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YPF - The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012: R E V: J U N E 2 6, 2 0 1 3
YPF - The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012: R E V: J U N E 2 6, 2 0 1 3
NOEL MAURER
GUSTAVO HERRERO
President Fernández announced the expropriation on national television. “The model is not social-
ization, clearly, but rather the recuperation of sovereignty and control over a fundamental instru-
ment,” she told an enthusiastic audience. She went on to blame Repsol for hollowing out YPF. “To
continue with this policy of tunneling, of not producing, of not exploring, would practically make our
country unviable — not for lack of resources, but due to business strategies.” The speech ended with
a passionate rebuff to angry words from Repsol and the Spanish government: “This President will
not respond to any threats, I will not respond to any outbursts, I will not echo the lack of respect and
insolent words said by others. I am a head of state and not a gangster.”3
Cheering crowds filled the Plaza de Mayo and pro-nationalization graffiti appeared on walls
around the capital. Referees in the national soccer league went so far as to don non-regulation jerseys
supporting the action. A poll taken six days later showed 62% support. Other results from the same
poll, however, showed some red flags. A 44% plurality blamed the government for recent declines in
hydrocarbon production, against 36% who blamed Repsol. Only 49% believed that the move would
benefit the economy; 47% said that it would hurt Argentina’s international image.4
President Fernández’s decision had been widely expected.5 She postponed the announcement to
attend the Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, where she hoped to receive an endorsement for
Argentina’s claim to sovereignty over the British-ruled Malvinas, known in the U.K. as the Falkland
Islands. She knew that sovereignty over Malvinas and the ownership of YPF struck a nationalist
chord in the heart of millions of Argentines. Fernández met personally with U.S. President Barack
Obama, but Obama reportedly vetoed any mention of the dispute at the Summit.6 President Fernán-
dez left early to return to Buenos Aires, declaring, “This is pointless. Why did I even come here?”7
The next day she announced the nationalization.
On May 3, 2012, the Argentine Congress approved the expropriation law with 208 votes in favor,
32 against, and 5 abstentions. Senator Maria Eugenia Estenssoro, perhaps the most vocal opponent to
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Professor Noel Maurer and Gustavo Herrero, Executive Director of the HBS Latin America Research Center (LARC), wrote this case with the
assistance of Regina Garcia-Cuellar, Senior Researcher, and Cintra Scott, Research Associate. HBS cases are developed solely as the basis for class
discussion. Cases are not intended to serve as endorsements, sources of primary data, or illustrations of effective or ineffective management.
Copyright © 2012, 2013 President and Fellows of Harvard College. To order copies or request permission to reproduce materials, call 1-800-545-
7685, write Harvard Business School Publishing, Boston, MA 02163, or go to www.hbsp.harvard.edu/educators. This publication may not be
digitized, photocopied, or otherwise reproduced, posted, or transmitted, without the permission of Harvard Business School.
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
the expropriation, ended up abstaining. “I experienced a tremendous inner struggle,” she said, “I was
adamantly opposed to the expropriation, particularly because of the way in which it was done, but I
did not want my vote to be interpreted as a defense of Repsol’s interests. I had opposed the Repsol
transaction ever since 1999, because it went against everything that my father had worked for.”8
(Senator Estenssoro’s father had led YPF after it was privatized in the early 1990s.)
The Spanish government protested vociferously and angrily. It imposed a ban on imports of Ar-
gentine biodiesel. The move bloodied the nose of an important Argentine industry: in 2011, Argenti-
na sold $990.6 million of biofuel to Spanish consumers.9 (Spain also zeroed-out aid to Argentina
worth approximately €4 million in 2011, but the cut was part of the country’s general austerity and
applied to all countries.10) The European Parliament supported Spain, passing a resolution calling for
sanctions.11 In theory, the European Union could impose sanctions against Argentina’s annual ex-
ports of $10.4 billion; in practice, the European Commission lacked the legal authority to take such a
step. On May 25, however, the European Union filed a suit at the World Trade Organization (WTO).
The suit did not directly involve the nationalization — rather, it protested Argentina’s import licens-
ing regime12 — but observers believed that the nationalization played a key role in the decision.13
Antonio Brufau, the CEO of Repsol, claimed that Repsol’s investment in YPF was worth $10.5 bil-
lion. Axel Kicillof’s initial response was incredulity. “We’re not going to pay what they say.” He later
clarified his position: “I don't know if the value is $10bn, the only thing I can say is that I don't know
how this figure was reached. They are welcome to sit down and negotiate the price.”14
Brufau needed to decide how his company would pursue its interests. The company quickly can-
celled nine liquefied natural gas (LNG) shipments due Argentina.15 The move forced the Argentine
government to buy on the spot market at a 26% premium.16 At a value of $40 million per shipment,
the damage to Argentina would reach $94 million. Under Argentina’s investment treaty with Spain,
Repsol could also take Argentina to the International Center for the Settlement of Investment Dis-
putes (ICSID), a World Bank organization that arbitrated investor-state disputes. Argentina, however,
was the only country to have ignored ICSID rulings since the body’s creation in 1965.17
On December 13, 1907, a team of geologists from the Department of Agriculture discovered oil on
the coast of Patagonia, near the town of Comodoro Rivadavia. The finding was made on federal land.
In 1911, the government placed the federal fields under the control of the Petroleum Bureau.
In 1913, Petroleum Bureau Director Luis Huergo warned that private investment would open the
way for Standard Oil (now ExxonMobil) to seize control. “Standard Oil acts like a band of cruel usu-
rious pirates, headed by an ex-clerk, who began by carrying thousands of families among his own
countrymen to ruin. Like an octopus, Standard Oil has extended its tentacles everywhere, accumulat-
ing colossal fortunes of millions of pesos on the basis of human blood and tears.”18 He was not heed-
ed, although the federal government did reserve federal lands for itself.
In 1916, Argentina held its first presidential election under universal male suffrage. Hipólito
Yrigoyen of the Radical Party won. On June 3, 1922, Yrigoyen transformed the Petroleum Bureau into
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
Yacimientos Petróleos Fiscales (YPF). YPF became the second national oil company (NOC) in histo-
ry.19 Under its first CEO, Enrique Mosconi, YPF moved downstream, building a refinery in 1923 and
a network of service stations in 1928.20 Mosconi lobbied to sell a 49% stake in YPF to the public. In his
words, it would free YPF from the “slow administrative process characteristic of state organizations.”
