

This complaint of Zhang had similarity in essence with the account by another Chinese writer, Lin
Yutang 林 语 堂 (1895-1976), who was born in a Protestant family in Zhangzhou (Fujian),
abandoned Christianity and then returned to the religion in his sixties. In his personal account of his
spiritual search back to Christianity in 1959, From Pagan to Christian, he described the shock when
he first discovered that he was cut him off from Chinese knowledge, due to his Christian upbringing:

I had known even in my childhood that Joshua’s trumpets had blown down the walls of Jericho. When
I discovered that the tears of Chi Liang’s widow, on finding her husband dead as conscript labour to
build the Great Wall, had melted away a good section of the Great Wall, my rage was terrible. I had
been cheated of my national heritage. That was what a good Puritan Christian education could do to
a Chinese boy. I determined to plunge into the great stream of our national consciousness.88

Zhang and Lin both mentioned that in the early twentieth century Christian missions in China did
not pay much attention to local knowledge, nor did they care much about introducing them to

87Yan Youren, “Zhang Chongren Xiansheng de ‘Xifa Donghun’张充仁先生的‘西法东魂’ [‘Western Skill vs

Chinese Spirit’ of Zhang Chongren],” in Zhang Chongren Yanjiu, vol. 2, 34.
88 Lin Yutang, From Pagan to Christian (Ohio: World Publishing Company, 1959), 34–35.

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Chinese Christians. This problem had long been noticed by Ma Xiangbo, hence his reminder to
Zhang to pay attention to national knowledge. The dispute over Zhendan between Ma and the Jesuits
at Xujiahui shows how the imbalance of knowledge became a critical national identity issue.

III. Problem of cultural priority: Zhendan University

Convinced of the need for a Catholic higher education institution that would help develop Chinese
students to the highest level, in 1900 Ma donated all his family property to the Jesuit mission in
Xujiahui in order to realise this dream. In 1903, Zhendan University was founded as a collaborative
effort by Ma and the Jesuit missionaries. Both Ma and the Jesuits were agreed on the evangelical
purpose of education; Ma in particular appreciated the model provided by the early Jesuit
interactions in China. He also held the contemporary Catholic clergy in high regard and spoke in
their defence when he saw them being calumniated in the press. In 1903 he wrote to the publisher
Wang Kangnian 汪康年 (1860-1911, founder of Shiwu Ribao 时务日报 [Chinese Progress Daily]
and Jing Bao 京报 [Peking Gazette]) : “one could not be a Roman Catholic clergy without studying
hard for more than ten years and being tested of his proper behaviours”.89 Although the Zhendan
project came to an end two years later in 1905 as will be discussed below, Ma maintained his belief
in the evangelical value of education, and in 1912, he wrote a letter to Pope Pius X asking him to
promote education in China, saying that: “in the evangelical work of the late Ming the missionaries
who came in succession focused on scholarly work. This was the best method for our people, and it
had great effect. Since China had never had a saint such as St. Francis Xavier, who could do miracles
to gain a hearing for the Church, the use of scholarship as an instrument of persuasion along the
pattern set by Ricci, Schall, Verbiest and Aleni, was essential”.90

However, Ma’s consideration of national issues differed from the missionaries, which led to the split
of Zhendan two years later. In 1872, when he received his theology doctorate as a Jesuit priest, Ma
was appointed headmaster of the St. Ignatius Middle School. He had already considered cultivating
students to serve the Qing government and encouraging them to take the Imperial Examination.91
For him, founding Zhendan would be a method to help the nation, as he wrote in 1902 that: “the
Qing court lost in dealing with the foreign relations, ignorant of international law and industry,
without the knowledge of language to enter the fields. Because French is widely used as a Western

89 Ma Xiangbo, “Zhi Wang Kangnian 致汪康年 [Letter to Wang Kangnian (1903)],” in Ma Xiangbo Ji, 48.
90 Ma Xiangbo, ‘A Letter to the Pope Asking Him to Promote Education in China’, in Ma Xiangbo and the Mind
of Modern China 1840-1939, trans. Ruth Hayhoe and Yongling Lu (M.E. Sharpe, 1996), 220.
91Ma Xiangbo, ‘Huode Shenxue Boshi Xuewei Yihou 获得神学博士学位以后 [After Receiving the Theology
Doctorate (16.10.1935)]’, in Yiri Yitan, ed. Wang Ruilin, 1st ed. (Guilin: Lijiang Chubanshe, 2014), 31.

75
international language, Zhendan is to be founded”.92 In 1906, when addressing to the Association
of Chinese Alumni Returned from Japan in Jiangsu, he told them that: “Don’t forget about national
salvation when studying; Don’t forget to study when saving the nation 读书不忘救国，救国不忘
读书”. He repeated the sentence again to Fudan alumni in Nanjing in 1937 (fig. 2.16), which
demonstrates that the national interests had long been his educational preoccupation.

Figure 2.16 Calligraphy by Ma Xiangbo to Fudan alumni in Nanjing (1937).

Image from website.

Jesuit missionaries were dissatisfied with what Ma did in the Middle School, fearing that he would
encourage “paganism” and diminish the loyalty of the students to the Church. Ma recounted that:
“though I am Christian, I paid attention to the teaching of Confucian classics to students. For that
reason, people in the Church did not trust me, fearing that I would make all students pagans
[Confucianists]”.93 However, while being indifferent to Chinese national interests, the missionaries
were willing to take into account French interests. As early as 1855, the missionaries had been
considering the combination of setting up a higher education institution and its use to French agents,
following the suggestions from the French Consulate in Shanghai of the need for a school for
interpreters. To its French audience, the mission reported that such institution would have practical
value, in that “a certain number of young people with good French and having sufficient Chinese

92Ma Xiangbo, ‘Xingxue Bilu 兴学笔录 [Records for Promoting Education (1902)]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu
Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 37.
93 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Cong Zhendan Dao Fudan’, 31.

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culture […] would be the interpreters of our diplomatic agents and traders, both French and Chinese,
who wish to establish business relations between the two countries”.94

After the split of Zhendan in 1905, Ma Xiangbo founded Fudan University to carry on his
educational aim. The regulations of Fudan said that it aimed “to enable aspiring scholars in our
country to study Western higher learning”, it hoped that students could “internalise them to be
qualified citizens and externalise them to cultivate useful talents”. The reason many subjects would
be taught in foreign languages, was because “the world is getting more and more competitive each
day. If one wants to keep oneself, he has to know well about the others first”. Fudan underscored
national learning 国学. The first condition of admission read: “The best qualified applicants need
to be good at both Chinese and foreign languages […] Those poor at Chinese need to consent to
making extra efforts to be qualified before reaching graduation. Anyone intentionally dismissing
national learning, even after being admitted, can also be expelled from the university at any time”.95
Wen-Hsin Yeh commented that national learning at Fudan was “the articulation, in Chinese, of ideas
that addressed Chinese concerns and facilitated social and political changes in China”.96

Jesuit missionaries took over Zhendan and monitored the curriculum, as noted it in the inaugural
article of their publication: “this time the Fathers directed the work and organised the curriculum at
will”. Despite the friction, Ma donated forty thousand yuan and a couple of properties to the mission
again in 1908 to help Zhendan build a new campus in Lujiawan 卢家湾.97 Zhendan remained a
higher education institute teaching students knowledge from overseas, as the Jesuits continued in
the same article that: “the main purpose of the school […] is to facilitate Chinese students acquiring
the knowledge of secondary and higher education, without the need to cross the seas and stay in
Europe or America”. French was the main language: “from the third year, all instructions were given
in French”.98

But Ma was dissatisfied with the preferential treatment of Zhendan towards foreign staff. He
complained to his friend Ying Lianzhi 英敛之 in 1922 that: “Zhendan offered six hundred gold per
month, about eight to nine hundred yuan, to hire a foreign teacher, while it was unwilling to pay just

94Compagnie de Jésus, ed., ‘Une Université Française en Chine [A French University In China]’, Relations de
Chine, no. July-October (1918): 69.
95 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Fudan Gongxue Zhangcheng 复旦公学章程 [The Regulations of Fudan University (1905)]’,
in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 50, 53.
96Wen-hsin Yeh, The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919-1937, vol. 148, Harvard East
Asian Monographs (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1990), 105.
97Ma Xiangbo, ‘Jiachan Dianli Ji 家产典立记 [Record of Selling Family Property (1937)]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed.
Zhu Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 604.
98 Compagnie de Jésus, ‘Une Université Française en Chine’, 75–76.

77
fifty yuan to hire a Chinese teacher”.99 The inaugural article of Zhendan already stated that: “The
education is taught by European teachers; that which falls outside the sphere of studies, such as
equipment and care of students is entrusted to scholars of the country”.100 The priority of Western
knowledge and personnel over local equivalents indicated that the Jesuit-run Zhendan paid more
attention to France than China. Jean-Paul Wiest considered that the Jesuit missionaries were
interested in modelling Zhendan on the French system of education, and basically making it a French
university. He considered that the university mixed “missionary enterprise with French civilization”,
by emphasizing French culture and relying on the support of the French Government.101 In 1928,
Jacques Meyrier, French Consul General, praised the contributions of the Jesuit-monitored Zhendan
to the spreading of French culture among Chinese students.102

Zhendan’s priorities not only caused the split with Ma Xiangbo, but also led to backlashes from
Chinese students. One of the clashes was about Chinese rites, centred on the worship of Confucius.
Since the Jesuits did not allow the ritual to be practiced on campus, they gave students one day off
on the anniversary of the birth of Confucius (4th October), so that ardent Confucians could participate
in the “offerings and various ceremonies, more or less religious” outside the school. But in 1907 a
group of students illuminated their accommodations on campus with lanterns. This action aroused
the suspicion of the missionaries: “although the superstitious nature of the event was not fully certain,
for more safety, the Fathers forbade it. Some students hung the lanterns decorated with characters
in praise of Confucius, despite the ban. Father Lawrence Li, director of the School, had them
removed. To show their displeasure, a number of students left Zhendan”.103

Some other clashes tended to be more politicized. The Jesuits disapproved of the involvement of
students into political movements. After the Wuchang Uprising 武昌起义 in 1911 which became
the beginning of the Xinhai Revolution 辛亥革命, the rector of Zhendan, Jacques de Lapparent,
wrote that schoolwork should continue as if nothing had happened. In 1919, following the May 4th
Movement, a group of Zhendan students attended strikes to show solidarity with those in Beijing.
The Jesuits soon forbade such actions, and declared they would expel disobedient students. In order
to enforce this regulation, they called for the police of the French concession. Seeing this

99 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Zhi Yinghua 致英华 [Letter to Yinghua (1922)]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng
(Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 431.
100 Compagnie de Jésus, ‘Une Université Française en Chine’, 75–76.
101Jean-Paul Wiest, ‘Bringing Christ to the Nations: Shifting Models of Mission among Jesuits in China’, The
Catholic Historical Review 83, no. 4 (1997): 654–81.
102Ren Yi, ‘Zhuquan Zhiquan Yu Jiaoquan: Zhendan Daxue Lian Guocheng Zhong de Zhongwai Boyi
[Educational Sovereignty, School Governance and Magisterium:Sino-Foreign Gaming in the Registration
Process of Université l’Aurore]’, Gaodeng Jiaoyu Yanjiu [Higher Education Studies] 41, no. 05 (2020): 87–96.
103 Compagnie de Jésus, ‘Une Université Française en Chine’, 77.

78
uncompromising attitude, over a hundred students then decided to quit school. 104 In 1929, the
Nationalist Government issued a regulation stating that schools should not have religious influence
on students, while requiring patriotic and nationalist education on campus. The Jesuit missionary
report commented:

The government being neutral, the school will be too […] By contrast, every Monday there will be a
small ceremony in honour of Sun-wen 孙文 […]: which will involve the inclination towards the bust
and minutes of silent meditation. Hence this case of conscience: is it superstition here? The Apostolic
Delegate was of the view that there is none. There is no worry to Christians. But it will also be
necessary to teach the famous ‘party principles,’ to accept as classic book, and to comment on the
indigestible and sometimes absurd book of Sun-wen, the Three People’s Principles 三民主义.105

The Jesuit responses towards contemporary political events might have grown from worry about
disrupting education as they claimed in the university diary106; judging from their description, their
negative view of Sun Zhongshan and patriotic education was based on the concern that it would
become another “superstitious” cult. But seen from a nationalist perspective, their indifference
towards movements expressing nationalist demands, together with their reliance on foreign police
and disrespect of patriotic teaching were proof of their colonial self-identity. The mismatched
understandings of the situation led the missionaries to implement suppression of local practices and
national events, causing bounce-back from students. During 1920-28, the strongly nationalistic
nationwide Anti-Christian movement 非基督教运动 (to be further discussed later), struck Zhendan.
The movement accused the Christian missionaries of playing a role in eliminating national
awareness, particularly in the field of education; thus, it demanded the reclaim of educational rights
from mission-run institutions. Students from a number of Church universities went on strike,
including Lingnan University, Huachung University, St. John’s University, Zhendan University and
others. Yet the missionaries in charge of Zhendan did not realize the nationalist core of the
movement and did not acknowledge its validity, noting in their report: “the 1927-1928 year has
passed without incident. The return was normal, even larger than could have been expected after the
famous strike […] In a word, justice, silent for so long, was then restored. Also, one could say that

104Wiest, ‘Bringing Christ to the Nations’; Gu Changsheng, Chuanjiaoshi yu Jindai Zhongguo 传教士与近代中国
[Missionaries and Modern China] (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1991), 339.
105Compagnie de Jésus, ‘L’Annee Apostolique 1928-9 (Nankin)’, Les Missions des Jesuits de France, no. January
(1930): 40.
106 Wiest, ‘Bringing Christ to the Nations’.

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the result of the last school strike, absurd and unfortunate, caused by a few individuals, is rather
pleasing than unhappy”.107

The indifferent even disapproving attitude towards local agency was not limited to the Jesuit mission
in Xujiahui but also other missions, as the Catholic mission is criticized for its dismissive attitude
towards local contribution in cultural exchange and is regarded as “cultural colonialism” as early as
by Qu Qiubai 瞿秋白 in the Anti-Christian Movement and being adopted by scholars, such as Gu
Changsheng.108 However, in addition to the problem of a colonial mentality striving to impose
westernization, I consider it necessary to examine the religious contexts of the Catholic Church in
Europe, as this helps us to understand why Catholic missionaries felt justified in their attitude and
persisted in holding on to it.

IV. Institutional reason for the persistence of imbalance in cultural exchange

In 1933, writer Lu Xun 鲁迅 wrote in a short essay Chi Jiao 吃教 satirizing the utilitarianism that
meant: “since the entry of Christianity, converts have seen themselves as committed to religion,
while people outside the Church called them ‘chi jiao [rice Christians]’. The two words really hit
the nail on the head, to identify the ‘spirit’ of Christians”.109 In 1941, A.J. Cronin depicted in his
novel The Keys of the Kingdom a Chinese catechist couple who hosted the Scottish missionary
Francis Chisholm, mainly for the money they could receive from his church.110 The two pieces of
literature indicate that the image of Chinese “rice Christians”, who claimed to be Christian for
material benefit rather than for religious reasons, was a popular perception of local dependency on
Christian missions in China.

Considering the phenomenon of “rice Christians” and clashes of ideas at Zhendan, the critique of
“cultural colonialism (or imperialism)” seems to be relevant, as the missionaries either generated a
dependant following or imposed their vision on the locals. In its encounter with China, the Catholic
Church failed to “credit the recipient population with any autonomy in the process of cultural
change”.111 This point of view surfaced in some research, and can be seen in the wording of their
titles. David Mungello used the term “Catholic invasion” to indicate the privileged position of the

107Compagnie de Jésus, ‘L’Annee Apostolique 1927-8 (Nankin)’, Les Missions des Jesuits de France, no. April
(1929): 382–83.
108Tao Feiya, ‘“Wenhua Qinlüe” Yuanliu Kao 文化侵略源流考 [A Textual Study of “Cultural Aggression”]’,
Wenshizhe [Journal of Literature, History and Philosophy], no. 5 (2003): 31–39.
109 Lu Xun, ‘Chi Jiao 吃教 [Rice Christians]’, Shen Bao 申报, 29 September 1933.
110 A. J Cronin, The Keys of the Kingdom (London: Bello, 2013).
111Ryan Dunch, ‘Beyond Cultural Imperialism: Cultural Theory, Christian Missions, and Global Modernity’,
History and Theory 41, no. 3 (2002): 301–25.

80
Catholic mission. He said that: “the Catholic invasion of China involved attitudes of superiority that
transcended the realm of spirituality. This superiority involved cultural, economic, intellectual,
moral, political, physical, and racial spheres”. 112 Ernest Young utilized the term “ecclesiastical
colony” to describe the power struggles between different groups of China mission, which hinted
the inter-relation between the Church and political colonial process. In fact, as Bevans Stephen has
pointed out, Christianity and colonialism are often closely associated with each other, because the
modern missionary era was in many ways the “religious arm” of colonialism. 113 For example,
scholars of the Belgian Congo, put forward a theory of “trinity” to explain Belgian colonial
management as a close collaboration between the state, Catholic missions, and enterprises.114

Admittedly this critique sheds light on the key contradiction between the Church and China, which
was the national question, as noted earlier the conflict about Confucius worship and the ceremony
reflecting on Sun Zhongshan in Zhendan. In addition to that, as far as I am concerned, the element
of Catholic history in Europe needs to be considered to understand these missionary behaviors. A
key feature of the Catholic missionary approach is a confrontational attitude towards any
“heterodoxy”, an approach which originated in the Church in Europe.

It is clear that the Jesuits viewed non-Catholic beliefs and cults in China as competitors of Catholic
religion. Seeing that the Jiangnan mission had several popular Buddhist and Daoist cult, including
the Buddhist Longhua Pagoda 龙华塔 (a few kilometers southeast of Xujiahui), the Lang Mountain
狼山 and the Daoist Jiuhua Mountain 九华山, the Jesuits founded the She Mountain 佘山
pilgrimage site to compete with them.115 Viewed in a longer time scale of the Catholic mission
history, the period from 1850 to about 1965, as Jean-Paul Wiest summarized, marks the heyday of
the “frontier model”. It means that “the missionaries are those who work beyond the frontiers of
Christian faith and Western civilization among people often labeled as pagans and uncivilized”.116

Yet, Catholics not only treated different ideologies in this manner in mission destinations, they held
the same attitudes towards any non-Catholics in Europe, sometimes within the same country.
Christopher Clark and Wolfram Kaiser studied the phenomenon of Catholic conflicts in nineteenth

112 Mungello, The Catholic Invasion of China, 14.

113 Bevans Stephen, ‘New Evangelical Vision and Mission’, Divine Word Missionary Magazine, 2002,
https://www.webcitation.org/6FLkZGAfR?url=http://www.secondenlightenment.org/Christian%20Complicit
y.pdf.
114 Crawford Young, Politics in the Congo: Decolonization and Independence (Princeton University Press, 1965); Marvin
D. Markowitz, ‘The Missions and Political Development in the Congo’, Africa: Journal of the International African
Institute 40, no. 3 (1970): 234–47.
115 Havret, La Mission du Kiang-Nan, son Histoire, ses Oeuvres, 74.
116 Wiest, ‘Bringing Christ to the Nations’.

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century Europe. The Catholic Church underwent a decline of influence impacted by the historic
events in the eighteenth century: the industrial revolution, the rise of capitalism, the development of
Enlightenment ideas and the rise of the nation state. The Church in France suffered the most during
the French Revolution, due to the severity of anti-clerical measures: the abolition of the tithes, the
nationalization of Church property, the dissolution of all religious orders and congregations.117 But
the Catholic Church in nineteenth-century Europe did not adapt to secularism, instead it reinforced
itself to become more religious. The process embodied not only the revival of Catholic popular
religion among mass and the ascendancy of Roman authority (Ultramontanism), but also “culture
wars” with secular powers all over Europe such as in Belgium the “guerre scolaire [school war]”
(1879-1884), in Prussia the “Kulturkampf [culture struggle]” (1872-78). 118 In France, James
McMillan pointed out the conflict between the secular and the Catholic during 1879-1905 was
characterised not only by the legislative war in the parliament, but also on the ground among
ordinary people, which was part of the Guerre des deux Frances [war of two Frances].119

Within the general Christian community, the Catholic–Protestant relations were generally
confrontational too. After the Reformation Movement which began in 1517 caused the schism within
the Church, the Catholic Council of Trent held in 1563 adopted a Counter-Reformation attitude and
condemned a number of Protestant practices as heresies. It was not until the early twentieth century
that the tension was eased progressively. In 1910, the Protestant International Missionary
Conference in Edinburgh invited the Catholics to attend; 120 in 1923-27, the Conversations at
Malines (or Mechelen, Belgium) were a series of informal ecumenical conversations between the
Roman Catholic Church and the Church of England.121

Hence, when the Jesuits arrived in Jiangnan, they persisted in “correcting” local Catholic practices
and theologies, and then teaching them the “orthodoxy”. The logic behind their tight control of local
conversions, converts and cultivations was to make sure that the “correct form” was not influenced
by other confessional belongings, including familial, communal, and national ones. But at a time
when Chinese nationalist sentiments were on the rise, their practices appeared to be colonial and
imposing.

R. G. Tiedemann, ‘Late Qing Scene’, in Handbook of Christianity in China, ed. R. G. Tiedemann, vol. 2, 2 vols,
117

Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section Four: China (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 278–353.
118Christopher Clark and Wolfram Kaiser, eds., Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 11, 17–18.
119 James McMillan, ‘“Priest Hits Girl”: On the Front Line in the “War of the Two Frances”’, in Culture Wars:
Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. Christopher Clark and Wolfram Kaiser (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2003), 77–101.
120 Stephen B. Bevans, ed., A Century of Catholic Mission: Roman Catholic Missiology 1910 to the Present, 2015, 2.
121 John A. Dick, The Malines Conversations Revisited (University Press, 1989).

82
To make the scenario more critical, most Catholic missionaries in China were less flexible than the
Jesuits in terms of treating local cultures and customs. Mungello pointed out that only two Catholic
mission groups emphasized learning the Chinese language: the French Jesuits in Shanghai and
Belgian Scheut fathers in Mongolia. 122 Other vicarates tended to be more rigorous in terms of
enforcing a Roman-style church. Studying the Franciscan mission in the village of Dong’er Gou 洞
儿沟 in Shanxi, Henrietta Harrison found that the missionary attempts to build the Church were in
ways similar to those of Catholics in other parts of the world, at odds with the local Catholics who
had adopted Catholic rituals and teachings for their own purposes.123

V. The development of national awareness in Zhang Chongren

Being a Chinese Catholic, Zhang was not as fully aware of, nor as engaged in the manifold China-
Catholic relationship as Ma Xiangbo. Nonetheless, his frequent visits to Ma’s place, Le Shan Tang
乐 善堂 , drew his attention to the turbulence of that time in China. According to Lin Zou’s
descriptions of Ma’s house, “the walls of the parlour are fully covered by calligraphies and paintings
from others. Those from Yu Youren and Zhang Taiyan account for the most”.124 Yu Youren and
Zhang Taiyan got acquainted with Ma from 1905 and from 1907, and then formed a close
relationship. Yu was a senior politician of the Republic of China. He served the post of Deputy
Minister of Transportation and Communication in 1912, and assumed the post of Director of Audit
审计院 in 1928 and Director of the Control Yuan 监察院 in 1932. According to the research by
Theodore Huters, at the turn of twentieth century, Zhang Taiyan argued that the way out of China’s
precarious situation was to learn from the western model, i.e. nationalism.125 Since Zhang Chongren
was fond of calligraphy, it was likely that he learnt of Zhang Taiyan and Yu Youren as he visited
Ma. In 1936, after returning from Belgium, he sculpted a bust for Yu Youren (fig. 2.17).

122 Mungello, The Catholic Invasion of China, 40.

123 Harrison, Missionary’s Curse and Other Tales from a Chinese Catholic Village.
124 Lin Zou, ‘Tushanwan Leshantang Jiuwen’, 47.
125Theodore Huters, Bringing the World Home: Appropriating the West in Late Qing and Early Republican China
(University of Hawai’i Press, 2005), Chapter 1, 2, 3 and 8.

83
 Figure 2.17 Bust of Yu Youren by Zhang Chongren (1936). Photograph courtesy of
Chen Yaowang.

In his interviews in 1990 with the Belgian journalist, Gérard Lenne, Zhang mentioned several
historic events, noting that in 1924 the Jiangsu-Zhejiang War 江浙战争 between the warlords Lu
Yongxiang 卢永祥 and Qi Xieyuan 齐燮元 broke out and spread near the boundary of Xujiahui
village. In order to defend against harassment by soldiers, young people formed local security
groups.126 A year later, the May Thirtieth Movement 五卅运动 took place. From the newspapers,
he got to know of the conflict and saw the thin wooden coffins of those killed during the protest by
the police.127 In 1928, he read the news of the assassination of Zhang Zuolin 张作霖 and witnessed
the Japanese propaganda near the Japanese settlement of Hongkou in Shanghai.128 This shows that
Zhang cared about contemporary events in China. Considering his approach of study, Zhang
followed the teaching of Ma Xiangbo to pursue knowledge from various places, as well as to keep
an eye on national issues.

At the turn of the twentieth century, although Ma Xiangbo had long been calling for China-Catholic
collaboration, the gap between Catholics and non-Catholics caused by the missionary
confrontational attitude and mutual negative feedback became wider. Mistrust and
misunderstandings replaced the sense of solidarity between early Jesuits and local converts. For

126 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 178.

127Tchang Tchong-Jen and Gérard Lenne, Tchang au Pays du Lotus Bleu [Zhang in the Land of the Blue Lotus] (Paris:
Éditions Séguier, 2013), 26.
128 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 201.

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Chinese Catholics like Ma, this vicious circle gave rise to an urgent need to ameliorate the mutual
relationship as the pre-condition to carry out any collaborative project. However, his appeal would
not be responded to until approaches towards China began to change in Europe, because as I will
further elaborate in the next chapter, to a large extent, the European contexts determined the
understanding of missionaries to China.

As the problem of the French Protectorate stayed intense, a change of climate in the Catholic Church
was also on the way. Despite being trained in the French method, the Belgian Lazarist missionary
Vincent Lebbe began to tackle the deadlock of between the Church and the nation from the
beginning of the twentieth century. His initiatives brought Belgium into the picture of the China-
Catholic relationship, and also paved the way for Zhang to go to Belgium.

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 Chapter 3: A Sino-Belgian Network of the Catholics (1901-1919)

Zhang Chongren and Hergéwere able to meet up with each other in Belgium in the 1930s thanks to
the Sino-Belgian Catholic network established in the beginning of the twentieth century. At the turn
of the century, the Catholic Church nurtured its community in both Belgium and China, as could be
seen from the Catholic upbringing of Zhang and Hergé, who were born in the same year, 1907. Their
Catholic environments shared some similarities, which became their common ground as they met
later in life. For example, the pastoral attention given to educating the youth formed their lifestyle
and cultivated their moral compass. But before the 1920s, the Catholic Church in Belgium and China
did not yet have a profound relationship.

It was the Belgian Lazarist missionary, Vincent Lebbe, who connected Catholics interested in
forming relations both in Europe and China. Lebbe’s outlook had evolved from francocentrism to
cosmopolitanism, through his decade-long experience of living in the post-Boxer Zhili 直隶 region,
where he arrived in 1901. He acknowledged the that the Catholic mission in China needed to deal
with the national question, after he became friends with Ying Lianzhi, the founder of Dagong Bao
大公报, and Ying was a close friend of Ma Xiangbo. He then discovered that the Vatican was
interested in establishing direct connection with China too. In 1913, during his brief return to
Belgium, Lebbe was impressed by the active role of the Catholic Church in Belgium. From the late
nineteenth century, the level of social engagement of the Church was high. The scout organization
which Hergé joined, Belgian Catholic Scouts, and the newspaper he worked for, Le Vingetième
Siècle, responded to social questions. This level of engagement was not realized in the Catholic
China mission at that time. The practical examples he saw in Belgium became one of the inspirations
that helped Lebbe build the Sino-Belgian connection. He also met in person with the Belgian
Archbishop Désiré-Joseph Mercier (1851-1926) whose progressive attitudes had resulted in the
establishment of a new theological discipline related to mission at Leuven University. Lebbe found
it necessary to make the Catholic China Church as grounded in society as that in Belgium, that is to
say, to acknowledge Chinese national interests, for which he received hierarchical endorsement from
Mercier. Later during WWI, the Archbishop played an important role in stimulating Belgian
patriotism in face of German invasion.

With Mercier’s new perspective on the China mission and his encouragement, Lebbe attempted to
connect the Catholic Church with Chinese national interests. His initiatives met the long-term
demand of Ma and Ying regarding to the development of the Church in China and they participated
in the social activities that Lebbe played important roles in setting up, including the Catholic Action
association 公教进行会 and the newspaper Yishi Bao 益世报, as well as making public speeches.
86
Following the foundation of the Republic of China in 1912, the Prime Minister Lu Zhengxiang
joined this network. He was in charge of establishing diplomatic relationship with the Vatican, so
as to disentangle political and ecclesiastical interests controlled by the French Protectorate.

However their reforms faced opposition from France and Lazarist French superiors, who tried to
threaten China to abandon the China-Vatican diplomatic project (1918), and forced Lebbe to leave
China and return to Belgium in 1920. Lebbe’s physical distance away from China made him pay
attention to overseas Chinese in Europe. Drawing inspiration from the Catholic youth movement in
Europe, which was popular in Belgium, Lebbe started a Catholic project for Chinese students, and
it was this project which attracted Zhang to go to Belgium in 1931.

I. Catholic upbringings of Zhang and Hergé

In May 1907, Georges Remi (who later took the pseudonym Hergé) was born to a middle-class
Roman Catholic family in Etterbeek, the south-eastern part of Brussels: his father Alexis worked in
a confectionery factory, and his mother Elisabeth Dufour, was a housewife. He also had a younger
brother him, Paul. After finishing his primary education, Hergé first went to a non-Catholic
secondary school, but he recounted that, “on the advice of my father’s boss, a very good man, I was
taken out of the school-without-God and put in St. Boniface School” in 1920. There, he said he was
“politely but firmly asked to leave the ‘Boy Scouts of Belgium’ (scouts without God, too) […] to
join the Federation of Catholic Scouts”.1

From the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century, Belgian society was divided
according to confessional belonging mainly between liberals and Catholics, with the socialists
emerging as a force at the turn of the twentieth century, and the Flemish/French linguistic division
adding to the complexity from the 1920s. Carl Strikwerda, scholars of Belgian history, termed the
phenomena as “pillarization”. The Catholic and liberal “pillars” both created their own institutions
covering a broad range of societal domains, from school to political parties, from publication to
entertainment. 2 Belonging to the Catholic Church implied staying away from non-Catholic
institutions which is why arrangement was made for the young Hergéto be moved to a Catholic
school and scouting organization.

1 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 29.

2 Carl Strikwerda, A House Divided: Catholics, Socialists, and Flemish Nationalists in Nineteenth-Century Belgium
(Lanham, Md.; Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997).

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 Figure 3.1 Propaganda against the rival education between the liberals (above) and Catholics (below)
in Belgium. Photo by author at Musée BELvue (March 2017).

There was some similarity between this competitive attitude towards other belief and social systems
and that of Jesuit missionaries in Xujiahui, though in China, they did not fight against liberalism at
that time, but “paganism”. As soon as missionaries arrived in Xujiahui in 1840s, they were
concerned about non-Christian activities, such as theatrical events with “superstitious” content,
marriage with non-Catholics, the celebration of “pagan” festivals, as well as “superstitious” practices,

88
including the worship of ancestors and Confucius.3 They thus paid much attention to limiting non-
Christian influences on local converts.

In 1905, two years before Zhang was born, Jesuit P. Durand and R. Rodet (no background information
currently available) reported that Jesuit missionaries had come up with a new method to safegurad
the religious life of the Catholic workers from Tushanwan. Since some young workers would leave
Xujiahui and move away from clergy, missionaries were worried that while working or trading in
the city of Shanghai, would come under non-Christian influences, and then neglect their religious
duties. In 1904, the missionaries obtained approval from the Chinese authorities to found a
“Corporation of Arts and Trades”, which gained five hundred members in less than a year. The
purpose was to help Christian workers of all professions to faithfully observe their religious duties.
Assisted by rich and influential Christians in Shanghai, the missionaries opened Christian workshops
admitting Christian apprentices only, where they followed a schedule combining work and religion.
Workshop members were required to observe the dates of fasting and abstinence, and gather at the
“Lao Tang” church in Shanghai city five times a year.4 According to the records of Jesuit historian
Joseph de La Servière 史式徽, further measures were taken if a worker from the Tushanwan
workshops found a job in a non-Christian factory. Designated ministers would help him to sign
contracts with employers stipulating that the employee be allowed: “1) not to participate in any
superstitious [non-Christian] activities 2) be able to go to the mass on Sundays and Solemnity days,
and 3) to convene in Tushanwan several times a year”.5

When Zhang was born in September 1907, he grew up in a Catholic environment supervised by
Jesuit missionaries to ensure that everyone followed a proper Catholic life. We can gain some idea
of the shape of Zhang Chongren’s daily practices by looking at the morning routine followed by Ma
Xiangbo. According to Lin Zou writing in 1937, Ma woke up at 4 o’clock every morning; holding
the Bible in the right hand and rosary in the left, he meditated on God, and at 6 o’clock he would
have the mass with a priest and receive the Eucharist.6 According to Zhang’s biographer, Fu Weixin,
religious practices and ceremonies also became part of his life. After Zhang moved away from
Xujiahui to Rue du Père Froc 劳神父路 (now Hefei Road) in 1936, he regularly attended mass and

3 Joseph de la Servière, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi 江南传教史 [Histoire de la Mission du Kiangnan], trans. Tianzhujiao
Shanghai Jiaoqu Shiliao Yixiezu [Translation Group of the Historical Sources of the Roman Catholic Diocese of
Shanghai], vol. 1 (Shanghai, 1983), 25–28.
4 P. Ach. Durand and R. Rodet, ‘Choses et Autres [Various Things]’, Relations de Chine, no. July (1905): 552–54.
5 Servière, “l’Orphelinat de T’ou-Sè-Wè, 1864-1914,” 165.
6 Lin Zou, “Tushanwan Leshantang Jiuwen 土山湾乐善堂旧闻 [Old Stories of Leshan Hall in T’ou-Sè-Wè],”
in Chongshi Lishi Suipian, 47.

