Peter Roberts, Hugh Sykes - Urban Regeneration - A Handbook-SAGE Publications LTD (2000)

Urban Regeneration
Urban Regeneration
A Handbook
Edited by
PETER ROBERTS AND HUGH SYKES
(DSAGE
Los Angeles · London · New Delhi · Singapore · Washington DC
© Peter Roberts and Hugh Sykes 2000 Editorial arrangement, Chapters 1 and 14
© Peter Roberts 2000 Chapter 2 © Andrew Carter 2000 Chapter 3
© David N o o n , James Smith-Canham and Martin Eagland 2000 Chapter 4
© Paul Jeffrey and John Pounder 2000 Chapter 5
© Brian Jacobs and Clive Dutton 2000 Chapter 6
© Trevor Hart and Ian Johnston 2000 Chapter 7
© Bill Edgar and John Taylor 2000 Chapter 8
© Amanda Beresford, Richard Fleetwood and Mark Gaffhey 2000 Chapter 9
© Barry Moore and Rod Spires 2000 Chapter 10
© Dalia Lichfield 2000 Chapter 11 © John Shutt 2000 Chapter 12
© Paul Drewe 2000 Chapter 13
First published 2000
Reprinted 2000, 2 0 0 1 , 2 0 0 2 , 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008
Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or
criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act, 1988, this publication may be reproduced, stored or transmitted in any
form, or by any means, only with the prior permission in writing of the
publishers, or in the case of reprographic reproduction, in accordance with the
terms of licences issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency. Inquiries
concerning reproduction outside those terms should be sent to the publishers.
SAGE Publications Ltd

1 Oliver's Yard
55 City Road
London EC1Y ISP
SAGE Publications Inc

2455 Teller Road
Thousand Oaks
California 9 1 3 2 0
SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd

Β 1 / I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area
Mathura Road, N e w Delhi 110 0 4 4
India
SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd

33 Pekin Street # 0 2 - 0 1
Far East Square
Singapore 0 4 8 7 6 3
British L i b r a r y C a t a l o g u i n g in P u b l i c a t i o n d a t a
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN 978-0-7619-6716-3
ISBN 9 7 8 - 0 - 7 6 1 9 - 6 7 1 7 - 0 (pbk)
Typeset by Dorwyn Ltd., Rowlands Castle, Hampshire

Printed and bound in Great Britain by
Cromwell Press Limited, Trowbridge, Wiltshire
Contents
Figures, Tables and Boxes vii

Contributors ix
Foreword xii
Preface xiv
List of A b b r e v i a t i o n s xv
Part 1 The Context for Urban Regeneration 1
1 Introduction 3
Peter Roberts and Hugh Sykes
2 T h e Evolution, Definition and Purpose of U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n 9
Peter Roberts
3 Strategy and Partnership in U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n 37
Andrew Carter
Part 2 Major Themes and Topics 59
4 E c o n o m i c R e g e n e r a t i o n and Funding 61
David Noon, James Smith-Canham and Martin Eagland
5 Physical and E n v i r o n m e n t a l Aspects 86
Paul Jeffrey and John Pounder
6 Social and C o m m u n i t y Issues 109
Brian Jacobs and Clive Dutton
7 E m p l o y m e n t , E d u c a t i o n and Training 129
Trevor Hart and Ian Johnston
8 Housing 153
Bill Edgar and John Taylor
Part 3 Key Issues in Managing Urban Regeneration 177
9 R e g e n e r a t i o n by L a n d D e v e l o p m e n t : the Legal Issues 179
Amanda Beresford, Richard Fleetwood and Mark Gaffney
10 Monitoring and Evaluation 203
Barry Moore and Rod Spires
11 Organisation and M a n a g e m e n t 228
Dalia Lichfield
Part 4 Experience Elsewhere and a View of the Future 255
12 Lessons from A m e r i c a in the 1990s 257
John Shutt
13 E u r o p e a n Experiences 281
Paul Drewe
14 C u r r e n t Challenges and F u t u r e Prospects 295
Index 316
Figures, Tables and Boxes
Figures
2.1 T h e u r b a n regeneration process 20

8.1 N e w dwelling completions 155
10.1 A framework for undertaking a S W O T analysis 212
10.2 Ex-post evaluation framework for u r b a n regeneration policies 219
10.3 Distinguishing gross and net policy impacts 221
11.1 Identifying and selecting actors 238
13.1 E c o n o m i c impact of a conservation project 285
Tables
2.1 T h e evolution of u r b a n regeneration 14

3.1 Outward-looking policies 39
3.2 Types of partnership 46
4.1 Explanations for u r b a n decline 64
4.2 T h e Single R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget 72
7.1 Population change for eight large cities 131
7.2 E m p l o y m e n t change in major conurbations 132
7.3 U n e m p l o y m e n t by place of residence 133
7.4 Regularly available local labour m a r k e t data by geographical
area 144
10.1 Progress achieved by Trafford P a r k D e v e l o p m e n t Corporation 206
10.2 Cost-effectiveness balance sheet for evaluating u r b a n strategy 223
10.3 Package of benefits/outputs p e r £10,000 expenditure 224
11.1 G r o u p s of people affected by problems 234
12.1 E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e partnerships in the U S A 262
12.2 Population characteristics of N e w Orleans 270
12.3 N e t employment changes in Orleans Parish, 1980-89 271
12.4 E c o n o m i c impact on Orleans Parish from tourism, selected
years 1982-92 271
12.5 T o p ten employers in G r e a t e r N e w Orleans, 1992-93 274
14.1 B U R A Best Practice A w a r d s , 1992-98 305
Figures, Tables and Boxes vii
Boxes
3.1 Coventry and Warwickshire Partnerships Ltd 39

3.2 M o d e l s of p a r t n e r s h i p 47
3.3 M a n a g i n g t h e p a r t n e r s h i p process 48
3.4 T h a m e s G a t e w a y L o n d o n Partnership 49
3.5 Chester A c t i o n P a r t n e r s h i p 50
3.6 Mansfield D i a m o n d Partnership 53
4.1 Glasgow 65
4.2 Lowell, Massachusetts and D e a n Clough, Halifax 65
4.3 C o m m u n i t y Involvement: Coalisland R e g e n e r a t i o n Project 67
4.4 T h e Custard Factory, B i r m i n g h a m 68
4.5 A i m s a n d activities of Task Forces 71
4.6 B i r m i n g h a m and E U funding 77
4.7 Conclusions from the R o b s o n R e p o r t 82
4.8 Coventry and Warwickshire Partnership Ltd 83
5.1 Liverpool Central Business District A c t i o n Plan 91
5.2 Black C o u n t r y N e w R o a d 93
5.3 Vauxhall U r b a n Village, Liverpool 94
5.4 Miles Platting, M a n c h e s t e r 95
5.5 M a n c h e s t e r - H u l m e h o m e s for H u l m e p e o p l e 95
5.6 Salford Q u a y s 96
5.7 Sutton H a r b o u r R e g e n e r a t i o n Scheme, P l y m o u t h 97
5.8 S h i r e b r o o k and District D e v e l o p m e n t Trust 98
5.9 T h e R o u n d s h a w E s t a t e , L o n d o n B o r o u g h of Sutton 98
5.10 Wise G r o u p 98
5.11 H o u s i n g A c t i o n Trusts - Castle Vale, B i r m i n g h a m 99
5.12 G a s Street Basin, Brindleyplace, B i r m i n g h a m 102
6.1 T h e characteristics of communities 110
6.2 R e l a t e d j o m m u n i t y policy concerns 112
6.3 E t h n i c minority n e e d s in Sandwell 113
6.4 T h e role of voluntary organisations 117
6.5 B o l t o n City Challenge 120
6.6 T h e T i p t o n Challenge Partnership main activities 121
6.7 T i p t o n Challenge Partnership: Capacity-building t h r o u g h
participation 123
6.8 Building on the T i p t o n experience 124
6.9 T i p t o n Challenge Partnership: T h e N e p t u n e H e a l t h P a r k 125
7.1 M a n a g e d W o r k s p a c e : Bradford City Challenge 148
7.2 Positive A c t i o n Consortium, Bristol 149
7.3 Wigan B o r o u g h Partnership 150
8.1 U p p e r D e n s Project, 1984 171
8.2 Mid-Craigie, 1992 172
8.3 C a m p e r d o w n W o r k s , 1994 172
9.1 Key differences b e t w e e n c o r p o r a t e and n o n - c o r p o r a t e
structures 182
viii Figures, Tables and Boxes
9.2 Some important PPGs 198

10.1 A n example of m a r k e t failure 208
11.1 Strategic decisions 242
11.2 T h e A s h k e l o n experience 243
12.1 Marshall Heights C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Organisation 268
12.2 N e w Orleans Riverfront 2000 272
12.3 Cowboys and culture: t h e F o r t W o r t h Partnership,
F o r t W o r t h City 275
12.4 Resources for community economic development: t h e C e n t e r
for C o m m u n i t y Change, Washington 277
13.1 E c o n o m i c development in areas with social p r o b l e m s 291
13.2 E n v i r o n m e n t a l action linked to economic goals 291
13.3 Revitalisation of historic centres 291
13.4 Exploitation of technological assets of cities 292
13.5 U r b a n excellence in products 292
Contributors
The Editors
Peter Roberts is Professor of E u r o p e a n Strategic Planning at the Univer-

sity of D u n d e e . H e is Chair of the British U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n Association
Best Practice C o m m i t t e e , Chair of the T o w n and Country Planning Asso-
ciation and an Adviser t o t h e Local G o v e r n m e n t Association. H e has
published on a wide range of topics, including u r b a n and regional develop-
m e n t and regeneration, E u r o p e a n regional policy and planning, spatial
d e v e l o p m e n t , environmental m a n a g e m e n t , and the politics of devolution.
Sir Hugh Sykes D L was C h a i r m a n of the Sheffield D e v e l o p m e n t Corpora-

tion from its formation in 1988 until it ceased operations in 1997. H e
currently serves o n t h e b o a r d s of a n u m b e r of public companies, including
Y o r k s h i r e B a n k pic. H e is a past Master of the C o m p a n y of Cutlers in
Hallamshire and is T r e a s u r e r of the University of Sheffield.
The Contributors
Amanda Beresford is a solicitor and a qualified planner. She is head of

