Al Francis B.

Villegas

Professor Maria Lorena Santos

Eng 102

6 December 2019

DLSU Conyo: Uncovering the Language of a New Generation of Filipino Elites

Pefianco Martin’s re-examined model of Kachru’s World Englishes Model highlights the

concentric circles within the Outer Circle country, the Philippines. This implies the existence of

varieties within a variety of World English that is generally affected by the socioeconomic realities

of the different sectors in society (Pefianco Martin 1). One manifestation of such is Conyo English, a

recent variety of English associated with the upper-class members of society, characterized by the

playful and exaggerated code-switching of English and Filipino. Conyo English reflects the

Philippine’s cultural hybridity marked by its colonial past contextualized into its socio-economic

and cultural present. As members of the Elite, people who comprise this group are usually exposed

to an English-speaking environment, encouraging their capacity to learn the language (Garvida 12;

Reyes 213).

One variant of Conyo English is the Conyo used by the De La Salle University students or

simply, DLSU Conyo. Following Pefianco Martin’s model, students of highly esteemed universities

like the De La Salle University belong to the Elite circle of Filipinos. As such, they embrace the

English language, and actively promote it. Lasallians bear the symbol of being rich and similarly,

“conyo,” as most Filipinos describe it. DLSU Conyo has a separate function of building a cultural

identity that contrasts well among other universities in the Metro and in general (Baladjay and

Serapio 1, 4). Conyo English used by students of DLSU leads to the proliferation of Englishes in the

Philippines that students intentionally/ instinctively use to demarcate their own space and identify

with a certain culture that separates them from other non-DLSU communities.
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The History and Development of the DLSU Conyo

The DLSU Conyo is a relatively new variety of Philippine English that existed after the

institutionalization of higher education in the Philippines (Baladjay and Serapio 1). However, de

facto Conyo dates back to the Spanish colonization era as an emulation of how English and/or

Spanish people talked to native Filipino speakers (Garvida 2; Baladjay and Serapio 1). This

prototypical Conyo speak developed into different forms: Manila Conyo, Davao Conyo, and Meranao

Conyo, among many others(Albino et al. 1; Amod and Pumbaya 1). DLSU Conyo, a subvariety of

Manila Conyo, is described as the sociolect that most affluent students from La Salle speak.

According to Baladjay and Serapio, this is due to the history of most students as coming from

English-speaking schools (3). The development of DLSU Conyo is mainly attributed to the students’

fondness of both English and Filipino as observed in the media they consume, as well as the

implications of academic freedom which recognizes Conyo English as a legitimate mode of

communication (4-5). A survey conducted by Borlongan found that Conyo is mainly spoken in the

domains of school and friends (n.p.). Culturally speaking, a community like DLSU where virtually

everyone speaks in a uniform manner would naturally be a site for the duplication of Conyo speak

(Baladjay and Serapio 6-7; Reyes 215, 218). However, another motivating force that is of structural

nature are the education policies that strongly favor the English language. National laws such as

Executive Order 210 and House Bill No. 471, as well as policies within the institution, either

require/prefer English as the medium of instruction. Because of this, Conyo English, as a mixture of

other languages, allows for ease of communication among students while also adhering to existing

laws and policies (Baladjay and Serapio 7-8). Currently, the Conyo subculture of La Salle is highly

associated with the Conyo English they speak (Reyes 218). It is important to note that DLSU Conyo

has its own nuances. The distinct experience of the students of La Salle as members of the Conyo

subculture are reflected in most of the linguistic features of DLSU Conyo.

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Linguistic Features of DLSU Conyo

For this study, 20 entries from the DLSU Freedom Wall Facebook page perceived as using

Conyo English and a video from a Lasallian student named Cheeni Dy entitled “assumptions about

DLSU/DLSU students” were selected as objects of analysis for the linguistic features of DLSU Conyo.