He also hoped that it would mobilize “the spirit of national capital, which today is not invested.”21
Mosconi failed to see his reforms enacted before the military coup of 1930 forced him into exile.
He did, however, see YPF’s production grow from 6,084 to 14,292 barrels per day, although its share
declined from 77% to 58%. Crude oil imports declined from 70% of consumption to 58%.22 After 1930,
the military government did its best to squeeze out private oil producers and refiners and enacted
restrictions on imports. Imports declined from 58% of consumption in 1930 to 25% by 1939.
A coup overthrew Perón in September 1955. The contracts were cancelled. The coup leader, Gen-
eral Pedro Aramburu, stated, “The main purpose of the revolutionary movement was the threat
looming over the oil industry.”26 In 1958, the country returned to civilian rule. President Arturo
Frondizi implemented an oil strategy not unlike Perón’s. In areas where YPF owned oil and gas re-
serves, Frondizi offered 20 to 40 year production sharing agreements. YPF signed contracts with three
foreign companies to drill 2,100 wells within four years.27
The military overthrew Frondizi in March 1962. In 1963, elections brought Arturo Illia to the pres-
idency. Illia cancelled all the contracts.28 The cancellations affected Conoco, Exxon, Marathon, Amo-
co, Unocal, and Shell. As a result, the Kennedy administration slashed economic and military aid,
and the IMF and World Bank denied the country credits. A coup overthrew Illia in June 1966. In 1967
the new government under General Juan Carlos Onganía settled with the foreign companies. Com-
panies that had found oil were compensated for the value of their initial investment, plus 15% annu-
ally on the value of that investment prior to the contract’s annulment. Payment came in the form of
dollar-denominated bonds bearing interest rates between 6.5% and 6.75% for terms ranging from
nine to 24 years.29 (The Conoco-Marathon joint venture failed to find oil and in turn requested no
compensation.30)
Onganía fell to a countercoup in 1970, and the new military regime reverted to resource national-
ism. Civilian rule returned after defeat in the 1982 war with the United Kingdom, but hydrocarbon
policy remained unclear. Production lagged demand. Price controls forced YPF into sustained loss-
es.31 YPF’s workforce bloated, growing to over 50,000 people by the end of the 1980s.
Carlos Menem won the 1989 election. Menem issued a decree changing YPF’s service contracts in-
to 25-year concessions, with a 12% royalty for provincial governments and no special oil taxes. (Pre-
viously, YPF purchased oil produced under service contracts at a fixed price.) The decree also forced
YPF to sell all its secondary (low-production) areas.32 The secondary areas attracted $244.6 million in
investment. Although they produced only 6% of Argentina’s crude, they proved profitable, earning
an annual return on investment averaging 24% between 1991 and 1997. They also proved risky: four-
teen earned phenomenal returns, but eight out of the 28 areas lost money, and an additional four
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
earned less than 10%.33 In valuing secondary areas before putting them out to bid, YPF used a 20%
discount rate (in dollars).34
Menem’s then partially privatized YPF. In 1990, he allowed YPF to sell unprofitable refineries,
service stations, and export terminals. Under José Estenssoro’s leadership, YPF raised $2.3 billion
while reducing its payroll from 51,000 in December 1990 to 8,000 in December 1993. (YPF’s produc-
tion share dropped from 98% to 43%.)35 In 1993, Menem sold 58.3% of YPF to the public. The federal
government retained a 20.3% stake, including a “golden share” that gave it a right of veto. The prov-
inces retained 11.2% and 10% was distributed to the company’s employees. The federal government
earned $3.04 billion from the sale, of which it used $1.7 billion to cover part of YPF’s retirement obli-
gations.36
Estenssoro remained CEO after the privatization, and expanded into other American countries,
acquiring Maxus Energy Corporation of Dallas for $740 million in 1995.37 He also invested in explora-
tion and development (E&D). Estenssoro died in a plane accident in Ecuador, in 1995, while visiting
oil companies. Gas de Estado, meanwhile, was divided into two transportation and eight distribution
companies, which were then privatized. Oil and gas production soared, and the country became a net
exporter of both products.38 By 1999, 16.4% of YPF’s production came from outside Argentina, as did
38% of its $5.5 billion in revenues. Oil breakeven prices fell from $11 per barrel in 1995 to only $7 in
1999. “We now act like an American company,” said Estenssoro’s successor, Roberto Monti.39
Repsol’s goal was to turn itself into an integrated international oil company. Prior to 1996, Repsol
owned five Spanish refineries, a chain of service stations, and a 91% stake in a Spanish natural gas
distributor. Between 1996 and 1999, Repsol bought service stations in Ecuador, Peru, and Argentina.
In 1997, it bought a majority stake in PlusPetrol Energy, which owned 60% of Argentina’s largest gas
field.42 From Repsol’s point of view, the YPF acquisition was an easy and relatively inexpensive way
into the upstream portion of the industry. It bought the company at a price of $4.65 per barrel, rather
less than the $7.40 that BP Amoco offered Arco around the same time, and significantly less than the
$8.00 per barrel that Exxon paid for Mobil. With YPF, the company leaped into 7th place in oil produc-
tion and refining and 8th in terms of oil and gas reserves.43 Repsol financed the deal with debt: its
debt-to-equity ratio went from 38% to 70%.44
The price of the transaction was set at $33.14 per share, totaling $2.235 million. The payment terms
were the following:
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
x $1,018,850,000 in cash, which PESA obtained from a syndicated loan agreement led by Credit
Suisse International with Goldman Sachs, BNP Paribas, and Banco Itau Europa.
x $201,150,000 through the transfer of undistributed 2006 dividends in YPF ceded by Repsol to
PESA.
x $1,015,000,000 through a vendor`s loan agreement signed by the parties. The vendor’s loan
was extended for ten years and contemplated an interest rate of 8.12% per annum until May
15, 2013, and 7.0% per annum thereafter. It was subordinated to the syndicated loan cited
above.
On the same day, the parties signed an agreement that awarded the Eskenazi family an option to
acquire a further 10.1% in YPF through PESA or through any company controlled by them. The price
at which the option could be exercised resulted from a company value of $15 billion minus any divi-
dends paid out between the signature date and the execution date, plus any capital additions made
during that period. The option was valid for four years from the signature date.
