INTRODUCTION

Less than ten years had passed since the British had routed the Sokoto Caliphate and other Islamic
nations, which would later make up much of Northern Nigeria. Germany lost its colonies, including
Cameroon, to French, Belgian, and British mandates after the First World War. France and Great Britain
each had a portion of Cameroon, while the latter was further partitioned into southern and northern
regions. Following a plebiscite in 1961, the Northern Cameroons chose to join Nigeria, which increased
the country’s already sizable Northern Muslim population. The Southern Cameroons chose to re-join
French Cameroon. The region included a significant portion of what is now Northeastern Nigeria, and a
significant portion of the areas devastated by the ongoing and historic uprisings.

The rise of the movement known as Yan tatsini, more often known as Maitatsine, was one extremely
serious aspect of the theological crisis. This gang was infamous for committing horrific acts of religious
violence against the populace in the country’s north. There were two Maitatsine uprisings between
1979 and 1983. The Kano rebellion in 1980, which resulted in between 4,000 and 6,000 deaths and the
destruction of property worth millions of naira, was the archetypal example. The 11-day rioting were
finally put an end after the army and the air force intervened.

Again, there were numerous fatalities attributed to religious unrest in 2000. In Kaduna, the capital of
Kaduna State, fighting between Muslims and Christians claimed the lives of almost 3,000 people from
February 21 to 22. 450 people were killed in a retaliation strike in Aba, Abia State. The implementation
of Islamic criminal law in some northern states served as the primary catalyst for the unrest.
Additionally, on May 22 and 23, fighting between Muslims and Christians once more brought Kaduna to
its knees. More than 300 people died. The 2001 Tafawa Balewa local government area of Bauchi State
religious conflict between Muslims and Christians, which started on June 19 and ended on July 4,
resulted in the death of over 100 people.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Africa is currently home to some of the most tenacious wars, the majority of which are fueled by
differences in religious and ethnic identities. Conflicts over state power, unfair resource distribution,
citizenship concerns, state collapse, economic deterioration, and ethnic and religious hostilities have all
been brought on by religious and ethnic nationalism. Recurrent crises of state or regional illegitimacy
have pushed Nigeria in many directions, frequently impeding efforts at economic development,
democratization, and national cohesion and stability.

Corruption: Another major and ‘pandemic’ issue that exacerbates all conflicts and unrest in Nigeria is
the high level of corruption and the plundering of public resources. Even though the nation is “richly
endowed with natural resources and high-quality human capital,” corruption is one of the key factors
holding back its progress. Poverty and venomous rage are inextricable components of day-to-day
socioeconomic and political routine as a result of particular hands’ plunder of state resources. Although
corruption is not unique to Nigeria in this regard, several publications refer to it as the “bane of the
nation.” Of course, one of the key factors contributing to ethno-religious strife is corruption.
Power struggle: A state exhibits high autonomy when there is high commodification of capital or
excessive penetration of capital into the economy such that the bourgeois class indulges in
accumulation of capital through direct exploitation of the working class or appropriation of surplus
value when they enter into social relationships of production (i.e. private capitalism). Here, the
state is not interventionist, in other words, it does not intervene in the domestic economy like
participating in the productive activities (i.e. public/state enterprises) or controlling or
nationalizing means of production. The role of state here, therefore, is to regulate. As such, the state is
relatively an impartial umpire meditating inter-class and intra-class struggles through harmonization
and reconciliation of class interests.

When capital is highly commodified or excessively integrated into the economy, the bourgeois class
engages in the direct exploitation of the working class or the appropriation of surplus value when they
engage in social relations of production (i.e. private capitalism), the state demonstrates a high degree of
autonomy. In this situation, the state is not interventionist; that is, it does not interfere with the
domestic economy by taking part in productive endeavors (such as public or state companies) or by
managing or nationalizing the means of production. Therefore, the state’s function in this case is to
regulate. As a result, the state functions as a comparatively unbiased umpire mediating between-class
and intra-class conflicts through the balancing and resolving of class interests.

RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA

There are several theories as to why there are religious conflicts in Nigeria, however most of the
research in this field places a strong emphasis on the underlying socio-political, economic, and
governance reasons that lead to violent conflicts in general, including religious conflicts.

The two largest religious communities in Nigeria, which has a population of over 150 million, are
Christianity and Islam. Both the size and geographic distribution of these religious groupings are not
accurately represented by science. But in the northwest and northeastern regions of the nation—states
like Sokoto, Zamfara, Borno, Yobe, Katsina, Kano, Kebbi, Jigawa, Bauchi, Taraba, Gombe, and Adamawa
—the Islamic faith is overwhelmingly represented. However, the South-East and South-South regions—
which include the states of Imo, Enugu, Anambra, Abia, Ebonyi, Delta, Edo, Bayelsa, Rivers, Cross River,
and Akwa Ibom—are where Christianity is more prevalent.

There is a fairly even distribution of Muslims and Christians in the South-West and North-Central zones,
which include the states of Lagos, Oyo, Ogun, Ondo, Ekiti, Osun, Kaduna, Niger, Plateau, Nassarawa,
Benue, Kogi, and the Federal Capital Territory, respectively. Traditional religion has a respectable
number of adherents, despite being frequently marginalized, and is by no means immune to religious
violence. For instance, traditional religious masquerades have been a major cause of strife in sections of
the states of Kogi, Kwara, and Nassarawa.

An alleged violation of a traditional religious rite was the main source of religious violence following
Nigeria’s restoration to democracy in 1999. Although it has been very difficult to determine the precise
number of religious conflicts in Nigeria and the number of deaths they have caused due to a lack of
sufficient statistical data. The common consensus is that since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the
prevalence of religious violence has increased rapidly. However, data on nationwide religious crises
reveals that at least 95% of them took place in the northern part of the country.

POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS

Read up on the problems. Review the Apostles’ teachings on morality and religious freedom. Ask God to
send the Holy Spirit to guide you while you read trustworthy blogs, newspapers, magazines, and
websites that examine current events from a number of angles. Let the facts and your convictions guide
how you interpret the world. Aim to be proactive.

Be brave and polite when you speak up. Don’t allow intolerant voices to silence you.

Participate in political activities. Participate in municipal, state, and federal elections. Vote for
candidates who recognize the appropriate place of religion in society and the need to safeguard it for all
people. Learn about the legislative process. You might also write to your politicians, show up at city
council meetings, join a political party, and join forces with people who favor religious freedom.

CONCLUSION

Building peace and preserving religious freedom are complementary goals. Similar to how the field of
conflict resolution can benefit from the unique skills and knowledge found within religious groups, the
movement for religious freedom can further its objectives by adopting peacebuilding strategies.

Many campaigns for religious tolerance are started by members of a particular religion, such as
Christians, Muslims, or others. The most successful campaigns are probably those that go beyond such
borders, just as in the field of peacebuilding where USIP operates. They can make an effort to include
individuals of all faiths and no faiths, leaders of civil society, officials, and allies from the international
community. Multiple religious communities participating in a campaign increases its impact by showing
that it is defending a universal concept rather than a specific tribe.