The Phonology of DLSU Conyo

Generally, Conyo English is described as having a ​maarte t​ one or accent (Reyes 214) which

may be attributed to the transferring of the phonology of Acrolectal English to Filipino (Borlongan;

Gonzales 85). Similarly, this may be observed in DLSU Conyo as having Americanized

pronunciations of local terms. This implies that DLSU Conyo is part of a largely American-based

World English and culture manifested in the Americanisms in their phonology.

In Cheeni Dy’s video, there are five phonological features of DLSU that generally exhibit

accent transferring. The first is the interdental /t/ becoming alveolar, as is the case in pronouncing

“Tagalog” (04:18). The second is the tensing of /ɔ/ to /o/ as observed in the pronunciation of

“sando” (07:58). The Filipino pronunciation /sandɔ/ becomes /sændo/ in DLSU Conyo. The third is

the æ-raising/ tensing of the vowel /a/ in the case of “baon,” “gago,” and “sando.” As such their

pronunciations become /bæɔn/, /gægɔ/, and /sændo/ respectively (02:34, 03:59, 07:58). The

fourth is the replacement of the trilled /r/ into retroflexed or bunched /r/ in intervocalic phonetic

environments such as in the case of /taɹə/ and /pɛɹa/ (05:08, 06:02). The final feature is the

unstressing of the nucleus of the penultimate syllable as in the case of “pala,” “charot,” and “pasok.”

Thus, their pronunciations become /pəla/, /tʃəɹɔt/, and /pəsɔk/ respectively (01:18, 06:02,

08:27). Though DLSU Conyo have many similarities with the phonology of the general Conyo

English, these five recurring features are among the most common and noticeable in their

phonology. Majority of the Filipinos outside the DLSU community generally do not share these

types of linguistic features (Baladjay and Serapio 4). Thus, it can be inferred that intentionally/
 Villegas 4

instinctively employing such articulatory practices is a form of identifying with people of common

background and inadvertently marks their own space as members of their community.

The Morphology of DLSU Conyo

Words from DLSU Conyo usually undergo one morphological process only as compared to

other subvarieties of Conyo Englishes. For example, the Conyo used by Ateneo students have

relatively complex morphological processes as exhibited in “scoobs,” undergoing inversion and

then homophonic association (Españo 38). Based on Dy’s video and out of 20 different entries from

the DLSU Freedom Wall Facebook page perceived as using Conyo English, there are five common

morphological processes that words in DLSU Conyo employ: conversion, inversion, compounding,

initialisms, and clipping. One process is Conversion. Lasallians tend to convert nouns to denote

something that is habitually done as seen in the examples below:

​ ym​, preh. Do it some

(1) “#DLSUFreedomWall30337 Us GH boys are superior simply because we g

time.”

(2) “I only spend like 500/a day ‘cause I ​condo.​ ” (10:24-10:28)

Another morphological process in DLSU Conyo is Inversion as observed in the word “deins,”

derived from the word “hindi.” Out of 20 entries perceived as using DLSU Conyo, the word “deins”

appeared six times mainly as a substitute for the word “hindi” as seen in the example below:

(3) “#DLSUFreedomWall25610 ​deins​ daw natutuwa si tito sa pinag gagawa mo napanaginipan

ko siya.”

The third most common process is Compounding as observed in the term “dudeparechong.” Though

it may take forms such as “dude,” “preh,” “dude pare,” among many others, it appears to have the

same function regardless. Out of 20 entries, it appeared seven times used in contexts similar to the

example provided below:

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(4) #DLSUFreedomWall19963 why do ppl ask "University X and University Y relationship would

​ udeparechong​/ atesisgirl it's in the person. kung alam mong pokpok ang isa sa
work? " like d

inyo at di pa kayo mature TO TRUST EACHOTHER ABER! SPRAK

The fourth is Initialisms as seen in words such as “G,” “Happy T,” and “BV,” which refer to “Game,”

“Happy Thursday,” and “Bad Vibes” (Ganglani). Initialisms appeared 12 times based on the 20

entries on DLSU Freedom Wall. An example is provided below:

(5) #DLSUFreedomWall798 Nakaka-​bv​ yung mga nakikisali lang sa K-pop hype pero kung

makapanlait sakin dati about it … CO* 11Deputa ka

The last morphological process is Clipping, particularly of names of places. Out of 20 entries,

clipping is observed in words such as starbs and goks which appear 12 times. Words like “Starbs”

stand for Starbucks and “Goks” stand for Gokongwei building (Ganglani) as seen in the example

below:

​ LSUFreedomWall27578​ ​Tangina may nagyosi ng whiteboard marker sa ​goks.