89
vespers at the nearby St. Peter’s Church 圣伯多禄堂, had a Catholic wedding ceremony for his
marriage in 1939, and had his children (three daughters and one son) baptized.7

As introduced in the previous chapter, Zhang entered the Tushanwan Orphanage where great
attention was paid to education. Education had been one of the hallmarks of the Jesuits: they drafted
a strict and systematic education plan as early as 1599 in Ratio Studiorum. With evangelical purposes
in mind, the Jesuit missionaries at Xujiahui also designed detailed educational plans. Reviewing
mission work from 1840 to 1900, de La Servière explained how the educational institutions worked.
To attract new pupils, primary education was made free: “the missionaries will have more authority
to urge the parents to send their children there; and education, especially religious education, will
spread among Christians”.8 After taking in the children, following step-by-step designs were in
place:

These primary schools will be a nursery, the missionaries will be able to choose the children who will
have more talent, and those who have potential to exert greater influence, and place them in schools
of a higher level. Only after four or five years of study will they be admitted to the latter schools, and
there will have to have been some notable progress, which has been verified by serious examinations.
These higher schools, will have a course lasting three or four years, and will include […] the in-depth
study of books of religion, so that these young people know how to justify their faith, to explain it,
and to prove it to the pagans […] In their finite studies, these young men, who will be taken special
care of by the Fathers, hopefully will be good Christians and able to exert on others a good influence.
Some may be chosen for preparatory studies to the priesthood, and will begin to learn Latin; others
will be placed in schools as teachers, and when they reach the age of twenty-six or twenty-eight, they
may serve as catechists under the direction of the missionaries.

Tushanwan was regarded by de La Servière as one of the projects which lived up to this Jesuit
expectation of primary education.9

It was at Tushanwan, Zhang met his priest teachers, Tian Zhongde and An Shouyue, who taught him
that life must be lived with dedication and integrity. In 1941, Zhang expressed his view of the proper
and erroneous practices of artists in the article “Self-cultivation of Artists”: “Not all artwork can
elevate audiences. It requires the artist to have high levels of self-cultivation, noble ideas and
matured techniques [...] If one practices rarely in 365 days but uses his poor skills to engage with
sensational topics, such as politics and contemporary trends, and make empty words distorting

7 Fu Weixin, ‘Zhang Chongren Chuanqi Yisheng’, September 2002, 388, 390.

8 de La Servière, Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan, 1914, 1:172.
9 de La Servière, 1:172.

90
people’s minds, as so to gain fame, it does no benefit to society and would impede the aesthetical
education of the public, which are all obstacles to the development of art”.10

The Catholic Church in Belgium was also aware of the importance of influencing young people. For
example, the Belgian Catholic Scouts which Hergéjoined was part of the Church youth organization,
Association catholique de la jeunesse belge [A.C.J.B., Catholic Association of Belgian Youth]
(1910). The Scout Movement was initiated in 1906 by Robert Baden-Powell, a lieutenant general in
the British Army. It focused on the outdoors and survival skills that aimed to prepare young people
to become good citizens in the future.11 The movement soon spread into Belgian society and was
utilised by both the liberal and Catholic “pillars” respectively to found the “Boy Scouts of Belgium”
(1910) and the “Belgian Catholic Scouts” (1912).

Hergéenjoyed and cherished the scouting experience. At that time, the scout movement aroused
enthusiasm in many young people, because it offered “a new lifestyle that advocates action-based
pedagogy and awakens enthusiasm for an ideal. Spontaneity and autonomy now take precedence
over paternalistic attitudes”. 12 The Belgian Catholic Scouts enabled Hergé to travel to summer
camps in Italy, Switzerland, Austria and Spain. He became the troop leader of the “Squirrel Patrol”
and earned the name “Curious Fox”.13 Scouting stressed a set of code of behaviour in order to
cultivate the morality of the youth, which encompassed loyalty, sense of duty, chivalry, obedience,
endurance, kind-heartedness, love for nature and friendliness to any other scout regardless of their
origins.14 Some of its values exerted life-long influences on Hergé. In 1974, he told the interviewer
Henri Roanne that: “It was with scouting that the world really began to open up in front of me [...]
Being close to nature, respecting nature, resourcefulness. It was all very important to me and even
if it all seems a bit old-fashioned today, I still hold dear the values we learned”.15

In 1925, Hergéfinished secondary school and his parents sent him to the Institute St. Luc to further
his study of drawing. This art school belongs to Écoles supérieures des arts Saint-Luc [St. Luc
Higher School of Arts], covering a series of institutions of art education. Its Brussels branch was

10Zhang Chongren, ‘Yishujia Zhi Xiuyang 艺术家之修养 [Self-cultivation of Artists]’, in Wenlun, ed. Zhang
Chongren Jinianguan and Shanghai Research Centre of the Arts of Zhang Chongren, Zhang Chongren Yishu
Yanjiu Xilie 3 (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2010), 61.
11Robert Stephenson Smyth Baden-Powell Baden-Powell of Gilwell Baron, 1857-1941., Scouting for Boys: A
Handbook for Instruction in Good Citizenship (London: C.A. Pearson, 1908).
12François Rosart, ‘Jalons pour une histoire des mouvements de jeunesse catholiques en Belgique francophone
[Milestones for a history of Catholic youth movements in French-speaking Belgium]’, in Entre jeux et enjeux:
Mouvement de jeunesse catholiques en Belgique, 1910-1940, ed. Françoise Rosart and Thierry Scaillet (Louvain-La-
Neuve: ARCA/Academia Bruylant, 2002), 13, 15.
13 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 30.
14 Baden-Powell of Gilwell, Scouting for Boys.
15 Hergé, Hergéin His Own Words, 11.

91
founded in 1882, in the charge of Catholic priests. It is interesting to note the coincidence that the
French Jesuit Adolphe Vasseur described the Tushanwan Studio as a “Chinese St. Luc School” in
his book Mélanges sur la Chine in 1884. Hergé, however, said he dropped out of the school on the
first day, because he was asked to draw a plaster Corinthian column, which he found lifeless.16
Following a suggestion during a scout meeting from Abbot Vader Wathiau, director of St. Boniface
School during 1923-1926, Hergétook a job with the Catholic newspaper Le Vingtième Siècle, where
he first published Tintin.17

Looking back in the 1970s Hergé considered that Tintin was born of his unconscious desire “to be
perfect, to be a ‘hero’”. He attributed the ambition of “aspiring to do better” to having been a boy
scout. When asked whether he was affected by the Catholic religion, Hergéadmitted that in the
sense of “some form of morality […] a way of thinking and feeling” he was very influenced: for
example, the notion of sin had long pursued him. He said that for a period of time, he was sincerely
convinced that he was “a true believer and an excellent Catholic”.18

When Tintin was first created, he acted like a boy scout. In fact, the prototype of Tintin came from
the early comic strip Hergécreated in 1926, Les Aventures de Totor [The Adventures of Totor] for
the journal Le Boy-Scout Belge [The Belgian Boy Scout] (fig. 3.2). Although Tintin was a reporter
by profession, in the early stories he behaved like scout seeking to restore morality and defend justice
around the world. Hergécriticized, via Tintin, the oppression of the weak, either by power or by
money. For example, in Tintin in America (1931), he defended the property of Native American
against rich white merchants who wanted to use money and force to take over the land of the
American Indians, because they had discovered an oil well there. However, Tintin resolutely refused
to sell the property of American Indians to them (fig. 3.3).19

16 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 29–30.

17 Bergeron, Hergé,le voyageur immobile, 156.
18 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 55–56, 159, 150–51.
19 Hergé, Tintin en Amérique [Tintin in America], Les Aventures de Tintin 3 (Tournai: Casterman, 1947), 29.

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 Figure 3.2 Les Aventures de Totor
Image from Le Boy-Scout Belge

Figure 3.3 Tintin refused to sell the property of American Indians to rich white merchants, but they
used force to take over the land where oil well was discovered. Images from Tintin en Amérique.

In 1934, when Zhang Chongren first met Hergéand read his Tintin in America, he quickly spotted
and appreciated the qualities and morality of Hergé. Zhang and Hergéboth described their encounter
in 1934-35 in an amicable tone. In his memoir, Zhang recalled that when Hergé saw him, he
appeared to be very glad. He felt that Hergéwas kind and sincere without any arrogance. “Although

93
it was the first meeting,” Zhang said, “it made me yearn for friendship”.20 Looking back, Hergésaid
that: “He [Zhang] was an exceptional boy”.21

Zhang noticed the quality of diligence in Hergéwhen he first met him. His first impression of Hergé
was that: he had a slender face, bright eyes and chapped lips. Seeing Hergéworking in his study,
with paper, paint and brushes scattered around on the huge desk, Zhang thought he must be quite
hardworking. 22 As Zhang perceived, Hergé was working hard for his job. According to his
biographer Benoî
t Peeters, Hergé devoted much energy to fulfilling his responsibilities for the
newspaper and sometimes worked seven days a week or stayed until late.23 On that occasion, Hergé
also showed Zhang his drawings and previous Tintin stories. Zhang said he was especially impressed
by the episode of Tintin defending American Indians against white exploiters and said that Tintin
was a sympathizer of the weak and advocate of peace.24

The Catholic upbringing Zhang and Hergéhad both experienced became one of the common bases
of their immediate bond and close relationship, especially in terms of moral compass. The Catholic
Church both in Belgium and China emphasized influencing the young generation to keep their
Catholic faith as well as practices. But at the beginning of the twentieth century, as Zhang and Hergé
grew up, there was yet no profound connection between the Catholic Church in China and Belgium.
It was through the activities of the Belgian Lazarist missionary, Vincent Lebbe, that the interests
that various parties had in making connections began to come together.

II. Gap between the Church in China and in Belgium

In 1913 during his trip return to Belgium, Lebbe was impressed by the active social engagement of
the Catholic Church there, and resolved to bring the method back to China. The Church in Belgium
regarded itself as an integral part of society. Both the scout movement, and the newspaper which
Hergéjoined had a social agenda in mind which was intended by the Church to keep its believers,
as social conflicts intensified due to industrialization and liberal/socialist ideologies had been on the
rise from the late nineteenth century.

In Europe, the Catholic Church turned its attention to social questions in 1891, when Pope Leo XIII
issued the influential encyclical Rerum Novarum [Of the New Things] which encouraged the Church

20 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 200.

21 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 61.
22 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 200.
23 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 31.
24 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 200.

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to engage more actively with society.25 Belgium was the first industrialised country in continental
Europe. As its economy developed in the late nineteenth century, workers’ living and working
conditions worsened,26 thus giving rise to socialist ideologies.27 In Karl Marx’s eyes, the country
was the “paradise of the landlord, the capitalist, and the priest”.28 In the spirit of Rerum Novarum,
a Flemish Catholic priest Adolf Daens from Aalst, launched a political campaign and founded the
party Christene Volkspartij [Christian People’s Party] to support the interests of Catholic workers
in 1893. Daens was elected as a member of parliament to initiate political changes.29 Though the
Church did not fully approve of the radical elements of Daens’s initiatives, it was also concerned
about maintaining the loyalty of workers. The Catholic unions not only learnt from the strategies of
socialist organisations, but also mobilised the segments of the working class that were ignored by
the socialists, including women, Flemish, suburban and less-skilled workers. At the beginning of the
twentieth century, the Belgian Catholic workers had larger union than the socialists.30 Among other
classes and sectors, the Church also led large-scale all-encompassing organisations.

The youth movement in Belgium was part of the trend. In response to the 1922 encyclical of Pius
XI titled Ubi arcano Dei consilio [When in the Inscrutable Designs of God], which emphasised the
apostolic work of the laity, the Catholic Association of Belgian Youth (A.C.J.B.) became further
formalized in 1924 with parish associations and regional federations. Its motto was to “take Belgium
to Christ”, with the focus on raising the religious consciousness of youth, out of concern over the
de-Christianisation of Belgium society. 31 Scouting was one of the methods employed by the
A.C.J.B., which set up the Federation of Catholic Scouts.

25 John Augustine Ryan, ‘Rerum Novarum’, in Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 5
December 1911), http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/12783a.htm; Leo XIII, ‘Rerum Novarum [Of the New
Things]’, 15 May 1891, https://w2.vatican.va/content/leo-xiii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-
xiii_enc_15051891_rerum-novarum.html.
26 Geert Bekaert, ‘Caloric Consumption in Industrializing Belgium’, The Journal of Economic History 51, no. 3
(1991): 633–55.
27 Janet L. Polasky, ‘A Revolution for Socialist Reforms: The Belgian General Strike for Universal Suffrage’,
Journal of Contemporary History 27, no. 3 (1992): 449–66.
28 Karl Marx, The Belgian Massacres. To the Workmen of Europe and the United States, 1869,
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/iwma/documents/1869/belgian-massacre.htm.
29 See the biographic movie by Stijn Coninx, Daens, 1992; for academic research refer to Frans-Jos Verdoodt,
‘Kerk En Christen-Democratie : De Katholieke Kerk Tegenover de Christen-Democratie in België,
Inzonderheid Tegenover de Door Haar Als Dissident Beschouwde Priester Adolf Daens En Diens
Medestanders (1890-1907) [The Church and Christian Democracy. The Church Vis-a-Vis Christian Democracy
in Belgium, Especially with Regard to Priest Adolf Daens and His Supporters (1890-1907), Both Considered as
Dissidents by the Church]’ (Ph.D. thesis, Gent, Gent University, 1988).
30 Carl Strikwerda, ‘The Divided Class: Catholics vs. Socialists in Belgium, 1880-1914’, Comparative Studies in
Society and History 30, no. 2 (1988): 333–59.
31Giovanni Hoyois, L’Association Catholique de la Jeunesse Belge: Aperçu Sommaire [The Catholic Association of Belgian
Youth: Overview Summary] (Liège: Études Religieuses, 1925), 2, 13.

95
Although the A.C.J.B. declared that it was uninterested in political matters and mainly concerned
with spiritual or moral actions,32 young Belgians were active in expressing their political attitudes.
In 1927, Bishop Picard, the chaplain general of the A.C.J.B., appointed an ardent Catholic youth
Léon Degrelle (1906-1994) to take charge of L’Avant-Garde [The Vanguard], the Leuven student
newspaper. Degrelle was politically ambitious and his contact with youth won him a group of
followers. These young people committed to Christian teaching were dissatisfied with the
compromises made by the current Catholic party, which they thought failed to comply with Christian
values and needed moral reform. Although the A.C.J.B. youth movement was apolitical, the
historian Françoise Rosart has argued that participation in it prepared young people for political
engagement.33 Degrelle later became the colleague of Hergéat Le Vingtième Siècle.

The Catholic press, as an important social institution, was well developed and Catholic newspapers
took an active part in society. Paul Gérin gathered 105 titles of popular Catholic and democratic
Christian publications published between 1848 and 1914 in Brussels and the Wallonia area alone.34
The newspaper Hergéworked for, Le Vingtième Siècle, was founded in 1895. Its main concern was
“the good of the country”. Its slogan was “Unity in Action”, which aimed to bring together Catholics
of all classes, especially the collaboration between the Catholic party and the public. Holding the
view that “royalty, liberty, property, family and religion, everything is undermined”, the newspaper
consisting of “a group of Catholics and patriots” sought “the light of Truth and the reign of Justice”.35

When Hergéjoined the newspaper, the abbot Norbert Wallez (1882-1952) was in charge. He was,
as Hergésaw it, energetic and enterprising.36 Wallez discovered Hergé’s talents and moved him
from the subscription department, freeing him to work on lettering, illustrations, decorative borders
and charts at the newspaper. He also appointed Herge, then just twenty years old, to be the chief
editor of the newly-launched youth supplement Le Petit Vingtième. It was at Wallez’s suggestion,
that Hergésent Tintin first to the Soviet Union and then to the Congo: to expose the darkness of
communism and to promote the Belgian colony.37 It can be seen that though Tintin was for children
and for entertainment, it played a part in expressing ideological and political points of view, an
indication of the prevalence of Catholic participation into contemporary issues.

32 Rosart, ‘Jalons pour une histoire des mouvements de jeunesse catholiques en Belgique francophone’, 28.
33 Rosart, 44.
34Paul Gérin, Presse Populaire Catholique et Presse Démocrate Chrétienne en Wallonie et àBruxelles (1830-1914) [Popular
Catholic Press and Christian Democrat Press In Wallonia and Brussels] (Louvain: Nauwelaerts, 1975).
35 Gérin, Presse Populaire Catholique et Presse Démocrate Chrétienne en Wallonie et àBruxelles, 239.
36 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 32.
37 Hergéand Sadoul, 114.

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The level of engagement was sometimes too high, in that Wallez and Degrelle were also examples
of Christian ardor that went to political extremes. Abbot Wallez held an ultra-conservative political
view that was against Jews, Freemasons, Bolsheviks, and parliamentary democracy. In the 1920s
and 30s he was an admirer of Mussolini.38 Léon Degrelle, the ardent Catholic youth organizer and
colleague of Hergé, was addicted to his political ambition. Despite condemnation from Cardinal Van
Roey, the Belgian Archbishop, Degrelle founded the Rexist Party and participated in the
parliamentary election of 1936. The Party soon turned fascist and became a major collaborator with
Nazi Germany in the 1930s and 40s.39 This over-radical religio-political enthusiasm will not be
further discussed in this thesis, as I am using these cases simply to indicate the high-level social
involvement of the Church in Belgium.

In the 1910s, when the Church’s social activities were beginning to form and were not yet so radical,
Lebbe considered them a positive example to follow. In 1916, he wrote to his Lazarist friend Antoine
Cotta 汤作霖 (1872-1957), an Egyptian-born Austrian trained in France, that all charitable and
social works were apostolic, were intended to vivify the Christian spirit in the public and were no
more political than other examples of the same work in Europe, for example the A.C.J.F.
[L’Association catholique de la jeunesse française, The Catholic Association of French Youth].
Catholic journalism had been on the agenda of all recent Popes, because “if we do not establish it
solidly today, in twenty or thirty years, it will be too late”, he wrote.40 Lebbe wanted to started the
same projects in the Chinese society, especially in response to the national question at that time.

As introduced in the previous chapter, the Jesuit missionaries at Xujiahui disapproved of Ma

Xiangbo’s demand that Chinese Catholics should be allowed to participate in the pressing issue of
national survival. The mission did not pay much attention to local knowledge either. Instead,
missionaries were in favour of the idea of “civilizing mission”. In the Jesuit mission magazine aimed
at a French audience, they occasionally related “civilization” to “Europeanization”. In 1904, Father
de Lapparent, a priest at the Tushanwan Orphanage wrote that: “everything here is much more
civilized and Europeanized than I imagined”.41 In 1911, describing a local Catholic village Kin-ka-
hang, de La Servière, wrote that “decidedly, civilisation, with all its refinements, has invaded Kin-
ka-hang”. In his account, local villagers gave signs of Europeanization:

38 Marcel Wilmet, L’Abbé Wallez, l’Éminence Noire de Degrelle à Hergé [Abbot Wallez, the Black Eminence from Degrelle
to Hergé] (Brussels: SOMA, 2018).
39Martin Conway, Collaboration in Belgium: Léon Degrelle and the Rexist Movement, 1940-1944 (New Haven; London:
Yale University Press, 1993).
40Vincent Lebbe, ‘Letter to Antoine Cotta (19.7.1916)’, in Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Albert Sohier and Goffart
Paul (Tournai: Casterman, 1960), 109.
41 P. de Lapparent, ‘Échos et Nouvelles’, Relations de Chine, no. December (1904): 457.

97
 One is perfectly familiar with the European cuisine and practice; many Christians of both villages are
domestics in the hotels and restaurants Shanghai; a director, very cultured young man, speaking proper
English and French, is the steward of the English club. They expect that the Fathers are served in the
European way, or rather let us say the English way. Tablecloths and crockery carrying the initials of the
English club; the meal menu could do credit to a good restaurant in London. Finally, in the lunch that
follows the procession, we see appear, carried with respect, two bottles of Champagne of an authentic
brand.42

At one time, Lebbe too believed in the mission civilisatrice [civilizing mission] of the Church. But
his decade-long experiences in Zhili changed his opinion. Lebbe observed the division, even hatred
caused by the Catholic mission in China. He made attempts to start small-scale social activities, in
order to remedy the gap between the national question and the Church. It was thanks to his journey
back to Belgium that he not only saw the practical examples, but also received hierarchical support,
which encouraged him to continue the reform in the China mission.

III. Changes from within the Church: Vincent Lebbe

Lebbe’s outlook underwent a transformation from francocentric to cosmopolitan after he arrived in

China. Having been trained in France and an admirer of the French language, he had written to his
brother Robert in 1901, before his journey to China that: “I gave myself to God in a French Order,
so as to make people love France as well as God”.43 However, in 1916, Lebbe wrote a personal
letter of protest to the French minister M. Conty over the “Laoxikai 老西开” incident in Tianjin.44
The French consul intended to extend its concession in Tianjin, by annexing Laoxikai, where the
Lazarist Bishop of Tianjin, Paul-Marie Dumond 杜保禄, purchased a piece of land to build a new
cathedral within the Chinese jurisdiction. The French aggressiveness provoked protests from local
people.45 Lebbe took sides with local Chinese, and said that France should not force enlargement
of the concession in this way, as it was opposed by the Chinese.46 Although his letter irritated the

42 Joseph de La Servière, ‘Croquis de Chine: Chez les Vieux Chrétiens, une Fête Patronale àKin-Ka-Hang’,
Relations de Chine, no. January (1911): 35.
43 Jacques Leclercq, Thunder in the distance: the life of Père Lebbe (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1958), 37.
44Theresa Ming Chuan Hsueh, ‘Action et Mémoir, les Archives du Journal de Vincent Lebbe : I Che Pao
[Action and Memory: The Archives of the Newspaper of Vincent Lebbe: Yishi Bao]’, in Vincent Lebbe et son
Héritage, ed. Arnaud Join-Lambert et al. (Louvain-La-Neuve: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 2017), 35.
45 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 146–52; Lü Ying and Qi Yihu, ‘Tianjin Fazujie de Kuozhang Ji Laoxikai
Shijian (1861—1917): Yi Faguo Waijiaobu Dangan Wei Jichushiliao de Kaocha 天津法租界的扩张及老西开
事件: 以法国外交部档案为基础史料的考察 [Expansion of French Concession in Tianjin and Laoxikai
Incident: A Study Based on Archives of French Ministry of Foreign Affairs]’, Shilin [Historical Review], no. 05
(2018): 1–7, 33, 218.
46Vincent Lebbe, ‘Letter to M. Conty (1916)’, in Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Albert Sohier and Goffart Paul
(Tournai: Casterman, 1960), 101–3.

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Minister and he was sent down to a remote vicarate in Zhili, Lebbe insisted on telling Bishop
Dumond that he had taken a false position.47

During his years in China, Lebbe turned from being a French-trained clergy to becoming Father Lei,
as he was known, using the Chinese name Lei Mingyuan 雷鸣远 (literally “thunder in the distance”),
given to him during his journey to China by a returning missionary Fr. Ponzi.48 Lebbe was able not
only to speak Chinese, but also to read Chinese classics and write with a brush, with the help of
Chinese seminarians, such as Zhao Huaiyi 赵怀义 (Philip Zhao).49 He picked up pipe-smoking as
the local people did, although as a teenager, he had refused to smoke as a practice of mortification.50
After deciding to wear his hair in a braid like the local people, and needing to find hair which
matched his chestnut hair colour, he wrote home asking his younger sister to send him some of
hers.51 The Chinese clergy referred to him as the “Chinese Father (le Père chinois)” (fig. 3.4).52 In
1927, Lebbe was naturalized as a Chinese citizen. His before-and-after experience helps to make
concrete sense of the mission problem in the early twentieth century, and to learn how changes took
place from within the Church.

Figure 3.4 Left, Vincent-Frédéric Lebbe in 1897; right, Lebbe with children in Zhuozhou in 1906.
Images from Vincent Lebbe website

47 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 154.

48 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 37.
49 Claude Soetens, ‘La Vie de Vincent Lebbe (1877-1940) [The Life of Vincent Lebbe]’, in Histoire des Saints et de
la SaintetéChrétienne, vol. 10 (Paris: Hachette, 1988), 108–15.
50 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 14.
51 Vincent Lebbe to Louise Lebbe, 17 July 1902, A.V.L., ARCA.
52 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 76.

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Vincent Lebbe was born in 1877 in Ghent to a pious middle-class Catholic family, who named him
Frédéric. Frédéric changed his name to “Vincent” when he received his first communion at the age
of twelve, out of his admiration for the French priest Vincent de Paul (1581-1660, canonised in 1737
by Pope Clement XII), who founded the Congregation of the Mission (C.M.) in 1625. This
congregation focused on mission and charity and its members are often referred to as “Lazarists”,
after the site of its Mother House in Paris, the old priory of St. Lazare.

Lebbe was immersed in francophone influences; his passion for the Catholic religion, St. Vincent in
particular, and France grew gradually together. Although living in Flanders (Ghent, Bruges and then
Ypres), the Lebbe family spoke only French and none of them knew Flemish. In Belgium, before
the Flemish movement demanding higher status for the Flemish Dutch language (late nineteenth
century to mid-twentieth century), French was the only language used for formal and official
purpose. At Lebbe’s middle school, students had to speak French on weekdays, with the exception
of Sundays and public holidays.53 Lebbe was a lover of the French language: he did brilliantly in
French and composed many poems in French prosody.54 At middle school, Lebbe joined the St.
Vincent de Paul Society, an international voluntary organisation founded in 1833 for the spiritual
training of its members through service to the poor.55 Members of this Society were automatically
part of the Society of French (Sociétéde français), whose role was to promote the practice of French;
anyone who spoke Flemish would be fined and the money would be given to the Society.56 In 1895,
Lebbe went to the Lazarist Mother House in Paris to become a Lazarist clergy. The seminarians
were predominantly French nationals. It is worth noticing that, although the congregation had the
purpose of training missionaries in mind, its basic courses given was the same to all the seminarians,
either they would become missionaries or domestic parish priests.57

Lebbe’s interest in the China mission was kindled by missionary magazines and the story of the
Lazarist martyr Jean-Gabriel Perboyre, who was strangled to death in 1839 and beatified as the
patron of the Congregation of the Mission.58 The Congregation of Missions entered China in 1697.

53Lisi-Anne Vanandruel, ‘Education et Formation de Vincent Lebbe: dans le Contexte Theologique et Social du
Tournant de ce Siècle [Education and Training of Vincent Lebbe: In the Theological and Social Contexts at the
Turn of This Century]’ (Bachelor of History, Louvain-la-Neuve, Universitécatholique de Louvain, 1995), 23, 19,
ARCA.
54 See the examples in Vanandruel, ‘Education et Formation de Vincent Lebbe’.
55 St. Vincent de Paul Society, ‘Vision, Mission & History’, n.d., https://www.svp.org.uk/vision-mission-
history.
56 Vanandruel, ‘Education et Formation de Vincent Lebbe’, 19, 16.
57 The training included two years of noviciate to cultivate spirituality, and then a five-year course of study: two
years of philosophy, natural science (physics), introductions to Sacred Scripture and patrology and three years of
theology (dogma and morality). Vanandruel, 55–56, 38–40.
58 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 38.

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Following the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773, and through an agreement between the
French King Louis XVI and the Propaganda Fide at Rome in 1784, the Congregation was instructed
to take over the Jesuit mission based in Beijing. From then on, the Congregation was responsible for
the mission area covering most of Zhili, including Beijing and Tianjin.59 In the nineteenth century,
Zhejiang and Jiangxi also became the apostolic vicariates of the Lazarists (fig. 3.5).

Figure 3.5 Map of the Lazarist missions (China: Zhili, Zhejiang, Jiangxi)
Image from Bulletin des missions des Lazaristes français (BnF)

Lebbe arrived in Zhili after the Boxer Movement, which began at the end of 1899 and lasted until
September 1900. When Lebbe was staying at the Lazarist International House of Studies in Rome
in late 1900, the Apostolic Vicar of Beijing, Pierre-Marie-Alphonse Favier 樊国梁 returned from
the battlefield in Beijing and delivered a speech about the situation in China. From June to August,
the Boxers had besieged the Legation area and Beitang 北堂 [the North Church], the seat of the
Bishop of Beijing. Mgr. Favier and the Bishop Coadjutor Stanislas-François Jarlin 林懋德, together
with thirteen French and eight Chinese priests, eleven seminarians, and 3,400 Christians taking
refugee there, defended the Church and endured the siege. The Boxer Movement destroyed most of
the Lazarist institutions, including five churches, a seminary, several hospitals, schools, publishing
houses and an orphanage.60 The Lazarist Zhili apostolic vicariate was one of the many missions in
the north of China that underwent agonising suffering. According to the statistics produced by Abbot
Evariste Tchang, more than four hundred Catholics parishes out of five hundred and seventy-seven

59Robert Maloney, CM, ‘Our Vincentian Mission in China: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow’, in Vincentian
Encyclopedia, 23 November 1999, https://famvin.org/wiki/Vincentians_in_China.
60 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 61.

101
were destroyed; five bishops, thirty-two priests, more than twenty thousand Catholics, out of some
forty-seven thousand, and a few hundred nuns had been killed.61

Lebbe pleaded with Mgr. Favier and the General Superior of the Congregation, Antoine Fiat, to be
allowed to serve in post-war Zhili, and his wish was approved. He set off to China with Mgr. Favier
in February 1901 and arrived in Beijing at the end of March.62 At that time, the mission in Zhili had
73,722 converts. In the following years, the number increased as shown in the table below, according
to a report sent back to Europe in 1923:63

1901 1906 1911 1916 1921 1922

73,722 137,773 259,127 407,012 490,610 519,308

Other than these figures, it is not clear what the mission was like in general when Lebbe arrived. But
it was obvious that there were scars from the Boxer Movement and the memory of it was still fresh.
Lebbe settled in Beitang – the battlefield of the siege – at a that time, when the area was being
restored with the reparations from the Qing government.64 According to the Boxer Protocol 辛丑
条约, later signed in September between the Qing government and eleven countries, it had to pay
indemnities amounting to 450 million taels of silver to compensate national (military),
organisational and personal damages, which included those suffered by the Church.65 The troops
from the Eight-Nation Alliance were still stationed in Beijing, and Lebbe saw the brutal conduct of
the soldiers.66 He came across a photo of a European, with gun in hand, stepping on the corpse of a
Chinese; the description at the bottom read “killed because Chinese (abattu parce que chinois)”.67
Later in the middle of June, Lebbe visited some Christian villages to the south of Beijing and stayed
for two months; the villagers had been victims of the Boxer Movement. In his letters to his brother,
Lebbe said the aftermath of the Boxers was the only thing people talked about here and the conflicts
between Christians and non-Christians were still on-going.68 The opposition and tension were the
first things that struck him.

61 Levaux, 62–63.
62 Levaux, 64.
63Congrégation de la Mission, ‘Nouvelles Diverses-Chine [Various News-China]’, in Bulletin des missions des
Lazaristes français (Paris: Maison mère de la Congrégation de la Mission, 1923), 95.
64 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 54.
65 ‘Xinchou Tiaoyue 辛丑條約 [Boxer Protocol]’, Weiji Wenku, 7 September 1901,
https://zh.wikisource.org/wiki/%E8%BE%9B%E4%B8%91%E6%A2%9D%E7%B4%84.
66 Vincent Lebbe to Robert Lebbe, 7 December 1901, A.V.L., ARCA.
67 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 75.
68 Vincent Lebbe to Bède-Adrien Lebbe, 13 July 1901, A.V.L., ARCA.

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Lebbe stayed in the Zhalan 栅栏 Seminary in Beijing (fig. 3.6) for a few months, a major centre for
the training of Chinese clergy of all the Lazarist vicariates, before being sent to Wuqing County 武
清县 by Bishop Coadjutor Jarlin.69 It was at Zhalan that he was befriended by Chinese seminarians
and started learning to read and write Chinese. Working in rural villages like Wuqing, and later
Zhuozhou 涿州, Lebbe made careful observations of the tensions between Catholics and non-
Catholics, and seriously reflected on the established converting method.