Subject to the Eskenazi family’s request, Repsol would finance up to 48% of the option price under
the same conditions as the vendor’s loan above. Repsol and PESA also signed a shareholders agree-
ment attached to the stock purchase agreement, which established, among other stipulations:
a) YPF would distribute 90% of its net profits by way of dividends to the shareholders for a
period of ten years starting in 2008.
b) A board member representing PESA would be appointed executive vice-president and
CEO of YPF at the upcoming shareholders meeting. It established that Sebastián Eskenazi
would be the first PESA representative to be appointed to that position. A chief operating
officer (COO) would be appointed among the board members representing Repsol.
The deal was subject to the approval of the CNDC, Argentina`s anti-trust agency. The share pur-
chase agreement established that any controversies between the parties would be resolved by arbitra-
tion of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), in New York City, with hearings held in Span-
ish. The loans were collateralized by Petersen’s holdings of YPF stock. Some observers believed that
Repsol brought the Eskenazis on-board for political reasons. Nicolás Gadano, an economist who spe-
cialized on the history of oil in Argentina, suggested that Repsol viewed the Eskenazis as “experts in
regulated markets.”47 “Without the Eskenazis, hydrocarbon prices would likely have been even more
controlled,” suggested Sebastián Scheimberg, an energy analyst.48 Oscar Vignart, former President of
Dow Argentina, called the Eskenazi deal an “insurance policy” for Repsol.49
On May 19, 2011, a few months before the option expired, PEISA (an affiliate of PESA) acquired
10.56% of YPF for $1.34 billion. A consortium of banks formed by Banco Itau, Standard Bank, Credit
Suisse, and Citi provided PEISA with a loan for $670 million, with Repsol providing the financing for
the remaining 50%. The terms were the same as those of the 2008 transaction, with PEISA posting its
YPF shares as collateral.
Between 1999 and 2011, YPF experienced a 42.5% drop in oil production and a 31% drop in gas.
YPF`s market share fell from 40% to 34% in oil and from 32% to 23% in gas. YPF performed relatively
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
well in financial terms. Margins averaged 14.4%. The new management transferred most of YPF’s
international assets to Repsol in Spain. After a severe dip during 2002, YPF’s sales increased almost
monotonically, to US$13.8 billion by 2011. See Exhibit 1a for YPF’s selected financial and operating
data in the 1999-2011 period and Exhibit 1b for similar data for Repsol.
The dividend payout ratio was equivalent to 98.1% of net income, reaching a total of $16.9 billion,
of which Repsol collected $15.0 billion. The company`s indebtedness throughout the period grew
275%. “Repsol paid high dividends to finance its debt,” said a former Secretary of Energy. See Exhibit
2 for comparables of dividend payout ratios of other companies. Repsol did not pass the dividends to
its shareholders. Rather, it acquired oil assets in other regions of the world. Axel Kicillof character-
ized Repsol’s policy as treating YPF as a “dairy cow that they were going to milk until dead.”50 See
Exhibit 3 for Repsol`s ownership structure and Exhibit 1b for its dividend payout.
Oil production peaked in 1998. Between 1999 and 2011, oil production in Argentina dropped
27.2%, while YPF`s production dropped 38.5%. In gas, the country`s production peaked in 2004 with
52.2 billion cubic meters, a 28% increase vis-à-vis 1999, after which it fell, for a modest 11.7% increase
for the 1999-2011 period. YPF, on the other hand, experienced a drop of 18.1% over the same period.
See Exhibit 4 for the evolution of oil and gas production in Argentina and at YPF.
Argentina’s energy crisis began with the devaluation of the peso in January 2002. The Argentine
government reacted by freezing gas rates, in order to protect consumers suffering through an eco-
nomic downturn considerably worse than the Great Depression. “With 50% underemployment, it
was impossible to raise gas rates,” said Senator María Eugenia Estenssoro of the opposition Civic
Coalition.51 The fall in the peso, however, meant that the wholesale dollar price of gas sold in Argen-
tina fell from US$1.15 per MMBTU to 40¢. The price of gas sold to residential customers fell from
US$1.88 to 66¢.52 By 2011, the government raised the cap to US$2.50, but the law required producers
to sell part of their output to households and small retailers at prices between 30¢ and 50¢. Large
industrial users paid between 50¢ and $2.50.53
The result was a gas shortage. In March 2004, as the southern hemisphere winter began, gas com-
panies cut supplies by a fifth to 20 large industrial customers. The Argentine government mandated
that the companies satisfy domestic demand before exporting. Exports dropped 35% almost immedi-
ately. By the end of the month, they were down 47%. Exports slowly climbed again, but the Argen-
tine government declared its export limitations daily.54 In May 2005 the Argentines once again
slashed exports in response to domestic shortfalls.55 In 2006, Argentina cut exports altogether for two
weeks. In an attempt to discourage exports in a less unpredictable manner, in July 2006 Buenos Aires
raised export taxes from 20% to 45%.56
The government also imposed a 20% export tax on oil in 2001. The aim was to drive a wedge be-
tween the domestic price and the international price. It raised the tax to 45% in 2004. In 2007, the
Kirchner administration introduced the concept of “mobile withholding taxes.” The system worked
as follows. Export taxes rose progressively with the price of oil to a rate of 45% when the oil price
reached $42 per barrel. At that point, exporters would receive $42 × 55% or $23.10 per barrel. When
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
the price was between $42 and $60.90, the export tax would be fixed at $18.90 per barrel, and the price
received by exporters would rise from $23.10 to $42. Above $60.90, a marginal tax of 100% would kick
in, capping the price received by Argentine producers on crude exports at $42 per barrel.57 Domestic
oil prices were somewhat higher than the export cap, but the effect was to limit the realized price of
crude received by YPF (before domestic taxes and royalties) to $56 per barrel in 2011, half the world
price.58 The scheme applied to gasoline, fuel oil, and gasoil as well as crude.59
As a consequence of the price freeze on utilities, natural gas was sold for $2.65 per BTU, while the
production cost in Argentina was $2.84 per BTU, in January 2012, the cost of imported gas from Bo-
livia was $10.7 per BTU and the cost of imports from other sources added up to $19.71 per BTU.60
The distortion in oil and gas prices discouraged investment in exploration and development. Ar-
gentina’s proven oil and gas reserves experienced a drop of 34% between 1999 and 2011, with YPF’s
reserves dropping more than twice that figure. See Exhibit 5 for the evolution of reserves.
Subsidies
The Argentine government realized that low prices would depress investment. As a result, it es-
tablished a wide variety of subsidy programs to compensate producers, refiners, and distributors.