E n v i r o n m e n t L a w at A d d l e s h a w B o o t h & Co.
Andrew Carter is R e g e n e r a t i o n Strategies Adviser at G r e a t e r L o n d o n
E n t e r p r i s e . H e is a m e m b e r of B U R A ' s Best Practice C o m m i t t e e and
Director of the U r b a n F o r u m .
Paul Drewe is Professor of Spatial Planning at Delft University of Technol-
ogy and Visiting Professor of U r b a n M a n a g e m e n t at the University of
G h e n t . H e also works as a consultant b o t h in the N e t h e r l a n d s and abroad.
Clive Dutton O B E is H e a d of R e g e n e r a t i o n at Sandwell Metropolitan
B o r o u g h Council. H e currently serves as an adviser to the British govern-
m e n t ' s U r b a n Task Force.
Martin Eagland has direct experience of implementing u r b a n regeneration
schemes, most notably as Chief Executive of the former Leeds D e v e l o p -
m e n t Corporation. H e is now the Managing Director of Eagland Planning
Associates.
Bill Edgar is Senior Lecturer at the University of D u n d e e and a Director of
the Joint C e n t r e for Scottish Housing Research. H e is also the Research
χ Contributors
Coordinator of the European Observatory on Homelessness for

FEANTSA.
Richard Fleetwood is a p a r t n e r in A d d l e s h a w B o o t h & Co., specialising in

c o r p o r a t e matters, including public-private partnerships a n d joint
ventures.
Mark Gaffhey is a solicitor at A d d l e s h a w B o o t h & Co., specialising in

commercial a n d residential development, mainly for developers.
Trevor Hart is a Lecturer in town planning a n d housing at L e e d s M e t r o -

politan University. H e has a b a c k g r o u n d in local government a n d consul-
tancy w h e r e h e was principally concerned with economic development.
Brian Jacobs is R e a d e r in Public Policy in t h e School of H e a l t h at

Staffordshire University. H e works as a consultant t o b o t h public a n d
private organisations a n d h e has published extensively o n international
u r b a n a n d regional policy issues.
Paul Jeffrey is a Director of E C O T E C R e s e a r c h a n d Consulting. H e h a s

extensive experience of u r b a n planning, development a n d regeneration.
Ian Johnston is Principal and Vice-Chancellor at Glasgow Caledonian U n i -

versity a n d was formerly D i r e c t o r - G e n e r a l of Training, E d u c a t i o n a n d
E n t e r p r i s e at t h e D e p a r t m e n t of E m p l o y m e n t .
Dalia Lichfield is a p a r t n e r in Dalia a n d Nathaniel Lichfield Associates, a

d e v e l o p m e n t planning consultancy specialising in integrated planning, r e -
generation a n d impact assessment. She is a m e m b e r of B U R A , t h e U K
Evaluation Society and t h e U r b a n Villages Project C o m m i t t e e .
Barry Moore is Assistant Director of R e s e a r c h at t h e D e p a r t m e n t of L a n d

E c o n o m y , University of Cambridge. H e is also a fellow at D o w n i n g Col-
lege, Cambridge, R e s e a r c h Associate at t h e E S R C C e n t r e for Business
R e s e a r c h and Senior Adviser at Public a n d C o r p o r a t e E c o n o m i c Consul-
tants ( P A C E C ) .
David N o o n is Associate D e a n in t h e Coventry Business School a n d D e p -
uty Director of t h e C e n t r e for Local E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t , b o t h at
Coventry University. H e is also a m e m b e r of t h e B U R A Best Practice
Committee.
John Pounder is a research m a n a g e r at E C O T E C R e s e a r c h a n d Consul-

tancy. H e has considerable experience of u r b a n regeneration a n d of econ-
omic development.
John Shutt is Eversheds Professor of Regional Business D e v e l o p m e n t at
L e e d s M e t r o p o l i t a n University. H e directs t h e E u r o p e a n Regional Busi-
ness a n d E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t U n i t in t h e L e e d s Business School.
James Smith-Canham is a consultant with K P M G , Birmingham. F o r m e r l y

he was a lecturer at Coventry Business School, Coventry University.
Contributors xi
R o d Spires is t h e D i r e c t o r of Public a n d C o r p o r a t e E c o n o m i c Consultants.

H e is also an adviser t o English Partnerships a n d was recently R e s e a r c h
Fellow at t h e D e p a r t m e n t of L a n d E c o n o m y , University of Cambridge.
John Taylor was Chief Executive of B U R A from 1994 to 1998. H e chaired

t h e Assessment P a n e l for t h e Secretary of State's A w a r d s for Partnership
in R e g e n e r a t i o n . H e is currently D i r e c t o r of t h e Buildings Crafts College,
b a s e d in central L o n d o n .
Foreword
T h e r e has b e e n a sea change in the U K in the last two years. Increasingly,

regeneration has b e c o m e a centrepiece of community and economic re-
generation not just in the U K , but across E u r o p e .
Since the birth of the British U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n Association ( B U R A )
in 1990, the understanding of, and issues surrounding, regeneration have
grown in importance and complexity.
It seemed for a while, however, as if B U R A was a voice in the wilder-
ness. It a t t e m p t e d to ensure that everyone in what we now call regenera-
tion was able to grasp that merely dealing with the built environment, and
not the people involved, would simply b e rearranging the deckchairs on the
Titanic.
T h e r e was, at no stage, any guide or help along the way.
This b o o k is B U R A ' s first attempt to fill that gap.
It has b e e n written by r e n o w n e d experts in their respective fields. E a c h
chapter is a treatise in and of itself, allowing the r e a d e r to explore the
issues and read further on the subject. T h e b o o k places into context the
r o u t e from which current thinking on regeneration came; it identifies key
developments along the way.
T h e b o o k looks elsewhere as well; the U K , the U S A and E u r o p e all
feature. T h e o r y and practice mix across the book, allowing the r e a d e r to
develop b o t h knowledge and expertise. It develops ideas and ability, b o t h
of which will help the reader searching for help in dealing with the thinking
behind the 1999's imperatives of the U r b a n Task Force, the p r o p o s e d
U r b a n White P a p e r and m o r e besides.
A s Dick Caborn, Minister for Planning, R e g e n e r a t i o n for the Regions,
m a k e s clear in the Preface, this b o o k is 'a valuable aid to all those involved'
in regeneration.
T h e unique blend of the private, public and not-for-profit sectors places
B U R A at the heart of the new agenda for regeneration. It is from this rich
mix that we were able to draw together such a wealth of expertise.
T h e acknowledgements are extensive. T h e British U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n
Association owes a debt of gratitude to each of the contributors w h o have
w o r k e d so hard to h o n e their work. T h e publisher has b e e n b o t h patient
and helpful. It was gracious of the Minister to provide such a glowing
Preface. Finally, the b o o k would not have come to fruition without the
h a r d w o r k and commitment of the two Editors. Professor Peter R o b e r t s ,
collaborating with Sir H u g h Sykes, has m a d e this b o o k the success that it is.
P e t e r has m a n a g e d to do this whilst juggling the Chair of B U R A ' s Best
Foreword xiii
Practice C o m m i t t e e a n d t h e Chairmanship of t h e T o w n and C o u n t r y Plan-

ning Association, as well as his real j o b . Sir H u g h ' s continued support has
itself m a d e this b o o k possible.
I c o m m e n d this, the first edition of B U R A ' s b o o k , Urban Regeneration,
to you. Its ' d a t e ' is set at mid-1998. T h e British U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n Asso-
ciation would welcome feedback; t h e d e v e l o p m e n t s of t h e last year already
b e g that we p r o d u c e a second edition. W a t c h this space.
David Fitzpatrick
Chief Executive, B U R A
Preface
R e g e n e r a t i o n involves the public, private and community and voluntary

sectors working together towards a clear single aim - to improve the
quality of life for all. W e need to ensure that individuals and organisations
are learning from the successes - and the failures - of others. This d e m a n d s
a solid core of best practice.
T o achieve real and lasting change in our towns and cities, we must m a k e
best use of all the resources we have - h u m a n and financial. W e have p u t in
place a new framework for delivering regeneration, recasting the Single
R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget and setting u p the N e w D e a l for Communities with
funding of £800 million over the next three years. Currently 17 pathfinder
partnerships are working on new ways of tackling the entrenched problems
of some of the country's most disadvantaged neighbourhoods.
T h e s e new partnerships will b e looking at how they can build on current
practice and how they can put the local community at the heart of part-
nership. W e expect t h e m to b e innovative, pushing forward the boundaries
of what is achievable.
B U R A ' s work in identifying and spreading best practice is making a
valuable contribution to the regeneration process. This b o o k offers a com-
prehensive account of regeneration activity here and abroad, and will b e a
valuable aid to all those involved in its practice.
Richard C a b o r n M P
Minister of State for the
Regions, R e g e n e r a t i o n and Planning
List of Abbreviations
AMID A l m o n a s t e r - M i c h o u d Industrial District

BBO b r o a d - b a s e d organising
BCDC Black Country D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n
BCNR Black C o u n t r y N e w R o a d
BICA B e d e Island C o m m u n i t y Association
BiC Business in the C o m m u n i t y
BUD British U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t
BURA British U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n Association
CAT City A c t i o n T e a m
CBD Central Business District
CBI Confederation of British Industry
CCC C e n t e r for C o m m u n i t y Change
CDC Community Development Corporation
CDP C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Project
CEB C o m m u n i t y Enterprise B o a r d
CHDC Citizens Housing D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n
CIE community impact evaluation
COSLA Convention of Scottish Local Authorities
DDS dead-weight displacement and substitution
DETR D e p a r t m e n t of the E n v i r o n m e n t , T r a n s p o r t and t h e Regions
DFBO Design Finance Build O p e r a t e
DLG Derelict L a n d G r a n t
DoE D e p a r t m e n t of the E n v i r o n m e n t
EP English Partnerships
ERDF E u r o p e a n Regional D e v e l o p m e n t F u n d
ESF E u r o p e a n Social F u n d
EU European Union
EZ Enterprise Zone
GEAR Glasgow E a s t e r n A r e a R e n e w a l
GIS geographical information system
GNVQ G e n e r a l National Vocational Qualification
GOR G o v e r n m e n t Office for the Regions
HAA H o u s i n g Action A r e a
HAT H o u s i n g Action Trust
HGV heavy goods vehicle
HIP H o u s i n g Investment P r o g r a m m e
HPAP H o m e Purchase Assistance P r o g r a m
xvi List of Abbreviations
HRH Housing R e v e n u e A c c o u n t
HUD Housing and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t
IAS I n n e r A r e a Study
ISDN Integrated Services Digital N e t w o r k
IT information technology
JTPA J o b Training Partnership A c t
LDDC London Docklands' Development Corporation
LEC Local Enterprise C o m p a n y
LGMB Local G o v e r n m e n t M a n a g e m e n t B o a r d
LISC Local Initiatives Support C o r p o r a t i o n
LPAC L o n d o n Planning Advisory C o m m i t t e e
MBC Metropolitan B o r o u g h Council
MHCDO Marshall Heights C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Organisation
NCC Newark Community Corporation
NCVO National Council for Voluntary Organisations
NRA National Rivers A u t h o r i t y
NVQ National Vocational Qualification
OECD Organisation for E c o n o m i c Co-operation a n d D e v e l o p m e n t
PFI Private Finance Initiative
PPG Planning Policy G u i d a n c e
RDA Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agency
RSA Regional Selective Assistance
RWJF Robert Wood Johnson Foundation
SME small and medium-sized enterprises
SNAP Shelter N e i g h b o u r h o o d A c t i o n Project
SPD Single P r o g r a m m e D o c u m e n t
SPV special purpose vehicle
SPZ Simplified Planning Z o n e
SRB Single R e g e n e r a t i o n B u d g e t
SRBCF Single R e g e n e r a t i o n B u d g e t Challenge F u n d
TEC Training and Enterprise Council
TEF Treasury Evaluation F r a m e w o r k
TGLP T h a m e s G a t e w a y L o n d o n Partnership
TIZ Town Improvement Zone
TTWA travel-to-work area
UDA Urban Development Area
UDC Urban Development Corporation
UDG Urban Development Grant
UPA U r b a n Priority A r e a
UPP U r b a n Pilot Project
URG Urban Regeneration Grant
VFM value for m o n e y
PART 1
THE CONTEXT FOR U R B A N