Figure 3.6 Zhalan Seminary

Image from Bulletin des missions des Lazaristes français (BnF)

Wuqing County was situated between Tianjin and Beijing. The villages there had been badly
damaged by the Boxers who had massacred Christians while moving from Shandong to the capital.
Lebbe stayed in Xiaohan Village 小韩村 which was a bloody battlefield just one year before. When
the Boxers occupied Xiaohan, they decided to kill the Christian villagers and burn the houses.
According to the memories of survivors in 1959, more than forty-eight people were killed, including
a whole household of seven or eight people stabbed to death in the well in which they were hiding;
dozens of houses were set on fire.70 After the Boxers left, a rhyme spread in the area: “swept clear

69Congrégation de la Mission, ‘Les Lazaristes en Chine [The Lazarists in China]’, in Bulletin des missions des
Lazaristes français (Paris: Maison mère de la Congrégation de la Mission, 1923), 17.
70 Langfang Culural Department, ‘Yihetuan Diaocha Jilu 义和团调查记录(选 18 篇) [18 Selected Records of
the Investigation of the Boxer Movement]’, in Langfang Wenshi Ziliao, ed. Committee of History Study of
Langfang (Hebei) of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, 4 (Langfang: Langfang Renmin
Press, 1992), 1–2.

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the Christians in Wuqing, crushed the backstreets of Xiaohan Village 武清县奉教的拾掇个干净,
小韩村后街一扫平”.71

After the war, the missions received considerable indemnity payments to compensate for the losses
of missions and Catholic laity. In Zhili, Mgr. Jarlin was in charge of the money. In rural areas, he
made use of a significant amount to encourage the so-called “millet method”, of giving religious
instruction and compensating the peasants with money. Because the peasants had to take off time
from their land and travel to mission centre for the instruction, the millet, or a sum of money, was
to make up for lost income. It was thanks to the indemnity that the missionaries were able to afford
to give out money to attract more peasants. In a way, it could be said that Mgr. Jarlin gradually
returned the indemnity back to the local people and facilitated evangelisation. This move received
expected results, with the number of converts increasing rapidly in post-Boxer Zhili.72

Lebbe followed this practice in the villages, but he sensed that in addition to increasing the number
of converts, feelings were much more delicate to deal with, as there were still tensions among
Christian and non-Christian villagers. Lebbe handled the situation with compassion. He asked the
Christians not to take revenge. Gradually the non-Christians returned to the village, even those who
had joined the Boxers. Lebbe noted one emotional occasion when a Boxer who had killed the family
of an old villagers returned:

I saw the leader of the Boxers come forward […] it was a minute of frightful anguish. He [the Boxer]
came before me, crushed on his knees in the midst of a dreadful silence; my throat tightened; I could
barely get the words out: “friend, you see the difference. If we mutilated your family and you came
back to find me, what would you do?” There was a groan, then a silence. And here was the beautiful
thing that we witnessed: the old man rose; he leaned forward trembling to the executioner of his
family, raised him on his heels, and embraced him.73

Soon he converted thirty families in the Xiaohan Village, then the nearby villages.74 Lebbe was then
sent to Zhuozhou in 1905 due to his apostolic achievements.75

In Zhuozhou, Lebbe compared the methods used to attract converts by local folk religionists and the
Lazarists. He began to reflect on whether the missionaries had found the right way to interact with

71Zhang Shouchang, ed., ‘Yihetuan Shunkouliu 义和团顺口溜 [Jingling Rhymes of the Boxer Movement]’, in
Zhongguo Jinshi Yaoyan (Beijing: Beijing Chubanshe, 1998), 546.
72 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 100–103.
73 Levaux, 106.
74 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 70–73.
75 Soetens, ‘La Vie de Vincent Lebbe’.

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Chinese people. He came across a Chinese merchant who propagated the so-called “Religion of the
Sage”. Lebbe observed that this religion required of its adherents exemplary conduct, long daily
religious exercises, mortifications and fasting. The converts were obliged to make pecuniary
contributions, and to sacrifice pleasure for the sake of religious duties. This merchant stayed for ten
days and converted forty honest and orderly families. He was struck by the fact that this man did not
pay for conversion nor hire any helpers, yet people were willing to follow his preaching. It was in
sharp contrast with the conventional Lazarist method of paid recruitment of catechists, especially
since there was a small group of salaried catechumens operating in the same area.76

In the Lazarist mission, the method of training catechists was systematised. The missionaries
entrusted each catechist with a region where they had to carry out apostolic work. The catechists
were either studious but poor pupils in the village schools who needed to support their families, or
newly converted ambitious young scholars who hoped eventually to become headmaster of a
catechist school. The training took at least three years, including Chinese literature as in a normal
Chinese school, as well as catechism, Church history, books of apologetics, the gospels, and the
basis of all the controversies with the Protestants. After that, the catechist would be sacristan of the
residence and serve as a traveling companion to the missionary in his apostolic tours for three years,
to learn and follow him. During the whole period, the catechist would receive a salary to cover basic
expenses. When he was qualified to work on his own, the catechist would gather at the central
residence for annual retreats, where he would receive his designated area of pastoral work of the
year from the missionary. Each catechist had three notebooks to record his work. Every three months,
he would bring these notebooks to the missionary for examination and to receive his salary. For the
missionaries, it was important to pay for the catechists, because it would allow them to live
honourably and to consider the future without fear.77

Considering that both the “millet method” in the villages and the recruitment of the catechists were
essentially paid conversion, Lebbe wondered whether material benefits were the right way to attract
Chinese people to Christianity. He wrote in an untitled essay that his experience of witnessing the
conversion to the Religion of the Sage deeply moved him, and further persuaded himself that “there
was a problem, the most serious of all, to study and to solve, if we want to convert the country
seriously”.78

76 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 121.

77Cyprien Aroud, ‘Les Auxiliaires du Missionnaire: les Catéchistes [The Auxiliaries of the Missionary: the
Catechists]’, in Bulletin des missions des Lazaristes français (Paris: Maison mère de la Congrégation de la Mission,
1923), 81–88.
78 See Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 121.

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In 1906, Mgr. Jarlin appointed Lebbe as the district director of Tianjin.79 Having made observations
from his practical experiences, Lebbe began to question the established missionary method. Tianjin
provided him with the opportunity for intensive discussions with Chinese intellectuals: he became
friends with Ying Lianzhi and Ma Xiangbo. They worked together to find answers to their shared
concerns over the development of the Catholic Church in China, drawing on Chinese thought,
theological references and inspirations from Belgium. Lebbe’s initiatives and travels were what
brought all these things together, making connections between various parties across Europe and
China.

IV. Forming the Sino-Belgian network

As District Director of Tianjin from 1906, and then Vice General after this district was made into
the Vicariate of Maritime Zhili in 1912, Lebbe actively got in touch with as many people as possible.
They were from all walks of life, from the poor to the intellectuals.80 One of his influential friends
was Ying Lianzhi (given name Hua 华, Christian name Vincent), an important intellectual figure
and a Catholic who was the founding editor of the influential Dagong Bao (or Ta Kung Pao,
L’Impartial), which had actively commented on political events and advocated democratic reforms
since its foundation in 1902.81 Ying trusted Lebbe, as seen from the fact that in 1913 when Lebbe
returned to Belgium by train, Ying Lianzhi allowed his thirteen-year-old son Ying Qianli 英千里 to
go with him.82 Ying Qianli who travelled to Europe for study, graduated from the University of
London in 1924. Ying Lianzhi was also a friend of Ma Xiangbo, who after his frustrations over
establishing Zhendan University with the Jesuits, had discussed a new plan with Ying in the 1910s.
As a result they had joined together in asking for direct support from the Holy See to establish a
Catholic university in China, which would be the future Furen (Fu Jen) University 辅仁大学
established in 1925.83 Ma came in contact with Lebbe after he came to Beijing to participate in
politics in 1912.

For Chinese intellectuals at that time, regardless of their different attitudes and interests through the
cultural and conceptual transformation, there was a widespread concern: the survival and strength

79 Soetens, ‘La Vie de Vincent Lebbe’.

80 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 100–105.
81Wang Xianming and Zhang Hairong, ‘Ying Lianzhi, Dagong Bao Yu Qingmo Lianxian 英敛之、《大公
报》与清末立宪 [Ying Lianzhi, Ta Kung Pao and Constitutionalism to Wards the End of Qing Dynasty]’,
Shanxi Daxue Xuebao [Journal of Shanxi University], no. 01 (2006): 76–85.
82 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 121–22.
83Sun Banghua, ‘Shilun Beijing Furen Daxue de Chuangjian 试论北京辅仁大学的创建 [A Preliminary
Discussion on the Establishment of Beijing Furen Catholic University]’.

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of the nation. Shi Jinghuan pointed out that Chinese Christian intellectuals also participated in this
task. Although being Christian converts, they shared the general traits of Chinese intellectuals:
concern about the fate of the nation and a strong feeling of responsibility.84 The intellectual class
did not object to foreign knowledge, but their main concern was to use their intelligence for national
salvation at a time when the country was in crisis. Chinese Catholics in particular expected that the
Church would respond to social needs and that religion would become a force to empower the
country. Thus when Ma and Ying wrote to Pope Pius X, they requested more knowledgeable
missionaries as teachers of Western knowledge to China (not confined to one country or one
religious order), and beseeched the Pope to support the establishment of a university in a major city,
to be a kind of model for the country.85

Lebbe acknowledged the demand for recognition of their national interests from Chinese Catholics.
He began to look for theological support, with the help of his old close friend the Lazarist seminary,
Antoine Cotta from 1906. 86 Lebbe traced the conceptions and the maxims codified in relevant
documents from the Holy See. He noticed a document of 1659 by Propaganda Fide, which exhorted
missionaries to adapt as perfectly as possible to the customs of the countries they evangelise.87 He
also discovered more recent relevant documents. In 1845, during the Pontificate of Gregory XVI,
Propaganda Fide issued the instruction Neminem Profecto [One Course], which concerned “the
training of a native clergy as precondition for the creation of a truly indigenous Church”.88 In 1885,
Leo XIII sent an official letter to the Guangxu 光绪 Emperor, in which he set out the character of
the Catholic Church: “the nature of the Christian religion, which is not for a single people, but for
all, which unites everyone through fraternal bonds, without any distinction of nation or race”.89 At
a time of Ultramontanism in the Church, it was necessary to invoke voices from the top of the
hierarchy. In 1916, Lebbe wrote to Cotta telling him how he convinced the bishop Mgr. de Vienne,
another vicar in Zhili, of his opinions: “As I told him [...] we are with the tradition of the Church,
with the Pope, who has so often spoken [...] He asked me if Rome really spoke about that. I sent him

84Shi Jinghuan and Wang Lixin, Jidujiao jiaoyu yu zhongguo zhishifenzi 基督敎敎育与中国知识分子 [Christian
Education and Chinese Intellectuals] (Fujian: Fujian Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1998), 281.
85Ma Xiangbo, ‘Shang Jiaozong Qiu Wei Zhongguo Xingxue Shu 上教宗求为中国兴学书 [A Letter to the
Pope Asking Him to Promote Education in China (1912)]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng (Shanghai:
Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 115–17, translation see Ma Xiangbo, ‘A Letter to the Pope Asking Him to
Promote Education in China’.
86 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 88.
87 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 119–20.
88 Tiedemann, ‘Late Qing Scene’, 281.
89Gianni Criveller, ‘China, the Holy See and France: The Giulianelli Mission to the Chinese Emperor and Its
Aftermath (1885-1886)’, in Yihetuan Yundong Yu Zhongguo Jidu Zongjiao, ed. Lin Ruiqi (Taipei: Furen Daxue
Chubanshe, 2004), 68.

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the Collectanea [Collection], especially the Acts of Gregory XVI, and the admirable letters of Leo
XIII. He knew nothing about it [italics in original], not anything!”90

Meanwhile, it was not only Lebbe who was studying the missions in the Far East. In 1907, Léon
Joly, a French Canon published a book Le Christianisme et l’Extrême-Orient [Christianity and the
Far East] over seven hundred pages long which discussed the question why the enormous efforts
made over the last three centuries had yielded only meagre results. Joly, who had never been to the
Far East, nevertheless criticised the dependence of the missions on political power, as well as putting
forward the need for indigenous clergy. He did not question the dedication and the extraordinary
abnegation of the missionaries, but said their courage had been misguided and modern missions had
failed. Joly pointed out the missionaries believed they could count on European power to obtain
security and religious freedom by force. But the missions in return became an instrument of
European penetration. That deterred people from adhering to the religion, for fear that one could not
be both Japanese or Chinese or Annamese and Christian. Then he reviewed the persecutions of
missionaries and their converts; these numerous martyrdoms show the hatred of people in the Far
East for the foreigner, and at the same time, emphasised the supernatural courage of Asian Christians
and their aptitude for priestly and episcopal duties. In conclusion, Joly stressed the importance of a
completely indigenous clergy, which the missionaries had failed to achieve so far.91

Lebbe read the book shortly after its publication. He recounted his enthusiasm while reading it and
talked about the possibility of meeting Joly in a letter to Cotta in 1908.92 The book influenced him,
because after that Lebbe began to use the expression “indigenous priesthood” for the first time, as
noticed by Paul Goffart and Albert Sohier.93 In 1913, during his brief return to Belgium, after giving
a speech in Leuven, Lebbe advised the seminarian Jacques Leclercq, who was in the audience, to
read Joly to gain understanding of the question of Chinese mission. He also sought to meet Joly in
Paris, but unfortunately the Canon had just passed away.94

As mentioned earlier, this trip return to Belgium gave Lebbe practical examples of the social
engagement of the Church. He discovered flourishing newspapers, such as Le Vingtième Siècle, Le

90Vincent Lebbe, ‘Letter to Antoine Cotta (15.7.1916)’, in Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Albert Sohier and Goffart
Paul (Tournai: Casterman, 1960), 107.
91Maurice Cheza, ‘Le chanoine Joly inspirateur du Père Lebbe? Un moment du débat sur la rénovation des
méthodes missionnaires [Canon Joly inspiring Father Lebbe? A moment of debate on the renovation of
missionary methods]’, Revue Théologique de Louvain 14, no. 3 (1983): 302–27.
92 Vincent Lebbe to Antoine Cotta, March 1908, AVL, ARCA.
93 Vincent Lebbe, Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Paul Goffart and Albert Sohier (Tournai: Casterman, 1960), 85.
94 Cheza, ‘Le chanoine Joly inspirateur du Père Lebbe?’

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Patriote [The Patriot], Le Bien Public [The Public Good], and La Bonne Presse [The Good Press].95
Lebbe began writing articles for them: a draft plan of an article for Le Patriote shows sections on
“history of Christianity in China”, “current state”, “Catholic action”, and “solidity of conversions”.96
The newspapers also interviewed him; in a letter to Cotta, he wrote: “Belgian journalism is already
moving. Le Vingtième Siècle came to interview me, in my absence (unfortunately) and I hear about
a campaign of all the great Catholics in favour of my work”. 97 Le Vingtième Siècle was the
newspaper which Hergéwould work for, about ten years later.

While he was in Europe, Lebbe started explaining China to European audiences, using words and
concepts they could comprehend and accept. In 1913 at a speech given at the Society of Geography
in Paris, he argued that Chinese people were seen as “irreligious, deceitful, thievish, cruel,
xenophobic, lazy and heartless”, but it was not true according to what he had seen. He said that
Chinese people were “profoundly healthy”. Their only defect was “paganism”, but it was also the
case with the civilized but “pagan” people of Rome and Greece before Christianity. True though it
was that there existed in China many “superstitions” as “enemies” to Christianity, but Christians
should not just love each other but also love their enemies.98

A decisive encouragement for Lebbe to form connections came from his meeting with the
progressive Cardinal Désiré-Joseph Mercier (fig. 3.7). Before becoming the Primate of Belgium
(1906), Mercier had founded the Institut supérieur de philosophie [Higher Institute of Philosophy]
in Leuven as a Professor of the University in 1889. In 1912, Cardinal Mercier authorized the summer
course “Semaines d’ethnologie religieuse [Catholic Week of Religious Ethnology]”. The goal of the
course was both to study the missionaries’ observations from the field and to provide the
missionaries with ethnological knowledge to defend the religion.99 This was considered necessary
because at that time the research was dominated by non-Catholic scientists, “who adhered to
different sorts of evolutionist and natural theories to explain in the origin of man, society, ethics and
religion”.100 In retrospect, the course was one of the prototypes of academic study of the Catholic
mission that used scientific approaches to examine the empirical experiences gathered by

95 Vincent Lebbe to Bède-Adrien Lebbe, 22 July 1913, A.V.L., ARCA.

96 Vincent Lebbe, ‘Schéma d’un Article pour Le Patriote [Plan of an Article for The Patriot]’ (n.d.), A.V.L., ARCA.
97Vincent Lebbe, ‘Letter to Antoine Cotta (13.7.1913)’, in Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Albert Sohier and Goffart
Paul (Tournai: Casterman, 1960), 94.
98 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 107–9.
99 Luc Courtois, ‘L’« histoire des Religions »àl’Universitéde Louvain, de la Création du Muséon (1881–1882) à
la Première Semaines d’ethnologie Religieuse (Louvain 1912) : Le « cas »du Chanoine Philémon Colinet (1853–
1917) [The “History of Religions” at the University of Leuven from the Foundation of the Muséon (1881–1882)
till the First Week of the Religious Ethnology (Leuven 1912): The “Case” of Canon Philémon Colinet (1853–
1917)]’, Textus et Studia 1, no. 1 (2015): 24, 26, 17, 35.
100 Dujardin and Prudhomme, Mission and Science, 155.

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missionaries, later formalised as the discipline of “Missiology” in theology. In turn Lebbe would
contribute significantly to its development in the 1920s.

Figure 3.7 Left, Cardinal Mercier; right, his status outside the St. Michael and St. Gudula
Cathedral, the Belgian national church (the seat of the Archbishop of Malines-Brussels since
1962). Photo taken by author (April 2017).

In the summer of 1913, Lebbe got the chance to meet Mercier during his retreat.101 He talked to the
Cardinal about his experiences in the China mission. Mercier acknowledged them, and from then on
encouraged and supported him. The connection Lebbe had established with Mercier was to be of
vital importance: in November the Cardinal invited Lebbe to give a lecture at the Higher Institute of
Philosophy in Leuven on China and the China Mission.102 Lebbe also asked Chinese students there
to come to this speech.103

When he was in Tianjin Lebbe had noticed the growing patriotism in Chinese society, to which he
felt the Church should respond, although some Catholic missionaries were not aware of this need.
When the Republic of China replaced the Empire in 1911, missionaries in fact had a positive
perspective. An American Jesuit Dennis John Kavanagh wrote in 1915 that the new Republic
showed friendliness instead of hostility towards the foreigners.104 The new régime welcomed and

101 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 133.

102 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 166.
103 Vincent Lebbe to Bède-Adrien Lebbe, 20 November 1913, A.V.L., ARCA.
104D. J. Kavanagh, Catholic Missions and the Chinese Republic (San Francisco: The James H. Barry Company, 1915),
5–6.

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protected the missions. He noted that in 1912, President Yuan Shikai 袁世凯, in an audience to Mgr.
Jarlin, the Lazarist Apostolic Vicar of Beijing, stated that “the fullest religious freedom would be
accorded the Catholics, and that every post under the Government – civil and military – would be
open to them”.105 “Additional proof that the promised toleration of Christianity is no empty formula”
Kavanagh continued, “is found in the fact that the Prime Minister of the first Republican
Administration is a Catholic, who owes his conversion to the faith to the Belgian lady who is his
wife”.106 He was referring to Lu Zhengxiang, who was indeed concerned with the religious issue
during his term of office.

However, in parallel with the friendliness shown towards Christianity by officials, growing among
the general public was a sense of nation and patriotism. Scholars have argued that top-down
measures transmitted such consciousness to the masses. John Fitzgerald has demonstrated that the
rulers heralded a message of “awakening” across politics and culture to justify their power, on the
basis that they had to awake China’s ignorant masses.107 Henrietta Harrison has shown that through
ceremonies and symbols, the meaning of being a republican citizen was conveyed to the public; thus
the lanterns used in a procession in Tianjin to mark the start of the Republic bore a message about
the nature of the revolution.108 Reviewing scholarship on the roles of both the elites and the masses
in the 1911 Revolution, Joseph Esherick pointed out that although there were various motivations
of joining the reform/revolution among classes and regions, as well as different understandings of
the meaning of “nationalism”, in general nationalism prevailed, and the fear of the menace of
imperialism fuelled such sentiment.109 China became more aware of itself being a nation, and more
sensitive to the elements that violated its integrity.

Lebbe thus took initiatives to start some projects in response to these sentiments, which will be
introduced in the following section. Cardinal Mercier also had no problem with understanding the
compatibility of patriotism and Catholic religion, as he was later to vividly demonstrate when WWI
broke out and Belgium was occupied by Germany. At Christmas 1914, Mercier sent out a pastoral
letter “Patriotism and Endurance” to keep up the spirits of the Belgian people, in which he talked
about patriotism from the Christian point of view. He said Christianity “makes of patriotism a
positive law; there is no perfect Christian who is not also a perfect patriot”. Such a law is peace and
justice, and “to affirm the absolute necessity of the subordination of all things to Right, to Justice,

105 Kavanagh, 7.
106 Kavanagh, 8.
107John Fitzgerald, Awakening China Politics, Culture, and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1996).
108Henrietta Harrison, The Making of the Republican Citizen: Political Ceremonies and Symbols in China, 1911-1929
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 30.
109 Joseph W. Esherick, ‘1911: A Review’, Modern China 2, no. 2 (1976): 141–84.

111
and to Truth is implicitly to affirm God”. Mercier then referred to the heroic soldiers defending the
country, who plainly said that they only did their duty. He thought that it was their expression of the
religious character of their patriotism, and that patriotism is “sacred”.110

In 1917 when Lebbe wrote that: “the fundamental obstacle […] to the opening up of the great mass
of the people to the Kingdom of God is the national question,” he evoked the example of Cardinal
Mercier and Belgium, to show the compatibility of patriotism and Catholic belief. Lebbe considered
patriotism a noble feeling as “a form of love, a creative upsurge of devotion and self-sacrifice”,
which could be a strong force developed under Christianity. He said that missionaries should follow
Mercier, and instead of letting patriotic feeling grow without or against the Catholic Church, they
should get involved in its growth and foster it as a force of love.111

Having observed practical examples of high-level social engagement of the Catholic Church in
Belgium and received the support of Cardinal Mercier, Lebbe had a clearer vision from which to
reform the Catholic mission in China that would meet the demands of Chinese Catholics, potentially
enabling the Church to thrive. But just when Lebbe, together with Chinese Catholics, put the vision
into practice, the Lazarist hierarchy banned him from taking reformist measures, with the result that
Lebbe had to turn to the Vatican.

V. Joint actions of reform

Lebbe had started some social initiatives in Tianjin before his short return to Europe in 1913. In
1909, Lebbe founded the “Association for the Propagation of the Faith” in order to change the
Lazarist practice of paid conversion. Consisting of missionaries and Chinese Catholics, the
association contacted all classes of population but used only non-material means to attract
converts.112 In 1911, he started giving public speeches, where he responded to social debates from
the Catholic perspective. According to Lebbe’s Tianjin colleague Fr. Morel, Lebbe would prepare
for a speech by investigating the needs and desires of local people, and then studied the Gospel to
find answers to their questions. Explained in this way, the Gospel became close and concrete for the
audience, which let them understand the Catholic Church much more easily. His topics included “Il
faut faire quelque chose pour le salut de la Chine [Something must be done for the Salvation of

110 DésiréMercier, Patriotism and Endurance (London: Burns & Oates, 1915),
http://digital.slv.vic.gov.au/view/action/singleViewer.do?dvs=1547768508377~292&locale=zh_CN&metadata
_object_ratio=10&show_metadata=true&VIEWER_URL=/view/action/singleViewer.do?&preferred_usage_t
ype=VIEW_MAIN&DELIVERY_RULE_ID=10&frameId=1&usePid1=true&usePid2=true.
111Vincent Lebbe, ‘Letter to Mgr Reynaud (18.9.1917)’, in Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Albert Sohier and Goffart
Paul (Tournai: Casterman, 1960), 143, 142, 139.
112 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 113.

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China]” and “La religion catholique est le seul moyen de sauver la Chine [The Catholic religion is
the Only Way to Save China]”. 113 His speeches were popular and successful in presenting the
Catholic Church positively to the public, something that other missionaries then came over to learn
about. 114 In 1912, with the help of Ying Lianzhi, he began the weekly, Guangyi Lu 广益录
[Promoting the Good], which covered mainly apostolic but also up-to-date current events.

Inspired by the social and political engagement of the Catholic Church in Europe, Lebbe developed
these initiatives, with the support of Chinese Catholics. Returning to Tianjin in January 1914, he
enlarged the “Association for the Propagation of the Faith” and called for the setting-up of a union,
named “Catholic Action”. Several provinces responded and in October the association held its first
national congress in Tianjin.115 Ma Xiangbo and Ying Lianzhi both participated in this union. Ma
moved from Shanghai to Beijing after the foundation of the Republic of China, to act as the
chancellor of Peking University and then joined the parliament of the new government.116

Catholic Action soon played a role in debating religious freedom in the Republic of China. In 1913,
President Yuan Shikai decided to accept a proposal of to make Confucianism the state religion and
performed a sacrifice to Confucius. In order to defend the freedom of religious belief, the Catholic
Action union in Tianjin disseminated episcopal letters addressing this danger.117 Ma stood against
this proposal in the parliament and argued in his 1914 article “Should a Head of State Preside over
Religious Ceremonies?” that religion should not be mixed with politics.118 Following Yuan’s death
in 1916, the pro-Confucianism camp petitioned parliament to include Confucianism into the
Constitution. Once again, Ma headed the opposing camp. He wrote “Postscripts of the ‘Proposal to
Make Confucianism as the State Religion’”, “The Explanation of the Freedom of Religious Belief
in the ‘Constitution’”, and “Five Petitions opposed to Confucianism [in the Constitution]”,
discussing the nature of the freedom of religious belief, the advantage of the separation of state and
religion, and warning of the danger of arousing conflicts if the Constitution declared other beliefs to
be illegal by law.119 Eventually the pro-Confucianism proposal did not pass in parliament. During

113 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 136.

114 Leclercq, Thunder in the distance, 140–41.
115 Leclercq, 142.
116 Liao, ‘Ma Xiangbo Shengping Jianbiao’, 220.
117 Cotta Antoine to Eminence Révérendissime, 16 February 1918, A.V.L., ARCA.
118 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Yiguo Yuanshou Ying Jian Zhuji Zhushi Fou 一国元首应兼主祭主事否? [Should a Head of
State Preside over Religious Ceremonies?]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue
Chubanshe, 1996), 144–48, translation see Ruth Hayhoe and Yongling Lu, ‘Should a Head of State Preside over
Religious Ceremonies?’, in Ma Xiangbo and the Mind of Modern China 1840-1939 (M.E. Sharpe, 1996), 241–52.
119Ma Xiangbo, ‘Shu “Qingding Rujiao Wei Guojiao” Hou 书《请定儒教为国教》后 [Postscripts of the
“Proposal to Make Confucianism as the State Religion”]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan
Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 246–56; Ma Xiangbo, ‘“Yuefa” Shang Xinjiaoziyou Jie《约法》上信教自由解 [The
113
the campaign, the Catholic Action union appealed to all the bishops in China, published a great
number of pamphlets and gave speeches to the general public.120

With his experience of Guangyi Lu, on National Day (10th October) 1915, Lebbe founded another
newspaper Yishi Bao (I Che Pao) [Social Welfare]. 121 It continued publishing until 1949 and
became so influential that is counted as one of the major newspapers of Republican China, alongside
Shen Bao 申报 and Dagong Bao. Its main content was reports on world affairs, national or local
events; editorial comments on society; cartoons and illustrations for entertainment; as well as
spirituality. The positions of manager and chief editor were held by Chinese Catholics. Lebbe also
gave it much attention, publishing in it frequently and responding to questions from the faithful. 122
It is interesting to note that the name Yishi Bao was not only an indication of the social programme,
but also a token of gratitude to the French-language newspaper in Ghent, Le Bien Public, which
according to the description of Léopold Levaux, gave Lebbe “enthusiastic and affectionate” support
in 1913.123

However, Lebbe’s Lazarist superiors did not welcome his initiatives. When he launched Guangyi
Lu under the charge of Ying Lianzhi, Bishop Jarlin was angry. Cotta argued in justification that Ying
was “a passionate patriot, and wanted the best for his country; and he came to the virtuous conclusion
that, without religion, China would always be unfortunate […] His idea having been materialised
and he wanted to spread it, hence his little newspaper…”124 But Jarlin insisted that: “a Christian
newspaper must have a supervisor, under the penalty of compromising the Church of China. Can
we even let Ying deal with religious matters? [...] As a Lazarist, you know that you have no right to
publish anything without permission […] They [Missionaries] must not collaborate, subscribe, or
propagate this newspaper. This will be discussed from the point of view of the Canon Law”. In the
end, Jarlin excused Lebbe in this case and said “I might have been too keen in throwing a ban on

Explanation of the Freedom of Religious Belief in the “Constitution”]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng
(Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 278–83; Ma Xiangbo, ‘Fandui Kongdao Qingyuanshu Wupian 反对
孔道请愿书五篇 [Five Petitions opposed to Confucianism (in the Constitution)]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu
Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 261–64.
120 Antoine to Eminence Révérendissime, 16 February 1918.
121 Song Zhiqing, ‘Lei Mingyuan Shenfu Yu Tianjin Yishibao 雷鸣远神父与天津益世报 [Father Lebbe and
the Tianjin Yishi Bao]’, Shenxue Lunji [Theological Essays], no. 87 (1991): 49–62.
122Theresa Ming Chuan Hsueh, ‘Action et Mémoir, les Archives du Journal de Vincent Lebbe : I Che Pao
[Action and Memory: The Archives of the Newspaper of Vincent Lebbe: Yishi Bao]’, in Vincent Lebbe et son
Héritage, ed. Arnaud Join-Lambert et al. (Louvain-La-Neuve: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 2017), 37–38.
123 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 142.
124 Cotta Antoine to Mgr. Jarlin, 7 April 1912, AVL, ARCA.

114
this newspaper”. 125 In 1916, however, when Lebbe got involved in the Laoxikai incident, his
superiors suppressed all his activities.

As mentioned earlier, the incident broke out in Tianjin; in fact, the French desire to expand their
concession was using the Church as a pretext, with the consent of the Bishop of Tianjin. When Lebbe
took sides with the Chinese, the French diplomat and his Lazarist superiors were irritated. The
problem raised by the opposition between Lebbe and his superior was handled further up the Lazarist
hierarchy but no one gave Lebbe exoneration.126 Meanwhile the Laoxikai Incident escalated when
the French consul used military means to control it. A general strike and boycott broke out in the
French concession. Catholics in Tianjin were concerned about Lebbe. At the end of 1916, Cotta and
Jean Yang, a Chinese Catholic, wrote a complaint to Cardinal Serafini of the Propaganda Fide in
Rome with a full dossier of supporting materials. In March 1917, the Vatican got in touch with the
Lazarist headquarters in Paris, and the Visitor Extraordinary of the southern Chinese vicariates, Fr.
Claude Guilloux, was appointed to inquire into the case. Soon after that, instruction came from Paris
asking Lebbe to move to the south, to the Zhejiang Vicariate. Cotta was under pressure for his action
too: François Desrumaux, the Apostolic Visitor,127 intended to deport him.128

Lebbe’s superiors could not excuse his “meddling in politics” and ignoring the request of
“neutrality”. Suspected of being a disobedient and disturbing by nature, all his social projects were
strictly forbidden. Soon after his involvement in the Laoxikai incident, Bishop Dumond revoked
approvals for Catholic Action, Yishi Bao and Lebbe’s other social projects in Tianjin. In 1917, when
Lebbe was sent down to the south, Mgr. Reynaud, his bishop there, gave him a note of caution: he
should not encourage local Christians to enter into politics, which would “expose them to struggles
above their strength and therefore be dangerous for them and without profit for the country”, nor
make them “confuse the love of the country with the hatred of foreigners”; he should not hasten the
development of indigenous clergy, because there “would be certain inconveniences, such as
disturbing the peace we need, destroying the union that exists, and replacing it with regrettable
conflicts”. Furthermore, Bishop Reynaud said, indigenous clergy were not ready for this
responsibility, just like the government of the country.129

125 Mgr. Jarlin to Cotta Antoine, 8 April 1912, A.V.L., ARCA.

126 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 156, 161–62, 167.
127 A papal representative with a mission of relatively short duration.
128 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 170–72, 176, 179.
129 Levaux, Le Père Lebbe, 188, 176, 192.

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During the Ultramontanist period the Church was in, if changes could not come from the Order,
Lebbe thought that “the only remedy” was to “present the case to Rome”, the highest authority.130
Cotta had made Lebbe known to the Vatican, but it did not act to influence the decision of the
Lazarist Congregation. Lebbe and Cotta decided to try again to obtain Vatican endorsement. In fact,
both the Vatican and China had attempted to and were willing to better their mutual relationship,
but the role of the French Protectorate remained a strong obstacle.