“Petróleo Plus” granted tax credits to companies that committed to pre-specified targets for increases
in production and reserves. Qualifying companies could rebate between 55% and 70% of their export
tax payments. In 2010, the program contributed over US$200 million to YPF’s earnings.61 Total energy
subsidies rose from ₱4.0 billion in 2006 to ₱45.8 billion in 2011. (See Exhibit 6.) In February 2012, the
government suspended the Petróleo Plus scheme, stating that it had become unaffordable. According
to Juan José Aranguren, the President of Shell Argentina, the end of Petróleo Plus caused Pan-
American Energy’s revenues to drop by $45 million per month.62 Shell refused to participate in the
program, believing it unsustainable.
Despite the subsidies, declining production put pressure on Argentina’s balance of payments. The
country became a net importer of energy in 2011. (See Exhibit 7 and Exhibit 8.) The current account
surplus disappeared in 2011, and looked set to turn sharply negative in 2012 — driven by the increas-
ing energy deficit. The government could allow the exchange rate to fall, but that risked more infla-
tion, which was already generating a great deal of anger, including accusations from normally credi-
ble sources that the government was faking the numbers. The government could defend the exchange
rate by spending central bank reserves, but those reserves were not unlimited.
The Fernández administration, therefore, chose to impose controls on foreign exchange. Business-
es had to apply to import licenses and Argentines desiring to go overseas were subject to limits on the
amount of dollars they could take out of country. Police teams with specially-trained dogs patrolled
the borders looking for dollar smugglers; similar teams cracked down on illegal dollar-dealers oper-
ating in the streets of the capital city. (They accidently arrested a Brazilian couple carrying two thou-
sand dollars on their persons, which was not illegal.) The import license regime became the legal
basis for a European suit at the WTO against Argentina following the YPF nationalization.
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
Shale oil (also called “tight oil”) was produced by hydraulic fracking. In fracking, simplified, a
vertical well was drilled to a specific depth and turned horizontal through the shale. After that, ex-
plosives were blasted into the rock and pressurized fluid pumped in to break it up further and liber-
ate the hydrocarbons. Shale oil wells had hyperbolic decline rates. A typical well in Texas initially
produced 900 barrels per day, declining to 200 by the end of the first year, and well under 100 by five
years. Wells were generally spaced at 160 acres. YPF prospected 428 square kilometers, or 661 160-
acre blocks. A back-of-the-envelope calculation suggested that Argentina’s production could rise by
more than 314,000 barrels per day if the fields were fully developed.65 Costs, however, were high.
Operating costs in shale plays in Texas were around $8 per barrel, with $10 a likely estimate for Ar-
gentina. Capital costs were even higher: wells cost about $12 million in Argentina.66 Total production
costs were likely to range as high as $56 per barrel.
The situation began to change in 1958, when the New York Convention pledged signatories to
recognize and enforce foreign arbitration decisions in their domestic legal systems.67 Then, in 1965,
the Washington Convention created ICSID.68 Under ICSID rules, a foreign investor could take a gov-
ernment to arbitration under the terms of a bilateral investment treaty (BIT), clauses in its investment
contract, or domestic law. The two parties chose the arbitrators. If two parties failed to agree, each
party would appoint one arbitrator, and the Secretary-General of ICSID would choose the third.69
(Concession contracts often specified non-ICSID forums, but the general rules were similar.)
The tribunal, once constituted, accepted arguments from both parties and rendered a decision. If it
found for the government, then the process would end. If it found for the claimant, the tribunal
would decide upon the amount of compensation. The general aim was to leave the claimant in the
same economic position that it would have had absent the dispute. When market values were availa-
ble, arbitrators could take them into account. More commonly tribunals attempted to calculate the net
present value of future cash flows in order to value compensation. Both methods required difficult
decisions. Arbitrators needed to decide on the appropriate time to value the investment and an ap-
propriate discount rate. Tribunals had no explicit requirement to follow precedents.
Should the tribunal find for the claimant, the government could attempt to annul the decision.
Annulments were not appeals. Article 52 of the Washington Convention laid out the grounds: (1)
improper selection of the tribunal; (2) manifest overstepping of its powers; (3) corruption; (4) viola-
tion of a fundamental procedural rule; or (5) failure to explain the reasoning behind the award. The
Secretary-General was responsible for choosing whether to appoint a panel to decide on annulment.
Arbitrations generally lasted four to five years. Some BITs required a year or more of negotiation
or the use of local courts before beginning the process. Arbitrations also tended to be rather expen-
sive. Exxon Mobil and Venezuela, for example, respectively spent $24.9 million and $18.5 million in
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
legal expenses, plus $2.7 million for the cost of the tribunal.70 It was standard, however, for judg-
ments to accrue interest retroactively to the beginning of the dispute, in order to compensate victori-
ous claimants for delay.
If a government refused to pay, claimants had to go to national courts to collect. Embassies, consu-
lates, military assets, and central bank reserves, however, were not subject to attachment. In 2007
claimants against Argentina attempted to attach the presidential jet when it landed in the United
States; a U.S. court dismissed that case, since the jet was registered to the Argentine Air Force.71 In
2011, the Argentine embassy in France briefly had to pay its employees in cash after a judge attached
its accounts on behalf of investors, but the Court of Cassation rapidly overturned the decision.72
Other government assets were vulnerable to legal action. Claimants could receive worldwide
freezing orders (also known as “Mareva injunctions”) that would prevent the government from re-
moving, spending or dissipating expropriated assets (including inventory). Claimants could also go
after the assets of state-owned corporations. In 2003 the Paris Court of Appeals allowed the attach-
ment of assets belonging to the Congolese and Cameroonian national oil companies, even though
they were not directly involved in the disputes.73 Courts in the United States and United Kingdom
allowed similar moves against state-owned companies in cases against Cuba and Nigeria.74
Claimants could go also to their home governments to enforce judgments via sanctions. In March
2009, an ICSID panel refused to annul a $165.2 million (plus interest) judgment against Argentina
favor of Azurix Corp., a Texas-based water company. In September 2009, Azurix filed a petition with
the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR). A second company, CMS Gas, received a $133.2 million (plus
interest) judgment against Argentina, which it sold for $54 million to Blue Ridge Investments (a sub-
sidiary of Bank of America).75 The new owners joined Azurix in appealing to the USTR. In September
2011, President Barack Obama announced that Argentina “has not acted in good faith in enforcing
arbitral awards in favor of U.S. owned companies.”76 The administration declared that the U.S.