REGENERATION
1 Introduction
U r b a n regeneration is a widely experienced b u t little u n d e r s t o o d p h e n o m -

e n o n . A l t h o u g h most towns and cities have b e e n involved in regeneration
schemes, and whilst m a n y development companies, financial institutions
and community organisations have participated in o n e or m o r e such ven-
tures, t h e r e is n o single prescribed form of u r b a n regeneration practice and
n o single authoritative source of information.
T h e aim of this b o o k is to r e m e d y this situation by distilling the evidence
of good practice and by combining this evidence with explanations of why
u r b a n regeneration is necessary and how it functions. A mixture of explan-
ation, evidence and the experience of implementation provides the
practical philosophy which has guided the p r e p a r a t i o n of this b o o k . T h e
intention is to offer the r e a d e r a guide to u r b a n regeneration which is
comprehensive, accessible and practical. In particular, the b o o k aims to
provide an insight into the reasons for the occurrence and persistence of
u r b a n p r o b l e m s , the successive changes that have occurred in the practice
of u r b a n regeneration and the lessons of good practice.
O n e of the major difficulties e n c o u n t e r e d in preparing this b o o k was the
virtual absence of quality literature that encompassed the whole of the
organisation and functioning of the u r b a n regeneration process. Despite
the presence of a wide array of fragmented information on 'fashionable'
topics such as partnership, tackling social exclusion, p r o m o t i n g flagship
projects, u r b a n greening and how to g u a r a n t e e success in obtaining
'millennium m o n e y ' , little written material is available that combines
coverage of all of the fundamental topics, such as the physical, economic,
social and environmental dimensions of regeneration, with the implemen-
tation, m a n a g e m e n t and evaluation of the u r b a n regeneration process. This
b o o k a t t e m p t s to r e m e d y this situation. It offers guidance, based on b o t h
the theory and the practice of u r b a n change and regeneration, that should
p r o v e to b e of assistance to those w h o are engaged in a variety of policy
areas and in t h e active m a n a g e m e n t of u r b a n transition.
T h e Structure of this B o o k
T h e material contained within this b o o k is organised in a way that allows

the r e a d e r to dip into those sections that are of particular interest.
4 Peter Roberts and Hugh Sykes
A l t h o u g h each part and chapter is self-contained to the extent that it deals

with a particular t h e m e or subject, the material p r e s e n t e d is organised in a
m a n n e r which allows the r e a d e r to gain a rapid overview of the e n o r m o u s
span of u r b a n regeneration issues and activities. E v e n t h o u g h t h e scope
and content of this b o o k is wide-ranging in an a t t e m p t to provide a com-
prehensive t r e a t m e n t of the full span of u r b a n regeneration, it would be
wrong to suggest that it is a complete t r e a t m e n t of a subject that is so
extensive in terms of its practices and applications that it is difficult to
define it with any degree of precision. Because u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n is by its
very n a t u r e a dynamic rather t h a n static p h e n o m e n o n , it is almost imposs-
ible to capture all of the features of current practice or to predict the future
with any degree of certainty.
In order to assist the reader, and to set the context for the remainder of the
book, an introduction to the origins, challenges and purposes of urban re-
generation is presented in Chapter 2. T h e material in Chapter 2 is cross-
referenced to later chapters in order to guide the reader to the m o r e detailed
discussions which they contain. Chapter 3 introduces the reader to basic
notions such as partnership, strategy and the lessons that may b e gained from
the study of best practice. These are recurrent features that can b e seen in
many aspects of urban regeneration practice, and the analysis attempts to
identify c o m m o n elements which help bind together the diverse subjects that
are contained in the following chapters. Chapter 2 chiefly provides an intro-
duction to the individual topics that are considered in Part 2, whilst Chapter
3 introduces the management issues contained in Part 3.
Most of the chapters in this b o o k have been prepared by a t e a m of authors
w h o between them represent the required blend of practice experience and
academic explanation considered necessary to tackle the complexities that
are inherent in any individual aspect of urban regeneration. In Part 2, the
contributions of the various teams of authors have b e e n organised in such a
way as to provide the reader with an introduction to each of the basic
'building block' themes and topics that are fundamental to an understanding
of the urban regeneration process. These chapters deal with:
• economic and financial issues;

• physical and environmental aspects of regeneration;
• social and community issues;
• employment, education and training;
• housing issues.
Cutting across all attempts to stimulate u r b a n regeneration are a n u m b e r of

o t h e r i m p o r t a n t issues. T h e s e issues govern t h e ways in which u r b a n re-
generation proceeds and how it is organised. T h r e e 'cross-cutting' issues
that are of particular importance in all u r b a n regeneration schemes are
examined in Part 3 of this book:
• the legal and institutional basis for regeneration by land development;

• the monitoring and evaluation of regeneration p r o g r a m m e s ;
Introduction 5
• questions of organisation a n d m a n a g e m e n t .
In o r d e r t o provide lessons from best practice a n d offer examples of h o w to

construct a n d i m p l e m e n t strategies for regeneration, t h e chapters in this
b o o k contain a variety of case studies. O t h e r valuable experience can b e
gleaned from t h e experience of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n in countries outwith t h e
U K . T h e first two chapters of P a r t 4 offer an insight into some of t h e major
features a n d i m p o r t a n t characteristics of efforts t o p r o m o t e u r b a n r e -
g e n e r a t i o n in t h e towns a n d cities of t h e mainland of E u r o p e a n d in N o r t h
A m e r i c a . A final chapter is also contained in P a r t 4; t h e p u r p o s e of this
c h a p t e r is t o distil t h e major lessons from t h e past a n d present experience
of u r b a n regeneration, t o identify t h e sources of strength a n d weakness
which a r e evident from such experience, a n d t o p r o p o s e an agenda for t h e
future. This concluding chapter draws u p o n t h e analysis contained in t h e
earlier parts of t h e b o o k in o r d e r t o clarify t h e future role of, a n d prospects
for, u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n as it enters a n e w century. In addition, t h e final
c h a p t e r also considers t h e extension of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n t o t h e m e t r o -
politan a n d regional levels.
A t t h e e n d of each chapter, except in t h e case of t h e p r e s e n t c h a p t e r a n d
C h a p t e r 14, a set of s u m m a r y points is provided. T h e s e points either indi-
cate s o m e of t h e key issues a n d actions arising from t h e discussion, o r
provide s o m e k e y contacts a n d sources of further information.
M o s t b o o k s of this n a t u r e a r e selective. O t h e r a u t h o r s a n d editors would
select different t h e m e s a n d cross-cutting issues for inclusion in a v o l u m e o n
t h e subject of full span regeneration. This b o o k inevitably reflects t h e skills,
experience a n d preferences of t h e editorial t e a m a n d t h e individual au-
thors: this combination of factors provides t h e rationale for t h e selection of
material p r e s e n t e d h e r e .
Next Steps
Whilst it is apparent that a b o o k of this nature can only ever expect to

provide an introduction to urban regeneration theory and practice at a given
m o m e n t in time - in this case the middle of 1998 - we h o p e that the first
edition will offer guidance and advice to those w h o are embarking u p o n t h e
task of regenerating urban areas. T h e value of such a b o o k is that it can
provide immediate help and support, and also stimulate t h e exchange of
experience. It is likely that your experience of urban regeneration will con-
firm some of the messages contained within this b o o k and it is certain that
the material contained in t h e b o o k will also suggest new ways of approaching
difficult and complex problems. W e welcome your response to t h e contents
and style of this b o o k and, in addition, we seek your experience - both
successes and failures - in order to help us in preparing future editions.
A s editors w e have gained considerable knowledge a n d understanding
a b o u t t h e subjects addressed in this b o o k during t h e course of its
p r e p a r a t i o n . W e have c o m e to realise how daunting the task of u r b a n

regeneration must a p p e a r to m a n y w h o participate in it, and we have
discovered that what m a y seem to b e self-evident to o n e participant in t h e
regeneration process may never have occurred t o another. Most import-
antly, we have come to appreciate the n e e d to view u r b a n regeneration as a
continuous process. N o sooner has o n e p r o b l e m b e e n solved, t h a n a n o t h e r
emerges.
This suggests that it is essential to view the process of u r b a n regeneration
as a long-term cycle of activity, t h e r e are n o 'quick fixes' or p e r m a n e n t
solutions h e r e . E a c h generation faces its own particular set of p r o b l e m s ,
has its own priorities and works in ways which reflect these priorities.
H o w e v e r , whilst each successive generation will face its own particular
challenges, the value of learning from previous experience cannot b e de-
nied. W e h o p e that this b o o k will help to d o c u m e n t o u r state of knowledge
in t h e late 1990s and that it will provide a basis for good practice in u r b a n
(and regional) regeneration during the coming years.
T o o m u c h time and energy has b e e n lost in the past t h r o u g h 'reinventing
t h e w h e e l ' or through the needless destruction of expert t e a m s that are, in
the British way, discarded as o n e policy initiative and structure succeeds
another. This b o o k will have served its p u r p o s e if this negative a p p r o a c h is
avoided and the accumulated experience of u r b a n regeneration is c a p t u r e d
for all to use. T h e importance of this task cannot b e emphasised enough;
most policy cycles last a relatively short length of time and t h e wheel of
u r b a n and regional regeneration policy has t u r n e d full circle twice during
t h e past 50 years.
In addition, we realise that the institutional and spatial frameworks for
regeneration will vary b o t h over time and b e t w e e n places, reflecting b o t h
t h e policy preferences and priorities of government and t h e perception of
t h e span of the field of action within which regeneration p r o b l e m s can best
b e addressed. Thus, for example, whilst m u c h u r b a n regeneration effort in
the mid-1980s was directed at individual p r o b l e m sites and small areas, t h e
emphasis in the late 1990s has shifted to the regional level, to communities
and t o soft infrastructure, to people m o r e so t h a n places. W h a t this tells t h e
k e e n observer or practitioner, is that regeneration p r o b l e m s and o p p o r -
tunities should best b e considered within a spatial continuum. T h e
spectrum of regeneration activity varies from the individual site to the
nation-state; t h e r e is n o single or fixed field of action that represents t h e
ideal spatial level for the practice of regeneration over time.
Looking Forward
It is evident at a late stage in the publication of this b o o k that s o m e of t h e