VI. French intervention

The Vatican had long had the intention to be in direct contact with China. In 1860, Pope Pius IX
planned an Apostolic Visit of all China Missions, and prepared a letter for the Xianfeng Emperor 咸
丰. Due to the death of the emperor in the following year, the plan and the letter had to be dropped.131
In 1885, after Pope Leo XIII and the Qing court had exchanged official letters, both sides were
willing to establish diplomatic relations. But France strongly protested against the move and
threatened to sever its diplomatic relations with the Holy See. Fearful of losing French Catholic
support, Leo XIII decided to put off the matter.132

As seen in the case of the Jesuits in Jiangnan, the mission benefitted from French diplomatic
protection based on the Sino-French treaties. When French politicians used mission as a pretext for
intervention, the missions tended to consent. In the Laoxikai Incident, the Lazarists were in favour
of the French annexation, and the French Minister’s letter complaining about Lebbe carried weight
with the mission. It was not simply that missionaries and politicians were allies, but because the
Catholic mission itself had become a mixture of ventures for France. Finding it difficult to
differentiate the various complex interests involved, missionaries came to identify the mission of
Catholicism with the mission of France. As mentioned earlier, even Lebbe had initially seen his task
as bringing people “to love France as well as God”.

Support of the Catholic mission and the expansion of French political influence were intertwined,
in that they jointly contributed to the project of “civilising mission”. For the French Church, the
main incentive was religious zeal. The Church was a major contributor to the Catholic mission. 133
In the century from 1820-1920, Œuvre de la Propagation de la foi [Society for Propagation of the

130 Vincent Lebbe, ‘Letter to Antonie Cotta (20.09.1919)’, in Pour l’Eglise Chinoise: la Visite Apostolique des Missions
de Chine, 1919-20, ed. Claude Soetens, vol. 1, 3 vols, Cahiers de la Revue Théologique de Louvain 5 (Louvain-la-
Neuve: UCL Facultéde théologie, 1982), 171–76.
131 Ticozzi, ‘Lou Tseng-Tsiang (1871-1949) and Sino-Vatican Diplomatic Relations’.
132 Criveller, ‘China, the Holy See and France’.
133 Criveller, 62.

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Faith, founded in France, different from Propaganda Fide], the association coordinating assistance
for the Catholic missions, put the sum of 498,649,467 gold francs at the disposal of mission work.134
Given that from the 1860s the Pope was engaged in a dispute with the newly founded Kingdom of
Italy over the status of papal property in Rome, the Holy See could not control the distribution of
resources for missionary activity, even though it wanted to be responsible for missions.135 Thus,
from the aspect of material supplies, France had actual control. Despite the anti-clerical attitude of
the Third Republic, the French Government found spreading religion to be nevertheless a useful
reason to back its expansion. In the volume edited by Owen White and J. P Daughton, scholars have
discussed the complementarity and complication of the relations between the Empire and religion
in France, using cases from many regions (North America, Indochina, the Pacific Ocean).136 This
complicated package in China took the form of the Protectorate that France held firm to.

As long as it facilitated the mission in China, missionaries welcomed French intervention from the
late nineteenth century. The direct reason for France to join the Second Opium War (1856-1860)
was the execution of the missionary Auguste Chapdelain 马神甫事件 in Guangxi. The Anglo-
French expedition entered the capital Beijing and looted the Summer Palaces Yiheyuan and
Yuanmingyuan. The war was concluded by the Convention of Peking and the agreement signed
between China and France stipulated that religious establishments should be returned to their owners
through the French Minister in China.137 Following this French action, apostolic vicars in China
sent a joint letter addressed to Emperor Napoleon III, to acknowledge with gratitude the benefit of
French protection on the missions. Bishop of Jiangnan Languillat wrote that: “the treaty of 1860
opened a new era for our missions in China. We can now enter freely into this Empire so long closed,
preach there, build churches, create charitable establishments. We owe this freedom to the high
protection granted to us by Your Majesty […] Our Christians already know how to love France,
which has acquired their freedom”. Napoleon III replied that: “I am glad that the purpose of the 1860
expedition was so well understood by the bishops and missionaries of China. I thank them for their
dedicated efforts to make our victories fruitful in the interests of European religion and civilization.
For my part, I will hasten to facilitate their task”.138

134 Soetens, L’Eglise Catholique en Chine au XXe Siècle, 6.

135 Soetens, 6.
136Owen White and J. P Daughton, eds., In God’s Empire: French Missionaries in the Modern World (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2012).
137 ‘Zhongfa Beijing Tiaoyue 中法北京条约 [Convention of Peking between China and France]’, Weiji Wenku
[Wikisource], accessed 16 September 2020,
https://zh.wikisource.org/wiki/%E4%B8%AD%E6%B3%95%E5%8C%97%E4%BA%AC%E6%A2%9D%E
7%B4%84.
138 de la Servière, Jiangnan Chuanjiao Shi, 1:195–96.

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The French Canon Joly, whose work greatly inspired Lebbe, criticised the missionaries’ heavy
reliance on European power to obtain security. In the period of growing Chinese nationalism, the
ambiguous relationship with French political aggression would cause a backlash against the Church.
In 1918, Cotta summarised: “China has undergone, during the last sixty years, the intervention of
France in the litigious cases of the Catholics: it has never accepted it [underlined as original] […]
Widespread intervention admitted as a right was a beginning [for the Church] of suicide: the abuses,
the troubles and the revolution of the Boxers themselves did not come from any other cause than the
mixing of politics in religious questions and foreign interference in the administration of justice”.139

The Vatican-China diplomatic relationship and direct communications were ways to remedy this
and to show that the Church was not part of political enterprise. Yet the presence of the French
Protectorate and the importance of the French Church to the Catholic Church made it difficult to
realise. Despite sympathising with Lebbe after learning of his case, the Holy See had to take a
compromising step, so as to pacify the French Lazarists.

From 1916, Lebbe started contacting Mgr. Vanneufville, the French correspondent in Rome whom
he came to know in 1900, and explained to him the problem in China. In 1917, Lebbe received the
first reply from Mgr. Vanneufville who had spoken to Mgr. Laurenti, the secretary of the Propaganda
Fide, in person. He leaked to Lebbe the sympathetic attitude of the Vatican.140 His letter reassured
Lebbe that the solution and the final decision on matters such as the indigenous episcopate, could
only come from the Holy See. Chinese Catholics also participated in working to build up the
Vatican-China relationship. Cotta forwarded Ma Xiangbo a copy of the dossier that he had sent to
the Propaganda Fide in 1916, in which he enclosed the citation of Roman documents to show that
the work of Lebbe was in conformity with them. Ma thus learnt of Pope Leo XIII’s letter to the
Guangxu Emperor for the first time and thought of Lu Zhengxiang, the current Prime Minister and
a Catholic.141 He had the idea of promoting a diplomatic relationship and put Lebbe in contact with
Lu, believing Lebbe might be able to make some suggestions on the issue of a Nuncio (ecclesiastical
ambassador of the Vatican to China).142 Later Ma suggested to Lu the possibility of going to Rome
with Lebbe and Cotta as secretary.143

As WWI was going on and China was allied with France, this was a delicate time to raise the
question of establishing diplomatic relationship with the Vatican, which implied side-lining France.

139 Antoine Cotta to Lu Zhengxiang, 20 August 1918, A.V.L., ARCA.

140 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 165, 174.
141 Ma Xiangbo to Antoine Cotta, 25 April 1917, A.V.L., ARCA.
142 Ma Xiangbo to Antoine Cotta, 26 February 1917, A.V.L., ARCA.
143 Ma Xiangbo to Cotta, 25 April 1917.

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Ma was worried that “it is not yet time to speak of the usefulness of Nuncio. If it is talked about, I
am afraid that the Republic of France and many bishops would be displeased”. 144 Lebbe also
considered that “the current [Chinese] government […] had great motives to spare France – the Pope
too”. 145 Nevertheless, Lu deployed his diplomatic project and on 17th July 1918, the Chinese
government appointed Dai Chenlin 戴陈霖 (Minister to Spain and to Portugal) as “Extraordinary
Envoy and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of China to the Papal Court”.146 The move
caused strong opposition from France and on 31st July, it informed the Chinese government that
based on the Treaty of Tianjin, “at no time and under any circumstances is the French Government
willing to give up the role [as protector] it had taken […] it formally refused to give consent to any
plan for the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the Vatican”. If China wished
to maintain relations with the Vatican, against the wish of the French, the French Government would
consider it as “a significantly unfriendly act”. Since China was one of the Allies, it should tighten
ties with France against “an enemy in favour of which the Vatican has consistently shown its
partiality since the beginning of the war”.147 The Chinese government replied on 6th August that
what the treaty recognised was the freedom of belief rather than any special right to France, and
therefore there was no violation of it. As for the Vatican’s attitude towards common enemies, the
Chinese government believed that the Allies should maintain friendly relations with any party that
was not openly against it.148 On 20th August, Cotta wrote a letter to Lu Zhengxiang, assuring him
that the Pope was not anti-Ally, this diplomatic relation had nothing against the treaty, and an official
relationship could play a role in national dignity and unity.149 Unfortunately, despite the efforts
made by China and the Vatican, France managed to maintain the Protectorate and the Vatican-China
diplomatic relationship had to wait until 1942.

Despite the failed attempt to establish an official relationship, the Vatican decided to start
investigation of the China mission to get concrete information. In 1919, it appointed Jean Budes de
Guébriant, the Bishop of Guangzhou and a member of the Paris Foreign Missions Society (MEP),
as Apostolic Visitor, and assigned him the task of inquiring into the condition of the Church of

144 Ma Xiangbo to Cotta, 26 February 1917.

145 Vincent Lebbe to Antoine Cotta, 28 February 1918, A.V.L., ARCA.
146 Ticozzi, ‘Lou Tseng-Tsiang (1871-1949) and Sino-Vatican Diplomatic Relations’.
147Minister of France in Beijing, ‘Note Verbale du Ministre de France à Pékin au Ministère des Affaires
Etrangères [Verbal Note from the Minister of France in Beijing to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs]’, 31 July
1918, A.L., Sint-Andriesabdij.
148Minister of Foreign Affairs (China), ‘Note Verbale du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères au Ministre de
France à Pékin [Verbal Note from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Minister of France in Beijing]’, 6
August 1918, A.L., Sint-Andriesabdij.
149 Cotta to Lu Zhengxiang, 20 August 1918.

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China. 150 He summoned Lebbe from Shaoxing to Shanghai for the inquiry. Afterwards, Lebbe
considered that de Guébriant agreed with his point of view, but he also knew the limitations of what
the bishop could do. He wrote to Cotta that Mgr. de Guébriant had found that European clergy,
especially the Hierarchy, did not have an anti-Chinese stance.151 At the same time, the bishop “did
not decide, only made an investigation”. 152 Near the end of 1919, word came from the Pope.
Benedict XV issued the apostolic letter “Maximum Illud [That Momentous]”, which proposed an
appreciation for cultural differences, a separation of the Church from political power, and the need
to develop the indigenous priesthood.153 Although the document was in favour of Lebbe, it was not
received well by many missionaries.154 Lebbe was still in a tense relationship with the Lazarist
mission. In 1920, an agreement was made with Bayol, the Lazarist procurator-general and de
Guébriant that Lebbe would go back to Europe temporarily and wait for the final verdict from the
Vatican. Meanwhile, having discussed his ideas with Bishop de Guébriant, who would also return
to Europe, he formed a new scheme to continue his apostolic work for China in Europe.155

For the next seven years, Lebbe resorted to alternative methods: he turned his attention to the
Chinese students studying in Europe and laid the foundation for the support of those students.
Realising that Chinese youth would play an important role in shaping the future of China, Lebbe, as
well as people that he had networked with, encouraged interaction between the youths and the
European Catholic Church. Lebbe turned out to be particularly successful in Belgium where he was
able to enlist more members to join the network, thanks to his affiliation and the special focus of the
Belgian Catholic Church. A few hundred Chinese students benefitted from Belgian support giving
them personal experience of European culture, society and people, including the young Jesuit-
educated student Zhang Chongren from Xujiahui.

150 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 215.

151 Vincent Lebbe to Antoine Cotta, 2 October 1919, A.V.L., ARCA.
152 Vincent Lebbe to Antoine Cotta, 11 October 1919, A.V.L., ARCA.
153 Benedict XV, ‘Maximum Illud [That Momentous]’, 30 November 1919,
https://w2.vatican.va/content/benedict-xv/en/apost_letters/documents/hf_ben-xv_apl_19191130_maximum-
illud.html.
154James Kroeger, ‘Papal Mission Wisdom: Five Mission Encyclicals 1919-1959’, in A Century of Catholic Mission:
Roman Catholic Missiology 1910 to the Present, ed. Stephen B Bevans, 2013, 100.
155 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 216.

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 Chapter 4: Destination Belgium:
The Catholic Project for Chinese Students (1920-1934)

When the Mukden Incident took place in 1931, André Boland, a close associate of Lebbe, found that
Church support of China was not explicit enough and feared its lukewarm attitude would make
Chinese students doubt the position of the Catholic Church. He was keen to persuade Catholic media
in Belgium to express solidarity with China. Hergé’s Tintin thus caught his attention. Thanks to the
connection between Boland and Lu Zhengxiang, Zhang Chongren was introduced to Hergé to help
with the comic of Tintin in China.

The reason for Boland to care about the feelings of Chinese students in Belgium was his participation
in the Catholic project for Chinese students in Europe, which was initiated by Lebbe in 1920. its
goal was not limited to transmitting knowledge between the two countries, but to promote a sense
of solidarity. In 1920, after becoming aware of how Chinese students involved in the Diligent Work-
Frugal Study Movement in France 留 法 勤 工 俭 学 运 动 were influencing the Anti-Christian
Movement (1922-28) back in China, Lebbe initiated a Catholic project for Chinese students in
Europe. He persuaded Church leaders that the future of the Church in China relied on its relationship
with Chinese youths, because if they had positive impressions of the Catholic Church, they would
influence the attitude of the general public, thus reversing the anti-Christian impact. Therefore, the
Church should regard the interests of Chinese students as its own. Lebbe’s project for Chinese
students received particular support from his connections in Belgium, as it was endorsed by the
Belgian Archbishop Mercier, joined by priests from Belgian churches, and further enhanced when
Lu Zhengxiang entered the St. Andrews Abbey in Bruges in 1927.

Zhang Chongren’s route to Belgium and his experiences were influenced by this project. In 1931,
he went to study art in Brussels sponsored by the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship 中比
庚款奖学金. Before leaving, Zhang had been impressed by the fact that students returned from
Belgium usually had good academic results. After arriving, thanks to the Scholarship, he was able
to focus on his studies and achieve excellent artistic standards but it was thanks to the availability
of the support in Belgium that he gained more profound knowledge.

The Catholic project laid emphasis on helping students to concentrate on study and respecting their
patriotic mentality. The Church would benefit from helping Chinese students in return. By stressing
the excellent achievements of the students receiving their financial support, the study scheme would
spread its reputation. Catholic participation in the allocation of the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity
Scholarship since 1929 reinforced this feature. Moreover, by justifying Chinese interests to the

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general public in Europe, the Church intended to change the students’ perception of the Church as
aggressor. Such a scheme ran well in the context of the Vatican’s friendly attitude towards China as
shown, for example, by the ordination of Chinese Bishops in 1926. As a result, Zhang felt that he
received friendly treatment from Belgians and hospitality from Catholics, which was a mental
comfort. In this supportive environment, he and Hergé began their collaboration on Tintin.

I. Introduction of Hergéand Zhang and the Catholic concerns

In March 1934, just before launching the China story and announcing on Le Petit Vingtième that
Tintin would head to the Far East, Hergé wrote a letter to a priest called André Boland in Leuven,
and asked:

Do you remember ever writing to me about Tintin in China? Already then, I answered you that it was
well in my intention to make this story a charge of Japanese imperialism rather than a caricature of
the Chinese. The moment to let my hero go is almost here. And, before I start, I would love to meet
you and talk a little bit about all these things with you, so that nothing that may have unfortunate
consequences will be done.1

Boland was a close associate of Lebbe from 1922 (fig. 4.1). Lebbe described him as “the zealous
commilito [comrade]”.2 At that time, he and another priest, Fr. Léon Gosset, were in charge of a
Catholic project taking care of Chinese students in Belgium. Having received a letter from Hergé,
Gosset, who was the chaplain of Chinese students in Leuven, soon fixed an appointment to meet up
with him.3 Hergé recalled that Gosset told him that to avoid stereotypes of Chinese such as having
a braid and being cruel, which would hurt his Chinese students, and asked him to better inform
himself about China.4

1 Hergéto Boland, 24 March 1934.

2 Vincent Lebbe, ‘Letter to Celso Benigno Luigi Costantini (11.04.1924)’, in Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Albert
Sohier and Goffart Paul (Tournai: Casterman, 1960), 227.
3 Hergéto Léon Gosset, 28 March 1934, A.V.L., ARCA.
4 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 59–60.

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 Figure 4.1 AndréBoland
Images from Whitworth Digital Commons Research website

The background to their warning and the request to Hergé to make a Tintin story exposing Japanese
imperialism was the on-going Sino-Japanese conflict and the lukewarm response from Catholic
media in Belgium, which they feared would disappoint Chinese students and lose their trust in the
Catholic Church. Soon after the Mukden Incident broke out on 18th September 1931 九一八事变,
some of the students in Belgium told Boland of their wish that the Church would help China: “Your
children in China are suffering. They love, as it is their duty, their dear country, but this love in no
way diminishes their love for their mother, the Holy Church. They think that perhaps never again
will the Church of China have an opportunity like today to show that our holy religion is not a
foreign religion”.5 In Leuven, there was a Catholic center for Chinese students, which they referred
to as “Home Chinoise” 中国公教青年俱乐部 – a place for social events, talks, religious events
and administration, which was established by Lebbe in 1926 after he obtained a building.6 There
students put out a statement on 17th September 1932: “Tomorrow will be the first anniversary of the
Japanese occupation of Manchuria. We hope all students will suspend entertainment activities to
commemorate the national calamity”.7

5 Chinese Catholic students to AndréBoland, 19 November 1931, A.V.L., ARCA.

6 AndréBoland to Secretary of Propagation Fide, 1928, A.V.L., ARCA.
7 Chinese students, Notice (Leuven, 17 September 1932), A.V.L., ARCA.

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Boland and Gosset paid attention to their appeal and worked to ensure that Catholic opinion in
Belgium was fair towards China, especially with those Belgian Catholic newspapers available at the
reading room of the Home for Chinese students in Leuven.8 La Libre Belgique and Le Vingtième
Siècle, which had reported the projects and activities of Lebbe from the 1910s, provided the Home
with free subscriptions.9 When The Adventures of Tintin on Le Petit Vingtième caught the attention
of Boland, he wrote a letter to Hergé, suggesting that he write a story of Tintin in China responding
the Sino-Belgian conflict. Hergé accepted the advice, decided to send Tintin to China after finishing
his adventures in America, and later composed the letter mentioned above to Boland (fig. 4.2).10

Figure 4.2 Left, Hergé; right, The Adventures of Tintin on Le Petit Vingtième (1930).
Images downloaded from Tintin website and from:
https://tintin.fandom.com/wiki/Le_Petit_Vingti%C3%A8me

During 1931-35, Zhang Chongren was studying in Belgium. Like other Chinese students, he was
concerned about the ongoing conflict. In the 1980s, he told the journalist Gérard Lenne that shortly
after he departed Shanghai in September 1931, the news of the Mukden Incident reached him via
radio as the boat sailed into the Indian Ocean. He described to Lenne how leaning on the rail, he had
“looked to the east, with the feeling of being stabbed in the heart”.11 When Zhang was studying in
Brussels, he followed the news of the Sino-Japanese conflict as it exacerbated after the Incident. He
read the dispatches sent from the Kyodo News, Reuters and the Nanjing Central News Agency in

8 Léon Gosset to Director of Le Vingtième Siècle, 2 January 1932, A.V.L., ARCA.

9 General secretary of Le Vingtième Siècle to Léon Gosset, 23 January 1932, A.V.L., ARCA; La Libre Belgique to
Léon Gosset, 14 January 1935, A.V.L., ARCA.
10 Hergéto Boland, 24 March 1934.
11 Tchang Tchong-Jen and Lenne, Tchang au Pays du Lotus Bleu, 28–29.

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the column on “Sino-Japanese conflicts” in the newspaper Le Soir.12 In 1934, Zhang received a
letter from Lu Zhengxiang, asking him to help Hergéget information and understanding about China
for his new comic, and willingly accepted this task.13 Lu, who had served as Prime Minister and the
Minister of Foreign Affairs of China at various times between 1912-20, and who headed the Chinese
delegation to the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, had been envoy to Switzerland from 1920-1927,
at which point he had become a Benedictine monk at the St. Andrews Abbey in Bruges, under the
name Dom Pierre-Célestin (fig. 4.3).

Figure 4.3 Lu Zhengxiang as politician and as monk. Archives photographed by author

(Sint-Andriesabdij) and image from Ways of Confucius and of Christ.

Lu was an old acquaintance of Lebbe: during his term of office as Prime Minister, he had supported
Lebbe in an attempt to establish official China-Vatican relation in 1917. After he entered to the
Abbey, he was in touch with Boland and looked after Chinese students in Belgium. On 20th
September 1931, when he learnt of the Mukden Incident two days before and the invasion of
Manchuria that followed from the newspaper, he wrote in his diary that the “worsening news and
unpredictable future” made him feel “shivery”.14 He contacted the Secretary-General of the League
of Nations in November, as he had kept his diplomatic connections with it since headed the Chinese

12 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 194.

13 Zhang Chongren, 196–203.
14 Lu Zhengxiang, Diary (Bruges, 23 September 1931), AL, Sint-Andriesabdij.

125
delegation at the Paris Peace talks.15 In November, Boland wrote to Lu that: “Our dear Catholic
Chinese students have been living for some time in an atmosphere of real scandal: The Catholic
newspapers have received only news via Tokyo and all have published articles unfavorable to China!
They are scandalized at not hearing from the Church to remind Japan of the laws of the most basic
morality! Every day they wait for a Chinese Cardinal Mercier to publish a letter on patriotism”. 16
He was most concerned that Belgian public opinion unfavorable to China upset the Chinese students,
because it would compromise their impression and trust of the Catholic Church.

The diplomatic reports sent from the Chinese Embassy in Belgium to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
of Republic of China can verify Boland’s claim: “since Japanese troops invaded Northeast [China],
although efforts were made to communicate with the news presses, most of them are pro-Japanese,
influenced by the French pro-Japan opinions. Only the Socialist party newspaper Le Peuple and the
religious [Catholic] party La Libre Belgique can speak fairly. The editorial of 22 August [1932] in
Le Peuple further exposed the deceptive behaviour of the Japanese”.17

According to research by John F. Laffey, in the 1930s France tolerated the Japanese invasion despite
the fact that it violated the treaty structure arranged at the Paris Peace Conference and the
Washington Naval Conference, because of French interests in Indochina. Laffey summarized that:
“Quai d’Orsay recognized the paramount significance of the existing agreement, but with the
important qualification that France had no interest in a stronger China”. France was against any
change which would constitute an immediate danger on the very frontier of Indochina. Thus, it
preferred to maintain an amicable relationship with Japan, and even offered capital to Japan for the
development of Manchuria in 1932.18

As for the Belgian government, it did not immediately announce its standpoint after the Mukden
Incident. According to reports in Le Soir in 1932, there was “no precise statement on the subject of
what will be the attitude of Belgium” as prior to a debate in the League of Nations, “it does not seem
that Belgium has to take a position”.19 In the dossier of Belgian newspaper responses collected by
the Chinese Embassy, the Belgian socialist party spoke most frequently in favour of China and

15 Lu Zhengxiang, Diary (Bruges, 3 November 1931), AL, Sint-Andriesabdij.

16 AndréBoland to Lu Zhengxiang, 18 November 1931, A.V.L., ARCA.
17Luo Huai, ‘Zhubi Shiguan Chengwen 驻比使馆呈文 [Report from Embassy in Belgium]’ (Brussels: China
Embassy in Belgium, 28 August 1932), D.A., Academia Sinica.
18 John F. Laffey, ‘French Far Eastern Policy in the 1930s’, Modern Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (1989): 117–49.
19‘La Note Amerciaine et la Belgiuqe [The American Note and Belgium]’, Le Soir, 9 January 1932, D.A.,
Academia Sinica.

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openly accused the Japanese of imperialism.20 One example is a report on the speech delivered at
the Belgian colonial institute (l’Institut Colonial Belge) by Émile Vandervelde.21 He was the former
Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, the president of the Belgian Labour Party, as well as the former
president of the Second International until 1918. He also wrote articles on the Bolsheviks and the
Sino-Japanese Conflict.22

Boland was alarmed when he read the supporting voices from the socialists, in comparison with the
lack of response from Catholics. On 16th October 1931, he wrote to Clemente Micara, the Apostolic
Nuncio to Belgium: “Since the European peoples are only pharisees, Chinese students are left to
unite with the Bolsheviks. They are the only ones who defend them. Not a single Catholic newspaper
[…] had a word of pity for us, nor raised their voice in the name of international justice. L’Humanité
[Humanity], the only newspaper defending China, which all the students buy daily, is Bolshevik”.23
Boland’s concern over students changing sides was related both to the Catholic/Communist
competition, and the rivalry between the Catholics and the liberal/socialist milieu in Belgian society,
as shown in the previous chapter. The active response from the socialists prompted him to take
immediate action. He continued in his letter to Lu that: “I have the impression that the present
moment is unique for the Church of China: it is an opportunity for the Church to take a standpoint
in front of all the countries, to show its love for China and to prove that Catholics vibrate to the
sufferings of the whole country”.24 Lu replied to Boland that the conflict “requires a thorough study”
and that he gave “full confidence to our Central Government and our Delegate to the League of
Nations. The case is in the best hands”.25

Although Lu did not react immediately to the conflict, he paid close attention to its development,
studying the Lytton Report commissioned by the League of Nations. 26 In November 1933, he
published the booklet L’invasion et l’occupation de la Mandchourie jugées à la lumière de la
Doctrine Catholique par les écrits du Cardinal Mercier [The invasion and occupation of Manchuria

20 Luo Huai, ‘Zhubi Shiguan Baogao: Manzhou Shijian Zhi Bibao Piping 驻比使馆报告：满洲事件之比报批
评 [Report from China Embassy in Belgium: Belgian Newspaper Comments on the Manchurian Incident]’,
Geguo Dui Dongsheng Shibian Zhi Taidu Ji Yulun 各国对东省事变之态度及舆论 [Attitudes and Opinions
of the Mukden Incident from Foreign Countries] (Brussels: China Embassy in Belgium, 3 November 1931),
D.A., Academia Sinica.
21Émile Vandervelde, ‘À l’Union Belge pour la Sociétédes Nations: La XIIme Assemblée de Genève [At the
Belgian Union for the League of Nations: The Twelfth Geneva Assembly]’, Le Soir, 1 November 1931, D.A.,
Academia Sinica.
22Émile Vandervelde, ‘Les Bolchevistes et le Conflit Sino-Japonais [The Bolsheviks and the Sino-Japanese
Conflict]’, Le Peuple, 6 December 1931, D.A., Academia Sinica.
23 André Boland to Clemente Micara, ‘To Apostolic Nuncio to Belgium’, 16 October 1931, A.V.L., ARCA.
24 Boland to Lu Zhengxiang, 18 November 1931.
25 Lu Zhengxiang to AndréBoland, 26 November 1931, A.V.L., ARCA.
26 Lu Zhengxiang, Diary (Bruges, 23 November 1932), AL, Sint-Andriesabdij.

127
judged by the writings of Cardinal Mercier in the light of Catholic Doctrine]. It reviewed the Sino-
Japanese conflicts and quoted a speech Mercier made during WWI on Christian patriotism and
justice. He demonstrated the conclusion that the principles articulated by Mercier were “in
conformity with the Truth”. Though people might say China was weak, Lu said it had justice on its
side, “have we ever seen that justice did not have the last word?”27

This booklet was at the same time a response in support of Ma Xiangbo, who declared national
calamity to the public. Lu had known Ma since his term as Prime Minister in 1912. After he entered
the Abbey he had continued to correspond with Ma and looked to Ma as the respected teacher who
enlightened him.28 At the age of ninety-three, Ma wrote the manifesto “Return our Rivers, our
Mountains 还我河山” on October 10th, (National Day) 1932 and circulated it among newspapers,
calling for the country to be saved from being conquered by Japanese aggression. The sentence was
a quote of Yue Fei 岳飞 (1103-1142), the military general of the Southern Song dynasty who fought
against the Jin dynasty in northern China. Lu enclosed this manifesto in his booklet, thus publicizing
it to the European audience (fig. 4.4). Ma continued to play a leading role in Chinese society to
arouse people’s awareness to the national crisis until his death in 1939. In 1933, he justified the call
for defense against Japanese invasion from the religious point of view: “Religion has disciplines […]
letting people enjoy true freedom while preventing self-delusion that leads into fake freedom […]
The reason why we are now against the Japanese atrocity is precisely because we are against the
enemy taking others’ lives freely, taking others’ land freely, and even presumptuously taking charge
of the life and death of our four hundred and fifty million people freely. We are endowed with the
unalienable right to live and that is why we are fighting for it!”29

27 Dom P.C. Lou Tseng-Tsiang and Désiré-Joseph Mercier, L’invasion et l’occupation de la Mandchourie jugées àla
lumière de la doctrine catholique par les écrits du Cardinal Mercier [The invasion and occupation of Manchuria judged in the light of
Catholic doctrine by the writings of Cardinal Mercier] (Paris: Les Éditions du Foyer, 1933), 36.
28 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Zhi Lu Zhengxiang 致陆征祥 [Letter to Lu Zhengxiang]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng
(Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 497, 528, 547–48, 568; Dom Pierre-Célestin Lou Tseng-Tsiang,
Ways of Confucius and of Christ, trans. Michael Derrick (London: Burns Oates, 1948), 59.
29Ma Xiangbo, ‘Zongjiao Yu Wenhua 宗教与文化 [Religion and Culture (1933)]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu
Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), 562–67.

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 Figure 4.4 Manifest of Ma Xiangbo, “Return our Rivers, our Mountains”
Image from L’invasion et l’occupation de la Mandchourie jugées àla lumière de la doctrine
catholique par les écrits du Cardinal Mercier (ARCA)

Lu Zhengxiang knew about Zhang Chongren and recommended him to help Hergé because Zhang
had been exchanging letters with him from 1932, a few months after his arrival in Belgium. In 1933,
upon a letter of suggestion from Ma Xiangbo, Zhang had visited Lu in Bruges.30 Lu had sent Zhang
a diary notebook of the same style as the one he used, which Zhang used during his study abroad.
Zhang had become acquainted with Boland in 1933 thanks to being introduced by the Chinese priest
Kang Sicheng 康思诚 (Matthias Kang). Gosset also knew Zhang personally, as he asked Zhang to
help with some drawings in 1934.31 In the context of the anxiety over the Sino-Japanese conflict,
and the concern about the lack of Catholic support for China in the conflict, Hergé and Zhang were
put in contact with each other and expected to express solidarity with China in Catholic media.
Zhang noted Hergé’s contact details and later met him in May (fig. 4.5).

30 Lu Zhengxiang, Diary (Bruges, 1932), A.L., Sint-Andriesabdij.

31 Zhang Chongren to Léon Gosset, 8 October 1934, A.V.L., ARCA.

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 Figure 4.5 The contact details of Hergé(G. Remi, circled) in the address book of Zhang.
Image from the preview of the auction on 8th July 2018 by Xiling Yinshe Auction Co.

Boland’s keenness to show solidarity with China was due to his participation of the Catholic project
for Chinese students in Europe, which was initiated by Lebbe in 1920 as already mentioned. As for
Zhang, his connection with this project had started when he decided to study in Belgium in 1930.

II. Zhang’s route to the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship

In 1931, just before leaving Shanghai for Belgium Zhang met Lebbe, who had returned to China in
1927 after spending seven years in Europe. In 1993 Zhang wrote a preface for the comic book about
Lebbe, Tonnerre en Chine [Thunder in China] (fig. 4.6)32, praising his work, including his help for
Chinese students abroad and recalling their meeting:

Vincent Lebbe, a Belgian missionary, motivated by the sufferings of Chinese people in China, devoted
his life to helping China. He considered himself Chinese, promoted the newspaper Yishi Bao to set
the record straight, and helped many Chinese students in Europe to finish their studies […] His
numerous deeds, were well-known both in China and overseas, and are too many to be listed. In the
autumn of 1931, before departing for my study abroad, I had the honour to meet Father Lebbe once
in Shanghai. Afterwards, many things happened, I often heard about his activities but never had the

32Luc Foccroulle et al., Tonnerre en Chine: Vincent Lebbe [Thunder in China: Vincent Lebbe] (Durbuy: Coccinelle
BD, 1993).

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 chance to see him again. Now I am eighty-six years old, living in Paris. Seeing the vividness in the
Vincent Lebbe comics, I could not help feeling overwhelmed by the changes of past and present […]33

Figure 4.6 Cover and inside page of the comics of Lebbe (1993)
Images from Tonnerre en Chine

Shortly after their meeting, Lebbe wrote a short reference for Zhang, addressed to Boland in Belgium:
“Here is one who only asks for your moral assistance – give it to him without reserve! He is a good
Christian, a relative to Ma Xiangbo whom we know”. 34 Although Zhang knew about Lebbe’s
assistance for students, he was unlikely to be aware of the whole picture of the Catholic project, in
which Lebbe was a central figure. As a matter of fact, many key facilities enabling Zhang to
complete his studies were connected with Lebbe and the Catholic project for Chinese students. The
Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship was one of them.