would vote against all credits for Argentina, beginning with a $230 million loan from the Inter-
American Development Bank, until it paid Azurix and Blue Ridge.77 In April 2012, President Obama
used his authority under the Trade Act of 1974 to suspend Argentina’s “Generalized System of Pref-
erences” (GSP). The action hit $477 million in Argentine exports, costing exporters (chiefly cheese,
candy, and leather goods) $17 million per year.78
Very few countries defaulted on ICSID judgments.79 The Russian Federation refused to pay Franz
Sedelmayer, a German national, a $2.4 million judgment in 1998 after it seized a villa on which
Sedelmayer had a 25-year lease.80 Sedelmayer was unable to attach overflight fees paid by Russia to
Germany but he did take possession of real estate owned in Cologne by the Russian security services
— which produced rental revenue of $348,000 per year.81 Recently, Kyrgyzstan, Thailand, and Zim-
babwe all delayed payments; the Kyrgyz and Thai governments eventually paid. (German courts
seized a Thai airplane in 2011.) As of November 2011, only three states (Argentina, Russia, and Zim-
babwe) had outstanding payment issues.82
Argentina at ICSID
The 2002 price freeze and “pesification” of utility rates (and other contracts) provoked a wave of
ICSID cases against Argentina. The result was a record 47 cases against a single country. All of these
cases involved claims resulting from the economic crisis. As of June 2012, 18 claims were still pend-
ing. (See Exhibit 9.)
Argentina did not fare badly at arbitration. Fourteen claims were settled. The settlements general-
ly involved negotiated rate hikes in return for dropping the claim. (The exception was Unisys’s con-
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
tract to overhaul IT systems used by the Argentine judiciary. Argentina cancelled the contract after
the crisis and Unisys sued for $55 million. The two parties agreed to an $8 million settlement, but as
of June 2012 the Argentine government made no move to pay.) Argentina won an additional five
cases outright. Two more were annulled on technical grounds by ICSID panels. The D.C. Court of
Appeals vacated a third case because BG Group, a British oil and gas company, had not followed a
requirement in the U.K.-Argentina BIT that it pursue remedies in the Argentine courts for 18 months
before going to arbitration.
By mid-2012, Argentina had lost four cases from the 2001 crisis totaling $322.5 million — $330.5
million if the $8 million Unisys settlement was included. In addition, the country owed $105 million
for a case brought in 1996 by a consortium of the Compañía de Aguas del Aconquija and Vivendi Uni-
versal, making a total of $435.5 million in unpaid judgments. The Argentine government claimed that
Article 54 of the Washington Convention required companies to collect their awards through the
Argentine court system. (See Exhibit 10.) No claimant, however, accepted the Argentine interpreta-
tion. They worried that using Argentine courts to collect would obviate the purpose of international
arbitration and open them up to the potential for politicized justice.83
The new management declared that it would no longer pay dividends in order to use the funds
for capital investment. The Eskenazi family, in turn, on June 3 defaulted on its debts to Repsol and
the bank consortium that had lent them the money for their stake. Ironically, the Eskenazi default
increased the Spanish company’s remained share from 6.4% to 12.4%, as Repsol took possession of
the shares that the Eskenazis had pledged as collateral.84 The banks took control of the rest of the
Eskenazis’ 25% share.
On June 2, Axel Kicillof and Planning Minister Julio de Vido announced that YPF’s oil production
was up 4.2% and gas 10.2% since the nationalization.85 Part of the rise came from greater effort. The
government added 14 drill rigs to the 8 engaged in workover activity to maintain wells at the time of
the nationalization. The end result would be 130 more new wells and 400 more repairs by the end of
the 2012 than would have occurred under Repsol’s policy.86 Aranguren of Shell Argentina, however,
pointed out that much of the rise was in upstream production. “Refineries in Argentina maximize
their profits. Since the relative prices of various products change, that is not always the same thing as
maximizing the volume of production. It is possible to optimize production based on volume.”87
On June 6, Galuccio announced that YPF would invest $7 billion per year for five years. “We need
to be realistic,” he cautioned. “Although I'd like to be able to double the production of gas and fuel
overnight, I'm not a magician. In this industry, every extra barrel requires investment, technology,
and above all, hard work.” Galuccio aimed to increase production 6% per year over the period, start-
ing with 1,000 new wells in 2013, a drilling level unmatched since 1996. Specifically, Galuccio
planned spend $1.36 billion to drill 132 shale oil wells and 14 natural gas wells in the Vaca Muerta
area.88 It was not clear, however, where YPF would get the necessary resources. Galuccio announced
that he intended to look for international partners.
On June 15, President Fernández announced “the good news that Carlos Slim has bought 8% of
YPF.”89 The Mexican telecoms mogul and multi-billionaire acquired 8.4% of YPF on June 15, worth
$345 million at current prices.90 Miguel Galuccio called it “a clear signal to the international financial
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
market that they see YPF as a solid company with good growth potential.”91 Slim’s eponymous son,
however, confirmed that “the acquisition was not a share purchase, but rather the exercise of a finan-
cial guarantee.”92 Slim had founded Inbursa, a Mexican bank which partially financed the Eskenazis’
stake in YPF. The Eskenazis turned over 25.9 million shares to Inbursa as collateral, which made up
the lion’s share of Slim’s holding of 32.9 million shares.93
The Argentine government discussed partnering with Total, Petrobras, Chevron, ConocoPhillips,
ExxonMobil, and Apache. At the end of May, plans were floated to invest $20.3 billion in new shale
gas investments in the Vaca Muerta fields, with an ultimate production of 11 mcf94 per day. Eleven
different companies — Chevron, ConocoPhillips, Ecopetrol, EOG, ExxonMobil, Shell, Sinopec, Statoil,
Talisman, Vale do Río Doce, and Venoco — discussed drilling more than 12,000 wells. ConocoPhillips
and Talisman were expected to jointly put in about $4.3 billion.95 As of June 25, however, no formal
commitments had been announced. On June 19, the Argentine government invited Gazprom to in-
vest in YPF operations after a meeting between President Fernández and Vladimir Putin at the G-20
summit in Los Cabos, Mexico, but concrete details were scarce.96
Repsol filed a lawsuit against the Argentine government in the U.S. District Court in Manhattan,
presided over by Judge Thomas Griesa. The complaint accused Argentina of violating its pledge to
tender for all Class D shares of YPF if it ever took back control of the company. “Argentina's failure to
launch a tender offer despite having retaken control over YPF constitutes a breach of its contractual
obligations to other shareholders,” read the complaint.97
Repsol also sent letters to other major international oil companies, including ExxonMobil, Chev-
ron, ConocoPhillips, and Shell, indicating that it would defend its claim to its assets. The letter stated
that Repsol would sue if any of them invested in YPF or YPF assets, or otherwise took actions “preju-
dicing Repsol’s ability to fully defend and recover its rights,” in the words of the letter.98 “It wasn’t a
threat so much as a statement,” said Juan José Aranguren. “I do not believe that any company will
deal with the Argentine government or the nationalized assets without some sort of guarantee.”99 In
July, YPF’s new management and the Argentine government discussed the possibility of investment
from Exxon Mobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, and Apache: reportedly all four insisted on legal guar-
antees that would protect their investments, allow them to export, and insure that they could freely
repatriate profits.100
Decisions
President Fernández faced difficult decisions in the wake of the nationalization. The move was
popular with the Argentine public, but had not produced the hoped-for bump in the President’s ap-
proval ratings. (See Exhibit 11.) She needed to figure out how she could now leverage her control
over YPF into greater oil and gas production in both the short and long run. Some observers hoped
that the nationalization might give her political cover to make more fundamental energy reforms.