material is already out of date or is close to becoming time expired.
H o w e v e r , t h e r e is much contained in t h e b o o k that is enduring and
Introduction 7
represents good or best practice irrespective of t h e specific detail of an

individual policy initiative.
In o r d e r t o assist t h e reader, t h e main areas of policy d e v e l o p m e n t that
are of particular relevance t o u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n include t h e following:
• in relation t o t h e future d e v e l o p m e n t of r e g e n e r a t i o n strategy, t h e

establishment of t h e Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies (with their
strategic role at t h e regional a n d subregional levels) a n d t h e w o r k
u n d e r t a k e n by t h e U r b a n T a s k Force (this was established in 1998 by
t h e D e p u t y P r i m e Minister a n d was charged with identifying t h e causes
of u r b a n decline a n d r e c o m m e n d i n g practical solutions t o bring p e o p l e
back into t h e cities a n d u r b a n areas);
• in relation t o economic a n d financial aspects of regeneration, t h e work
of t h e Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies, t h e revised funding arrange-
m e n t s a n d t h e provision of resources b o t h u n d e r traditional
p r o g r a m m e s , such as Assisted A r e a policy, a n d n e w initiatives includ-
ing t h e N e w D e a l ;
• in relation t o physical a n d environmental regeneration, a greater
emphasis o n u r b a n design a n d quality, a n e n h a n c e d c o m m i t m e n t t o
sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t a n d t h e provision of additional resources for
t h e reuse of brownfield land;
• in relation t o social a n d community issues a n d t o e m p l o y m e n t a n d
training aspects of regeneration, t h e increased level of resources m a d e
available for social housing, r e g e n e r a t i o n and, especially, t h e N e w D e a l
for C o m m u n i t i e s ;
• various associated advances in policy a n d practice can b e identified,
including an increased level of emphasis o n local democratic account-
ability, t h e provision of regional c h a m b e r s , devolution t o Scotland,
Wales a n d N o r t h e r n Ireland (and a series of consequential develop-
m e n t s that a r e i n t e n d e d t o allow for n e w policy initiatives a n d t h e fine-
tuning of existing policies), a n d t h e redefinition of a n u m b e r of key
policy objectives in relation to transport, housing, employment,
education, planning, environmental m a n a g e m e n t , health, community
d e v e l o p m e n t a n d o t h e r aspects of r e g e n e r a t i o n at b o t h u r b a n a n d r e -
gional scales.
Whilst these issues are n o t dealt with in any detail herein, t h e material
contained in t h e following pages provides t h e basic tools that a r e r e q u i r e d
in o r d e r t o design a n d i m p l e m e n t regeneration strategies. A l t h o u g h t h e
details of policy m a y vary over time, sufficient supplementary literature
exists t o allow t h e r e a d e r t o project forward from t h e position stated in this
b o o k . W e will, of course, seek t o incorporate t h e detail of n e w aspects of
policy in a second edition.
Acknowledgements
W e wish t o t h a n k all those w h o have helped in the p r e p a r a t i o n of this

b o o k . T h e bulk of the task of drawing together our knowledge and u n d e r -
standing of u r b a n regeneration has b e e n u n d e r t a k e n by the authors of the
various chapters, and to these colleagues we owe a considerable d e b t of
thanks. All of t h e authors have b e e n assisted in their task by t h e willing
participation of u r b a n regeneration practitioners and analysts representing
t h e authorities, organisations and communities that are b o t h the agents of
u r b a n regeneration and the beneficiaries of change. T o all of these
participants we wish to express our thanks. W e are similarly grateful to t h e
m e m b e r s of our Advisory Panel, to the t e a m at the British U r b a n R e -
generation Association ( B U R A ) and to the staff of Sage Publications;
these groups have helped to steer this project t h r o u g h t h e vast and often
u n c h a r t e d waters of u r b a n regeneration theory and practice and, in the
case of t h e latter, have also guided t h e editors t h r o u g h t h e mysteries of
publishing. Finally we owe a particular debt of t h a n k s to Richard Aspinall,
w h o has provided secretarial support to t h e editors and w h o has p e r f o r m e d
sterling work in assembling the various manuscripts.
2 The Evolution, Definition and
Purpose of Urban
Regeneration
Peter Roberts
Introduction
U r b a n areas are complex and dynamic systems. T h e y reflect the m a n y

processes that drive physical, social, environmental and economic transi-
tion and they themselves are prime generators of m a n y such changes. N o
town or city is i m m u n e from either the external forces that dictate the n e e d
to adapt, or t h e internal pressures that are present within u r b a n areas and
which can precipitate growth or decline.
U r b a n regeneration is an o u t c o m e of the interplay b e t w e e n these m a n y
sources of influence and, m o r e importantly, it is also a response to the
opportunities and challenges which are p r e s e n t e d by u r b a n degeneration in
a particular place at a specific m o m e n t in time. This should not b e t a k e n to
suggest that all u r b a n problems are unique to a particular town or city, or
that solutions advocated and a t t e m p t e d in the past have little relevance to
the circumstances of the current day, b u t it is the case that each u r b a n
challenge is likely to require the construction and implementation of a
specific response.
D e s p i t e having argued that an individual example of u r b a n regeneration
is likely to b e particular to a specific place, a n u m b e r of general principles
and models of good practice can b e identified. Such lessons from current
and previous experience can b e applied in o r d e r to assist in the develop-
m e n t and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of approaches to the task of regeneration.
This chapter:
• provides a brief history of the origins of u r b a n problems and policy

responses;
• defines u r b a n regeneration and identifies the principles which guide its
operation;
• provides an introduction to the theory of u r b a n regeneration;
• identifies the purposes of current u r b a n regeneration;
• outlines the d e v e l o p m e n t of u r b a n policy.
10 Peter Roberts
T h e E v o l u t i o n o f Urban A r e a s a n d s o m e K e y T h e m e s
T h e p u r p o s e of this section is to trace t h e origins of attempts to identify and

resolve u r b a n problems, and to isolate t h e major features and characteris-
tics of t h e solutions that have b e e n developed and applied. Whilst it is
impossible in the space of a few pages to provide anything but the most
superficial c o m m e n t a r y on some of the major events in the history of u r b a n
areas, the most important contribution of this section is to identify the
factors that have influenced the emergence of the m o d e r n - d a y practice of
u r b a n regeneration.
Previous eras of u r b a n policy have seen the introduction of m a n y novel
and well-intentioned schemes aimed b o t h at the resolution of particular
p r o b l e m s within existing u r b a n areas and at the establishment of new
settlements within, adjacent to or r e m o t e from existing towns and cities. A s
will b e seen in the following paragraphs, whilst some of these policy inno-
vations have b e e n based u p o n advances in technology, others have resulted
from new economic opportunities or from the a d o p t i o n of attitudes to
questions of social justice which recognise the likely consequences of allow-
ing u r b a n problems to continue unresolved. Whilst changes in technical
capability, economic opportunity and social awareness have b e e n import-
ant factors in determining the pace and scale of u r b a n progress, a n u m b e r
of o t h e r issues have exerted a significant influence over the form and
functioning of cities. T h e following p a r a g r a p h s briefly trace this history and
identify five major t h e m e s that have d o m i n a t e d previous eras of u r b a n
change and policy. These t h e m e s are:
• t h e relationship b e t w e e n the physical conditions evident in u r b a n areas

and the n a t u r e of the social and political response;
• the n e e d to attend to matters of housing and health in u r b a n areas;
• the desirability of linking social i m p r o v e m e n t with economic progress;
• t h e containment of u r b a n growth;
• the changing role and n a t u r e of u r b a n policy.
Physical Conditions and Social Response
U r b a n areas have always performed a wide range of functions. Shelter,

security, social interaction, and the sale and purchase of goods and services
are a m o n g the traditional roles of a town or city. T h e relative i m p o r t a n c e
of each of these functions has changed over time, and such changes have
created new d e m a n d s for land, floor-space, infrastructure and the provision
of a range of accompanying facilities. N o t surprisingly, s o m e traditional
u r b a n areas, either in their entirety or in particular districts of a town, m a y
discover that a previous function or sectoral specialisation is n o longer
required and that the facilities associated with this function are now r e d u n -
dant. In addition to the role of u r b a n areas as a location for t h e h u m a n
Evolution, Definition and Purpose
functions of living, working and recreation, t h e physical structures of towns

and cities also r e p r e s e n t a massive source of wealth. A s Fainstein has
observed, t h e distinction b e t w e e n t h e use of t h e built e n v i r o n m e n t for
h u m a n activity and its m a r k e t role can b e 'summarised as t h e difference
b e t w e e n use and exchange values' (Fainstein, 1994, p . 1). This difference,
which is reflected in t h e evolution of t h e tension b e t w e e n u r b a n areas as
places for h u m a n activity and as assets, lies at t h e h e a r t of a n u m b e r of
u r b a n p r o b l e m s and also helps to define t h e limits within which solutions
can b e constructed and applied.
T o w n s and cities change over time, and this process of change is b o t h
inevitable and can b e viewed as beneficial. It is inevitable because t h e
o p e r a t i o n of t h e political, economic and social systems constantly g e n e r a t e
new d e m a n d s and p r e s e n t fresh opportunities for economic progress and
civic i m p r o v e m e n t . It is beneficial because, although m a n y m a y deny it, the
very existence of these substantial forces of change creates opportunities t o
adjust a n d i m p r o v e t h e condition of u r b a n areas. A s M u m f o r d argued, 'in
t h e city, r e m o t e forces and influences intermingle with t h e local: their
conflicts are n o less significant t h a n their h a r m o n i e s ' (Mumford, 1940, p . 4).
It is t h e desire t o r e s p o n d positively t o such influences that has caused
politicians, developers, landowners, planners and citizens alike t o search
for an answer t o t h e question of h o w best t o improve and maintain t h e
condition of towns a n d cities.
T h e responses m a d e t o this challenge have varied over time, mirroring
t h e socio-political and economic values and structures of u r b a n society. In
previous centuries, new towns and cities w e r e imposed u p o n societies and
settlements w e r e altered by feudal lords and m o n a r c h s with n o reference to
their pre-existing inhabitants - t h e 'bastide' towns of G w y n e d d , t o this day,
d e m o n s t r a t e their military and colonial origins (Smailes, 1953). H o w e v e r ,
a n d reflecting chiefly t h e history of the past two centuries, most British
towns and cities r e p r e s e n t an a t t e m p t to create or r e o r d e r u r b a n areas in a
m a n n e r that best serves t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s of a continually evolving indus-
trial society.
E x p a n d i n g t h e b o u n d a r i e s of u r b a n areas, t o g e t h e r with an associated
increase in the diversity of land uses present within pre-existing built-up
areas, has b e e n t h e typical and d o m i n a n t response to t h e n e e d t o provide
additional space for houses, factories, offices and shops. A l t h o u g h t h e r e are
m a n y examples of grand schemes of civic renewal and t h e establishment of
new industrial settlements, the Victorian slum 'city of dreadful night' (Hall,
1988, p . 14) was t h e p r o d u c t of a society that paid insufficient attention t o
t h e living conditions of t h e majority of u r b a n residents. F o r reasons of
public health a n d a genuine desire to improve u r b a n living conditions, the
slums of t h e n i n e t e e n t h century w e r e eventually acknowledged as an unac-
ceptable e n d - p r o d u c t of a process w h e r e b y industrialisation h a d dictated
t h e p a c e a n d quality of urbanisation. T h e belated recognition during t h e
last decades of t h e n i n e t e e n t h century of the consequences of unregulated
u r b a n growth reflects one of the messages that has b e e n carried forward to
12 Peter Roberts
t h e present-day practice of u r b a n regeneration: this is t h e relationship