In 1925, Belgium agreed to use the Boxer Indemnity for education and philanthropy in China
following the example of the U.S. The Sino-Belgian Commission of Education and Philanthropy
(Commission sino-belge d’Instruction et de Philanthropie) 中比庚款委员会 founded in Shanghai

33Zhang Chongren, ‘Bilishi Fawenban Leimingyuan Huace Xu 比利时法文版雷鸣远画册序 [Preface of the

French Edition of the Painting Album of Vincent Lebbe]’, in Wenlun, ed. Zhang Chongren Jinianguan and
Shanghai Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Jiaoliu Zhongxin, Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Xilie 3 (Shanghai:
Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2010), 106.
34 Vincent Lebbe, Reference (1931), A.V.L., ARCA.

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in 1929, was in charge of distributing the money, and made the scholarships available from that year.
According to the decision of the Sino-Belgian Commission in 1929, a quarter of the indemnity was
to be used for the philanthropic and academic sector. Sixty percent of this amount was to be allocated
to education, 20% of which would be used on the Chinese students in Belgium.35 That was 150,000
dollars, 3% of the total amount, equivalent to approximately 5,230,000 Belgian francs. During 1930-
31, the commission provided sixty-four full scholarships of fifteen thousand francs a year each and
thirteen half scholarships of 7,500 francs a year each.

In August 1931, a small announcement titled “Zhang Chongren fixed travel date to Europe” in Shen
Bao and Xinwen Bao 新闻报 stated that: “the young artist Zhang Chongren, student of F. Enri [An
Jingzhai] (expert in painting and photography), has worked for Tuhua Shibao 图画时报 [Shi Bao
Pictorial] for four years, with remarkable results. He is diligent in painting and produced many high-
quality works. Recently he has been selected by the Sino-Belgian Commission to study art, as well
as to investigate the newspaper industry and economic situation in Europe. Zhang is scheduled to
depart on 18th this month. His family and friends will hold a farewell dinner at four p.m. on 15th at
Mu’er Tang 慕尔堂 [Moore Memorial Church] (fig. 4.7)”.36

Figure 4.7 Announcements of Zhang’s departure on Shen Bao (left) and Xinwen Bao (right)
in August 1931. Images from “Erudition” and “Quanguo Baokan Suoyin” databases.

At that time, Zhang had worked as the pictorial editor of Shi Bao [Eastern Times] since 1928 (fig.
4.8). He had long aspired to be a practitioner of the Western arts, but coming from a poor family, he
could not afford to study art abroad without external support. From the 1870s, Chinese students
began the trend of studying abroad. In 1927, Shu Xincheng 舒新城 wrote a brief history of this

35 Wang Shuhuai, Gengzi Peikuan 庚子赔款 [The Boxer Indemnity] (Taipei: Academia Sinica, 2011), 544–46.
‘Zhang Chongren Fu’ou Youqi 张充仁赴欧有期 [Zhang Chongren Fixed the Date to Europe]’, Shen Bao 申
36

报, 12 August 1931.

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phenomenon over the previous six decades and concluded that study abroad had become more and
more voluntary and popular. Students trained in all kinds of disciplines, from technology to political
science, from industry to philosophy. 37 Between 1887 and 1937 there were approximately two
hundred Chinese students studying western visual arts, first through Japan and then in Europe after
the foundation of the Republic of China.38

In general, the availability of sponsorship influenced both the choice of study destination and the
scale of uptake. Students going to Japan at the turn of the twentieth century were motivated by the
Qing governmental sponsorship and rewards, while many of those going to the U.S. depended on
the Boxer Indemnity Scholarship available from 1908 and the corresponding preparatory school
Tsinghua College 清华学堂. Before the 1910s, only a small number of students went to Europe,
because provincial governors or senior officials only rarely dispatched students there. For example:
thirty students were sent to study shipbuilding and navigation in France and England by Shen
Baozhen 沈葆桢 in 1875 (including Ma Jianzhong, the younger brother of Ma Xiangbo); the first
group of about twenty students to Belgium was sent by Duan Fang 端方 in 1904, mostly studying
railway and mining management.39

From the 1910s, however, the number of students going to France began to increase, and reached
over 1,400 by 1920. They were attracted by a new model, the Diligent Work-Frugal Study Movement,
initiated by Li Shizeng 李石曾 in 1912. Unlike the student groups sent to Japan and the U.S., this
movement had a pronounced social agenda in mind. Li was attracted to French anarchist thinkers,
such as Elisée Reclu, when he was in France from 1902. The goal of this study scheme was to
achieve “genuine social equality” by making “every student a worker and every worker a student”.40
Together with Cai Yuanpei, Wu Zhihui 吴稚晖 and Zhang Jingjiang 张静江 , Li set up the
Association for Frugal Study in France 留法俭学会 (1912) and Sino-French Education Association
华法教育会 (1916), which provided preparatory training to students in China. Once arrived in
France, students were expected to combine mental and manual labour (i.e. study and work in
factories) to support themselves, which would both cultivate their morality and narrow the gap

37Shu Xincheng, Jindai Zhongguo Liuxueshi 近代中国留学史 [History of Study Abroad of China in the Modern
Period] (Hunan Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 2010), 139.
38Yuk Lin Cheng, ‘Learning from the West: The Development of Chinese Art Education for General
Education in the First Half of 20th Century China’ (Ph.D. thesis, Toowoomba, Queensland, University of
Southern Queensland, 2010).
39 Shu Xincheng, Jindai Zhongguo Liuxueshi; Pan Yue, Wang Zhidong, and Huang Lili, ‘Shixi Jindai Liubi
Yundong de Xingqi 试析近代留比运动的兴起 [A Study of the Emergence of Overseas Studying Movement
in Belgium]’, Ningbo Daxue Xuebao [Journal of Ningbo University] 38, no. 06 (2016): 22–26.
40Paul Bailey, ‘The Sino-French Connection: The Chinese Worker-Student Movement in France, 1902-1928’, in
China and the West: Ideas and Activists (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), 74–85.

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between different classes, and thus lead to social reform. The movement received enthusiastic
support in China from students and wealthy patrons: for example, students from Fujian were granted
funds by Governor Chen Jiongming 陈炯明; and in France from the socialists such as Marius Moutet
(1876 –1968, diplomat and colonial adviser). Between 1919 and 1920 there were seventeen groups
of students leaving for France, amounting to over one thousand.41

Despite the popularity of the work-study movement in the 1920s, it did not attract Zhang Chongren
because of its social rather than academic goals, as seen in its emphasis on self-cultivation through
joining worker society instead of acquiring knowledge at school. As I will show later, Zhang was
not interested in this aspect, but cared more about gaining academic results. Compared with the
work-study movement, the Sino-Belgian Commission could provide him with more ideal conditions.
With the help of Ma Xiangbo, Zhang got in touch with the Commission directly and made use of its
support to realize his plans to study abroad.

Figure 4.8 Zhang Chongren as pictorial editor at Shi Bao

Photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang

In 1928 when Zhang finished his apprenticeship with An Jingzhai, he got a job as pictorial editor at
Shi Bao through an introduction. The newspaper building was outside Xujiahui village, in the middle

41Paul Bailey, ‘The Chinese Work-Study Movement in France’, The China Quarterly 115 (September 1988): 441–
61.

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of the International Concession (fig. 4.9). Shi Bao was founded in 1904. In 1920, it launched a
pictorial weekly, using offset printing paper and four-color printing technique, which was a first at
that time among newspapers.42 According to his own account, Zhang was dissatisfied at Shi Bao,
not because of the work itself but the need to deal with social relations, which he sometimes found
“nearly unbearable”.43

Figure 4.9 The Shi Bao Building on Wangping Street 望平街 (now Shandong Middle
Road 山东中路). Images from the Archives of Huangpu District Shanghai, downloaded
from: http://www.sohu.com/a/338788511_391448.

Doing favours in order to extend social relations was common at newspaper agencies. Ge Gongzhen
戈公振, chief editor of Shi Bao from 1913 to 1928, commented that the salaries of newspaper
employees were not sufficient to cover living expenses in Shanghai, so that the staff regularly sought
external subsidies, which were usually more generous than their salaries from employers. Being
short of funds themselves, newspaper agencies did not forbid it.44 But Zhang was not keen on this
source of income. At that time, he was doing a second job as a private tutor. The daughter-in-law of
Ma Xiangbo had introduced him to teach painting to the son of Tan Rongpu 谭容圃, accountant of

42Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo Baoxue Shi 中国报学史 [The History of Journalism of China] (Beijing: Zhongguo
Chuanmei Daxue Chubanshe, 2016), 121–24, 204; Zhang Jinglu, Zhongguo de Xinwen Jizhe Yu Xinwen Zhi 中国的
新闻记者与新闻纸 [Reporters and Newspapers in China] (Shanghai Shudian, 1932), 59.
43 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 178–79.
44 Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo Baoxue Shi, 202.

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the architectural firm Lester, Johnson and Morris 德和洋行. Zhang found it hard to understand his
student, whom he described as having good conditions for study but no willingness to do so, as “all
he wanted was to pursue endless [materialistic] desires”.45

The student’s attitude contrasted strongly with Zhang’s. He recalled that it was usually very late
when he travelled from the Shi Bao office back home to Xujiahui and the quietness gave him space
to ponder: “I felt very responsible; I felt that I must gain lots of knowledge, to spend a meaningful
life […] the meaning of life is no more than doing good deeds to others. If I manage to do something
good that other people cannot, then that life can be called meaningful and valuable”. He felt that a
practical choice that would enable him to realize this “meaning” would be to develop his strength
and interest, painting. He had the example of a former Tushanwan Studio apprentice who went on
to find fame and fortune through his artworks, the water-colourist, Xu Yongqing 徐咏清 also living
in Xujiahui, who is nowadays considered a pioneer of this field in China.46 Zhang said that he hoped
to emulate Xu, but he needed to elevate his level to a professional standard.47 In his free time from
work, Zhang kept practising French, Chinese classics and painting, hoping to have a chance to
advance himself to eventually become a professional artist.48

It was the generosity of Mr Tan and his wife that first kindled his wish to study abroad. As Zhang
was frustrated by the environment: “even in this big society, it was difficult to find a place to work
and study at ease”, the Tans suggested that he take further studies of art abroad and said they were
willing to sponsor him a sum of money. Encouraged by the Tan couple, Zhang started looking for
opportunities and weighing feasibilities.49

France was a popular destination for art students and in the 1920s among the Chinese artists who
studied there and conducted experiments to synthesize Chinese and Western arts, were Xu Beihong
徐悲鸿 (1895-1953) and Lin Fengmian 林风眠 (1900-1991), who became hugely influential. Both
studied in École des Beaux-Arts [School of Fine Arts], where Xu assimilated the aesthetics of
Western academicism into Chinese painting, while Lin blended Post-Impressionism with traditional

45 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 180.

46Bao Lingzhi, ‘Zhongguo Shuicaihua Diyiren: Xu Yongqing 中国水彩第一人: 徐詠清 [Pioneer of
Watercolour Painting in China: Xu Yongqing]’, Dazhong Wenyi [Popular Culture], no. 24 (2010): 110–11.
47 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 176–77.
48 Zhang Chongren, 176–79.
49 Zhang Chongren, 178–81.

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aesthetics.50 However, although Zhang grew up in the Xujiahui mission run by French Jesuits, he
eventually chose Belgium as his place of study. As he explained:

I chose the Académie Royale des Beaux-Arts [Royal Academy of Fine Arts] in Brussels as the place
to study. I did not go to Paris, because the students coming back from Belgium had better results. The
atmosphere of study in Belgium was better than that in Paris. It was so frivolous in Paris that people
loitering on the streets could audit the class, while in Belgium one needed to take the entrance exam.
I heard that the sons of high officials were mostly in France. If you wanted to enter politics, you had
better get to know them in France, as this would make your career much easier once returned. But I
had no ambition in politics; I just wanted to be a true artist.51

Moreover, he needed to find funding. Though the Tan family said that they would help him, he
considered that they “could only help me with the boat ticket […] Anyone would hesitate to vouch
for a poor student without savings and in need of funding like me”. According to Liuxue Zhinan 留
学指南 [Guidebook to Studying Abroad] published in 1934, the total annual living expense and
tuition fee for study in Belgium was then about 1,700 yuan.52 With a monthly salary of only thirty
yuan as pictorial editor, Zhang had to find ways to cover his basic expense.53

As Zhang prioritized academic performance and funding possibilities among other criteria, Belgium
became a more suitable destination. First of all, it offered financial support, the Sino-Belgian Boxer
Indemnity Scholarship, which France did not have. The Indemnity given to France was not used to
sponsor study abroad, but to repay the debts of the Banque industrielle de Chine [Industrial Bank of
China] 中法实业银行 in 1925 – due to the huge devaluation of franc after WWI, the bank could
not afford to do so. The rest of the money went to support specific institutions in France and China,
such as the Jesuit Zhendan University and the Institut Franco-Chinois de Lyon [Sino-French Institute
in Lyon].54

Unlike the work-study movement in France which featured social purpose, the Sino-Belgian Boxer
Indemnity Scholarship fostered academic excellence: it was merit-based and sought to ensure the
full attention of students on study by basing each student’s yearly allocation on their academic
performance in the previous academic year. In 1932, the Sino-Belgian Commission reported: “The

50Éric Janicot, ‘Les naissances de l’art moderne chinois [The Birth of Modern Chinese Arts]’, Revue d’Histoire
Moderne & Contemporaine 34, no. 2 (1987): 231–56.
51 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 181.
52Haiwai Liuxue Zixun Weiyuanhui [Overseas Study Advisory Committee], Liuxue Zhinan 留学指南
[Guidebook of Studying Abroad] (Nanjing: Overseas Study Advisory Committee, 1934), 18.
53 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 39.
54 Wang Shuhuai, Gengzi Peikuan, 366–425.

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scholarships certainly motivated emulation, brought the majority of the students to work better,
raised the level of studies […] having the system of annual attribution is quite crucial; putting the
students in a continuous state of uncertainty and anxiety is not conducive to studies […] therefore,
we would like to concentrate our efforts on the best of them, and to give them the assurance that, if
they continue to work well and behave well, the scholarship will be continued”.55 The report of the
commission in 1933 showed that among 250 students taking exams, half of them passed and a
number of them gained the second and first prize.56

From April to August 1929, Shi Bao published a series of reports on the administration of the “Sino-
Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship”.57 Although Zhang did not explain how he first learnt about
the scholarship, it is possible that these were his source of information. Initially he believed that the
scholarship was to help poor students, but when he later learned that it was merit-based, he was not
discouraged and continued to pursue it.58 At this point, Ma Xiangbo put him in touch with key
persons from the Sino-Belgian Commission.

The members of the Commission included the Chinese representatives, Chu Minyi 褚民谊, Zeng
Zongjian 曾宗鉴, Li Zhaohuan 黎照寰, Zhu Shiquan 朱世全, Cai Hong 蔡鸿 and Hong Lixing 孔
力行, and the Belgian representatives, H. Lambert, Wygerde, Lafontaine, Hubert and Hers. 59
Having learnt from Ma Xiangbo that the Chinese representative was Chu Minyi, Zhang visited Chu
and told him of his wish to get a scholarship, but Chu did not give him any guarantee. Zhang then
asked Ma for a favour, to invite Chu over for dinner, which Ma agreed to. In addition, Ma also
invited Wang Jingqi 王景岐, the former envoy to Belgium who thought highly of art education there.
In a speech on studying in Belgium in June 1929, he particularly mentioned that “the history of oil
painting in Belgium goes back hundreds of years. Among the famous painters in Europe, a number
of Belgian artists are counted in the top rank”.60 During the dinner at Ma Xiangbo’s place, Wang

55Sino-Belgian Commission to C.I.S.B., ‘Bourses d’études 1932 -1933 [Scholarships 1932-1933]’, 18 June 1932,
S.M.A.
56 Sino-Belgian Commission, ‘1933 Niandu Baogao 年度报告 [Annual Report of 1933]’, 1933, D.A., Academia
Sinica.
Shi Bao 时报 [Eastern Times], 1929. 中比庚欵會組織 (20 April), 中比庚款提案在審查 (20 June), 中比
57

庚欵分配决定 (22 June), 中比庚款會議結束 (06 August), 中比庚款會考試赴比學生取廿名本月二十日

即須放洋 (09 August).
58 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 181–82.
59Chih Jung Chen, ‘Zhongbi Gengkuan de Tuihuan Yu Yunyong 中比庚款的退還與運用 [The Belgian
Remission of the Boxer Indemnity]’ (Master Thesis, Taipei, National Chengchi University, 2012).
60‘Dahua Fandian Zhi Youyuanhui: Wang Jingqi Xiansheng Yanjiang Liuxue Biguo de Yijian 大华饭店之游园
会: 王景岐先生演讲留学比国的意见 [Fair at the Dahua Hotel: Suggestions of Studying in Belgium by Mr
Wang Jingqi]’, Huanqiu Zhongguo Xueshenghui Zhougan 环球中国学生会周刊 [The World’s Chinese Students’
Federation Weekly], no. 345 (16 July 1929).

138
suggested in private to Zhang that he should ask the Belgian representative Mr Hers if he wanted to
get the scholarship and gave him Hers address.

In June 1931, Zhang paid a visit to Hers and presented him with some of his work. Hers asked Zhang
to draw a few watercolours from life in Hangzhou and Putuo and then show them to him. When
Hers saw the drawings, he told Zhang that he should have no problem with getting the scholarship,
given his good painting skills. Later in October when Zhang arrived in Brussels, he passed the
entrance exam and qualified for the scholarship. In retrospect, it was fortunate that he had sought
the scholarship when it had just become available. From the 1932 academic year the regulation
changed and first-year students were no longer supported, as it was announced that “scholarships
will only be awarded to students who have already passed a successful exam at the university or
institution they attend when applying for the scholarship. The admission exam does not count”.61
From 1934 as the returning indemnity decreased year by year, the quota for the scholarship was
reduced accordingly.62

In the summer of 1931, Zhang started preparing for the journey. On Ma Xiangbo’s advice, Zhang
asked the World’s Chinese Students’ Federation 环球中国学生会 to help him obtain his passport
and certificate from the Ministries of Education and Foreign Affairs in Nanjing (fig. 4.10). This
federation founded in 1906 was an education agency helping students with information, entrance
and preparation,63 which also received a subsidy from the Sino-Belgian Commission.64

Figure 4.10 Letterhead of “World’s Chinese Students’ Federation”

Archives photographed by author (ARCA)

61 C.I.S.B. to Chinese students in Belgium, 9 May 1932, A.V.L., ARCA.

62 Sino-Belgian Commission, ‘Zhongbi Gengkuan Weiyuanhui Zhongguo Daibiaotuan Diwuci Huiyi Jilu 中比
庚款委员会中国代表团第五次会议记录 [Minutes of the Fifth Meeting of the Chinese Delegates of the
Sino-Belgian Commission of Instruction and Philanthropy]’, 29 July 1929, D.A., Academia Sinica.
63 ‘Huanqiu Zhongguo Xueshenghui Fuwu Gaikuang 环球中国学生会服务概况 [Overview of the Services of
the World’s Chinese Students’ Federation]’, n.d., A.V.L., ARCA.
64 Sino-Belgian Commission, ‘Zhongbi Gengkuan Weiyuanhui Zhongguo Daibiaotuan Diwuci Huiyi Jilu’.

139
When Zhang was admitted to the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in Brussels, the Sino-Belgian Boxer
Indemnity Scholarship ensured that Zhang was able to fully focus on study and achieve good results.
In 1932, Comité interuniversitaire sino-belge [Sino-Belgian Inter-university Committee] (C.I.S.B.)
wrote a letter about Zhang Chongren and two other art students, Wu Zuoren 吴作人 and Lü Xiaguang
吕霞光, to the Sino-Belgian Commission. The Sino-Belgian Inter-university Committee, based in
Belgium from 1929, had been delegated by the commission to gather information and send requests
to Shanghai, and to execute the decisions from the Commission in Belgium. 65 It reported their
performance at the academy, so as to confirm the availability of scholarships to them:

Four high-value students attend this establishment and we receive a lot of positive feedback of them
all the time. Of these four students, three are scholarship recipients […] Zhang Chongren and Wu
Zuoren. The fourth student, Lü Xiaguang, a brilliant one, the first of his class, is now seeking a
scholarship for the next academic year […] We wish to reassure the students of the Academy and let
them know confidentially [underlined as original] whether a scholarship can be granted to them in
1932-33.66

According to the Bulletin de l’Association Amicale Sino-Belge [Bulletin of the Sino-Belgian

Friendship Association], Zhang was granted the full scholarship each year from 1931-35.67 As a
result, he was able to work diligently and received top marks. In 1934 he got the first prize in
composition; then in 1935, first prize in the decorative art competition and modelling from life, as
well as second prize in composition. He was awarded the medal of King Albert and Brussels city in
1934 (fig. 4.11).68

65 Sino-Belgian Commission.
66 Pieters Maurice to Sino-Belgian Commission, 20 February 1932, S.M.A.
67 ‘Résultats des Examens - Listes des Bourses (Entières) [Exam Results - List of Scholarships (Whole)]’, Bulletin
de l’Association Amicale Sino-Belge [Bulletin of the Sino-Belgian Friendship Association], 35 1932.
68 ‘Résultats des Examens - Listes des Bourses’.

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 Figure 4.11 Medals awarded to Zhang
Photograph courtesy of Sophie Tchang (Studios Hergé)

The four years in Belgium enabled Zhang to gain technical and practical knowledge of western art
as well as first-hand observations, which he later introduced back to China. At first, he was enrolled
in the advanced painting course, but then, at the suggestion of Égide Rombaux, the professor in
sculpture, Zhang changed his major to sculpture. He passed the admission exam for the advanced
course and started studying with Rombaux in 1932.69 The training at the Academy taught him the
essential elements of sculpture, ranging from the differences between materials to studio
arrangement, and from the ideal levels of natural lighting to each tool used for sculpting. In the
1940s, after he returned to China, Zhang wrote a long article specifically to introduce these essentials
in detail, because “the knowledge has been passed from teacher to student inside the studio, but not
been recorded in books”. “Inspired by Victor Rousseau and E. Rombaux,” Zhang said he “listed the
elements as a reference for other artists”.70 In the class, he had learnt techniques for making a piece
of good sculpture, for example the importance of the solidity and accuracy of binding the inner

69 Tchang Tchong-Jen and Lenne, Tchang au Pays du Lotus Bleu, 31–33.

70Zhang Chongren, ‘Diaoke de Biyao Yinsu 雕刻的必要因素 [Essentials of Sculpture]’, in Wenlun, ed. Zhang
Chongren Jinianguan and Shanghai Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Jiaoliu Zhongxin, Zhang Chongren Yishu
Yanjiu Xilie 3 (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2010), 6.

141
framework before sculpting, for, as he said “the binding and the accuracy of the dynamic position
of the inner framework of a sculpture directly relate to the success or failure of the work”.71 During
the summer holidays, Zhang went to visit the Louvre in Paris with his fellow-student Lü Xiaguang
where he appreciated “Mona Lisa” and “Venus de Milo”, the British Museum in London, and the
famous statue of David by Michelangelo in Florence. He took detailed notes of European
masterpieces to get inspiration, as well as examining sculptures from other traditions, such as
Egyptian and Akkadian. In these cities, he also carefully observed the functions and placements of
public memorial statues. Later, in the 1950s, Zhang planned to launch a project of public sculptures
in China, for educational purposes.72 In addition, Zhang went to several brass foundries to learn
about casting techniques, materials and procedures, and made notes of his investigations.73

Zhang also contributed to artwork in Belgium. In 1934, Rombaux designed the decoration of the
Centenary Palace (Palais du Centenaire) for the Brussels International Exposition in the following
year. There would be four statues of figures adorning the top of the main façade to convey the main
theme of the Expo – transport. One of them was done by Jacques Marin. During a visit to Marin’s
studio, Zhang volunteered to help with the statue, and Marin agreed.74 It was a gilt bronze sculpture
over four meters in height, symbolizing horse-drawn traction (the other three are: navigation, steam
traction and aviation). The status is still standing on the top of the Centenary Palace in Brussels
today (fig. 4.12, 4.13).

71 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 191.

72Zhang Chongren, ‘Diaosu Yishu Mantan 雕塑艺术漫谈 [Essay on Sculpture Arts]’, in Wenlun, ed. Zhang
Chongren Jinianguan and Shanghai Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Jiaoliu Zhongxin, Zhang Chongren Yishu
Yanjiu Xilie 3 (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2010), 26.
73Zhang Chongren, ‘Liuxue Kaocha Suiji 留学考察随记 [Investigation Words While Studying Abroad]’, in
Wenlun, ed. Zhang Chongren Jinianguan [Zhang Chongren Museum] and Shanghai Zhang Chongren Yishu
Yanjiu Jiaoliu Zhongxin [Shanghai Research and Communication Centre of the Arts of Zhang Chongren],
Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Xilie 3 (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2010), 115–22.
74 Zhang Chongren, 118.

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 Figure 4.12 The Centenary Palace
Photo by author (August 2019)

Figure 4.13 Left, Zhang working on Marin’s sculpture; right, the sculpture today.
Photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang and photo by author (August 2019)

Zhang’s experiences with the Catholic project for Chinese students were mainly related to academic
activities, but at its origin, it had a strong evangelical purpose, hence its Catholic undertone.

III. Belgium as the headquarters of the Catholic project for Chinese students

The Catholic project for Chinese students originated largely as a response to the work-study
movement in France which Lebbe sensed as early as 1920, had the potential to influence China to
become anti-clerical. Unlike the perception of French missionaries that France was a Catholic
country and protector of missions, despite the 1905 law on the separation of Church and state,75 in
the eyes of the students going to France, the 1905 law made France the model of an egalitarian and
secular country, free from religious interference. One of the articles promoting the work-study
movement said:

Generally speaking, western countries can provide relatively satisfying physical and intellectual
education. As for moral education, it tends to be absurd. Only French education can be detached from

75 McMillan, ‘“Priest Hits Girl”: On the Front Line in the “War of the Two Frances”’, 99.

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 the superstition of monarch and god. Not only could other despotic countries not achieve it; even
Switzerland and America which broke away from the monarchy, are still deluded by Protestantism.
France abolished theology in 1886 and then implemented the separation of church and state in 1907
[sic. should be 1905 instead]. The role of education was returned to the people from the church. It
was truly the avant-grade of education among all the countries. From that one can see the ideas of
French moral education. China does not have a state religion, thus no obstacle from it. This is the
most precious point in education. It should be kept rather than changed. Everyone could talk about
the rights and wrongs of western religion coming into China. It should be avoided rather than
promoted.76

These students consolidated their view of religion when they came in contact with anti-clerical
ideology in France and further took the lead in discussing the role and nature of religion in China.
In 1921 the Paris branch of the student organisation Shaonian Zhongguo Xuehui 少年中国学会
[Young China Association] suggested that persons of religious faith be banned from membership,
which led to the discussion of the religious question in its journal. The members in France introduced
the views of Western writers on religion to China; then started questioning the necessity of religion.
They consulted with French scholars and received replies from novelist Henri Barbusse and
professors Marcel Granet and Celestin Bouglé. These scholars claimed that Christianity had little to
offer to modernize China. This discussion made the presence of religion sensitive to Chinese
intellectuals. When the World Student Christian Federation 世界基督教学生同盟 decided to
convene its 1922 meeting Beijing, it aroused opposition from scholars and students, who formed the
Anti-Religion League 非宗教大同盟. One of its leaders was Li Shizeng, the founder of the Diligent
Work-Frugal Study Movement.77

In the pamphlet Que Sera la Chine Demain? [What Will China Be Tomorrow?] published in 1925,
Lebbe set out his view that since the Catholic Church in Europe did not pay enough attention to
Chinese students studying there, these students received and introduced the ideas from Protestant,
liberal, socialist or communist milieux. When these ideas against the Catholic religion became
public opinion in China, the Catholic Church would find it difficult time to develop.78 In 1919
worrying about the development of the Church in China, Ma had also talked about the anti-clerical
challenges imported from Europe:

76Chen Sanjing, ed., ‘Quzhong Falanxi Jiaoyu Zhi Liyou 趋重法兰西教育之理由 [Reason to Focus on
French Education]’, in Lü’ou Jiaoyu Yundong, n.d., 63.
77Jessie Gregory Lutz, Chinese Politics and Christian Missions: The Anti-Christian Movements of 1920-28, vol. 3, The
Church and the World (Notre Dame, Indiana: Cross Cultural Publications, 1988), 33, 37–38, 35.
78 Vincent Lebbe, Que Sera la Chine Demain? [What Will China Be Tomorrow?] (Louvain: Xaveriana, 1925), 20.

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 I heard that in the seminaries, the level of Chinese is already not very high, while the level of Latin is
even lower. But now people who criticise Christians, are not only those outside churches swearing to
be against Christianity, but also many having studied abroad who are able to speak English or French.
They tended to translate books from Western educationalists, politicians, historians and scientists to
refute the Roman Catholic Church, in the newspapers or in the magazines. The priests are equipped
with low levels of either Chinese or Western languages. How could they make the Roman Catholic
Church important in China?79

Yet in the 1920s, the Catholic reactions to the Anti-Christianity Movement in China were still few
and minor.80 Participation in the debate came from Ma Xiangbo, who responded one by one to the
reasons against Christianity published in the Feijidujiao Xunkan 非基督教旬刊 [Anti-Christianity
Periodical] in 1924.81

As Lebbe was under pressure to leave China in 1920, he decided to start a project to counter the
anti-clerical trend and win students overseas to the Catholic Church. Initially Lebbe intended to
implement the project in France, because at that time, some students in France started to turn to
communism, including early Chinese communist leaders Zhou Enlai 周恩来 and Deng Xiaoping
邓小平. In spring 1921 prior to the first national congress of the Communist Party in Shanghai at
which the Chinese Communist Party was founded, the communist cell in France 旅法共产主义小
组 was founded. In 1922 the cell launched its journal, Shaonian 少年 [Youth] (renamed Chiguang
赤光 [Red Light] after 1924), to promote Communism to the Chinese students in Europe; Deng
Xiaoping was responsible for editing and publishing it during 1922-26.82

79Ma Xiangbo, ‘Dawen Zhongguo Jiaowu (Cangao) 答问中国教务 (残稿) [Questions and Answers of
Chinese Church Administrations (Incomplete) (1919)]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan
Daxue Press, 1996), 352–54.
80 Jessie Lutz provided several reasons: firstly, since this movement was mainly urban and elitist, missionaries
working in the rural areas received little effect from it; secondly, those in the urban centres were more often in
contact with the lower class instead of the intellectuals, and they did not read periodicals spreading the criticism
of Christianity, such as Xin Qingnian 新青年 [La Jeunesse/New Youth]; last but not least, missionaries
regarded it as one of the persecutions growing out of the anti-Christian tradition in China. Lutz, Chinese Politics
and Christian Missions, 3:73–74.
81Ma Xiangbo, ‘Youqi Fandui Jidujiao Liyou Shuhou《尤其反对基督教》书后 [Postscript to “Reasons of
Particularly Opposing to Christianity”]’, in Ma Xiangbo Ji, ed. Zhu Weizheng (Shanghai: Fudan Daxue
Chubanshe, 1996), 451–55.
82Zhao Yunyun, ‘Zhongguo Gongchandang Lvou Zuzhi de Chengli, Chenwei Yu Zuoyong 中国共产党旅欧
组织的建立、称谓与作用 [The Foundation, Name and Role of the Organisation in Europe of the
Communist Party of China]’, Dang de Wenxian [Party Literature], no. 06 (1996): 78–82; for more detailed research
on the foundation of the Communist Party of China and Europe see Marilyn A Levine, The Found Generation:
Chinese Communists in Europe during the Twenties (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993); Hans J Van de
Ven, From Friend to Comrade: The Founding of the Chinese Communist Party, 1920-1927 (Berkeley, Calif.: University of
California Press, 1991).

145
With the aim of contacting more Chinese students, Lebbe set up French-language classes and looked
for placements for the students through his connection with French Catholics.83 At that time, many
students were experiencing disappointment and disillusionment, as half of them lacked conditions
either for study or work due to the post-WWI economic depression in France and lived on meagre
subsidies from the Sino-French Education Association.84 On 28th February 1921, a group of students
protested to the Chinese ambassador Chen Lu 陈箓, demanding “living rights and educational rights
生存权和教育权”. The protest became so chaotic that the French police came to disperse the crowd.
The protest which took place at the Bon Marché Square close to the Lazarist Mother house,
impressed upon Lebbe the urgency and scale of need among Chinese students.85

Lebbe’s superior during his mission in France was Jean Budes de Guébriant, a member of the
Missions étrangères de Paris (MEP). In December 1920, Lebbe reported to Mgr. de Guébriant that
contact with Catholics enabled some Chinese students “to know the true France, and not communist
France exclusively proposed to their admiration by the Franco-Chinese Federation 华侨协社
[assembly hall and office of the Work-study Frugal Movement, which Lebbe used to refer to the
socialist work-study scheme] (fig. 4.14)”.86

Figure 4.14 Franco-Chinese Federation 华侨协社 just outside Paris

Image from Huagong Zazhi 华工杂志 (Peking University Library)

83 Vincent Lebbe to Jean Budes de Guébriant, 30 July 1920, A.V.L., ARCA.

84 Bailey, 83-85
85 Lebbe, Que Sera la Chine Demain?, 15.
86 Vincent Lebbe to Jean Budes de Guébriant, 12 November 1920, A.V.L., ARCA.