“They might say, ‘Now that we have thrown out Repsol, we have to make sacrifices,’” suggested
Gustavo Petracchi.101 Senator Estenssoro, however, believed this unlikely.102
The questions were legion. Should President Fernández take the opportunity to reform? Could a
nationally-controlled YPF invest more? Could it find partners to develop Argentina’s immense re-
serves of unconventional shale oil and gas? Would other companies be willing to invest in a country
that had just nationalized one of its largest foreign investors? Should she offer compensation, and if
so, how much?
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
Repsol’s Brufau had an equally difficult set of decisions to make. The Argentina-Spain BIT re-
quired a six-month period of negotiation followed by 18 months in Argentine courts before ICSID
arbitration could start. The Spanish government seemed willing to defend its corporate interests, but
it was not clear what Spain could do without the cooperation of the European Union, and it was not
clear that the European Union could act without proper legal authorization. Should Repsol cooperate
with the Argentine authorities or adopt a confrontational stance? If the latter, how far should it go in
using the legal and political tools available to it?
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
End of Year FX AR$ per USD 4.30 3.97 3.81 3.45 3.14 3.07 3.03
Net Income in USD million 1,232 1,458 915 1,055 1,301 1,452 1,761
Accumulated NI in USD mill 1999-2011 16,882
Repsol Dividends in USD million 971 840 964 2,019 752 769 1,610
Accum Repsol Divs in USD mm 1999-2011 14,969
Dividend Payout Ratio 105.1% 76.8% 140.5% 255.1% 57.8% 53.0% 91.4%
Total Dividend Payout Ratio 1999-2011 98.1%
Net margin 1999-2011 14.4%
End of Year FX AR$ per USD 2.97 2.93 3.37 1.00 1.00 1.00
Net Income in USD million 1,642 1,580 992 1,788 1,229 477
Repsol Dividends in USD million 1,788 1,020 11 3,604 311 311
Dividend Payout Ratio 108.9% 64.6% 1.1% 201.6% 25.3% 65.2%
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
End of Year FX € per US$ 0.77 0.75 0.70 0.71 0.68 0.76 0.84
Net Income in US$ mm 2,840 6,220 2,234 3,602 4,695 4,125 3,695
Accumulated NI in US$ mm 1999-2011 39,500
Accum divs paid out in US$ mm 1999-2011 14,969
Dividend Payout Ratio 58.5% 12.4% 83.0% 39.1% 16.0% 26.4% 21.8%
Total Dividend Payout Ratio 32.9%
Net margin 1999-2011 5.0%
Source: Income and cash flow statement and balance sheet data from Repsol’s annual reports posted online at repsol.com for
2011-2004. Earlier reports found via 20-F filings with the SEC, online at sec.gov. Note that Repsol delisted its ADRs
from the NYSE in February 2011 so it was no longer required to adhere to the SEC’s reporting obligations for its 2010
and 2011 annual reports. FX rates from oanda.com. Calculations made by casewriters for accumulated net income and
payout ratios.
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
Dividends as % of
Dividends Net Income Net Income
Exxon Mobil 8,498 30,460 27.9%
BP 2,627 (3,719) NM
Shell 9,584 20,127 47.6%
Petrobras 9,415 35,189 26.8%
YPF 4,444 5,790 76.8%
15
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
1000
900 45%
800
43%
700
National crude oil in
600 41% 1000s of bpd
500 YPF in 1000s of bpd
39%
400
300 37% YPF as % of national
oil (right axis)
200
35%
100
0 33%
1980 1990 2000 2010
50 90%
45
80%
40
35 70%
National natural gas
30 in billion cf
60%
25 YPF in billion cf
50%
20
15 YPF as % of national
40% gas (right axis)
10
30%
5
0 20%
1980 1990 2000 2010
16
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
17
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
Source: Transportation, energy and public enterprises from Carta Energética Año IV. Volumen Nº 12, Marzo 2012, p. 2. Other
data from http://www.iee.org.ar/analis-sep-2011.pdf.
Source: Adapted from Carta Energética Año IV. Volumen Nº 12, Marzo 2012, p. 3.
18
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
Source: 2006-11 from the Economist Intelligence Unit. 2012 estimates from Carta Energética Año IV. Volumen Nº 12, Marzo
2012, p. 3.
19
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
20
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
Sources: Latin Arbitration Law, http://www.latinarbitrationlaw.com/argentina; United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD), http://archive.unctad.org/iia-dbcases/cases.aspx; Lucy Reed, “Scorecard of Investment
Treaty Cases Against Argentina Since 2001,” Kluwer Arbitration Blog, March 2, 2009, available at
http://kluwerarbitrationblog.com/blog/2009/03/02/scorecard-of-investment-treaty-cases-against-argentina-since-
2001, accessed May 7, 2013; Luke Peterson, "Round-Up: Where things stand with Argentina and its many investment
treaty arbitrations," Investment Arbitration Reporter, December 17, 2008. Available at
http://www.iareporter.com/articles/20090929_15, accessed May 7, 2013; Luke Peterson, "Argentina by the numbers:
where things stand with investment treaty claims arising out of the Argentine financial crisis," Investment Arbitration
Reporter, February 1, 2011. Available at http://www.iareporter.com/articles/20110201_9, accessed May 7, 2013;
Investment Treaty Arbitration, “New Awards, Decisions and Materials,” available at
http://italaw.com/alphabetical_list_respondant.htm; and International Investment Arbitration and Public Policy,
http://www.iiapp.org/search.