b e t w e e n u r b a n physical conditions and social response. In J o s e p h C h a m -
berlain's B i r m i n g h a m of t h e 1870s, u r b a n i m p r o v e m e n t was p r o m o t e d
t h r o u g h a 'civic gospel' (Browne, 1974, p . 7) aimed at eradicating living
conditions, which, in Chamberlain's view, had created a situation w h e r e b y
'it is n o m o r e the fault of these p e o p l e that they are vicious and i n t e m p e -
rate t h a n it is their fault that they are stunted, deformed, debilitated and
diseased' (Browne, 1974, p . 30).
C h a p t e r 5 deals with issues related to the physical and environmental
condition of towns and cities.
Housing a n d Health
Following the recognition and acceptance of the link b e t w e e n p o o r

physical conditions and social deprivation, a series of policy interventions
e m e r g e d in an attempt to improve the living conditions of u r b a n residents.
T h e eradication of disease, the provision of a d e q u a t e housing, the supply of
p u r e water and the creation of o p e n space were early priorities and these
areas of activity have proved to b e enduring necessities.
Whilst this second dominant t h e m e , which is still present in u r b a n re-
generation, had its origins in the response to the slum conditions of the
Victorian era, t h e r e is a constant n e e d for physical intervention in o r d e r t o
replace o u t d a t e d or unsatisfactory dwellings and premises. D u r i n g t h e Vic-
torian era in situ renewal was c o m m o n , although in m a n y cases at densities
far t o o high to ensure the p e r m a n e n t i m p r o v e m e n t in living conditions that
was originally anticipated, and this was matched, chiefly d u e t o improve-
m e n t s in transport technology, by rapid s u b u r b a n growth. In addition, and
serving as a r e m i n d e r to the present day of b o t h t h e possibility and desir-
ability of creating u r b a n conditions in which social, economic and physical
i m p r o v e m e n t s can go h a n d in hand, t h e r e was a growing acceptance of t h e
lessons and benefits to be gained from the enlightened experiments in
' m o d e l village' living established at Port Sunlight, Bournville, N e w L a n a r k
and elsewhere.
C h a p t e r 8 discusses the housing dimension of u r b a n regeneration in
greater detail.
Social Welfare and Economic Progress
Whilst it was n o t always the case t h a t physical r e n e w a l alone could

p r o v i d e an answer t o t h e m a n y p r o b l e m s which beset t h e Victorian city,
t h e public h e a l t h objective of reducing overcrowding a n d disease did
bring a b o u t a gradual i m p r o v e m e n t in t h e condition of u r b a n areas.
Moving b e y o n d this limited objective, and seeking in addition t o c r e a t e
an e n v i r o n m e n t in which a third e l e m e n t of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n - t h e
Evolution, Definition and Purpose 13
e n h a n c e m e n t of e c o n o m i c p r o s p e r i t y - could b e m o r e closely allied t o

e n h a n c e d social welfare a n d i m p r o v e d physical conditions, E b e n e z e r
H o w a r d a n d t h e G a r d e n City M o v e m e n t e x p e r i m e n t e d in t h e creation of
c o m m u n i t i e s which c o m b i n e d 'all t h e a d v a n t a g e s of t h e most energetic
a n d active t o w n life, with all t h e b e a u t y a n d delight of t h e c o u n t r y '
( H o w a r d , 1902, p . 15). A l t h o u g h only a limited n u m b e r of g a r d e n cities
w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d according t o H o w a r d ' s original c o n c e p t i o n -
L e t c h w o r t h (1903) a n d W e l w y n G a r d e n City (1920) - t h e influence of t h e
G a r d e n City M o v e m e n t was considerable a n d w h a t survived from t h e
e x p e r i m e n t in t h e form of t h e post-1945 n e w t o w n s was ' t h e essence of
t h e H o w a r d vision' (Hall, 1988, p . 97).
S u b u r b a n growth, and especially t h e rapid growth which followed the
building of s u b u r b a n railways and the later introduction of the bus and car,
was a distinctive feature of t h e late Victorian era and the first part of the
twentieth century, and, as n o t e d above, whilst this escape to t h e suburbs
provided a relief valve for the m o r e affluent and mobile, it did little to
relieve t h e p r o b l e m s of t h e inner parts of towns and cities. In the period
after 1870 most British u r b a n areas acquired a cheap and efficient public
t r a n s p o r t system, followed later by the introduction and increasing use of
t h e private m o t o r car. T h e impact on u r b a n growth of these new transport
technologies was rapid and widespread. A s Hall (1974) notes, u p to the
1860s densities in L o n d o n were rising and t h e city was contained - the
p o p u l a t i o n d o u b l e d b e t w e e n 1801 and 1851, but the area of t h e city did not
increase in p r o p o r t i o n . H o w e v e r , following t h e introduction of new trans-
p o r t technologies t h e city b e g a n to spread, especially in the period after
1918 - in 1914 t h e population of L o n d o n was 6.5 million, by 1939 8.5
million, whilst t h e built-up area h a d trebled in size.
C h a p t e r s 4 and 6 provide further information on questions of economic
and social change.
Containing Urban G r o w t h
This introduces the fourth t h e m e from the past that can b e seen to have
influenced and shaped t h e current p u r p o s e and practice of u r b a n regenera-
tion. This t h e m e has its origins in the perceived n e e d to restrain u r b a n
growth and to m a k e t h e best possible use of the land that is already used
for u r b a n functions. U r b a n c o n t a i n m e n t provided a rationale b o t h for the
in situ renewal of u r b a n areas and for the balanced expansion of settle-
m e n t s b e y o n d the green belts, which w e r e increasingly imposed a r o u n d the
major towns and cities from the 1930s onwards.
A t t e m p t s t o contain u r b a n sprawl and t o e n s u r e t h e m a x i m u m
beneficial use of land already within t h e u r b a n a r e a have d o m i n a t e d m u c h
of u r b a n policy d u r i n g t h e past century. This t h e m e is still of considerable
i m p o r t a n c e a n d p r o v i d e s an i m m e d i a t e stimulus for m u c h u r b a n
regeneration.
14 Peter Roberts
Table 2.1 The evolution of urban regeneration

Period 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
Policy Recon- Revital- Renewal Redevelop- Regener-
type struction isation ment ation
Major strategy Reconstruction Continuation Focus o n in- M a n y major M o v e towards

a n d orien- a n d extension of 1950s situ renewal schemes of a more c o m -
tation of older areas theme- a n d neigh- development prehensive
of t o w n s a n d suburban a n d bourhood a n d redevelop- form of policy
cities often peripheral schemes; still ment; flagship a n d practice;
based o n a g r o w t h ; some development projects; out of more emphasis
'masterplan'; early attempts at periphery. t o w n projects. o n integrated
suburban at rehab- treatments.
growth. ilitation.
Key actors a n d National a n d M o v e towards G r o w i n g role Emphasis o n Partnership the

stakeholders local a greater of private private sector dominant
government- balance sector a n d de- a n d special approach.
private sector between centralisation agencies;
developers public a n d in local g r o w t h of
and private sectors. government. partnerships.
contractors.
Spatial level of Emphasis o n Regional level Regional a n d In early 1980s Reintroduction

activity local a n d site of activity local levels focus o n site- of strategic
levels. emerged. initially; later later emphasis perspective;
more local o n local level. g r o w t h of
emphasis. regional
activity.
Economic Public sector Continuing Resource Private sector Greater

focus investment from 1950s constraints in dominant w i t h balance
w i t h some with g r o w i n g public sector selective public b e t w e e n
private sector influence of a n d g r o w t h of funds. public, private
involvement. private private a n d voluntary
investment. investment. funding.
Social content Improvement Social a n d Community- Community Emphasis o n

of housing a n d welfare based action self-help w i t h the role of
living improvement. a n d greater very selective community.
standards. empower- state support.
ment.
Physical Replacement Some M o r e extensive Major schemes M o r e modest

emphasis of inner areas continuation renewal of of replacement t h a n 1980s;
a n d peripheral from 1950s older urban and new heritage a n d
development. w i t h parallel areas. development; retention.
rehabilitation 'flagship
of existing schemes'.
areas.
Environmental Landscaping Selective im- Environmental G r o w t h of Introduction of

approach a n d some provements. improvement concern for broader idea
greening. w i t h some in- wider of environmen-
novations. approach to tal sustain-
environment. ability.
Sources: After Stohr ( 1989) a n d Lichfield ( 1992).