146
But Lebbe’s project faced obstacles from the Lazarist order. The congregation did not provide him
with any help and forbade him to publish in any French newspapers.87 Affiliated with the Paris
Foreign Missions Society, Mgr. de Guébriant could offer limited assistance to Lebbe. 88 Lebbe
reported to him that he had the impression that it was difficult to find a Catholic of French nationality
having the desire to help with the work of this kind.89

On the other hand, the Catholic Church in Belgium backed his endeavours. Hence one of the Sino-
Belgian Catholic connections began to take shape in the form of the project dedicated to Chinese
students. Cardinal Mercier who had met Lebbe in 1913 gave this project official acknowledgement
(fig. 4.11). He gave Lebbe his personal encouragement in 1921,90 permitted the printing of journals
in 1922,91 and authorised Lebbe to preach in the Brussels parish in 1923.92 In 1924, Mercier gave
Confirmation to forty Chinese students in Campine during Easter (fig. 4.15),93 and approved Lebbe
as the director of the Chinese students’ organisation.94

87Albert Sohier, Un an d’activité du Père Lebbe: 1926 [One year of Father Lebbe’s activity], ed. Claude Soetens
(Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgique: Publications de la Facultéde théologie, 1984), III.
88 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 236.
89 Vincent Lebbe to Jean Budes de Guébriant, 20 August 1920, A.V.L., ARCA.
90 Désiré-Joseph Mercier to Vincent Lebbe, 3 January 1921, A.V.L., ARCA.
91 Vincent Lebbe to Désiré-Joseph Mercier, 11 November 1922, A.V.L., ARCA.
92 Désiré-Joseph Mercier to Vincent Lebbe, 2 October 1923, A.V.L., ARCA.
93 Ernest Storck, ‘Un Double Cérémonie Religieuse à Averbode [A Double Religious Ceremony in Averbode]’,
Le Vingtième Siècle [The Twentieth Century], 24 April 1924, A.V.L., ARCA.
94 Désiré-Joseph Mercier to Jean C. Chang, 12 August 1924, A.V.L., ARCA.

147
 Figure 4.15 Ceremony at the Premonstratensian Averbode Abbey in Campine in 1924.
Attending Belgian Catholics included Joseph Rutten, CICM; M. Simons, industrialist and
sponsor of the A.B.C.; Cardinal Mercier (middle); Lebbe (left to Mercier); Boland; Mgr.
Crets. Image from Ons Land in woord en beeld (ARCA).

With the unwavering approval of the Cardinal, Lebbe found devoted associates in Belgium to help
in seeking support from both within and outside the Church. In 1922, as vicar of Verviers, a city near
Liège, Boland met Lebbe and decided to join him.95 Boland took charge of the project for students
after Lebbe left Belgium. In 1923, Boland founded the organisation Amitiés Belgo-Chinois [Belgian-
Chinese Friendship] (A.B.C.), with Mercier agreeing to be its honorary president in 1924.96 The
A.B.C. was not exclusively Catholic; it aimed to help to solve the difficulties of the Chinese students
by finding sponsors among businessmen and it also offered to help with work placements and
housing, as well as providing loans and training.97 The organization also tried to open the eyes of
Belgian industrialists to the economic potential of China by recalling the ambition of King Leopold

95 Claude Soetens, ‘Les Étudiants Chinois en Belgique de 1900 à 1940 [Chinese Students in Belgium from 1900
to 1940]’, in The History of the Relations Between the Low Countries and China in the Qing Era (1644-1911), ed. Willy
Vande Walle and Noël Golvers, vol. 14, 2003, 498.
96 André Boland, ‘Généralités, Services et Organisation de l’A.B.C.’, n.d., A.V.L., ARCA.
97André Boland, ‘Status. Generalites, Services de l’A.B.C., Organisation [Status. Generalites, Services of A.B.C.,
Organization]’, 12 April 1923, A.V.L., ARCA.

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II98: “our future is in China”; it argued that Belgium would be in a competitive position to benefit
from Chinese economic growth if students returned with a favourable impression of the country.
Thus, the role of the A.B.C. was to facilitate Belgian businessmen’s contacts with students and call
for their support. 99 Thanks to Boland’s efforts, some bankers and entrepreneurs participated,
including Paul Staes, a Liège businessman who took the lead in solving their financial needs both to
run the organization and to fund students.100

Wang Jingqi, who later directed Zhang Chongren to the Sino-Belgian Commission, was the Chinese
envoy to Belgium at that time. He was invited to attend the first meeting of the A.B.C., though he
was unable to go due to health problem.101 During his term of office, Wang thanked Boland for his
work and said that “I know that apart from a few detractors, our cause has here many valiant
defenders”.102

Local churches in Belgium also provided support and welcomed Chinese students. From 1921 the
Benedictine St. Andrew’s Abbey in Bruges participated.103 Its abbot Dom Theodore Nève was much
involved in promoting and buttressing the project (fig. 4.16). Nève publicized Lebbe’s activities
through the Abbey’s, Bulletin des Missions [Missions Bulletin]. Dom Edouard Neut, in charge of
the journal from 1920, was a friend of Lebbe and a keen supporter of his vision.104 In 1926 Lebbe
established the “Home Catholique” in Leuven and the next year, in an agreement with Lebbe, Dom
Nève founded a non-profit association in accordance with Belgian law, Foyer Catholique Chinois
[Chinese Catholic Foyer] (F.C.C.), which had authority to lead and supervise the pro-China project

98 Leopold II visited China when he was Duke of Brabant in the 1860s. He had an ambition of China. Willy
Vande Walle, ‘Belgian Treaties with China and Japan under King Leopold I’, in The History of the Relations between
the Low Countries and China in the Qing Era (1644-1911), ed. Willy Vande Walle (Leuven: Leuven University Press,
2003).
99André Boland, ‘Brochure les Amitiés Belgo-Chinoises [Brochure of the Belgian-Chinese Friendship]’, n.d.,
AVL, ARCA.
100 Paul Staes, ‘Rapport sur Financement de l’œuvre du P. Lebbe du 26.01.1926 au 31.12.1929 [Report on the
Financing of the Project of Fr. Lebbe from 26.01.1926 to 31.12.1929]’, 1 June 1930, A.V.L., ARCA; Paul Staes
to AndréBoland, 8 February 1928, A.V.L., ARCA.
101 Wang Jingqi to AndréBoland, 29 March 1923, A.V.L., ARCA.
102 Wang Jingqi to AndréBoland, 9 November 1926, A.V.L., ARCA.
103 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 235.
104 Christian Papeians De Morchoven, L’abbaye de Saint-AndréZevenkerken II: Un Défi Relevépar Dom Théodore Nève
[The Abbey of St. Andrew Zevenkerken. II: A Challenge Taken up by Dom Théodore Nève] (Tielt: Lannoo, 2002);
Edouard Neut, ‘Jésus-Christ et les Aspirations Indigènes: À Propos de la Semaine de Missiologie de Louvain
[Jesus Christ and the Indigenous Aspirations: About the Missiological Week of Leuven]’, Bulletin des Missions
[Bulletin of Missions] 7, no. 11 (1925): 329–37.

149
in Belgium.105 It was also the delegated owner of the Home in Leuven and handled the subsidy from
the Propaganda Fide until 1930.

Figure 4.16 Left, Sint-Andriesabdij today; right, Théodore Nève (in the middle wearing a cross) at
a departure for the missions. Photo by author (September 2017) and image from L’abbaye de
Saint-AndréZevenkerken II.

In 1927, Lu Zhengxiang learnt of the St. Andrews Abbey through Bulletin des Missions. His Belgian
wife Berthe Bovy had just passed away and he was considering quitting politics and entering the
Church. The ceremony at which he became a Benedictine postulant drew much attention from
Chinese ministers in Europe, priests, as well as important Belgian figures, including King Albert
I.106 In 1928, Lu assumed the position of vice president of the Foyer, involved in Chinese student
projects, thus further reinforcing the Sino-Belgian Catholic connection.

Because of the widespread support available in Belgium, students who had come into contact with
Lebbe in France made the move to Belgium.107 In the early 1920s, there were about two hundred
students already. In 1930, Boland said that an adequate number of Belgian priests had joined the
project.108 The level of support for the Church as an institution was a marked feature of life in
Belgium. In the booklet Le Père Lebbe Chez les Curés [Father Lebbe among Parish Priests]

105‘Rapport à l’Assemblée Générale du 24 Septembre 1929 et Status de l’Association [Report to the General
Assembly of 24th September, 1929 and Status of the Association]’ (Des Presses de l’Abbaye de Saint-André, 24
September 1929), A.V.L., ARCA; Nève Thèodre to Vincent Lebbe, 29 June 1926, A.V.L., ARCA.
106 Papeians De Morchoven, L’abbaye de Saint-AndréZevenkerken II, 198.
107 Soetens, ‘Les Étudiants Chinois en Belgique de 1900 à 1940’, 498.
108André Boland, ‘Histoire de l’Œuvre des Étudiants Chinois, de 1920 à 1930 [History of the Project of
Chinese Students, from 1920 to 1930]’, 1930, A.V.L., ARCA.

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published in 1942, Boland commented: “In Italy people shouted: ‘Long live the Pope!’ In France
they shouted: ‘Long live France!’ In Belgium we shouted: ‘Long live the Church!’” He continued:
“our clergy has a very profound sense of the universal: he does not stop in his preoccupations with
the concerns of his parish: he knows and feels himself to be a soldier of the great battle of the Church
in the world”.109 In the early twentieth century, this particular background to the activities of the
Church in Belgium facilitated the establishment of the Sino-Belgian Catholic network.

IV. Features of the project: solidarity and academic excellence

The evangelical aim of the Catholic project for Chinese students was to cultivate a community
friendly to the Catholic Church, so as to counter the anti-clerical trend. The method was not limited
to providing them with financial support and introducing them to job opportunities. Lebbe and his
associates found that showing solidarity with China would draw the students to the Church more
easily.

In a letter to Mercier in 1920, Lebbe said the Chinese student project was “extremely difficult and
delicate”, because of the mentality of students. 110 In another letter to Mercier in 1924, Lebbe
explained that the students were ardent patriots and sensitive to social injustice, that “they are very
humiliated to receive any help, and fear nothing more than being patronized. They remain modest
as long as they do not consider themselves to be humiliated”.111 He also explained this publicly, for
example at the “Semaine de missiologie [Missiological Week]” (begun in 1923 by the Jesuit Albert
Lallemand) at the Catholic University of Leuven in 1925. Since the students abroad dearly cared
about the improvement of China, Lebbe called for the Church to show sympathetic and just treatment
towards their country, so as not to be seen as their enemy.112

In 1930 reviewing the project, Boland set out his understanding: “The Chinese student body in
Europe is ULTRA-NATIONALIST [capitalised as original] as a whole. They experienced the recent
revolutionary years in China. Their education was atheist and they felt no religious need.
Catholicism was mistakenly presented to them as one of the most powerful means of European
imperialism”. 113 Therefore, the strategy of the project became one of sharing the standpoint of
Chinese students to win their trust of the Catholic Church, and by inviting them to know more about

109Léon Gosset, Le Père Lebbe Chez les Curés [Father Lebbe among Parish Priests], vol. 4, Collection V. Lebbe
(Leuven: Éditions SAM, 1942), 3.
110 Vincent Lebbe to Désiré-Joseph Mercier, 12 December 1920, A.V.L., ARCA.
111 Vincent Lebbe to Désiré-Joseph Mercier, 17 April 1924, A.V.L., ARCA.
112 Soetens, ‘Les Étudiants Chinois en Belgique de 1900 à 1940’, 497.
113 Boland, ‘Histoire de l’Oeuvre des Étudiants Chinois’.

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the Church, to potentially convert them, or at least reduce their hostility. In the long term, these
students, Catholics or friends of the Church, would be models to their compatriots and influence the
general attitude.

The project strove to prove to the students that the Catholic Church worked for the benefit of China,
in particular the progress of indigenous priesthood, as the Vatican acknowledged Chinese
competence.114 In 1920, Mercier put Lebbe directly in touch the Vatican, where he had an audience
with Willem van Rossum, Prefect of the Propagada Fide, and recommended a number of Chinese
candidates to be considered as future bishops, including Zhao Huaiyi (his seminarian friend when
he first arrived in Zhili) and Sun Dezhen 孙德祯, who were both ordained in 1926. In 1928, Sun
received Lebbe as his subordinate in the Anguo 安国 vicarate in Hebei. Then Pope Benedict XV
received him, reconfirmed the papal intention to support indigenous priesthood and provided a sum
of money for his endeavors.115 In 1922, Pope Pius XI sent Celso Costantini to China as the Vatican’s
first Apostolic Delegate. Constantini reminded missionaries that “before Christ there is no question
of racial superiority; there exist only souls, all redeemed by his blood, all equally precious”.116 In
1924, Costantini convened the first episcopal conference of China in Xujiahui, and also helped with
the foundation of Furen Univeristy. In 1926, the Pope issued the encyclical Rerum Ecclesiae [Of the
Church] to encourage an autochthonous Church, and ordained six Chinese Bishops at the St. Peter’s
Basilica in the Vatican.117 After the ordination, Lebbe and Boland with the consent of Cardinal van
Rossum, initiated the Société des Auxiliaires des Missions [Society of the Missionary Auxiliaries],
which aimed to prepare European missionaries to be secular clergy 118 under the charge of
indigenous vicars and to fully adopt local practices.119

Yet, there were still obstacles to developing a good relationship between the Chinese students and
the Catholic Church. In 1926 Lebbe said told the Vatican that the presence of the French Protectorate
was appalling to the students and prevented them from further contacting the Catholic Church.120

114 Lebbe, ‘Letter to Celso Benigno Luigi Costantini’.

115 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 225–28.
116 Cardinal Celso Costantini, ‘Christian Evangelists, Builders of Foreign Missions or of a Chinese Church?’, in
Christian Missions in China: Evangelists of What, by Jessie Gregory Lutz (Boston: D.C. Heath and Company, 1965),
22.
117 Pius XI, ‘Rerum Ecclesiae [Of the Things of the Church]’, 28 February 1926,
http://w2.vatican.va/content/pius-xi/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_28021926_rerum-ecclesiae.html.
118 There are “secular clergy” and “regular clergy”. The former is not a member of a religious institution, and
takes no vow of obedience. The later take religious vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience and follow the rule
of life of the institution to which they belong. They both take the vow of chastity.
119 Leclercq, Thunder in the Distance, 247–48.
Vincent Lebbe, ‘Letter to Cardinal Van Rossum (11.05.1926)’, in Lettres du Père Lebbe, ed. Albert Sohier and
120

Goffart Paul (Tournai: Casterman, 1960), 238–39.

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The great obstacle to conversion from the European society, Boland claimed, was “the European
nationalism of the Catholic press, the articles of mission reviews and especially, the speeches and
interviews of missionaries, mocking or displeasing to China”.121

To remedy this, they published articles to generate sympathy from the public, in Belgian Catholic
newspapers including La Libre Belgique [The Free Belgium], Le Vingtième Siècle and Le Courier
du Soir [The Evening Mail].122 Their efforts gained the attention of different sectors of Belgian
society. Fr. Joseph Rutten, the Superior General of CICM (Congregation of the Immaculate Heart
of Mary, which had missions active in Gansu and Mongolia), said in 1929: “Catholic missionaries
in all China have rightly decided to respect this national sentiment even when, through ignorance, it
will be used to do them harm, for if there is one association in the world which sincerely desires the
welfare, independence and prosperity of China, it is the Catholic Church”.123 In 1926, after talking
to Lebbe, the Catholic politician Edmond Carton de Wiart, published an article on the newspaper,
“La Jeune Chine [Young China]”, on the importance of China and praised the work of Lebbe in
facilitating the mutual relationship. 124 He served as Chief of the Cabinet of Leopold II and his
brother, Henry Carton de Wiart, was the Prime Minister during 1920-21.125 The publications also
helped them with fundraising, for example, a certain Georges Dubuisson donated a sum of money
to Lebbe’s project which he had read about on La Libre Belgique the day before (fig. 4.17).126

Figure 4.17 An envelope for fundraising in Verviers (1926)

Archives photographed by author (ARCA)

AndréBoland and Theodore Nève, ‘Extract from a Report on the Project of Chinese Students’, 27
121

November 1927, A.V.L., ARCA.

122 Soetens, ‘Les Étudiants Chinois en Belgique de 1900 à 1940’, 499.
123Joseph Rutten, ‘Christian Conversion in China, Source of Shame or of Pride?’, in Christian Missions in China:
Evangelists of What, by Jessie Gregory Lutz (Boston: D.C. Heath and Company, 1965), 33.
124 Henry Carton de Wiart, ‘La Jeune Chine [Young China]’, 23 December 1926, A.V.L., ARCA.
125 Vincent Lebbe to AndréBoland, 20 September 1923, AVL, ARCA.
126 Georges Dubuisson to AndréBoland, 16 March 1925, A.V.L., ARCA.

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The Belgian Catholic youth organization also showed interest in forming relations with Chinese
students. Lebbe was acquainted with Bishop Picard, the director of Catholic Association of Belgian
Youth (A.C.J.B., the association Hergé joined as a boy scout). 127 After Lebbe founded the
Association Catholique de la Jeunesse Chinoise (Sinica) [A.C.J.S., Catholic Association of Chinese
Youth] in 1924, it established friendly rapport with the Belgian Youth association. Vincent Wang, a
Chinese Catholic student member who appreciated the Catholic organization in Belgium, suggested
the affiliation of Chinese students to local Belgian Youth groups, and hoped that Belgian Catholic
youths could help them to systematically study the social, economic and political groupings of
Catholics in Belgium.128 In 1930 the A.C.J.B. invited the Chinese Catholic students to join their
congress, to foster “fraternal friendship of our foreign friends”. It said that during the congress, an
international exhibition of youth work would be open, to allow various delegates to exchange their
experiences. The invitation concluded with the wish that the congress would tighten the bonds
among all the Catholic youth throughout the world.129

As some Chinese students became more receptive and some even converted to the Catholic Church,
the priests exhorted them be models among their compatriots, which no doubt contributed to the rise
in academic excellence among students in Belgium. The priests expected the Catholic students to be
particularly exemplary, as Boland articulated in 1930: “if all the Catholic Chinese students gave the
example of study, if all lived truly their Christian life in an exemplary way, if we surprised those
who are not Christians by our great love of neighbours [...] Don’t you think that many compatriots
would open their eyes, think and convert?” Therefore, he encouraged the students to be “very good
Christians” and “be an example everywhere”.130 Boland discouraged any entertainment activity. In
1925, he reminded Chinese students in Liège that the community was “a model of the serious and
hardworking group”. He demanded that students should stop going dancing at cafés, missing class
for no serious reason and going for walks with young ladies. Only after careful consideration would
he grant students permission to attend meetings that were not specifically intellectual or to go to
non-Catholic restaurants.131

An effective method to urge students into study was to make their funding dependent on academic
performance. At the beginning of project, the organisation A.B.C. was responsible for providing the

127AndréBoland, Le Père Lebbe et ses Bibelots de Luxe [Father Lebbe and Luxury Trinkets], vol. 5, Collection V.
Lebbe (Leuven: Éditions SAM, n.d.), 20.
128Vincent Wang, ‘Les Étudiants Catholiques Chinois et l’A.C.J.B. [Chinese Catholic Students and A.C.J.B]’, 1
September 1924, A.V.L., ARCA.
129A.C.J.B. to André Boland, ‘Invitation de IVème Congrés Général (Août 1931) [Invitation to the 5th General
Congress (August 1931)]’, 12 December 1930, A.V.L., ARCA.
130 AndréBoland to Chinese students, 17 July 1930, A.V.L., ARCA.
131 AndréBoland to Chinese students of Liège, 1925, A.V.L., ARCA.

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loans but if a student failed the exam or kept skipping class, he/she would be disqualified from the
loan.132 After the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship was set up, it continued to use the
same principle.

The Sino-Boxer indemnity fund stepped in to save the project when Lebbe’s project was faced with
a critical financial problem that Boland described as “dreadful”133 and “catastrophic” in 1925.134
From 1923, the A.B.C. borrowed from the Banque Belge pour l’Étranger [Belgian Foreign Bank]
to provide loans to students.135 But the bank decided to cease the loans from 1925.136 Although the
Vatican’s Propaganda Fide arranged to donate fifty thousand francs each year, as the number of
students requesting Catholic support grew, there remained a total deficit of nearly 142,500 francs
that needed to be found.137 In this situation, Lebbe and his associates collectively sought support
from the Boxer Indemnity, which had been decided to be used in education and philanthropy
according to an agreement in 1925 between the ministers of Foreign Affairs of Belgium and China.138

In 1927, Boland was approached by Maurice Pieters who was interested in commercial relations
with China. He initiated the “Sino-Belgian Inter-university Committee (C.I.S.B.)”, consisting of
rectors, bankers, an executive committee and a consultative committee formed of Chinese
students. 139 Since the function of the committee was similar to that of the A.B.C., Pieters
immediately contacted Boland and invited him to join after its foundation.140 Boland soon became
a member of its executive committee.141 One of the committee foreign corresponding members of
was Joseph Hers, who later became a member of the Sino-Belgian Commission when it was founded
in 1929.142 Hers was the one who told Zhang that he would be able to get a scholarship after seeing
his paintings.

In 1929, the Sino-Belgian Commission appointed the Sino-Belgian Inter-university Committee as

its delegate, given its official status “under the high patronage of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs,

132 AndréBoland to I Maus, 6 April 1925, A.V.L., ARCA.

133 AndréBoland, 20 December 1924, A.V.L., ARCA.
134 AndréBoland, 29 March 1925, A.V.L., ARCA.
135 Boland to Maus, 6 April 1925.
136 Banque Belge pour l’Etranger to AndréBoland, 23 December 1924, A.V.L., ARCA.
137André Boland, ‘Bilan de la Situation Financière d’œuvre de Lebbe en Belgique [Balance Sheet of the
Financial Situation of Project of Lebbe in Belgium]’, March 1926, A.V.L., ARCA.
138Ministers of Foreign Affairs, ‘Accord Sino-Belge au Sujet du Reglement de la Question du Franc-or [Sino-
Belgian Agreement on the Rules of the Golden Franc Question]’, 5 September 1925, A.V.L., ARCA.
139 Soetens, ‘Les Étudiants Chinois en Belgique de 1900 à 1940’, 502–3.
140 Maurice Pieters to AndréBoland, 10 June 1927, A.V.L., ARCA.
141 ‘Comité Sino-Belge [Sino-Belgian Committee]’, Le Soir, 10 July 1927, AVL, ARCA.
142 Chen, ‘Zhongbi Gengkuan de Tuihuan Yu Yunyong’.

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and Sciences and Arts of Belgium, and Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Public Education of
China”.143 Already back in China, Lebbe sent an urgent letter to his associates in Belgium, asking
them to send documentation to Hers concerning the Boxer Indemnity Scholarship. 144 Being a
committee member of the organization, Boland in this way managed to take part in the programme
of the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship.

In principle, the Committee had only executive duty, while the decision to grant scholarships was
solely made by the Sino-Belgian Commission, based on students’ performance in exams. 145
Nonetheless, Boland could in fact influence the opinion of the Commission through Hers. In 1930,
in a letter to Fr. Gosset concerning the recommendation of a certain student, Boland said that since
he “had a certain influence over Mr Hers”, he hoped that “our friend will succeed”.146 In 1931,
Boland heard that Hers had a plan to promote selected studies, because the Commission was
considering concentrating its resources only on certain fields from the following year. 147 He
suggested to Hers that he should try to discourage politics and social science, “ridiculously easy
subjects” and support serious courses such as medicine, chemistry, agriculture and mining.148 Hers
soon replied to inform him that from the following year, scholarships would no longer be awarded
to students in the social, economic, political, colonial and diplomatic sciences, and the Sino-Belgian
Commission intended to allocate one-third of the scholarships to science courses.149 During 1930-
1, eighteen of the total seventy-four students went to the Catholic University of Leuven and thirty-
four of the seventy-four studied engineering.150 Judging from the overall statistics from 1929-1939,
Soetens observed that the Sino-Belgian Commission seemed to show a preference towards the
students in Leuven and other Catholic institutions.151

It was through Zhang’s connections with Wang Jingqi, Hers, the Sino-Belgian Inter-university
Committee and the Sino-Belgian Boxer Indemnity Scholarship that he benefitted from the Catholic
project for Chinese students. Thanks to the Catholic efforts, Zhang enjoyed not only the opportunity
to gain knowledge in Belgium, but also some mental comfort away from home, at a time when China
was going through troubled times, such as the on-going Sino-Japanese conflict. In addition, he was

143 Sino-Belgian Commission, ‘Zhongbi Gengkuan Weiyuanhui Zhongguo Daibiaotuan Diwuci Huiyi Jilu’.
144 Vincent Lebbe, 8 July 1929, A.V.L., ARCA.
145 Soetens, ‘Les Étudiants Chinois en Belgique de 1900 à 1940’, 505.
146 AndréBoland to Léon Gosset, 24 October 1930, A.V.L., ARCA.
147 Sino-Belgian Commission to C.I.S.B., ‘Bourses d’études 1932 -1933 [Scholarships 1932-1933]’, 18 June 1932.
148 AndréBoland to Joseph Hers, 29 July 1931, A.V.L., ARCA.
149 Joseph Hers to AndréBoland, 14 August 1931, A.V.L., ARCA.
150 C.I.S.B., ‘Rapport du Conseil d’Administration sur l’activité du C.I.S.B. au Cours de l’année 1930 [Report of
the Board of Directors on the Activity of C.I.S.B. of 1930]’, 1 June 1931, A.V.L., ARCA.
151 Soetens, ‘Les Étudiants Chinois en Belgique de 1900 à 1940’, 503–4.

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worried about his father. Zhang told Lenne of his feelings upon departure: on that day, his father and
the Tan couple came to see him off at the dock. He was sad to leave – his father was in a bad health
and he wondered whether he would be able to see him again.152

Zhang expressed his unease and distress into his sculpture. During one class, his teacher Rombaux
assigned students to create a sculpture of the subject “anguish”. Zhang carved the wife of a fisherman,
waiting for her husband at the seaside, gazing worriedly ahead (fig. 4.18). When making it, he put
in his own emotion. He said that he recalled “my own anxieties, my own pains [...] I was thinking
of the grey-tiled house with the white walls in my village of Xujiahui. I knew what was happening
in China […] It made me cry”. His classmates noticed and wondered why he was crying. Zhang said
“I let a while pass before answering them simply: ‘excuse me, I have a headache.’”153

Figure 4.18 Fisherman’s wife/Anguish (1932)

Photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang

In his memoir, Zhang recalled racist incidents against him as a Chinese, indicating that he was
sensitive to his dignity. After disembarking in Marseilles, he took a train to Paris, where he would
take another train to Brussels. Sitting opposite to him, three French soldiers scrutinized him rudely
and talked in a scornful way: ‘Chinese…French Indochina.’” Then one of them threw chocolate
wrappings rolled in a ball on him. Zhang said he felt “hugely humiliated” inside but knowing that
there was nothing he could do in protest, he pretended to be asleep. As for his experience in Belgium,

152 Tchang Tchong-Jen and Lenne, Tchang au Pays du Lotus Bleu, 28.
153 Tchang Tchong-Jen and Lenne, 34–35.

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he commented that “I have always appreciated the morality of the Belgian people. Ever since the
first day I set my foot on the land of Belgium, I have been ceaselessly moved by their morality,
hospitality, courtesy and peace”. In his class “the Belgian students were most well-mannered and
polite. They never spoke sarcastically about others” (fig. 4.19). For most of the time in Belgium he
felt he was being given the same respected as others.154

Figure 4.19 Zhang and classmates on the sculpture course

Photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang

During his stay in Belgium, Zhang got to know and visit Boland and Lu Zhengxiang, who were the
ones to initiate the encounter of Zhang and Hergéin 1934 when they were concerned about the Sino-
Japanese conflict. In 1933, Zhang had received a letter from Fr. Kang Sicheng in Wuhu, suggesting
that he visit Leuven, and in particular asking him to pay a visit to his friend Boland.155 Fr. Kang,
who was well acquainted with Lebbe, was trained in the Xujiahui Seminary and had been ordained
while studying in Paris in 1924.156 When Zhang left for Belgium to study, Kang wrote a reference
for him to Boland: “My dear Father and friend, I present and recommend the young student of fine
art, M. Zhang Chongren, with my ten thousand memories and greetings to all the friends” (fig.

154 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 190, 195–96.

155 Zhang Chongren to AndréBoland, 5 July 1933, A.V.L., ARCA.
156 Vincent Lebbe, 20 August 1926, AVL, ARCA.

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4.20).157 Therefore, on 5th July Zhang wrote a letter to Boland, to arrange a meeting with him on the
10thAfter that, Zhang sent Boland a New Year greeting card at the beginning of 1934.158

Figure 4.20 Reference for Zhang, from Kang Sicheng to Boland

Archives photographed by author (ARCA)

At around the same time in 1933, Zhang visited Lu Zhengxiang in Bruges at the suggestion of Ma
Xiangbo.159 In May, Lu arranged to receive Zhang at the Abbey on 28th June.160 Lu encouraged
Zhang to do well in his study of art and take the knowledge back to China. After the visit, he sent
Zhang a four-volume catalogue of images of sculpture, with exquisite binding. In 1935, when Lu
was ordained at St. Andrews Abbey, Zhang made him a small statue of Saint Francois Xavier (1506-
1552), the first missionary to arrive in China as a gift (fig. 4.21).161

157 Kang Sicheng, Greetings and Reference (n.d.), A.V.L., ARCA.

158 Zhang Chongren, ‘Bonne et Heureuse Année [Happy New Year]’, 4 January 1934, AVL, ARCA.
159 Lu Zhengxiang, Diary, 1932.
160 Lu Zhengxiang, Diary (Bruges, 1933), A.L., Sint-Andriesabdij.
161 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 196–99.

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 Figure 4.21 Ordination of Lu on 29th June, 1935
Image from Les solennités de l’ordination sacerdotale du R. P. Dom Luo (ARCA)

All in all, it was when Boland and Lu were worried about how to comfort the feelings of Chinese
students, given that public opinion in Europe was indifferent or unfavourable to China concerning
the Sino-Japanese conflict, they thought of recommending Zhang Chongren to help Hergéwith the
Tintin story in China. Such attention to Chinese interests in Belgium had been built up since 1920
and consolidated by the establishment of organizations and facilities for Chinese students. Boland
and Lu hoped the upcoming comic would be fair and sympathetic towards China. Not only did
Zhang and Hergé fulfill this expectation, they also became close friends. Their fruitful collaboration
brought about the comic, as well as the turning point of the whole series of Tintin stories, known as
The Blue Lotus.

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 Chapter 5: Conclusion: The Blue Lotus and Beyond

The Mukden Incident triggered the Catholic network in Belgium to explicitly show solidarity between
the Church and China. The Blue Lotus not only conveyed this message, but also epitomized its aspiration
of mutual understanding and cross-cultural dialogue through the friendship between Zhang and Hergé.

By exposing the Japanese conspiracy behind the Mukden Incident, The Blue Lotus lived up to Catholic
expectations and served as an immediate expression of support of China at that point, facilitated by the
Catholic grouping in Belgium which included Boland, Lu Zhengxiang, Gosset and Neut. Although
initiated by the Catholic network in a particular historical context, The Blue Lotus continues to evoke
mutual understanding and sympathies in the long-term through the sincere Tintin-Tchang friendship in
the story, which came from the Hergé-Zhang friendship in reality. Their in-depth communications of art
and philosophy indicated an elevated level of China-Catholic solidarity. Both Ma Xiangbo and Lu
Zhengxiang had discussed the need for intellectual exchange between the Chinese and Catholic traditions
in order to share the wisdom of each. In a sense, their aspiration was realized in The Blue Lotus, embodied
in the creation of the “clear line” style. This signature style of Hergé absorbed several artistic influences
based on his aesthetic preference, including the line art of Chinese painting he was introduced to by
Zhang Chongren. It is also manifested in the life experiences of Zhang and Hergé, as they both gained
spiritual strength from Chinese and Catholic philosophies when they encountered frustrations in life.
Their reunion in 1981 signaled the personal significances of their encounter in 1934.

As for the Sino-Belgian Catholic network, it facilitated the establishment of an official China-Vatican
relationship in 1942, which did not last long, however, because it was subjected to the geopolitical context
of the time. WWII and the deterioration of the China-Catholic relationship after the foundation of the
People’s Republic of China led to the revocation of the China-Vatican diplomatic relationship in 1951,
which remains disrupted. Although Lebbe and his associates intended to apply methods of engagement
in other countries, their influence remained limited due to political interests and the reluctance of most
Catholic missionaries, for example in the Congo. Nevertheless, their aspiration for cross-cultural
understanding contributed to the Catholic principle of cultural accommodation confirmed in the Second
Vatican Council in 1965. Beyond the Church, the attempt to arouse an awareness of solidarity through
dialogue and mutual understanding, as shown in The Blue Lotus, would become the lasting legacy
relevant to the general public.

I. Reunion

On 18th March 1981, Zhang, accompanied by his son, Zhang Xueren 张学仁 arrived in Paris before
taking another flight to Brussels. Hergé’s secretary, Alain Baran, met them in Paris, and arranged a call

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so that Zhang could speak to Hergé. According to Zhang Xueren’s recollection in 2005, Zhang was so
thrilled over the phone that forgot that he should be speaking French and kept saying “nong hao”侬好
(hello in the Shanghai dialect), with tears in his eyes. Later, at the Brussels Zaventem Airport, the two
old friends met again and embraced each other. “We were surrounded by hundreds of reporters so that
we could hardly move,” the junior Zhang recalled, “some microphones almost touched their faces. My
father pushed back the reporters and said: ‘please don’t do that. He [Hergé] is sick.’”1 As seen in the
video of their reunion and based on Zhang Xueren’s description, Zhang was struck to see Hergé so fragile
and felt deeply saddened (fig. 5.1).2 It was forty-seven years since they had last met.