Applicable Law
(1) The Tribunal shall apply the rules of law designated by the parties as applicable to the
substance of the dispute. Failing such designation by the parties, the Tribunal shall apply (a)
the law determined by the conflict of laws rules which it considers applicable and (b) such
rules of international law as the Tribunal considers applicable.
(2) The Tribunal may decide ex aequo et bono if the parties have expressly authorized it
to do so and if the law applicable to the arbitration so permits.
Source: Article 54 of the Washington Convention, available at http://icsid.worldbank.org/ICSID/StaticFiles/facility/partD-
chap09.htm, accessed on June 13, 2012.
Note: “Ex aequo et bono” is a Latin phrase meaning “according to the right and good.” In the context of arbitration, it refers
to the power of the arbitrators to make decisions based on what they believe to be fair and equitable.
21
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80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
Note: The vertical grey line is the date of President Fernández’s re-election. She won with 54.1% of the vote, ten points less
than her approval rating.
22
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
Endnotes
1 The complete text of the national decree can be found at “El decreto de la expropiación de YPF,” available via
Perfil.com, online at http://www.perfil.com/contenidos/2012/04/16/noticia_0022.html, accessed June 2013.
2 The hydrocarbon-producing provinces were Formosa, Jujuy, Salta, Mendoza, La Pampa, Neuquén, Río Ne-
http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1465470-cristina-somos-el-unico-pais-que-no-maneja-sus-recursos-naturales,
accessed June 2013.
4 “YPF: el 62% apoya la estatización,” La Nación, April 22, 2012, available at
http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1467219-ypf-el-62-apoya-la-estatizacion, accessed June 2013.
5 Jude Webber and Miles Johnson, “Argentina pulls back over YPF seizure,” Financial Times, April 13, 2012.
6 “Obama confirms at the summit US neutrality on the Falklands/Malvinas question,” MercoPress, April 16,
2012, available at http://en.mercopress.com/2012/04/16/obama-confirms-at-the-summit-us-neutrality-on-the-
falklands-malvinas-question, accessed June 2013.
7 “Cristina Fernandez abandons summit with no declaration on Falklands/Malvinas,” MercoPress, April 15,
2012, available at http://en.mercopress.com/2012/04/15/cristina-fernandez-abandons-summit-with-no-
declaration-on-falklands-malvinas, accessed June 2013.
8 Interview with Senator Maria Eugenia Estenssoro, May 30, 2012.
9 Martin Roberts, “Spain targets Argentine biodiesel in YPF reprisal,” Reuters, April 20, 2012, available at
http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/international_law/2012/05/eu-brings-wto-dispute-against-argentina.html,
accessed June 2013.
13 “EU agrees to file a trade suit with WTO against Argentina’s import restrictions,” MercoPress, May 15,
23
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713-029 YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012
19
The first was the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, today BP. Created in 1908, the British government pur-
chased a majority stake in 1913. See “Business: The Company File: From Anglo-Persian Oil to BP Amoco,” BBC,
August 11, 1998, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/149259.stm, accessed June 2013.
20Mosconi convinced Congress to issue $10.5 million in foreign debt ($112 million in 2011 dollars) which
were then loaned to YPF. YPF then signed a construction contract for a refinery with Bethlehem Steel. (YPF rap-
idly repaid the government.) Mosconi, it should be added, did not hesitate to use political power against YPF’s
competitors. In 1924, President Marcelo T. de Alvear issued a decree that reserved all federal land for YPF. He
was less successful at gaining access to provincial reserves: Salta, for example, preferred to deal with foreign
investors, which it believed would be willing to pay higher-royalties than the federal company. See Carl Solberg,
“Entrepreneurship in Public Enterprise: General Enrique Mosconi and the Argentine Petroleum Industry,” Busi-
ness History Review, Vol. 56, No. 3 (Autumn, 1982), pp. 380-99: 386-87 and 390.
21 Quoted in Solberg, “Entrepreneurship in Public Enterprise: General Enrique Mosconi and the Argentine
24
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YPF — The Argentine Oil Nationalization of 2012 713-029
37Calvin Sims, “José Estenssoro, 61, Who Led Oil Privatization in Argentina.” The New York Times, May 5,
1995, online at http://www.nytimes.com/1995/05/05/obituaries/jose-estenssoro-61-who-led-oil-privatization-
in-argentina.html, accessed June 2013.
38 Nicolás Gadano, “Urgency and Betrayal,” pp. 378-79.
39Cate Reavis, “Argentina’s YPF Sociedad Anónima (E): A New Era,” HBS Case 9-300-028, October 21, 1999,
pp. 1-2.
40 The Financial Times, November 5, 1998, p. 31.
41 Sang-Hyun Yi, p. 165.
42 “Argentina: Energy,” Cambridge International Forecasts Country Report (July 1999).
43 Cate Reavis, “Argentina’s YPF Sociedad Anónima (E): A New Era,” HBS Case 9-300-028, October 21, 1999,
p. 1.
44 Cate Reavis, “Argentina’s YPF Sociedad Anónima (E): A New Era,” HBS Case 9-300-028, October 21, 1999,
p. 3.
45 Information in this section has been largely drawn from the Share Purchase Agreement signed between
Repsol and Petersen Energia S.A., filed before the Comisión Nacional de Valores (Argentine SEC equivalent) at
www.cnv.gob.ar.
46 Source: http://www.bancosantacruz.com/inst_nuestra.html, accessed on June 9, 2012
47 Interview with Nicolás Gadano, May 29, 2012
48 Interview with Sebastián Scheimberg, May 29, 2012.
49 Interview with Oscar Vignart, May 29, 2012.
50 Jude Webber, “Repsol keeps seat on YPF board,” Financial Times, June 5, 2012, available at
http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/29e3655a-ae92-11e1-b842-00144feabdc0.html#axzz1yb9GUqow.
51 Interview with María Estenssoro, May 31, 2012.
52 http://www.oxfordenergy.org/pdfs/NG7.pdf, p. 16.
53 Anish Kapadia, Matt Portillo, Shola Labinjo and Hubert van der Heijden, “A Deep Dive into South Ameri-
can E&P, Argentina: Change is in the wind,” Tudor, Pickering, Holt & Co., May 2011, p. 14.