(6) #D

It is important to note that much of the words formed mirror the urban and private school

life of elite. The nature of such words inherently come from a privileged standpoint. Using words

that require context of the DLSU community further separates themselves from the common

masses and thus create a collective identity of being Lasallian (Reyes 213). These kinds of linguistic

creativity that requires communal context inadvertently makes a community exclusive. Overall,

creating an identity through words laced with socio-cultural nuances creates a barrier that divides

speakers and non-speakers of a particular language. In relation to other Conyo Englishes, there may

be a form of exclusion happening as well because of the triumph of Tagalog over other vernacular

languages (Tupas 1). As such, it could be inferred that Manila Conyo subvarieties, such as DLSU

Conyo, become foregrounded as the representative Conyo speak mainly due to preference over
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Tagalog influences.The preference towards the National Capital Region may be the reason why

DLSU Conyo, as under the Manila Conyo subvariety, is mainstreamed as the typical“Conyo speak.”

The Syntax/Morphosyntax of DLSU Conyo

Some sources claim that Conyo English, such as DLSU Conyo, has produced more hindrances

in the correct usage of English grammar (Gurrea et al. 42). However, such forms of linguistic

deviation are essential in building a cultural identity (Baladjay and Serapio 9). One manifestation of

this is the distortion of syntax. Based on the 20 entries gathered from the DLSU Freedom Wall, there

are two main characteristics of the syntax of DLSU Conyo. The first feature is the addition of

Tagalog content words with “making” in everyday conversation. An example is:

​ aking hatid t​ o me from our OJT place to my

(1) #DLSUFreedomWall30407 Hi L! Thanks for m

station. really appreciated it as in. ps you’re really really cute.

(2) #DLSUFreedomWall30285 … lately lumabas kami his m

​ aking kwento​ about his allowance na

sobra sobra daw he'll buy daw the stuff he wants...

The second feature is the frequent use of Tagalog function words like na, ba, and naman, among

many others. The addition of function words provide emphasis on the statements.

(3) #DLSUFreedomWall14745 SEND HELP MY DUDEPARECHOOOONG … Is it bad? My intentions

are clear early on ​naman.​

(4) #DLSUFreedomWall24545​ i will ask lang if free b

​ a​ ang sched dyan? like hindi naman hassle

for example 7am to 4pm class…

(5) #DLSUFreedomWall30711 since election season ​na​, ....idk i keep hearing kwentos about the

two COB 119

Their syntax reflect the cultural and/ or linguistic hybridity of DLSU Conyo that is markedly

indicative of their socio-economic background as born from affluent families and exposed to

English-speaking environments (Baladjay and Serapio 4). Being able to code-switch between
 Villegas 7

English and Filipino also indicates the stable mixture of languages particularly in informal

settings(5). As such, the creation of new syntax rules, although not conforming to the standard, may

create a form of commonality that distinguishes them from people with other backgrounds. DLSU

Conyo allows students to form an identity that is comprised of their history of affluence along with

their preference for both English and Tagalog (6). In relation to other Conyo Englishes, it may be

inferred that the interference of Tagalog as a language is prevalent in the syntax of Conyo English.

On the other hand, Davao Conyo and Meranao Conyo, which have Cebuano and Maranao language

as linguistic influences respectively, may affect the syntax of their Conyo speak differently, creating

distinct cultural identifications as well.