Changing Urban Policy
So t h e scene is n o w set for a brief description a n d assessment of t h e

evolution of u r b a n policy over t h e past half century, and for t h e identifica-
tion of t h e fifth and final t h e m e from the past that has influenced the
c u r r e n t t h e o r y a n d practice of u r b a n regeneration. This final element re-
flects t h e changing assignment of responsibility for t h e i m p r o v e m e n t and
m a n a g e m e n t of towns and cities. F r o m post-Second W o r l d W a r recon-
struction t o t h e present-day m o d e l of partnership, p o w e r a n d responsibility
for the discharge of t h e tasks of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n has changed h a n d s in
line with the b r o a d e r conventions of social organisation and t h e d o m i n a n t
forces of political life. T h e p a t t e r n of evolution of u r b a n policy, t o g e t h e r
with t h e characteristics of each era of policy, is summarised in T a b l e 2.1.
In t h e i m m e d i a t e p e r i o d after 1945 repairing wartime d a m a g e and recon-
structing t h e fabric of towns a n d cities, m a n y of which h a d b e e n neglected
for years, initially t o o k priority. This process of reconstruction was seen as
a task of national i m p o r t a n c e . T h e pace was set by central government,
with t h e Ministry of T o w n a n d C o u n t r y Planning even offering detailed
guidance to local authorities O n the principles and standards that should
govern t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of r e d e v e l o p m e n t plans for (central) a r e a s ' (Minis-
try of T o w n a n d C o u n t r y Planning, 1947, p . 1). W i t h detailed guidance of
this kind it is little w o n d e r that so m a n y of t h e end-products of t h e post-war
schemes of central renewal look depressingly alike.
Other policy p r e s c r i p t i o n s w e r e launched alongside central
r e d e v e l o p m e n t . U r b a n constraint t h r o u g h t h e designation of g r e e n belts
still p e r m i t t e d substantial p e r i p h e r a l e x p a n s i o n within t h e u r b a n fence,
a n d further s u b u r b a n i s a t i o n also o c c u r r e d at t h e e d g e s of m a n y existing
t o w n s a n d cities. B e y o n d t h e g r e e n belt w e r e t h e n e w a n d e x p a n d e d
t o w n s , t o g e t h e r with rapidly growing free-standing c o u n t y towns. T h e
e m p h a s i s in t h e 1940s a n d 1950s was o n r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , r e p l a c e m e n t a n d
t h e e r a d i c a t i o n of t h e physical p r o b l e m s of t h e past. G o v e r n m e n t - l e d ,
with enthusiastic s u p p o r t from local a u t h o r i t i e s a n d t h e p r i v a t e sector
alike, t h e priorities of slum c l e a r a n c e a n d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n led t o t h e
e m b r a c e of 'high-rise housing a n d industrialised building t e c h n i q u e s '
( C o u c h , 1990, p . 29).
By t h e mid-1960s it was already a p p a r e n t that m a n y of t h e i m m e d i a t e
post-war solutions h a d simply transferred the location and altered the ma-
nifestation of u r b a n p r o b l e m s . Growing dissatisfaction with slum clearance
a n d t h e resulting decanting of p o p u l a t i o n t o peripheral estates, t o g e t h e r
with a m o r e participatory and decentralised a p p r o a c h to government, led
to a series of adjustments to policy. In the u r b a n policy field this shift in
priorities resulted in an increased emphasis on i m p r o v e m e n t and renewal.
This 'discovery' of t h e inner city, together with t h e first tentative steps
t o w a r d s t h e g e n e r a t i o n of u r b a n policy, led to a major expansion of u r b a n
initiatives during t h e 1970s. Associated with the proliferation of initiatives
in this p e r i o d w e r e a series of a t t e m p t s to ensure greater co-ordination
16 Peter Roberts
b e t w e e n the previously separate economic, social and physical strands of

policy.
M a n y of t h e u r b a n policy initiatives of the 1970s initially continued into
t h e 1980s, although substantial modifications and additions w e r e subse-
quently introduced (Turok, 1987). Most significantly, during t h e 1980s
t h e r e was a m o v e away from the idea that the central state should or could
provide all of the resources required in o r d e r to support policy interven-
tions. This new policy stance was m a t c h e d by a greater emphasis on the
role of partnership. T h e m o r e commercial style of u r b a n r e d e v e l o p m e n t
evident in the 1980s reflected yet a n o t h e r set of changes in t h e n a t u r e and
structure of political philosophy and control.
F u r t h e r adjustments to the form and operation of u r b a n policy have
occurred in the 1990s, with a gradual m o v e back to a m o r e consensual style
of politics and the recognition of a series of new p r o b l e m s and challenges.
This change in stance has influenced the form and content of u r b a n policy.
O n e example of the new policy formulation of the 1990s, which is evident
b o t h in t h e general d o m a i n of politics and in u r b a n policy, is the acceptance
of the n e e d to work in accord with t h e environmental objectives of sustain-
able development. A l t h o u g h not yet fully reflected in what we now define
as u r b a n regeneration, this is a final illustration of t h e way in which t h e
inheritance of the past and the challenges of the present help to shape
u r b a n regeneration. A l t h o u g h the new challenge of environmentally sus-
tainable development has not yet fully imposed its characteristics o n t h e
functioning of u r b a n areas, t h e r e is little d o u b t that it is likely to d o m i n a t e
the theory and practice of u r b a n regeneration and of u r b a n m a n a g e m e n t in
the future.
The Basis for Urban Regeneration
T h e s e t h e m e s from the history of u r b a n p r o b l e m s and opportunities: the

relationship b e t w e e n physical conditions and social response; t h e con-
tinued n e e d for the physical replacement of m a n y elements of t h e u r b a n
fabric; t h e importance of economic success as a foundation for u r b a n pros-
perity and quality of life; the n e e d to m a k e the best possible use of u r b a n
land and t o avoid unnecessary sprawl; and the importance of recognising
that u r b a n policy mirrors the d o m i n a n t social conventions and political
forces of t h e day, are t h e m e s which will b e developed elsewhere in this
b o o k . A t this point these five t h e m e s , plus the new t h e m e of sustainable
development, simply need to b e acknowledged.
A s is d e m o n s t r a t e d m o r e fully in t h e following section of this chapter,
t h e r e is a high degree of coincidence b e t w e e n the history of the content,
structure and operation of u r b a n policy, and t h e general evolution of politi-
cal attitudes, social values and economic power. H o w e v e r , although t h e
style and characteristics of successive r o u n d s of u r b a n policy reflect the
evolution of political, economic and social values, and although particular
u r b a n p r o b l e m s a n d s o m e aspects of u r b a n policy have come a n d gone over

time, a professional a n d technical capacity has e m e r g e d in response to t h e
challenge of u r b a n regeneration. This capacity has continued to evolve
almost irrespective of t h e particular political fashions of t h e day. F r o m new
settlements t o suburbanisation, a n d from comprehensive r e d e v e l o p m e n t t o
in situ regeneration, t h e u r b a n challenge continues t o tax t h e ability a n d
ingenuity of policy-makers, planners, developers a n d citizens alike.
W h a t is U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n ?
H a v i n g identified a n d traced t h e evolution of s o m e of t h e major issues a n d

factors that have b e e n evident in previous eras of u r b a n change a n d policy,
t h e preceding section of this chapter isolated five i m p o r t a n t t h e m e s that
can b e identified from t h e history of u r b a n regeneration. T h e s e t h e m e s
chiefly r e p r e s e n t t h e origins a n d o u t c o m e s of past p r o b l e m s a n d policy
responses, a n d although they reflect t h e enduring a n d continuous n a t u r e of
economic, social a n d physical change, they d o n o t yield, by themselves, t h e
basis for a comprehensive definition of u r b a n regeneration. In o r d e r to
help t o construct a working definition of u r b a n regeneration it is also
necessary t o identify emerging areas of concern a n d likely future chal-
lenges. A s was argued above, t h e most i m p o r t a n t of these challenges is that
which is r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e n e e d t o ensure that all areas of public a n d
private policy o p e r a t e in accord with t h e principles of sustainable develop-
ment; this represents a n e w sixth t h e m e .
A Definition of Urban Regeneration
T h e s e six t h e m e s - five from t h e past a n d o n e representing t h e d o m i n a n t

policy issue of t h e p r e s e n t a n d future - provide t h e basis for an initial
definition of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n as:
comprehensive and integrated vision and action which leads to the resolution of
urban problems and which seeks to bring about a lasting improvement in the
economic, physical, social and environmental condition of an area that has been
subject to change.
This definition encompasses t h e essential features of u r b a n regeneration

that have b e e n identified by Lichfield, w h e r e she points t o t h e n e e d for 'a
b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e processes of decline' a n d a n ' a g r e e m e n t o n
w h a t o n e is trying t o achieve a n d h o w ' (Lichfield, 1992, p . 19); by H a u s n e r ,
w h o emphasises t h e inherent weaknesses of a p p r o a c h e s to regeneration
that a r e 'short-term, fragmented, ad h o c a n d project-based without an
overall strategic framework for city-wide d e v e l o p m e n t ' ( H a u s n e r , 1993, p .
526); a n d by D o n n i s o n in his call for ' n e w ways of tackling o u r p r o b l e m s
18 Peter Roberts
which focus in a co-ordinated way on problems and on the areas w h e r e

those problems are concentrated' (Donnison, 1993, p . 18).
U r b a n regeneration moves b e y o n d the aims, aspirations and achieve-
m e n t s of u r b a n renewal, which is seen by Couch as 'a process of essentially
physical c h a n g e ' (Couch, 1990, p . 2), u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t (or redevelop-
m e n t ) with its general mission and less well-defined p u r p o s e , and u r b a n
revitalisation (or rehabilitation) which, whilst suggesting the n e e d for ac-
tion, fails to specify a precise m e t h o d of approach. In addition, u r b a n
regeneration implies that any approach to tackling the p r o b l e m s encoun-
tered in towns and cities should be constructed with a longer-term, m o r e
strategic, p u r p o s e in mind.
Bringing together the evidence from the history of u r b a n change and
policy with the points m a d e in the previous p a r a g r a p h , it is possible to
identify a n u m b e r of phases or stages in the d e v e l o p m e n t of the theory and
practice of what we now define as u r b a n regeneration. Building on the
w o r k of Stôhr (1989) and Lichfield (1992), T a b l e 2.1 traces s o m e of t h e
major changes that have occurred in the a p p r o a c h to, and content of, u r b a n
policy and practice from the 1950s to the present day.
Principles of Urban Regeneration
Building on the definition provided above, a n u m b e r of principles can b e

identified that are t h e hallmark of u r b a n regeneration. Reflecting t h e chal-
lenges of u r b a n change and their outcomes, which w e r e discussed in the
previous section of this chapter, u r b a n regeneration should:
• b e b a s e d u p o n a detailed analysis of t h e condition of an u r b a n area;