54 http://www.oxfordenergy.org/pdfs/NG7.pdf, p. 36.
55 http://www.stratfor.com/argentinas_cutbacks_and_chiles_energy_future. Accessed September 2009.
56 The Encyclopedia of Earth. “Energy Profile of Chile.” Information on energy in Chile, 2008.
http://www.eoearth.org/article/Energy_profile_of_Chile. Accessed February 2009.
57 Juan Antonio Zapata, “Oil and Gas in Argentina,” Paper presented at the Conference on Oil and Gas in
can E&P, Argentina: Change is in the wind,” Tudor, Pickering, Holt & Co., May 2011, p. 14.
59 Source: http://www.ecoportal.net/Temas_Especiales/Energias/petroleo_gas_y_crisis_energetica_en
_argentina_2003_2007_algunos_aportes_desde_el_marxismo_ecologico, accessed on June 15, 2012
60 Alieto Guadagni, “Presente y Futuro del Gas en Argentina,” Econometrica, February 2012.
25
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61
Anish Kapadia, Matt Portillo, Shola Labinjo and Hubert van der Heijden, “A Deep Dive into South Ameri-
can E&P, Argentina: Change is in the wind,” Tudor, Pickering, Holt & Co., May 2011, p. 20.
62 Interview with Juan Josè Aranguren, June 1, 2012.
63
“YPF announces a billion barrels shale-oil discovery in Argentina,” MercoPress, November 8, 2011, online
at http://en.mercopress.com/2011/11/08/ypf-announces-a-billion-barrels-shale-oil-discovery-in-argentina,
accessed June 2013.
64See Clifford Krauss, “Argentina Hopes for a Big Payoff in Its Shale Oil Field Discovery,” New York Times,
July 4, 2011.
65 Noel Maurer, “Argentina beats a dead cow, and finds oil,” January 31, 2012, post on blog “The Power and
http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/feaf971e-14f4-11e1-b9b8-00144feabdc0.html#axzz1yjJKfF2u (subscription
required), accessed June 2013.
67
The New York Convention is formally known as the Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of
Foreign Arbitral Awards.
68
The Washington Convention is formally known as the International Convention for the Settlement of In-
vestment Disputes.
69 ICSID Convention, Regulation and Rules (April 2006), Articles 9 and 10, pp. 14-15.
70 Noel Maurer, The Empire Trap (Princeton: Princeton, New Jersey, 2013), p. 424.
71 Michele Colella and Denise Dussault v. The Republic of Argentina, F.Supp.2d, 2007 WL 1545204
(N.D.Cal.).
Arrêt n° 867 du 28 septembre 2011 (09-72.057) - Cour de cassation – Première chambre civile. Deman-
72
lateral Organization Enhancing a Bilateral Treaty Regime,” Paper prepared for the 2006 Annual Meeting of the
Midwest Political Science Association in Chicago, IL, April 14, 2006, p. 9. Kazakhstan delayed paying a 2003 judg-
ment worth $9.9 million to AIG Capital Partners, but it eventually settled.
26
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80 Alan Alexandroff and Ian Laird, “Compliance and Enforcement” (Chapter 29), The Oxford Handbook of In-
ternational Investment Law, (Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 1183, online at http://alanalexandroff.com/wp-
content/uploads/2010/11/asa_laird_ch29.pdf, accessed June 2013.
81 Ibid., p. 1184.
82 OECD, Investor-State Dispute Settlement (PDF file), p. 30, downloaded from OECD website,
http://www.oecd.org/daf/inv/internationalinvestmentagreements/50291642.pdf, accessed June 2013.
83 Matt Moffett, “Besting Argentina in Court Doesn't Seem to Pay,” Wall Street Journal, April 20, 2012.
84 “Repsol’s Stake In YPF Increases Amid Partner’s Default,” June 3, 2012,
http://www.wstribune.com/2012/06/03/repsols-stake-ypf-increases-partners-default, accessed June 2013.
85 “Repsol’s only purpose was “to milk dry” YPF of resources and reserves,” MercoPress, June 2, 2012,
http://en.mercopress.com/2012/06/02/repsol-s-only-purpose-was-to-milk-dry-ypf-of-resources-and-reserves,
accessed June 2012.
86 Jude Webber, “Argentina quick to make YPF changes,” Financial Times, April 18, 2012.
87 Interview with Jose with Juan Josè Aranguren, June 1, 2012.
88 “YPF unveils plan to invest 35bn dollars in five years with he help from partners,” MercoPress, June 6,
2012, http://en.mercopress.com/2012/06/06/ypf-unveils-plan-to-invest-35bn-dollars-in-five-years-with-he-
help-from-partners, accessed June 2012.
89 John Paul Rathbone, Jude Webber and Adam Thomson, “Slim’s YPF stake: more than meets the eye,” Fi-
http://www.ieco.clarin.com/economia/Slim-confirmo-operacion-YPF-compra_0_721128114.html.
93 Rodrigo Orihuela and Crayton Harrison, “YPF Soars as Billionaire Slim Gets 8.4% Stake From Eskenazis,”
Bloomberg, June 15, 2012, http://mobile.bloomberg.com/news/2012-06-14/ypf-says-mexican-billionaire-carlos-
slim-owns-a-8-4-stake, accessed June 2012.
94 1,000 cubic feet.
95 “Hay 10 socios para invertir en Vaca Muerta,” La Mañana de Neuquén, May 31, 2012.
96 “Argentina invites Russia’s Gazprom to consider investing in YPF operations,” MercoPress, June 19, 2012,
http://en.mercopress.com/2012/06/19/argentina-invites-russia-s-gazprom-to-consider-investing-in-ypf-
operations, accessed June 2012.
97 “Repsol sues Argentina over YPF in NY court and also takes the case to World Bank arbitration,” Merco-
Press, May 16, 2012, http://en.mercopress.com/2012/05/16/repsol-sues-argentina-over-ypf-in-ny-court-and-
also-takes-the-case-to-world-bank-arbitration, accessed June 2012.
98 Jude Webber and Miles Johnson, “Repsol warns rivals over investing in YPF,” Financial Times, May 7, 2012,
27
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100
Carlos Burgueño “Petroleras de EE.UU. interesadas en invertir en YPF: Son al menos cuatro compañías,
pero exigen una ley que les permita girar utilidades,” Ambito.com, July 18, 2012.
101 Interview with Gustavo Petracchi, May 28, 2012.
102 Interview with María Eugenia Estenssoro, May 31, 2012.
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