Figure 5.1 Reunion of Zhang and Hergéat the Brussels Airport in 1981, with Zhang
Xueren on the right. Image from “Zhang Chongren Chuanqi Yisheng”.

It was an emotional moment, not only because after nearly half a century, Hergé and Zhang still cherished
their friendship from The Blue Lotus, but also because the reunion itself had been difficult to realize.
Hergé and Zhang lost contact with other each shortly after Zhang returned to Shanghai in 1935, due to
the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and the German occupation of Belgium in 1940. As
mentioned in Chapter One, in 1960 Hergé dedicated Tintin in Tibet to Zhang, in which Tintin was
determined to find Tchang who was thought to have died in an air crash in Tibet. When Tintin finally

1 Zhang Xueren, interview by Cai Shengping, 8 August 2005.

2 ‘La Vidéo des Retrovailles entre Hergé et Tchang [The Video of the reunion of Hergé and Zhang] (1981)’,
Tintinomania (blog), 2 January 2019, https://tintinomania.com/tintin-retrouvailles-tchang.

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found Tchang, he exclaimed: “I was sure that I would eventually find you! Ah! how happy I am!” and
Tchang replied: “Tintin! If you only knew how much I’ve been thinking of you!” (fig. 5.2)

Figure 5.2 Tintin found and rescued Tchang in a cave in Tibet.

Images from Tintin au Tibet

Hergé had searched for Zhang for a long time. He told Sadoul in 1971 that: “I have often written letters;
sometimes I inquire of Chinese friends about him [Zhang]. But I do not know what became of him”.3
Finally in 1975, while in a Chinese restaurant in Brussels, he discovered that its owner, Wei Xubo 魏需
卜, knew Zhang Chongren well, because Zhang had had connections with Wei’s father Wei Chenzu 魏
宸祖, former Envoy to Belgium, during his studies in Brussels in the 1930s. Through the Wei family,
Hergé learnt Zhang’s address in Shanghai and began to write him letters. After many rejections and
returns from the Chinese customs, the two albums, The Blue Lotus and Tintin in Tibet, did finally reach
Zhang.4 At that time, China was in the last throes of the Cultural Revolution (1966-76). Zhang had
suffered a great deal because of his Catholic faith and the sculpture he had made of Jiang Jieshi 蒋介石
(Chiang Kai-shek) in 1946 was taken as “counter-revolutionary evidence” against him: his property was
confiscated and most of his artworks were destroyed. He was beaten and publicly humiliated, before
being sent down to do farm labour at a May 7th cadre school 五七干校. His youngest daughter, Zhang
Yixuan 张以萱, developed a mental disorder from which she never recovered. Eventually after leaving
home in 1989 she disappeared and was never found (fig. 5.3).5 In 1979, Zhang was rehabilitated and
appointed director of the Shanghai Oil Painting and Sculpture Institute 上海油画雕塑院. He and Hergé
both wanted to meet each other again. Zhang applied in China to be allowed to go to Belgium, but the
approval was pending for a long time. In 1979, Hergé was diagnosed with primary myelofibrosis (a

3 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 61.

4 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 191–92.
5 Chen Yaowang, Jidiaoqiezhuo Fuguiyupu, 244–48, 258–69, 344.

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leukemia-like illness), which deeply weakened him. With the help of the president of the China Artists’
Association, Jiang Feng 江丰, and the Belgian journalist Gérard Valet, Zhang was eventually able to take
a flight to Brussels in 1981 and be reunited with Hergé.6

Figure 5.3 Left, the maquette of Jiang Jieshi riding on a horse (1946); right, Zhang replicating
a “revolutionary” sculpture in the Cultural Revolution (1972). Photograph courtesy of
Chen Yaowang.

During an interview at the airport, Hergé remarked: “How can I explain such an emotion? How can one
describe the feelings one has when one meets, after nearly half a century, someone who was more than a
friend, someone who, as I said earlier, opened doors and windows for me on a whole civilization I knew
almost nothing about? It was a world Zhang opened up to me”.7 Zhang also said slowly that he was very
happy and really touched; he later explained to reporters: “I had mixed feelings that day. The extreme
happiness inside me could not be expressed by words. In China, we say that one can ramble over a small
worry, but be silent over big concern. It is the same with extreme excitement”.8 They co-signed and gave
a printed card to attendees, on which Tintin, dressed in Chinese attire, puts one arm round Tchang’s
shoulder reproducing the scene in The Blue Lotus when they took a picture together. The inscription reads:
“With all our gratitude for the expressions of friendliness that you have shown us during our reunion in
March 1981”. (fig. 5.4)

6 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 194–98; Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 321, 333.
7 Henri Roanne and Gérard Valet, Moi, Tintin [I, Tintin], 1992,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nXHsK0cUqoI.
8 Fu Weixin, ‘Zhang Chongren Chuanqi Yisheng’, September 2002, 400.

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 Figure 5.4 Left, printed card co-signed by Zhang and Hergé; right, Tintin and Tchang
posed to take a group picture. Image from the preview of the auction on 22nd
November, 2014, by Artcurial and Le Lotus bleu.

One of the reasons Hergé was so eager to find Zhang was that the Chinese philosophy to which Zhang
had introduced to him in the 1930s had helped him to overcome his depression. In his first letter to Zhang
in 1975, he wrote that: “thanks to you, finally I discovered—after Marco Polo—China, its civilisation,
its thinking, its art and artists. At this very moment, I am immersed in the Dao De Jing [Tao Te Ching]
and in Zhuang Zi, and I owe this to you!”9 In fact, working on Tintin in Tibet was of great benefit to
Hergé’s mental health enabling him to recover his inner equilibrium. He explained that the story
“coincided with a period of crisis that is interpreted […] through a simplification”. Tintin in Tibet is free
from villains or fighting, just “man against himself and against the hostile elements […] in a setting of
high mountains; snow and ice means, symbolically, the search for an ideal, a certain purity”.10

Before that Hergéwas troubled by recurrent nightmares full of the colour white and snow, which the
psychoanalyst Franz Ricklin deciphered as a “pursuit of purity”. Ricklin advised him to destroy this
“demon of purity”, due to his strained relationship with his wife Germaine Kieckens, who had been the
secretary of Abbot Wallez, the director of Le Vingtième Siècle in the 1930s (fig. 5.5). Although separated
from Germaine, under Belgian law at that time he could not obtain a divorce as she opposed it.11 He said
that he had nothing serious to reproach her for and that Germaine’s grievance over their separation also
made him depressed. In later years, Hergédescribed the experience as “a terrible ordeal”.12

9 Hergéto Zhang Chongren, 1 May 1975.

10 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 205–6, 83.
11 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 285.
12 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 157–58, 55–56, 65.

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 Figure 5.5 Left, the living room of Hergé’s house in Céroux-Mousty (1957); right, Hergé
and Germaine in the 1950s. Photo by author at Musée Hergéand image from Tintinmania
website.

After producing Tintin in Tibet, Hergé began to engage in intense meditation and discovered Daoism,
which led him towards “revelations [new discoveries], foreign to the Judeo-Christian tradition”.13 Hergé
began to view the world as less black-and-white. In 1969, he saidbthat: “in the enthusiasm of youth I
over-simplified things: there was only right and wrong. With experience, I came to realize that things are
never really all black or all white”.14 He obtained a divorce in 1977 and remarried. His second wife
Fanny Vlamynck witnessed “his taste for the Orient—and for China in particular—he was especially
interested in Buddhism, Zen and Daoism”.15 In 1978 after having studied philosophy for several years,
he commented: “Chinese philosophy can teach us a great lesson with the concept of Yin and Yang, the
negative and positive, dark and light. One’s whole life is based on this dynamic”.16

Just as the encounter in 1934 came to be of manifold significance for Hergé, so too the reunion in 1981
was more than a personal matter for Zhang Chongren. The event attracted huge publicity leading to
attracting over seventy reports in European media during his three-month stay.17 On 25th March, the
programme “Point de Mire [Focus]” put out by the Belgian Radio-Television of the French Community
(RTBF, Radio-Télévision Belge de la Communauté Française) dedicated a two-and-half-hour TV special
to Hergé and Zhang. The programme even invited Fr. Gosset, who was chaplain to Chinese students in

13 Assouline and Ruas, Hergé, 185.

14 Hergé, HergéIn His Own Words, 49.
15Fanny Remi, “The Adventure of Georges Remi,” in Hergéand Tintin, Reporters: From Le Petit Vingtième to Tintin
Magazine, by Philippe Goddin (London: Sundancer, 1987), 246.
16 Hergé, HergéIn His Own Words, 49.
17 Chen Yaowang, Jidiaoqiezhuo Fuguiyupu, 304.

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the Catholic University of Leuven in the 1930s, and who had helped to connect Zhang and Hergé together
with Boland. It was timely, because Gosset passed away only one month later. On the 31st March, Fabiola,
the Queen of Belgium, visited Hergé and Zhang at the Hergé Studio (fig. 5.6). Due to visa restrictions
and Chinese government requirements, Zhang had to return in June. Before leaving, Zhang made a small
bust for Hergé for remembrance, as they might not see each other again (fig. 5.7). It was indeed their last
farewell; Hergé passed away in March 1983 at the age of seventy-five.

Figure 5.6 Left, Zhang, Father Gosset and Hergé in the TV programme “Point de Mire”;
right, Fabiola, the Queen of Belgium, visiting the Hergé Studio. Still image from
“Point de Mire” and photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang.

Figure 5.7 The bust of Hergéby Zhang in 1981. Photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang
and photo by author at the exhibition “Hergé” (December 2017).

The enthusiasm surrounding their reunion was thanks to the popularity of The Blue Lotus. In 1946, Hergé
reformatted and colored The Blue Lotus, together with his early works in black & white.18 The following
year, the colored version of The Blue Lotus was translated into Dutch (De blauwe lotus). By the early

18 Thompson, Tintin, 60.

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1980s, it had been translated into most major European languages: Spanish (El Loto Azul, 1965), Italian
(Il drago blu, 1966), Portuguese (O Lotus Azul, 1967), Finnish (Sininen Lootus, 1972), Danish (Den Bl
lotus, 1974), German (Der Blaue Lotos, 1975), Icelandic (Blai Lotusinn, 1977), Swedish (Bl lotus, 1977)
and English (1983).19 According to the official fan website “Tintin”, The Adventures of Tintin have been
translated in more than 110 languages and more than 250 million copies have been sold since 1929.20 A
report in Le Parisien [The Parisian] in 2016 based on sources at Casterman , the publisher of Tintin,
stated that three million copies of Tintin were sold each year, and the French version remain the most
popular. The Blue Lotus is the third best-selling album, after Tintin in the Congo and Tintin in America
(partly due to their early publication).21 A post created in 2005 from the largest English-language, non-
official fan-site “Tintinologist” points out that 44% of French homes possess at least one album and
almost 30% of French homes have the full series.22

In 1981 when Zhang visited Europe, The Blue Lotus was already a household name. The media exposure
of Zhang led him to unexpected opportunities at the age of seventy-eight. In 1985, the French Minister
of Culture, Jack Lang, invited Zhang to give a series of talks on Chinese art and provided him with a
studio in Nogent-sur-Marne, east of Paris. After Zhang arrived and delivered talks at the Guimet Museum
in 1986, Jack Lang commissioned him to make an enlarged bust of Hergé to be displayed in Angoulême,
where a museum dedicated to bande dessinée (Musée de la bande dessinée) is to be found. Then in 1988,
Lang commissioned him to make a bust of the French president, François Mitterrand (fig. 5.8). Zhang
soon became a celebrated sculptor in France. Hergé’s biographer, Benoît Peeters, wrote that Zhang was
able to have these opportunities thanks to his connection with Tintin: “when Jack Lang took Zhang under
his protective wings, to whom was he truly providing this benevolent service? Wasn’t it the character
from The Adventures of Tintin, rather than a scholarly sculptor?” 23 The conclusion might be over
simplified, but it is certainly true Zhang benefitted from his relationship with Hergé which gave a
significant boost to his career, after the disruption of the Cultural Revolution.

19 ‘The Blue Lotus - Translations’, accessed 22 August 2019,

http://en.tintin.com/albums/show/id/29/page/35.
20 ‘Essentials about Tintin and Hergé’, accessed 30 August 2019, http://en.tintin.com/essentiel#.
21 ‘240 millions d’albums vendus [240 millions of albums sold]’, leparisien.fr, 27 September 2016,
http://www.leparisien.fr/culture-loisirs/240-millions-d-albums-vendus-27-09-2016-6152797.php.
22 ‘Tintin Books: Sales Statistics - Tintin Forums’, 24 July 2005,
https://www.tintinologist.org/forums/index.php?action=vthread&forum=8&topic=933.
23 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 333.

168
 Figure 5.8 Zhang making the bust of François Mitterrand (1988)
Photograph courtesy of Chen Yaowang

As Zhang rose to fame in France and Belgium, he got further recognition back in China. In the course of
finishing the commissions in France, Zhang travelled back and forth to Shanghai, as the government had
approved his proposal for a public sculpture of Nie Er 聂耳 (1912-1935), composer of the Chinese
national anthem. The life-size figure statue was inaugurated in 1992, placed at the junction of Middle
Huaihai Road 淮海中路 and West Fuxing Road 复兴西路 (fig. 5.9). In his later years, Zhang took
French nationality, and his children all immigrated to Europe too. In 1998, Zhang passed away in his
Nogent-sur-Marne studio.

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 Figure 5.9 Zhang and the statue of Nie Er
Photograph courtesy of Cai Shengping

In view of their later life experiences, the meeting of Zhang and Hergé in 1934 was clearly of great
significance for both them. Hergé overcame his mental problems with the help of Daoism, which he first
learnt of from Zhang; Zhang, having undergone harsh tribulations, was able to further his career again,
thanks to having had his name popularized by Tintin. On the wider social level, the reactions to The Blue
Lotus from the public over several decades after its publication signal its long-term impact. Although by
the time Zhang and Hergémet again, the Sino-Belgian Catholic network had already been dismantled
for decades, in the 1930s it had played a key role in facilitating the encounter and their mutual dialogue.
In what follows I will explore how the network contributed to these personal and social results, and how
its message of solidarity, conveyed by The Blue Lotus, has stood the test of time.

II. A message of solidarity to readers

Zhang’s first meeting with Hergé, as he recorded in his diary, was on 1st May 1934, after which they met
every Sunday (fig. 5.10). As the direct motivation behind the meeting between Zhang and Hergé was the
concern of a group of Catholics in Belgium following the Mukden Incident, how to treat the incident was
the primary consideration of Herge and Zhang when they started the comic. In addition to the initiatives
of Boland, Lu and Gosset, the Benedictine Dom Edouard Neut, the supporter of Lebbe and companion
of Lu Zhengxiang at the St. Andrews Abbey, also drew Hergé ‘s attention to China. Hergé said it was

170
Neut who introduced him to Lu.24 Neut gave him reference works on China, including Aux origines du
conflit mandchou [On the Origins of the Manchu Conflict] by Father Thadée Yong Ann-Yuen and Ma
Mère [My Mother] by Sheng Cheng 盛成 (1899-1996).25 Sheng had been a the work-study students in
France and had been active in social movements, including the May Fourth Movement. The book
recounts the story of the author’s family amidst historical events and changes in society since the mid-
nineteenth century. Thus, prepared by this group of Catholics, Hergé set off on his conversation with
Zhang. Zhang recalled that he explained to Hergé the background of the Sino-Japanese conflict, telling
him that it was Japan that created incidents as pretexts to invade China, but falsely accused China of
creating them. Japan projected itself as maintaining order in the Far East for the common good, but,
Zhang thought, it only cared for its own benefit. Hergé formulated the idea that Tintin would expose the
Japanese conspiracy to the audience, because this was unknown to most Europeans. To develop the thread,
they agreed that Hergé would produce the story and give it to Zhang to revise.26

Figure 5.10 Diary of Zhang on 1st May 1934: “Visited Hergé. He draws weekly
illustrations for Vingtième Siècle. In need of materials of China, he requested my help”.
Image from Tchang, Comment l’amitié déplaça les montagnes

The way The Blue Lotus treated this angle lived up to the Catholic expectations. Tintin became an on-
the-spot witness of the bombing of the railway and over-heard the Japanese plotting to invade – almost
a direct reconstruction of the Mukden Incident in comic format. It also depicted the statement and claim
made by Japan at the League of Nations and through media to justify its military deployment in China:

24 Bergeron, Hergé,le voyageur immobile, 154.

25 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 75.
26 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 202.

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“…and, once again, Japan has fulfilled its mission of guardian of order and civilization in the Far East!
If we have, to our great regret, to send troops to China, it is to defend China itself!” (fig. 5.11).

Figure 5.11 Scene of rail bombing and Japanese invasion in The Blue Lotus
Images from Le Lotus bleu

Because the comic’s content related to the contemporary event, it evoked immediate reactions from both
the Japanese and Chinese governments. As soon as the scene in which Tintin witnesses Japanese bombing
appeared on the newspaper, the director of Le Vingtième Siècle received Japanese objection to the
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depiction of Japanese policy in China in Tintin from Lieutenant-General Raoul Pontus,27 who was the
president of The Belgian Institute of Higher Chinese Studies (l’Institut Belge des Hautes Études
Chinoises 比京中国高等学术研究院) since 1929, and co-organizer of the “New China” section of the
Chinese presentation at the 1935 Brussels Expo.28 Hergé recalled General Pontus as sayiang: “This is
not for children, what are you talking about [...] It is all the problem of East Asia!” Hergé acknowledged
the political position in the comic and said that: “[it] was actually not intended for young readers, but
their elders”. 29 Learning of the complaint, Zhang Chongren encouraged Hergé to make freedom of
artistic expression the basis of his response. Speaking to the Belgian journalist Gérard Lenne in the 1980s,
Zhang recalled telling Hergé that:

Do not be afraid! If the Japanese are angry, it is because we are telling the truth. Tell your editor that
Belgium is a free country. Freedom of expression for artists and writers is a matter of responsibility.
If they spread false news, they know they can be sued for defamation in the courts. Japan is threatening
to prosecute us before the International Court of Justice in The Hague? All the better! Because you
did not spread lies. Everything you show in The Blue Lotus is taken from actual events. So, everyone
will know the truth and you will be world famous!30

Therefore, despite pressure from the Japanese diplomats in Belgium, Hergé and Zhang insisted on
keeping the original storyline of The Blue Lotus.

Meanwhile, although the comic had not officially entered China, the first lady of the Republic of China,
Song Meilin 宋美龄 (Soong Mei-ling, Madame Chiang Kai-shek), learnt of it through a source of
information which remains unclear from current research. As recorded in the diary of Lu Zhengxiang on
7th December 1939, he received a telegram from Chongqing from the Minister of Information, Dong
Xianguang 董显光 (Hollington Tong): “Madame Chiang invites Hergé. Reimbursement provided”. Lu
told Dom Neut of the invitation and he got in touch with Hergé the next day. According to the biographer
Benoît Peeters, the real intention of this telegram was to invite Hergé to draw for the educational sector
of the Chinese government, probably in a weekly for Chinese youth.31 In the end Hergé could not go,
because he was doing military service before being declared unfit due to sinusitis and boils in May 1940.
A few days later, Germany launched attacks on Belgium and began its occupation which lasted for the
next five years.32 In 1973 Hergé finally visited Taiwan on a government invitation and he was awarded

27 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 79.

28‘Bangei Bilishi Renyuan Xunzhang 颁给比利时人员勋章 [(Diplomatic) Honours to Belgians]’, n.d., D.A.,
Academia Sinica.
29 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 71–72.
30 Tchang Tchong-Jen and Lenne, Tchang au Pays du Lotus Bleu, 44.
31 Peeters, Hergé,Son of Tintin, 105.
32 Peeters, 106–7.

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a Golden ‘Lei’ medal 金罍奖章 by the Taiwan National History Museum, in recognition of his support
of China during the Sino-Japanese conflict in The Blue Lotus (fig. 5.12).33

Figure 5.12 “Golden ‘Lei’ Medal Awarded by the National History Museum (Taiwan) to
the Belgian Cartoonist Hergé”. Photo by author at Musée Hergé (September 2017).

In 1946, when Hergé reformatted and coloured a couple of his early works, he made many adjustments
to the content. For example, in the coloured version of Tintin in Congo in 1946 he replaced the scene in
which Tintin was teaching Congolese children of “your homeland Belgium” with one of him teaching
arithmetic “how much is two plus two?” (fig. 5.13). The modification indicates that he felt the colonial
message was out-of-date, even wrong, to his readers. As for The Blue Lotus, he changed little of the
original content, just adding embellishments. 34 It shows that he did not change his opinion on the
presentation of the Sino-Japanese conflict, despite the fact that it was no longer a critical event following
the Japanese defeat after late 1940s.

33Shiwuguan Yi Jinleijiangzhang Zeng Biguo Manhuajia Aishan 史物馆以金罍奖章赠比国漫画家艾善 [Golden ‘Lei’

Medal Awarded by the National History Museum (Taiwan) to Belgian Cartoonist Hergé], 1973, Musée Hergé.
34 Thompson, Tintin, 60.

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 Figure 5.13 Two versions of Tintin teaching Congolese in Tintin in Congo. Images from
Tintin au Congo (1931 & 1946)

However, recently, some contemporary readers, unaware of the motivation behind its production and the
geopolitical tensions of the 1930s have asked whether the comic provokes racism and questioned the
representation of China and Japan. A comment in French via the reviewing platform of the “Tintin” App35
noted: “as soon as Tintin is on Chinese soil, all foreigners are in the camp of the wicked and all Chinese
are in the camp of the good guys! [...] The representation of the Chinese world is remarkable; the Japanese
are ridiculous”.36 As also noticed by Alexander Laser-Robinson, in contrast to the sympathy shown by
Tintin to Chinese people in The Blue Lotus, Hergé caricatured the Japanese.37 In fact, The Blue Lotus
was among the last albums to be translated into English, because the British publisher, Methuen,
considered that it might offend Japanese readers. The English translators Michael Turner and Leslie
Lonsdale-Cooper confided in an interview with the “Tintinologist” correspondent Chris Owens in 2004
that there were “considerable fears about how the Japanese would take it”. Therefore, its publication was
held back until 1983. Zhang and Hergé had their own perspectives on this issue. In the 1980s, Zhang
explained his understanding of The Blue Lotus: “it does not mean hatred of Japanese but is a protest
against bullying”.38 In the 1970s, Hergé expressed similar ideas when he said: “Tintin has always sided
with the oppressed” adding “I showed a lot of ‘villains’ of various origins, without making a particular

35 The “Tintin” App (IOS and Android) was launched in 2014, which houses the digital version of whole
collection and keeps adding new language versions. ‘TINTIN / The Adventures of Tintin APP’, accessed 31
August 2019, http://en.tintin.com/news/index/rub/0/id/5046/0/the-adventures-of-tintin-app.
36 helun, ‘Review of The Blue Lotus’, The Adventures of Tintin App, 8 July 2018.
37 Alexander S. Laser-Robinson, ‘An Analysis of Hergé’s Portrayal of Various Racial Groups in The Adventures
of Tintin:’, Euonymous 2005-2006, n.d., https://www.tintinologist.org/articles/analysis-bluelotus.pdf.
38 Zhang Chongren, ‘Wangshi Pianduan 往事片段 [Fragments of the Past]’, in Wenlun, ed. Zhang Chongren
Jinianguan and Shanghai Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Jiaoliu Zhongxin, Zhang Chongren Yishu Yanjiu Xilie 3
(Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 2010), 206.

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kind to a particular race”. 39 Eventually, according to the English translators, it turned out that the
Japanese accepted them completely.40

However, the issue of the caricaturing of Japanese is one of many ongoing criticisms of Tintin.41 Since
The Blue Lotus remains easily accessible to many households worldwide, its continues to be a topic of
discussion. In the comment thread about The Blue Lotus on the website “Tintinologist”, there are remarks
on whether it is suitable for children, whether it presented China in an objective way, and whether it is
outdated. There are also appreciations of its artistry, story-telling, authenticity and the emotion embodied
in the story. 42 Summarizing these various criticisms and acknowledgements, Tara Jacob, another
commentator on The Blue Lotus, concluded that despite the flaws and potentially misleading racist
messages, the main values conveyed throughout the story are “tolerance, respect, and understanding of
other peoples”; they will evoke readers’ sympathy for other cultures. This is the main reason that The
Blue Lotus remains relevant even today.43

It is precisely the attempt to arouse understanding and sympathy for China among readers, that was the
intention of the group of Catholics in the 1930s and their message is conveyed not only through the
story’s explicit standpoint supporting China, but also through the expression of friendship between
Tchang and Tintin. Readers in Reform-era China absorbed this point and related it to the friendship
between Zhang and Hergé. Tintin was not officially translated into simplified Chinese until 2001 and was
released by the China Children’s Press 中国少年儿童出版社. However, published without certificate,
unofficial translations of The Blue Lotus (Lan Lianhua 蓝莲花/兰莲花) as well as many other Tintin
stories were already circulating in the Lianhuanhua 连环画 [comic strips] format from the 1980s (fig.
5.14). Although Tintin has never been as famous in China as in Belgium and France, it still has a
considerable number of readers there. In 2004, the programme “Dushu Shijian 读书时间 [Reading
Time]” from the Number 10 China Central Television (CCTV 10) channel produced an episode titled
“Dingding yu Zhongguo 丁丁与中国 [Tintin and China]”, which introduced the friendship of Zhang
Chongren and Hergé, as well as praising the righteousness, wisdom and bravery of Tintin. The
programme concluded that: “What moves us Chinese readers most is the sincere friendship between
Tintin and his Chinese friend Tchang. When Hergé created these characters, he only had one Chinese

39 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 71, 91.

40‘Exclusive Interview with Michael Turner and Leslie Lonsdale-Cooper | Tintinologist.Org’, accessed 31
August 2019, http://www.tintinologist.org/articles/mt-llc-interview.html.
41 Rainey, ‘Tintin’.
42 ‘The Blue Lotus: General Discussion’, Tintin Forums, accessed 31 August 2019,
https://www.tintinologist.org/forums/index.php?action=vthread&forum=1&topic=525; ‘The Blue Lotus: Was
It Thought Suitable for Children? - Tintin Forums’, accessed 31 August 2019,
https://www.tintinologist.org/forums/index.php?action=vthread&forum=1&topic=1072.
43‘Great Snakes! The Adventures of Tintin: The Blue Lotus - an Analytical Reading’, Tintinologist, accessed 31
August 2019, http://www.tintinologist.org/articles/greatsnakes.html.

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friend, Zhang Chongren; now in China, how many friends does Tintin have? The number is probably too
big to count. Their story and friendship will be like Tintin, forever young”.44

Figure 5.14 Examples of Tintin “Lianhuanhua”

Image downloaded from: http://book.kongfz.com/103512/1115975818/

In light of the positive comments and enthusiasm shown towards Zhang when he arrived in Belgium in
1981, we can tell that for readers at that moment, they were moved by the emotion, intimacy and trust
between Tintin and Tchang in The Blue Lotus, which convinced them of the possibility of solidary across
race and culture. This is also a reflection of the relationship in reality. Hergé appreciated Zhang’s
contributions for over a year from May 1934 to July 1935, by which time, Zhang had finished his studies
at Academy and was going to return home. As the Tintin story was yet to continue until October Zhang
asked another Chinese student, Zhu Mei 朱梅, to help Hergé with Chinese words in any unfinished
drawings.45 According to Zhang’s recollection, Hergé had wanted to give him credit as co-author but he
did not accept, out of modesty and given the political situation.46 Nevertheless, Zhang’s name partially
appears on a shop sign in a drawing (fig. 5.15).

44‘Dingding Yu Zhongguo 丁丁与中国 [Tintin and China]’, Dushu Shijian [Reading Time] (CCTV 10, Beijing, 24
August 2004), http://www.cctv.com/program/wrt/dssj/20040824/100921.shtml.
45Zhu Mei, ‘Bilishi Mingmanhuajia Qiaozhi Lemi 比利时名漫画家乔治勒弥 [The Famous Belgian
Cartoonist Georges Remi]’, Yong Sheng 1, no. 4 (28 March 1936).
46 Assouline, Hergé, 52.

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 Figure 5.15 “Chongren” (circled)
Image from Le Lotus bleu

The mutual communication and understanding that developed between Hergé and Zhang went far beyond
the request to show support for China in face of the Japanese invasion. As discussed in Chapter Three,
they found similarities in each other and quickly developed a bond. Hergé and Zhang had in-depth
dialogues on philosophy and art, which had significance to their personal lives. Hergé was inspired to
develop his signature “clear line” style. When they encountered frustrations, they gained spiritual
strength from Chinese and Catholic philosophies. To some extent they had met the shared aspiration of
Ma Xiangbo and Lu Zhengxiang to develop and enrich knowledge from different places.

III. Routes to deepening understanding

Their encounter in 1934-35 had a lasting influence on both Hergé and Zhang, which they further
developed over time. In a letter to Zhang in 1976, Hergé recalled a conversation that they had had forty
years before. It was about a tree in the garden, he wrote:

You “explained” this tree to me. You told me about it, about the feelings it had gone through, that
were embedded in its shape. You helped me see its first surge towards life, its enthusiasm, and then
its first disappointment, the courage and perseverance it displayed which had helped it to overcome
those weakness. Not only did you “feel” the tree, but you also identified with it. I listened to you,
spellbound, and I discovered, thanks to you, that we are all really one with nature and with the

178
 Universe. I discovered that we are the Universe. This is one of the greatest lessons that you gave me,
my dear Zhang.47

Zhang also cherished the conversation and noted it in his memoir.48 Both of them were drawn to nature,
but had different ways to perceive it. As mentioned earlier, with the scouts Hergé cultivated his love of
nature and became ecological-minded, since respecting and studying nature was an indispensable part of
scouting. 49 In the Church-led scout movements, “nature also has a supernatural symbolic role of
importance, as a manifestation of God’s work on earth”.50 Zhang extended Hergé’s horizon by bringing
him to see nature with philosophical and aesthetical eyes. In his explanation of the tree, Zhang drew on
references from Daoism and Chinese poetry, thanks to his familiarity with Zhuang Zi and classical
literature which he had studied at the suggestion of Ma Xiangbo. According to Daoist philosophy, human
beings are an integral part of nature, in the words of the Zhuang Zi: “the Human and the Heavenly may
be one and the same 人与天一也”.51 Humans could empathize with and understand all living creation
on earth, making it possible for Zhang to explain the feelings embedded in the tree. In Chinese classical
poetry, one of the three main rhetorical devices is “Xing 兴” the affective image to express the emotions
of the author (the other two are “Fu 赋” [exposition] and “Bi 比” [metaphor]).52 Since the era of the
Shijing 诗经 [The Book of Songs], poetics has associated natural scenes with human sentiments;
therefore, Zhang saw its “enthusiasm”, “disappointment”, “courage” and “perseverance” from the shape
of the tree.

This eye-opening experience made Hergé interested in Chinese philosophy and literature. Zhang recalled
that their conversations went beyond Tintin, to Zhuang Zi, Sun Zi Bing Fa 孙子兵法 [Sun Zi on the Art
of War] and Lao Zi 老子. He remembered that they discussed the following philosophical concepts53:
“You are not a fish; how do you know what constitutes the enjoyment of fishes 子非鱼安知鱼之乐?”54
from Zhuang Zi and “When the people of the Earth all know beauty as beauty, there arises (the recognition
of) ugliness. When the people of the Earth all know the good as good, there arises (the recognition of)
evil 天下皆知美之为美，斯恶已，皆知善之为善，斯不善已” from Lao Zi.55 In an interview in the

47 Hergé, Hergéin His Own Words, 30.

48 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 202.
49 Hergé, HergéIn His Own Words, 11.
50 Rosart, ‘Jalons pour une histoire des mouvements de jeunesse catholiques en Belgique francophone’, 41.
51Zhuang Zhou, ‘Shanmu 山木 [The Tree on the Mountain]’, trans. James Legge, The Complete Chuang Tzu
Online, 23 July 2018, http://oaks.nvg.org/chuang.html.
52 Ming Dong Gu, ‘Fu-Bi-Xing: A Metatheory of Poetry-Making’, Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 19
(1997): 1–22.
53 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 202.
54Zhuang Zhou, ‘Qiushui 秋水 [The Floods of Autumn]’, trans. James Legge, The Complete Chuang Tzu
Online, 23 July 2018, http://oaks.nvg.org/chuang.html.
55 Laozi, ‘Chapter Two’, in The Wisdom of Laotse, trans. Lin Yutang (New York: Modern Library, 1948).

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1970s, Hergé said Zhang “made me discover and love Chinese poetry, Chinese writing” and “it was a
revelation”.56 In the 1950s, Daoism and Chinese philosophy became his spiritual relief when he had
mental depression.