DLSU Conyo’s Contemporary Implications and Future Developments

The existence of DLSU Conyo holds implications regarding its effects in the Local and Global

Englishes landscape. DLSU Conyo, as associated with the upper-class and educated sector of society,

is a manifestation of the uneven access to good quality English education (Borlongan). The

subculture of DLSU Conyo may further widen the gap between the educated elite and the

underprivileged sectors of the society. It can be inferred that DLSU Conyo will maintain its prestige

given the power of those who speak it. However because of this, DLSU Conyo may also risk cultural

amnesia where a Filipino may forget a practiced culture because of misrecognition of one’s

linguistic identity (Baladjay and Serapio 10). It could be inferred that the Conyo English used by

DLSU students, as with some World Englishes, is a sign of subservience to the linguistic imperialism

of the West which may devoid a linguistic identity of its own uniqueness.

Currently, in relation to World Englishes, it is clear that the Conyo English used by DLSU

students are greatly influenced by American English. This may largely be because of the amount of

Western media they consume (Baladjay and Serapio 4). On the other hand, much of the features of

DLSU Conyo mirrors the features of the general Conyo English. In a sense, it could be inferred that
 Villegas 8

DLSU Conyo is sometimes used as a representative of Conyo English as a whole. This may be, in

part, because of the Tagalog hegemony rooted in the earliest stages of the Philippines’

nation-building (Tupas 1). As such, these linguistic biases may manifest itself in the form of

generalization of other varieties of English. Another reason could be the influence of the Elites who

speak it, as well as its promulgation in Philippine media(Reyes 218). In a way, It copies Kachru’s

World Englishes Model in that Inner Circles act as the norm-providers. Similarly, DLSU Conyo, as

part of the Elite sociolect in the “imperial” city of Manila, influences other “Conyo speak” as well

such as Davao Conyo, particularly in the morphological and syntactic aspect (Albino et al. 74).

Conclusion

DLSU Conyo is a variant of Manila Conyo that existed after the institutionalization of tertiary

education in the Philippines. It arose because of a commonality of affluence between speakers, as

well as the ease of communication adhering to both institutional policies and national laws. Its

linguistic features are nuanced with the socio-cultural experiences of the DLSU community. As such,

speakers instinctively/ intentionally use it as a cultural identification to relate with people coming

from the same background. DLSU Conyo is important in the cultural identification of Lasallians as a

whole.

The Conyo English used by students of DLSU contribute to the continuing social, economic,

and cultural development of the English language in the Philippines. In general, DLSU Conyo reflects

the divide between social classes and cultures in the Philippines. DLSU Conyo shares similar

features with the general Conyo English. This implies that DLSU Conyo, as a subvariety, is an

integral part of the sum that makes up the whole of Conyo English. The subvarieties of Manila

Conyo are mainstreamed as the typical Conyo speak largely because of the preference over Tagalog

rooted in our history of nation-building, as well as the power and prestige of its speakers. DLSU also

implies the rootedness and preference of the English language, especially within communities of
 Villegas 9

Filipino elites due to their capacity to access Western media and information. Overall, Conyo

English used by students of DLSU encourages the usage and proliferation of Englishes in the

Philippines with its own cultural functions such as to demarcate their own space and to identify

people of similar backgrounds.

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APPENDICES

Appendix A

Recurrences of words in DLSU Freedom Wall Facebook Page based on 20 entries

Lemma Frequency

na 16

ba 13

naman 12

like 12

para 11

hassle 8

dudeparechongbro 8

Starbs 7

nalang 7

deins 6

G 5

Goks 5

Happy T 4

BV 3

condo 2

Sprak 1

gym 1
Legend:

● Conversion ● Initialisms

● Inversion ● Clippin

● Compounding
 Villegas 11

Works Cited

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Amod, Jamerah P., and Sitty Nor_Aisah M. Pumbaya. 2014.

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Borlongan, Ariane M. “Conyo English: Explorations of Philippine English Sociolects.” ​Contemporary

studies of Philippine English ​(2015)

​ 4 Apr. 2019,
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0n9EdVEu_qA

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Anthropology 2

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