• b e aimed at the simultaneous adaptation of the physical fabric, social
structures, economic base and environmental condition of an u r b a n
area;
• a t t e m p t to achieve this task of simultaneous adaptation t h r o u g h the
generation and implementation of a comprehensive and integrated
strategy that deals with the resolution of p r o b l e m s in a balanced, or-
d e r e d and positive manner;
• ensure that a strategy and the resulting p r o g r a m m e s of implementation
are developed in accord with the aims of sustainable development;
• set clear operational objectives which should, wherever possible, b e
quantified;
• m a k e the best possible use of natural, economic, h u m a n and o t h e r
resources, including land and existing features of the built environment;
• seek to ensure consensus through the fullest possible participation a n d
co-operation of all stakeholders with a legitimate interest in t h e re-
generation of an u r b a n area; this may b e achieved through p a r t n e r s h i p
or other m o d e s of working;
• recognise the importance of measuring the progress of strategy towards
the achievement of specified objectives and monitoring the changing
n a t u r e and influence of t h e internal and external forces which act u p o n

u r b a n areas;
• accept t h e likelihood that initial p r o g r a m m e s of i m p l e m e n t a t i o n will
n e e d t o b e revised in-line with such changes as occur;
• recognise the reality that the various elements of a strategy are likely to
m a k e progress at different speeds; this m a y require t h e redirection of
resources or t h e provision of additional resources in o r d e r to maintain a
b r o a d balance b e t w e e n the aims encompassed in a scheme of u r b a n
r e g e n e r a t i o n and to allow for the achievement of all of the strategic
objectives.
Figure 2.1 provides an illustration of the interaction between these and many
other factors. This diagram also indicates the variety of themes and topics
involved in urban regeneration and the multiplicity of interrelated outputs.
T h e s e principles p u t substance b e h i n d t h e definition of u r b a n regenera-
tion which was given earlier. A b o v e and b e y o n d these principles is the
n e e d t o recognise and accept the uniqueness of place - R o b s o n expresses
this as t h e 'uniqueness of h o w things h a p p e n in a local a r e a ' ( R o b s o n , 1988,
p. ix) - a n d t h e r e q u i r e m e n t for any particular m o d e l of u r b a n regeneration
t o b e calibrated t o the circumstances within which it operates. This implies,
for example, that an individual scheme of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n should b o t h
reflect t h e wider circumstances and r e q u i r e m e n t s of the city or region in
which it is located ( H a u s n e r , 1993), and seek t o r e d u c e social exclusion and
e n h a n c e t h e economic reintegration of disadvantaged u r b a n areas
( M c G r e g o r and M c C o n n a c h i e , 1995).
A b o v e and b e y o n d these r e q u i r e m e n t s , which s u p p o r t t h e principles of
u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n stated above, is the desirability of ensuring that u r b a n
areas m a k e a positive contribution to national economic performance and
t o t h e a t t a i n m e n t of a range of o t h e r social and environmental goals. In the
past s o m e observers have argued that disadvantaged u r b a n areas, and in
particular the inner cities, act as a drag u p o n national and regional success
and should b e a b a n d o n e d , but the evidence for such a stance is, at best,
flimsy. M o r e recent assessments dismiss the view that disadvantaged inner
u r b a n areas should b e a b a n d o n e d b e c a u s e they are n o longer i m p o r t a n t t o
the success and prosperity of the regions and nations in which they are
located. This point has b e e n expressed with force on b o t h sides of the
Atlantic. Stegman notes that 'the tragedy of the inner city affects e v e r y o n e '
and that the 'overall p e r f o r m a n c e of metropolitan regions is linked to the
p e r f o r m a n c e of their central cities, and u r b a n distress moves outwards
from t h e c o r e ' (Stegman, 1995, p . 1602). In essence, what Stegman and
o t h e r s are saying is that cities matter, and that the task of ensuring the
effective r e g e n e r a t i o n of an u r b a n area is of fundamental i m p o r t a n c e t o a
wide r a n g e of actors and stakeholders, including local communities, city
and national g o v e r n m e n t , p r o p e r t y owners and investors, economic ac-
tivities of all kinds, a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l organisations at all levels from the
global t o the local.
20 Peter Roberts
Figure 2.1 The Urban Regeneration Process
Economic analysis Social analysis Environmental analysis
e.g. structure of local e.g. analysis of social e.g. urban physical

economy, income flows, stress, deprivation, skills quality, environmental
employment and and capabilities, resource use, waste
unemployment, output, community facilities, management, pollution,
economic linkages ethnic and other minority designed features,
issues landscape
INPUTS
External drivers of Application to an individual urban Internal drivers of change

change
• city-wide analysis e.g. existing strategies,
e.g. macro-trends in • neighbourhood characteristics availability of resources,
economy, European and • existing plans and policies preferences of residents,
national policy, strategies • specified goals and aims status of partnerships,
of competitor cities • nature requirements leadership and champions
Neighbourhood strategies Training and education Physical improvements
e.g. community action, inner e.g. skills enhancement, e.g. city-centre improvement,
area renewal, local social community training, enhanced estates action, housing
facilities, community-led research and development, improvement, enhanced urban
planning, local environmental support for schools and design and quality, heritage
schemes school-based facilities
Economic development Environmental action
e.g. support for new and existing firms, e.g. waste management, energy efficiency,
improved infrastructure, innovation, economic urban greening, company-based action,
diversification stimulating green growth
F r o m T h e o r y t o Practice
This section of the chapter offers a brief review of some of the major
theories which provide a foundation for the practice of u r b a n regeneration.
T w o immediate problems here are the absence of a single accepted theory
that is capable of explaining the entire range of issues related to the occur-
rence and outcomes of urban change, and the existence of widely differing
views as to what constitutes the scope and c o m p e t e n c e of u r b a n

regeneration.
M o s t explanations of t h e process of u r b a n change c o m m e n c e their analy-
sis from t h e consideration of a single factor. They t h e n seek to widen their
scope by reference to t h e o u t c o m e s of u r b a n change, r a t h e r t h a n the under-
lying causes. T h e e n d result is that most theories of u r b a n change provide
only a partial insight into what is a complex process.
A n additional issue that has to b e addressed is t h e desirability of dis-
tinguishing b e t w e e n the 'theory o f u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n and the role of
'theory (or theories) in' u r b a n regeneration. Whilst b o t h of these aspects of
u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n theory are of value, the present discussion concentrates
on the former r a t h e r t h a n the latter aspect. A l t h o u g h this distinction b e -
t w e e n t h e two aspects of theory may a p p e a r to b e s o m e w h a t artificial, the
focus of concern in this section is balanced in the following chapters by the
inclusion of a n u m b e r of individual areas of theory that m a k e specific
contributions to particular aspects of u r b a n regeneration. T a k e n together,
this section and the following chapters provide a b r o a d overview of 'theory
o f and 'theory in' u r b a n regeneration.
U r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n is by its very n a t u r e an interventionist activity.
Whilst traditionally m a n y forms of intervention have b e e n state led, the
desirability of intervening in o r d e r to correct a failure of t h e m a r k e t has
increasingly b e c o m e a m a t t e r of public-private consensus. A l t h o u g h it is
t e m p t i n g to close t h e d e b a t e h e r e , it is insufficient to suggest that consensus
can either e m e r g e or continue to function in the absence of the necessary
institutional structures. Creating these institutional structures requires the
establishment of a central objective (or objectives) and the introduction of
a m e a n s of mobilising collective effort in o r d e r to m a n a g e change in an
orderly m a n n e r .
O n e a t t e m p t to explain and u n d e r s t a n d the i m p o r t a n c e of creating a
framework within which new forms of collective effort can b e developed
and applied has b e e n contributed by the regulation school. This theory is
based on 'the concept of successive regimes of accumulation' in which
'each regime develops an accompanying m o d e of regulation' (Knox, 1995,
p . 104). T h u s , far from eradicating regulation t h r o u g h a reduction in the
scope of state activity, the reality is that new p a t t e r n s of social, political and
economic relations e m e r g e . T h e s e new forms of control and intervention
have e m e r g e d as a response to unexpected challenges. In this changed
regime the actors involved in u r b a n m a n a g e m e n t and regeneration are
r e q u i r e d to establish new m e t h o d s for arriving at consensus. A s H e a l e y has
argued, o n e of the most i m p o r t a n t features of this mobilisation of collective
effort is that it encourages a diversity of discourses 'not merely about
content, but a b o u t the process t h r o u g h which p e o p l e seek to d e b a t e their
c o n c e r n s ' (Healey, 1995, p . 256).
U r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n theory is principally concerned with the institutional
and organisational dynamics of the m a n a g e m e n t of u r b a n change.
H o w e v e r , these institutional and organisational dimensions of the theory
22 Peter Roberts
of u r b a n regeneration also display a n u m b e r of important characteristics

and features which help to define the role, content and m o d e of operation
of u r b a n regeneration. Given that u r b a n regeneration as a distinct activity
is r o o t e d in practice rather than theory, a high degree of similarity b e t w e e n
the features of theory and practice is to b e expected. Summarising these
features, u r b a n regeneration can be seen as:
• an interventionist activity;
• an activity which straddles the public, private and community sectors;
• an activity which is likely to experience considerable changes in its
institutional structures over time in response to changing economic,
social, environmental and political circumstances;
• a m e a n s of mobilising collective effort and providing t h e basis for the
negotiation of appropriate solutions;
• a m e a n s of determining policies and actions designed t o improve t h e
condition of u r b a n areas and developing the institutional structures
necessary to support the p r e p a r a t i o n of specific proposals.
T h e s e characteristics and features reflect the preceding d e b a t e , and are

chiefly concerned with the role and the m o d e of operation of u r b a n
regeneration.
T h e other major element of u r b a n regeneration theory relates to the
functioning of t h e u r b a n system as a whole and to t h e operation of
the economic, social, physical and environmental processes that d e t e r m i n e
the content of u r b a n regeneration. R o b s o n (1988) has identified four main
elements of the processes involved in u r b a n change: industrial restruc-
turing in pursuit of maximising returns; factor constraints including the
availability of land and buildings; the real or perceived unattractiveness of
u r b a n areas; and the social composition of u r b a n areas. T h e identification
of these elements assists in defining the content of u r b a n regeneration. In
addition, this assessment also points t o the n e e d to consider the ways
in which the diverse elements involved in regeneration can b e integrated in
o r d e r t o ensure that actions are mutually supportive.
Integration is a central feature of u r b a n regeneration and this feature
helps to distinguish u r b a n regeneration from earlier partial a t t e m p t s to
m a n a g e change in u r b a n areas (Lichfield, 1992). T h e earlier sections of this
chapter examined the reasons for the existence of u r b a n regeneration and
d e m o n s t r a t e d the ways in which t h e various forces of change have b e e n
m a n a g e d in t h e past. However, whilst not wishing to suggest that individual
sectoral initiatives are unwelcome, it is a p p a r e n t that, for example, an
isolated property-led solution cannot b e expected t o address t h e full range
of economic, social and environmental p r o b l e m s that are e n c o u n t e r e d in
u r b a n areas. G e n e r a t i n g and delivering an integrated and comprehensive
solution to the challenges of u r b a n regeneration is a difficult task, b u t it is
well w o r t h the effort involved.
This suggests that the final element of a theory of u r b a n regeneration is
that it is a strategic process or, to use Hickling's terminology, it is a b o u t
managing decisions t h r o u g h the use of strategic choice (Hickling, 1974).