Having being attracted to Chinese culture, Hergé tried his hand at writing some Chinese characters. In
1936, following the suggestion of his publisher, Casterman, to modify the format of the Tintin album so
as to utilize colors as much as possible, Hergé created the colored cover design of The Blue Lotus. Herge’s
friend, Charles Lesne, who was also in liaison with the publisher, wanted him to add some colors inside
the album too and proposed creating a few full-page colored inserts, which Hergé agreed to.57 He drew
four inserts for The Blue Lotus on his own, because at that time, Zhang had returned to Shanghai.
Nevertheless, as seen in the illustrations (fig. 5.16), Hergé incorporated many Chinese characters, which
were faithful copies of Zhang’s handwriting in the original drawings. Hergé did not treat the characters
as decorations for the setting. He respected the fact that the words had their meaning, even though most
of his European audience would not understand them. When being asked whether his characters actually
speak the real foreign language in Tintin, he answered yes and explained that all the Chinese characters
in The Blue Lotus were written by Zhang or modelled according to Zhang’s writing.58

56 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 61.

57 Wilmet, Tintin noir sur blanc, 62–63.
58 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 131.

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 Figure 5.16 Two examples of coloured inserts (above left and below left) and the original
drawings (above right and below right). Images from Le Lotus bleu.

As Hergé had become interested in experimenting with Chinese brushes, after Zhang returned to
Shanghai, he selected some top-quality brushes and sent them to him.59 According to the recollections
of his former wife Germaine, Hergé tried to use Chinese brushes to paint around that time.60 Herge’s
interest had grown from the introduction to Chinese line arts Zhang had given him during their meetings.

Zhang showed Hergé Chinese brushes and gave him a manual of Chinese painting, Jieziyuan Huapu
[Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting] (fig. 5.17).61 Having learnt line drawing with An Jingzhai
and practiced calligraphy with Ma Xiangbo, Zhang understood brushwork and line in Chinese art. He
elaborated on how different lines could efficiently depict objects. The manual had come out in the early
Qing, composed in Nanjing in 1679 by Li Yu 李渔 (1611—1680) and Wang Gai 王概 (dates unknown).
It is a collection of teaching materials on how to draw trees, rocks, figures and landscapes, which selected
models and examples from the well-known works of famous painters.62 Referring to the manual, Zhang
pointed out the versatility of lines to Hergé, as he explained in the 1980s: “How lines, thick or thin, strong
or flexible, can yield shapes and light effects. The art of Chinese painting is very profound, very subtle.
There are different methods to draw flowers or figures, trees or stones, and to give the feeling of
volume”.63 Hergé learnt the methods by heart, so that many years later he still could summarize the key

59 Zhang Chongren Zhang to Hergé, 19 December 1936, Studios Hergé.

60Germaine Remi-Kieckens, ‘Hergé by Hergée’, in Hergéand Tintin, Reporters: From Le Petit Vingtième to Tintin
Magazine, by Philippe Goddin (London: Sundancer, 1987), 161.
61 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 202.
62Wang Gai, Jieziyuan Huapu 芥子园画谱 [Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting] (Shanghai: Shanghai Shudian,
1982).
63 Tchang Tchong-Jen and Lenne, Tchang au Pays du Lotus Bleu, 46.

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points: “[From the manual] I have been able to study the best Chinese painters and draughtsmen. And it
was extremely helpful, especially in the indication of the volume, to give the impression that the person
represented has three dimensions”.64

Figure 5.17 Jieziyuan Huapu [Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting]

Photo by author at Musée Hergé(September 2017)

Knowledge of line drawing inspired Hergé to develop on his aesthetic pursuit of clarity, by maximizing
the function of lines. Before meeting Zhang, he had had a preference for simple and impactful images.
When interviewed in 1930 by L’Effort [The Effort], Hergé talked about the advertising style he
appreciated – “I catch the attention by an outstanding design, simple and very visible” – and his way of
using colours – “I prefer bright colours used harmoniously. But above all: simplicity. In my opinion that
is the best way to make something stand out”.65 Hergé had the habit of keeping an eye on artistic styles
which he admired and experimenting with it. According to him, he was influenced by René Vincent
(1879–1936), “who had a very elegant Art Déco style”. He tried to imitate the “decorative line, a line S”
and to present the character according to the S shape, but soon gave this up and let the presentations be
more natural.66 Another influence was Geo Mac Manus (1884-1954); Hergé admired the way he drew
the nose in his cartoon and took it in without hesitation: “I found these small round or oval noses joyful
so I used them without any scruples”.67 Other artists Hergé paid attention to included Joan Miró, Jean

64 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 140–41.

65 Assouline, Hergé, 36.
66 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 140.
67 Hergéand Sadoul, 140.

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Dubuffet, Frank Stella, Victor Vasarely, Robert Rauschenberg, Andy Warhol and Roy Lichtenstein, to
name but a few.68 When he learnt of line arts from Zhang, he also absorbed it into forming his own style.

In retrospect, Hergé credited Chinese art in the development of his drawing skills, saying: “my drawing
began to improve from that point [The Blue Lotus] on”.69 As with many other sources of artistic reference,
Hergé internalized knowledge of line drawing into his own style.70 The need for leading lines to indicate
volume correctly and concisely inspired him to put more emphasis on the placement and selection of
lines, because they would be efficient visual expressions to make his story-telling easier and clearer. A
clear storyline was his priority, as he explained: “I did not perhaps ‘only’ aim at telling a story, but I ‘first
of all’ aimed at telling a story […] and to tell it clearly”. Drawing facilitated or even determined the
clarity, because according to him, the great difficulty in a comic is to show only what is necessary and
sufficient for the understanding of the story, so that readers would be able to easily follow the narration.71
Therefore, drawing and storyline are two complementary elements: “my first goal is to tell a story and to
tell it clearly; to ensure that my drawings are, also, clear and legible so that at any point of the story, the
reader can know who is who and what that ‘who’ is doing”.72

To achieve this aim, an important step for Hergé was the careful selection of a definite line, in the process
of making a drawing from pencil draft to printed product. He described the selection process as follows:
“I am going to take a tracing of all the pencil drawings. Among all these pencil strokes […] I will choose
what appears to me to be the best […] the most supple and expressive, the clearest and also the simplest,
that which best expresses movement […] This method of proceeding by tracing also allows me to frame
the drawings in a more precise way”.73 The chosen line would present both the movement and manner
of the characters correctly and expressively. Its precision enabled the readers to get sufficient information,
just by looking at the drawings. Each well-considered and carefully selected line contributes to the
simplicity and legibility of the image.

Hergé gradually mastered this drawing technique, so that he could tell a complex story in a simple way.
Tom McCarthy has commented that “the huge irony is that the Tintin books remain both unrivalled in
their complexity and depth”, and yet are “so simple that a child can read them with the same involvement
as an adult”.74 In my opinion, the paradox of complexity and simplicity is one of the reasons for Tintin’s
great popularity: it attracts a wide audience of different age groups, being in the words of one of its

68 Michael Farr, The Adventures of Hergé,Creator of Tintin (London: John Murray, 2007), 5.
69 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 140–41.
70 Michael Farr, The Adventures of Hergé,Creator of Tintin, 5.
71 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 81–82, 105.
72 Hergé, Laurent Le Bon, and Nick Rodwell, Hergé(Paris: Centre Pompidou, 2006).
73 Hergé, Le Musée imaginaire de Tintin, in Hergéand Tintin, Reporters, 141.
74 McCarthy, Tintin and the Secret of Literature, 10.

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promotion slogans: “for all young people from seven to seventy-seven years old”.75 Readers and critics
noticed Herge’s unique style, and summed up its fundamental aspects of “effective narrative and graphic
simplicity”.76 In the 1950s, Hergé started recruiting assistants to help him with his work and established
Studio Hergé. Since its opening, people had been speaking of a “Brussels School”, referring to those
artists […] following Hergé’s example”.77 In the 1970s, a Dutch artist, Joost Swarte, first put forward
the term “clear line (Klare lijn/ligne clair)” to summarise Herge’s style. In 2009, as the scenographer of
Musée Hergé, Swarte created a journey of display in a clear narrative sequence, inspired by Hergé’s
style.78 “Clear line” drawing style is thus a widely-acknowledged trademark of Hergé and is influential
to Francophone comic artists.

In 1989, Zhang commented on the highlights of The Blue Lotus in the “Soir 3” TV programme of the
“France Régions 3” channel, noting that: “[Hergé] changed the drawing technique so that it is more
readable”.79 What Zhang benefitted from in their encounter was friendly company and being able to
express himself. He enjoyed talking with Hergé, whom he found intelligent, knowledgeable and familiar
with scientific and humanistic knowledge, and good at communicating his ideas. Both being artists, they
had discussions about Rodin, impressionism, realism, as well as Chinese arts.80 Zhang regarded The
Blue Lotus as a place for him to express his thoughts and feelings. There were many emotional moments
in his four-year time abroad: he had come across scenarios encouraging or humiliating, been constantly
concerned about the on-going national crisis, and sometimes become homesick. In The Blue Lotus,
through the Chinese characters that he wrote, he put forward his political attitude and personal reflections
in an underlying way. Thus slogans such as “Down with imperialism 打倒帝国主义” and “Owning a
thousand qins of land is nothing compared to having some skills 有地千顷不如薄艺在身”, appear as
posters and murals on walls, which are two recurring themes throughout (fig. 5.18).

75 “Drawing from Tintin Magazine (no. 18, 1947),” in Hergéand Tintin, Reporters, 84.
76 Benoî
t Peeters, Tintin and the World of Hergé(London: Methuen, 1989), 70.
77 Assouline, Hergé, 167.
78 Hergéand Daubert, Tintin.
79 ‘Bande dessinée’, Soir 3, 26 January 1989, https://www.ina.fr/video/CAC89027928/bande-dessinee-
video.html.
80 Zhang Chongren, ‘Zishu Zhuanji’, 201–2.

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 Figure 5.18 Left, “Down with imperialism”; right, “Owning a thousand qins of land is
nothing compared to having some skills”. Images from Le Lotus bleu.

In his later life, Zhang stayed in close contact with the Catholic Church. Although he suffered during the
Cultural Revolution partly due to his Catholic faith, he never renounced his religious beliefs and gained
resilience from them. In 1935 departing from Brussels, Zhang went to visit museums and galleries in the
U.K., the Netherlands, Germany, Austria, Italy and the Vatican before returning to Shanghai. In addition
to studying the artworks in the Vatican, he had an audience with the Pope Pius XI in October. Once back
in Shanghai, in 1936 with initial help from Ma Xiangbo, Zhang established his own studio to make works
of art and teach students on Rue du Père Froc within the French Concession. He also kept in contact with
the director of the Tushanwan Studio, Father Yu Kai 余凯, to discuss art from time to time.81

Zhang was interrogated in 1955 over the “Kung Pin-Mei counter-revolutionary clique 龚品梅反革命集
团”, following the arrest on 8th September of Gong Pinmei (Kung Pin-Mei), the Catholic Bishop of
Shanghai. The Bishop, together with about two hundred Catholics, was arrested and imprisoned, because
he refused to denounce the Pope and adhere to the “Three-selfs Patriotic Movement”, details of which
will be given below. Sentenced to life imprisonment for leading a “counter-revolutionary clique,” Gong
was released in 1988 and died in the U.S. in 2000.82 Although interrogated, Zhang was not incriminated
and still received commissions to paint portraits for museums and memorial halls.83 However, in 1966,
the Cultural Revolution began and Zhang was not able to avoid condemnation as “counter-revolutionary”
and suffered from public humiliation.

81 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 116, 137.

82Stephen M DiGiovanni, Ignatius: The Life of Ignatius Cardinal Kung Pin-Mei (Scotts Valley, CA: CreateSpace,
2013); Paul Philip Mariani, Church militant: Bishop Kung and Catholic resistance in Communist Shanghai (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2011).
83 Chen Yaowang, Suren Suji Suchunqiu, 144; Chen Yaowang, Jidiaoqiezhuo Fuguiyupu, 222–25.

185
Zhang nevertheless managed to endure these sufferings, because, according to the understanding of his
biographer Fu Weixin, he had resigned himself to adversity and was able to prepare himself mentally to
endure torture and suffering thanks to his pious faith – he persisted in praying silently every night before
sleep.84 In a private conversation with Chen Yaowang, his biographer in the 1980s, Zhang said that
during the Cultural Revolution he realised that: “They [Lin Biao 林彪 and the ‘Gang of Four’ 四人帮]
were opposed to religion, seeing it as the opium of the masses! Now they insanely promoted cults of
personalities, to artificially ‘create a God’, subvert ‘the true God’ and replace it with ‘a new God’, in
order to serve their political purposes”.85 Because Zhang was convinced that he had a clear conscience
and people would sooner or later recognize those who were really guilty, he did not regard the sufferings
he received as punishments.86

As Hergé found mental succour from Chinese philosophy, Zhang gained spiritual strength from Catholic
religion. In terms of their profession achievements, Hergé developed the “clear line” style with his
knowledge of Chinese art, while Zhang’s artistry as introduced in Chapter Two, is a syncretized style of
the western painting and traditional Chinese painting. Shaped by different sources of influences, Hergé
and Zhang benefitted from their profound knowledge from various places. The way Hergé treated
different cultures after The Blue Lotus testifies to his cosmopolitan attitude. He commented that after
meeting Zhang: “I discovered a civilization that I completely did not know, and at the same time I became
aware of a kind of responsibility. It was from that moment that I began to search for documentation, to
really interest myself to the people and countries to which I sent Tintin, for the sake of honesty with
regards to those who read me”.87 As a result, The Blue Lotus was different from common stereotypes of
China at that time in Europe, as shown in Chapter One. When Tintin went to other places in the world,
Hergéalso regarded others as equal and capable of empathy. Such an attitude and manner echoed the
aspiration of Lu Zhengxiang and Ma Xiangbo as they advocated the mutual communication of knowledge
across countries and cultures.

IV. Legacy of the network

In his memoir Ways of Confucius and of Christ written in 1945, Lu Zhengxiang said what he wanted to
achieve was “twofold cultural movement in the Church—in China Sino-Latin, in Rome Latino-Chinese,”
because “the nations will recover, provided that statesmen know how to forget their own selves, to
educate the nations, to practise Justice and cause it to prevail. That requires the co-operation of all the
spiritual forces of mankind”. He found “in the Catholic Church unity of government, unity of doctrine
and unity of precept” and “a sure guide for the conscience and a stable foundation for the society and for

84 Fu Weixin, ‘Zhang Chongren Chuanqi Yisheng’, September 2002, 396.

85 Chen Yaowang, Jidiaoqiezhuo Fuguiyupu, 263.
86 Chen Yaowang, 258–61.
87 Hergéand Sadoul, Tintin et moi, 60–61.

186
the State”. Thus, he wanted to introduce this strength into China. But Lu mourned that although his
teacher Xu Jingcheng 许景澄 (1845-1900), a diplomat and politician supportive of the Hundred Days’
Reform, prescribed that he should Europeanise himself for love of China, “how would I have been able
to follow these instructions if my countrymen had succeeded in keeping me in ignorance of foreign
countries, or if foreign countries had led me to disparage my own country? In every period of transition,
the two opposing currents are very violent”.88

In the 1910s Ma Xiangbo had already expressed a similar opinion concerning the difficulty of channelling
the Catholic force into China. In a letter addressed to the Pope asking him to promote higher education
in China, he wrote that: “The people brought up within the Church are for the most part ignorant labourers.
Those who have some knowledge of contemporary affairs, or can write a few lines of prose, are as rare
as the morning star. Even though our country has been changed into a republic, there is no one in the
Church who could be selected as a member of parliament, nor even anyone who could be selected as a
member of a prefectural or county council”. 89 Within the Church in China, collaborations between
foreign and local clergies was also hard to realize. In 1919 he said that: “when there is a shared language,
then Chinese and foreigners can get together without suspicions and alienations; when there is a shared
writing, then people can have ways to communicate and methods to peruse. It is a shame that less than
one or two out of ten foreign missionaries can speak the common language; less than one or two out of
ten Chinese clergies are able to write common scripts”.90

Ma’s ideal took partial shape in 1925 when Furen University was founded with the help of the first
Apostolic Delegate to China, Cardinal Celso Costantini. As for Lu Zhengxiang, he kept pursuing his goal
of “twofold cultural movement” in Belgium inspired by Lebbe’s efforts. Lu wrote an article to defend
Lebbe’s apostolic methods and to acknowledge that cooperation between foreign missionaries and
Chinese Christians would be beneficial for the work of evangelization and for social development.91 He
also resumed the agenda which he had had to give up in 1918 as Minister of Foreign Affairs, to establish
China-Vatican diplomatic relations. From 1928, Lu kept sending back suggestions and documents to the
Foreign Office of the Republic China.92 Meanwhile, he also wrote to the Vatican. In a letter addressed
in 1931 to Cardinal van Rossum, Prefect of Propaganda Fide, Lu stated his hopes to see such relations
formed between Chinese diplomatic circles and the Vatican, saying that: “I humbly would like to be one
of the bridges by which Providence wishes to connect Chinese society and the Roman Church”. He also

88 Dom Pierre-Célestin Lou Tseng-Tsiang, Ways of Confucius and of Christ, 46–47, 26, 50, 10.
89Ma Xiangbo, ‘Shang Jiaozong Qiu Wei Zhongguo Xingxue Shu’, 116; Translation based on Ruth Hayhoe and
Yongling Lu, Ma Xiangbo and the Mind of Modern China 1840-1939 (M.E. Sharpe, 1996), 221.
90 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Dawen Zhongguo Jiaowu’, 353.
91 Vansteelandt, ‘Lu Zhengxiang (Lou Tseng Tsiang) a Benedictine Monk of the Abbey of Sint-Andries’, 226.
92 Lu Zhengxiang to Wang Rutang, 20 October 1928, D.A., Academia Sinica; Lu Zhengxiang to Wang Rutang,
18 November 1930, D.A., Academia Sinica.

187
indicated that he had received an encouraging reply from the Pope to put his petition into action.93 In
1928, Pius XII addressed believers in China with a message of support for the political unification of
China, which communicated his equal treatment and sympathy of China, his prayers of a lasting peace
based on charity and justice, and his hope for its prosperity.94 In 1942 the Vatican and the Republic of
China established diplomatic relations. China sent its first representative, Minister Xie Shoukang 谢寿
康, to the Vatican in 1943, and the first Apostolic Internuncio to China, Archbishop Antonio Riberi,
arrived in 1946.

Unfortunately, such terms did not last out the decade as China and the Vatican retreated to opposing
positions. The prospects for China-Vatican relations began to worsen as the Communist ideology began
to gain popularity worldwide, and came to an end after the Communists rose to power in China. Since
communism is opposed to religion, the Catholic Church had criticised it in Quadragesimo anno [In the
Fortieth Year] (1931) and Divini Redemptoris [Divine Redeemer] (1937) by Pope Pius XI.95 The Jesuit
mission in Xujiahui had also published books in Chinese on communism, such as Gongchan Zhuyi
Jiantao 共产主义检讨 [Review of Communism] in 1939. 96 By the end of the war, Communist
organizations were popular in Europe since they had been at the forefront of resistance against the Nazis.
As the Italian Communist party grew rapidly after 1944, the Vatican began to be preoccupied by the
threat of communism and issued teachings to Catholic lay people regarding this question. In 1949, the
Supreme Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office issued a Decretum [Decree] against communism, which
declared Catholics who read, disseminated, or professed communist doctrine would be
excommunicated.97

After the foundation of the People’s Republic of China, the Vatican did not recognise the regime and thus
the official China-Vatican relation was cut off on the mainland.98 However, the Church representative
Archbishop Antonio Riberi remained in Nanjing instead of leaving for Taiwan with the Nationalist party.
He refused to cooperate with the demands of the PRC government over church administration, namely
the “Three-Self Patriotic Movement” (self-government, self-support and self-propagation), which

93 Lu Zhengxiang to Willem Marinus Van Rossum, 13 December 1931, A.L., Sint-Andriesabdij.

94Cardinal Gasparri Pietro, ‘Message of the Holy Father Pope Pius XI, to His Venerable Brethren, the Most
Rev. Ordinaries of China, to His Beloved Sons, the Priests and the Faithful, and through Them to the Great and
Most Noble Chinese People as a Whole’, 1 August 1928, D.A., Academia Sinica.
95 Pius XI, ‘Quadragesimo Anno [In the Fortieth Year]’, 15 May 1931, http://w2.vatican.va/content/pius-
xi/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_19310515_quadragesimo-anno.html.
96G. de Raucourt, Gongchanzhuyi Jiantao 共产主义检讨 [Review of Communism], trans. B. Tchang (Shanghai,
1939).
97Elisa A. Carrillo, ‘The Italian Catholic Church and Communism, 1943-1963’, The Catholic Historical Review 77,
no. 4 (1991): 644–57.
98Zhao Xiaoyang, ‘Zhongguo Tianzhujiao Duliziban Yundong de Xingcheng 中国天主教独立自办运动的初
成 [The Initial Formation of Chinese Catholic Independent Self-Management Movement]’, Dangdai Zhongguoshi
Yanjiu [Contemporary China History Studies] 19, no. 4 (July 2012): 107–14.

188
required churches to disconnect from foreign missionaries and take control of their own churches. In
March 1951, Archbishop Ribieri issued a pastoral letter addressed to all the Catholic clergies in China,
preventing them from taking part in the movement. The authorities expelled him to Hong Kong in
September that year.99 Chinese Catholics supporting the Archbishop, such as Kung Pin-Mei, the Catholic
Bishop of Shanghai, were arrested. The problem of China-Vatican relations remains unsolved today, and
is particularly at odds on the question of electing bishops: the Holy See insists that it is the prerogative
of the Pope, while the PRC government declares that it should be self-determined.

In this geopolitical context, the Sino-Belgian Catholic network was unable to sustain itself. Even in the
1920s-40s, its ideal of recognition for the position of local Church and local culture was not the
mainstream and received little interest from other Catholic missions. In correspondence in 1952 between
Gustaaf Hulstaert, a Belgian missionary in the Congo from 1925 to 1990, and Antoine Sohier, member
of the Colonial Council in Brussels, whose son Albert was missionary in China from 1947 to 1955,
Hulstaert commented that:

As a missionary friend told me in China, it [the work of Divine Providence] may be the only way for
the Church to dissociate itself from the West and to take root in the East […] And it seems that in
spite of Lebbe and his rare disciples, the missionaries did not succeed (even those of good will) in
becoming Chinese; no more than we do in the Congo […] They have been forced during the last years
to condescend a lot; but it was [just] condescension, very little real conviction. As in the Congo and
in Africa in general, the missionaries (let’s not speak any better of the laity) condescend to the natives;
but do not consider them, or treat them in reality as they consider and treat their compatriots.100

As for the project for Chinese students in Europe initiated by Lebbe and continued by Boland and Gosset,
its major financial source, namely the Boxer Indemnity, decreased from 1934 year by year. Moreover,
the Great Depression and the devaluation of the Belgian franc in 1935 made it less able to support a
considerable number of students: the number of students arriving in Belgium was reduced by half in
1936-37 from approximately two hundred in 1932-33. Due to the outbreak of the Second World War, this
project completely discontinued in 1940.101 Nevertheless, a Sino-Belgian tie was built upon the previous
communications and mobilisations between the two countries. L’Association Amicale Sino-Belge [Sino-
Belgian Friendship Association] was established, which from 1933 issued a bulletin in China to circulate
information among its members, such as alumni of Belgian universities.102 After the Sino-Japanese war
broke out, the Sino-Belgian Commission of Education and Philanthropy used the Boxer Indemnity funds

99Gerald Chan, ‘Sino-Vatican Diplomatic Relations: Problems and Prospects’, The China Quarterly 120
(December 1989): 814–36.
100Gustaaf Hulstaert to Antoine Sohier, 6 April 1952,
http://www.aequatoria.be/04frans/030themes/0343sohier.htm.
101 Soetens, ‘Les Étudiants Chinois en Belgique de 1900 à 1940’.
102 Association Amicale Sino-Belge, ‘Bulletin de l’Association Amicale Sino-Belge’, 1933, AVL, ARCA.

189
for war relief: in 1937 a committee was set up in Brussels to help the war victims in China and produced
appeals in Belgian newspapers;103 in 1938, the committee founded the Cihui 慈惠 Hospital in Xujiahui
for refugees in this area. 104 In a reciprocal move, after the German occupation of Belgium, Zhang
Chongren sold his paintings to fundraise for the Belgian Red Cross in 1940.105

The ideal led by Lebbe was further developed into “missiology” at the Catholic University of Leuven.
According to An Vandenberghe: “One of the missionaries who had a trend-setting impact on the
missiological debate in as well as outside Belgium was the China missionary Vincent Lebbe”.106 The
Catholic University of Leuven had paid attention to mission since the 1920s, thanks to the leading figure
in the development of missiology, Pierre Charles, a Jesuit priest.107 He chaired the “Missiological Week”,
where he included Lebbe and his adherents several times as speakers, and admitted Lebbe to the
permanent bureau. 108 His works, such as Études missiologiques [Missiological Studies], laid the
theological foundations for missiology to become an academic discipline.109 Nowadays, the Faculty of
Theology at the French-speaking Catholic University of Leuven (Louvain-la-neuve) still maintains the
traditions from Lebbe and Charles: since 1985 the Faculty’s Vincent Lebbe Centre has inquired into the
question of inculturation of Christianity beyond Europe.110

The orientations of mission activity set out by Lebbe contributed to the changes in the Second Vatican
Council in 1965. 111 Stephen B. Bevans and Roger Schroeder show that Lebbe, together with other
Catholics, “were precursors of changes that were to emerge in the Vatican II and post-Vatican II
understanding of church and mission,” in particular through his call for denationalising mission and de-
Westernising Christianity.112 From 1962 to 1965, Pope John XXIII convened the Second Vatican Council

103‘Secours aux Victimes de la Guerre [Relief for the War Victims]’, Bulletin de l’Association Amicale Sino-Belge],
December 1937.
104‘Comite Belge de Secours [Belgian Relief Committee]’, Bulletin de l’Association Amicale Sino-Belge, January
1938.
105 Fu Weixin, ‘Zhang Chongren Chuanqi Yisheng’, September 2002, 388.
106 An Vandenberghe, ‘Beyond Pierre Charles: The Emergence of Belgian Missiology Refined’, in Mission and
Science: Missiology Revised 1850-1940, ed. Carine Dujardin and Claude Prudhomme (Leuven: Leuven University
Press, 2015), 157.
107Stephen B Bevans, ‘Mission at the Second Vatican Council: 1962-1965’, in A Century of Catholic Mission: Roman
Catholic Missiology 1910 to the Present, ed. Stephen B Bevans, 2013, 101–11.
108 Vandenberghe, ‘Beyond Pierre Charles’, 163.
109 Pierre Charles, Études Missiologiques [Missiological Studies] (Bruges: desclée de Brouwer, 1956).
110 Jean Pirotte, ‘La « science des Missions »àLouvain: le Rôle des Milieux Louvanist dans les Développements
de la Missiologie et la Rencontre des Religions [The “Science of Missions” in Leuven: The Role of Louvainist
Circles in the Development of Missiology and the Meeting of Religions]’, in La Mission en Afrique - Terrains
Anciens, Questions Nouvelles Avec Claude Prudhomme, by Oissi Saaidia, ed. Laurick Zerbini (Paris, 2015), 191–212.
111Jean-Paul Wiest, ‘The Legacy of Vincent Lebbe’, International Bulletin of Missionary Research 23, no. 1 (1 January
1999): 33–37.
112Stephen B. Bevans and Roger Schroeder, ‘Mission in the Twentieth Century (1919-1991): The Emergence of
World Christianity’, in Constants in Context: A Theology of Mission for Today (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 2004),
249.

190
(Vatican II), an Ecumenical Council of more than two thousand bishops from six continents. Catholic
theologians regard Vatican II as a paradigm shift in Catholic mission theology. 113 The Declarations,
Gaudium et Spes [Joy and Hope] and Ad Gentes [To the Nations], revisited and revised the Eurocentric
view of the Church.114 According to a summary by Jonathan Y. Tan, Gaudium et Spes acknowledged that
“there is no one culturally normative way to be Christian”. Ad Gentes further called for the reversal of
Eurocentrism and stressed that the Church was “a communion of local Churches, each of which seeks to
give life to the universal Church in accordance with the native genius and traditions of its members”.115

The message of communication and tolerance has become gradually recognized in China too, though not
through the role of the Church. Nowadays, the religious and cultural past of Tushanwan has been revived,
after being dismantled. In the 1950s, the Xujiahui Mission had to discontinue: foreign missionaries left
mainland China, and those who did not wish to abandon the Chinese mission went to Taiwan.116 The
Tushanwan Orphanage and its workshops were thoroughly fragmented, and the name disappeared from
maps. The workshops were reorganized under joint state-private ownership in 1956.117 According to
Zhang Wei, researcher of the Shanghai Municipal Library who worked in the Xujiahui Library in the
1980s, because the Tushanwan workers were not trained as clerics, they did not suffer from anti-religious
political movements and were considered as normal workers.118 The 117 who remained were re-located
to state-owned factories, such as a printing house, electric appliance factory, printing and dyeing mill,
forging machinery factory, brickworks and so forth.119 Many of them became competent workers in their
new jobs, but for a long time they had to suppress their nostalgia of and attachment to Tushanwan.120
During the 2010 Shanghai Expo, the history of Tushanwan was rediscovered due to its participation in
the 1915 Panama–Pacific International Exposition and a museum dedicated to it opened to the public at
the location of its original workshops. In a group investigation of the Tushanwan Museum I conducted

113 Jonathan Y. Tan, ‘From “Ad Gentes” to “Active Integral Evangelization”: The Reception of Vatican II’s
Mission Theology in Asia’, East Asian Pastoral Review 50, no. 3 (2013): 217–50; Oborji, ‘Missiology in Its Relation
to Intercultural Theology and Religious Studies’; José M. de Mesa, ‘Mission and Inculturation’, in A Century of
Catholic Mission: Roman Catholic Missiology 1910 to the Present, ed. Stephen B Bevans, 2013, 224–31; Bevans, ‘Mission
at the Second Vatican Council: 1962-1965’.
114 Paul VI, ‘Gaudium et Spes [Joy and Hope]’, 7 December 1965,
http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_const_19651207_gaudium-
et-spes_en.html; ‘Ad Gentes [To the Nations]’, Decree, 7 December 1965,
http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_decree_19651207_ad-
gentes_en.html.
115 Tan, ‘From “Ad Gentes” to “Active Integral Evangelization”’.
116 Zhang Wei and Zhang Xiaoyi, Yaowang Tushanwan.
117 Shanghaishi Zongjiao Shiwuju [Shanghai Municipal Commission of Religious Affairs], ‘Guanyu Tushanwan
Gueryuan Shenqing Gongsiheying Qingkuang Diaocha Baogao 关于土山湾孤儿院申请公私合营情况调查
报告 [Investigation Report of the Application of joint state-private ownership of the Tushanwan Orphanage]
(2.6.1956)’, in Chongshi Lishi Suipian, ed. Dinghui (Beijing: Zhongguo Xiju Press, 2010), 393.
118 Zhang Wei, interview by Pan Zhiyuan and Zhang Wenyi, 6 August 2012.
119Laoren Koushu Tushanwan Lishi 老人口述土山湾历史 [Oral History by the Tushanwan Alumni], 2012,
2012, Tushanwan Museum.
120 Zhang Wei, interview.

191
along with Zhang Wenyi in 2012, we found that the Museum intended to symbolize the history of
Tushanwan as an example of Sino-West cultural communication and broad-mindedness. From the
visitors’ book, we found approving comments such as “surprising discovery” and “a worthy visit” which
at least suggests that such values have become accepted.

The history of the Sino-Belgian Catholic network shows that despite the lack of an official relationship
between the Catholic Church and China, there were efforts and great dynamisms on the ground to connect
and to communicate. Although the network was short-lived, and its evangelical purpose to introduce and
ground the Catholic religion in China was not able to be realized, the message of cultural communication
and understandings was conveyed via different components in various ways: such as through Catholic
theology or through touristic narrative. Furthermore, The Blue Lotus and the friendship of Zhang and
Hergé are able to inspire and convince readers of the value of sharing solidarity with others, which
transmits the lasting and impactful legacy of the network.

192
 Appendix

Different transliterations
Pinyin Alternative(s)
徐家汇 Xujiahui Zi-Ka-Wei, Zi-Ka-We
土山湾 Tushanwan T’ou-Sè-Wè, T’ou-Sè-Wei, T’ou-Sé-Wé, Tou-Sei-Wei
江南 Jiangnan Kiang-nan
上海 Shanghai Changhai
北京 Beijing Pékin
直隶 Zhili Tchély, Chihli
天津 Tianjin Tientsin
武清 Wuqing Wutsing
小韩村 Xiaohan Cun Siao-Han-Tsun
涿州 Zhuozhou Chochow, Tchwo-tchow
浙江 Zhejiang Tchékiang
栅栏 Zhalan Chala
老西开 Laoxikai Laosikai
真定 Zhending Chengting
安国 Anguo Ankow
绍兴 Shaoxing Shaohing
辅仁 Furen Fu Jen
广益录 Guangyi Lu Kuang I Lu
益世报 Yishi Bao I Che Pao
大公报 Dagong Bao Ta Kung Pao
申报 Shen Bao Shun Pao
马相伯 Ma Xiangbo Ma Hsiang-Po
张充仁 Zhang Chongren Tchang Tchong-Jen
陆征祥 Lu Zhengxiang Lou Tseng-Tsiang (Dom Pierre-Célestin)
英敛之 Ying Lianzhi Ying Lien-Tze

193
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