G i v e n t h e wide r a n g e of issues involved in the m a n a g e m e n t of u r b a n
change, a n d accepting that m a n y individual actions are likely to b e of
limited scope and short-term duration, it is essential that u r b a n
r e g e n e r a t i o n should w o r k to a strategic agenda. A system for the strategic
m a n a g e m e n t of u r b a n regeneration should place emphasis on the n e e d to
create clarity regarding the i n t e n d e d o u t c o m e s of regeneration, the provi-
sion of a framework within which specific plans and projects can b e de-
signed and i m p l e m e n t e d , establishing and maintaining links b e t w e e n the
policy systems involved, identifying the roles and responsibilities of the
actors and organisations involved in regeneration, and generating a sense
of c o m m o n p u r p o s e and co-operation ( R o b e r t s , 1990). M a t t e r s of part-
nership, strategy a n d the m a n a g e m e n t of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n are dealt with
m o r e fully in C h a p t e r s 3 and 11 of t h e present b o o k .
W h y Bother to Regenerate Urban Areas?
T h e preceding sections of this chapter have discussed a n u m b e r of causes of

t h e ' u r b a n p r o b l e m ' , the theories which have b e e n advanced to explain
u r b a n change and the consequences of allowing the o u t c o m e s of u r b a n
p r o b l e m s to continue unchecked. M a n y different explanations of the
origins and occurrence of u r b a n p r o b l e m s have b e e n advanced over the
years, and whilst s o m e of these explanations emphasise the influence of an
individual event or a particular policy decision, most analysts have a d o p t e d
a multi-causal explanation. Likewise, it is unusual for the o u t c o m e of a
process of u r b a n change to b e one-dimensional. A s is d e m o n s t r a t e d in
C h a p t e r s 3, 5, 6 and o t h e r parts of the present b o o k , most u r b a n p r o b l e m s
and challenges affect a wide variety of authorities, local communities, spe-
cial agencies and private firms.
The Causes a n d Consequences of Urban C h a n g e
A n u r b a n change event, such as the closure of a factory, m a y simply b e the

final o u t c o m e of a trading decision t a k e n in a b o a r d r o o m t h o u s a n d s of
miles away. T h e directors w h o t o o k the decision may not k n o w the location
of an individual manufacturing facility, and in making the decision they are
likely to have given little thought to anything apart from the efficient
functioning of their company. This tendency to dislocate decisions from
their consequences for a local area has b e e n exacerbated in recent years
t h r o u g h t h e internationalisation of production, and this tendency has im-
plications for t h e role played by firms in schemes for local economic revival
( C u r r a n and Blackburn, 1994). It is also the case that m a n y public policy
decisions are m a d e without a full appreciation of their spatial con-
sequences.
24 Peter Roberts
A similar sequence of cause and consequence may flow from o t h e r p r o -

pulsive events d e t e r m i n e d by forces of a different n a t u r e . Crime, physical
blight, social polarisation and m a n y o t h e r causes can change forever the
composition and social structure of a community or n e i g h b o u r h o o d . Physi-
cal decay, changing transportation and accessibility r e q u i r e m e n t s , or the
impossibility of adapting buildings to a c c o m m o d a t e new uses, can sweep
away an industrial, warehousing, residential or retail district.
T h e most important implication of the preceding discussion for policy-
m a k e r s and practitioners alike is t h e difficulty of attempting to identify a
single cause of an ' u r b a n p r o b l e m ' . Because m a n y change events are multi-
causal in origin, they reflect a range of influences which e m a n a t e from b o t h
within and outwith a city. Whilst at o n e level t h e restructuring of towns a n d
cities can b e viewed as representing the o u t c o m e of a global process which
implies the restructuring of 'those o t h e r critical contexts within which t h e
world's households live, including the city and the c o m m u n i t y ' (Feagin and
Smith, 1987, p . 13), at a n o t h e r level it may b e the case that the future
survival of an economic activity or a close-knit community is t h r e a t e n e d by
a political whim or professional misjudgement (Jacobs, 1961; Boddy, 1992).
Before entering into a m o r e detailed discussion on the key elements of
u r b a n change, it is important to distinguish b e t w e e n the p r o b l e m of t h e
inner cities and the b r o a d e r u r b a n p r o b l e m , and to emphasise the import-
ance of balancing u r b a n problems against potentials. O n the first of these
issues, P e t e r Hall m a d e the point neatly some years ago: 'we n e e d to t a k e
the widest possible view' and to consider the p r o b l e m of u r b a n change 'in
the spatial context of the rapidly changing economic and social geography
of c o n t e m p o r a r y Britain' (Hall, 1981, p . 4). Equally, it is important to avoid
dwelling on problems to the exclusion of the potential for positive change.
Kuklinski (1990) has argued that spatial policy n e e d s two principal goals,
economic efficiency and social equity, and that achieving a balance b e -
tween these can help to resolve p r o b l e m s by mobilising potential. This
suggests that analyses which focus equally u p o n the competitive advantage
of u r b a n areas, and especially of the inner city, tend to b e m o r e helpful
t h a n m o d e l s which limit their attention solely t o t h e role of welfare policy
in the resolution of problems (Porter, 1995).
F o u r major aspects of u r b a n change are considered in the following
section:
• economic transition and e m p l o y m e n t change;

• social and community issues;
• physical obsolescence and new land and p r o p e r t y requirements;
• environmental quality and sustainable development.
Economic Transition and Employment Change

E c o n o m i c change is not a new p h e n o m e n o n , n o r is t h e r e any lack of
analysis or policy prescription with regard to this subject. T h e fundamental
issue that has to b e addressed is that m a n y profound changes have occurred
in t h e structure, profitability a n d ownership of economic activities. H a n n -

ington, writing of t h e p r o b l e m of t h e distressed areas in 1937, pointed t o
evidence of t h e b r e a k d o w n of t h e traditional u r b a n economic o r d e r 'when
t h e basic industries of t h e system are plunged into continuous slump'
( H a n n i n g t o n , 1937, p . 31).
E c h o e s of this analysis can b e identified in m o r e recent studies w h e r e t h e
' u r b a n p r o b l e m ' is seen as part of a b r o a d e r process of restructuring in
which older u r b a n areas have suffered most d u e t o inherent weaknesses in
t h e structure of their economic base a n d their inability t o a d a p t t o n e w
trading a n d infrastructural r e q u i r e m e n t s ( R o b s o n , 1988). In Hall's analysis
of t h e economic p e r f o r m a n c e of u r b a n areas 'goods-handling' places -
d e p e n d a n t u p o n manufacturing, p o r t functions a n d a range of traditional
service activities - have p e r f o r m e d worse t h a n 'information handling'
places (Hall, 1987), n o t only in Britain, b u t also in o t h e r advanced
economies.
This identification of t h e fundamental structural weaknesses evident in
t h e economies of t h e older u r b a n areas led researchers in t h e 1980s t o
investigate a variety of causal factors including t h e ' u r b a n - r u r a l ' shift
(Fothergill a n d Gudgin, 1982) a n d t h e 'spatial division of labour' (Massey,
1984). M o r e recently, t h e t o p - d o w n analyses of t h e 1980s have b e e n bal-
anced by locally r o o t e d assessments of o t h e r aspects of t h e difficulties
experienced by t h e u r b a n labour force in gaining access to n e w economic
opportunities. In m a n y cases this is seen t o b e d u e t o t h e absence of
a p p r o p r i a t e skills a n d experience ( M c G r e g o r a n d M c C o n n a c h i e , 1995),
resulting in t h e 'social exclusion' of substantial segments of t h e labour
force.
A l a n d m a r k project of t h e late 1960s p r e s e n t e d an assessment of u r b a n
change in u n a m b i g u o u s t e r m s w h e n it argued t h e case for an integrated
r e g e n e r a t i o n policy in o r d e r t o address t h e economic, social a n d physical
decay evident in t h e inner city of Liverpool. T h e Shelter N e i g h b o u r h o o d
A c t i o n Project ( S N A P ) r e p o r t (McConaghy, 1972) built u p o n earlier par-
tial, often sectoral, analyses a n d stated t h e i m p o r t a n c e of viewing u r b a n
economic change within t h e context of b r o a d e r economic trends, b u t it also
advocated that solutions should b e locally rooted. In addition, t h e S N A P
r e p o r t n o t e d t h e n e e d t o consider t h e role of t h e urban, a n d especially t h e
inner u r b a n , e c o n o m y within t h e wider context of t h e region a n d nation
and it argued that 'it is absurd t o a t t e m p t t o deal with u r b a n deprivation as
something quite separate t o progress in t h e u r b a n unit of which it is a p a r t '
(McConaghy, 1972, p . 205).
Social and Community Issues

T h e preceding discussion of economic transition provides an initial insight
into t h e origins of m a n y of t h e social p r o b l e m s which have beset u r b a n
areas. H o w e v e r , economic change, whilst of major significance, is n o t t h e
only factor that h a s dictated t h e scale a n d occurrence of social p r o b l e m s in
towns a n d cities. O t h e r influences have also b e e n at work; such influences
26 Peter Roberts
reflect the evolution of socio-demographic trends, the adjustment and

b r e a k d o w n of traditional family and community structures, the changing
n a t u r e and outcomes of u r b a n policy, and the consequences of changing
social perceptions and values.
Socio-demographic change in recent decades has seen t h e m o v e m e n t of
population away from older u r b a n areas in general, and from t h e inner
cities in particular. This decentralisation of population has b e e n b o t h
p l a n n e d and u n p l a n n e d (Lawless, 1989). Some households left the city as a
result of the construction of peripheral housing estates, the p l a n n e d expan-
sion of u r b a n areas b e y o n d the immediate sphere of influence of t h e city of
origin, and t h e building of new towns. H o w e v e r , t h e majority of t h o s e
leaving older u r b a n areas have d o n e so through their decision to m o v e to
new areas of private housing. T h e reasons for such moves are m a n y and
complex but, in summary, they include the availability of cheaper and m o r e
attractive housing, t h e search for an improved quality of life and t h e desire
to gain access to a b e t t e r range of services. In addition, this adjustment in
residential preferences also reflects the changing location of e m p l o y m e n t
opportunities.
A l t h o u g h t h e pull of the suburbs and of t h e free-standing settlements
b e y o n d the boundaries of the older u r b a n areas reflects o n e aspect of this
analysis, push factors have also b e e n of considerable importance. Such
factors can b e seen in most advanced societies; p e o p l e have m o v e d away
from cities in o r d e r 'to escape the noisy, crowded city and find space'
(Fowler, 1993, p . 7). U r b a n areas, and especially inner u r b a n areas, are n o
longer the preferred residential location of the m o r e affluent, instead cities
have increasingly experienced a concentration of the p o o r and disadvan-
taged m e m b e r s of society. This exclusionary differentiation (Healey et al,
1995) has exacerbated the problems experienced by m a n y u r b a n dwellers,
notwithstanding the success of some of the projects aimed at recolonising
the city in an a t t e m p t t o produce a m o r e balanced society.
O n e of the causes of the changes which have b e e n described above has
b e e n the b r e a k d o w n of traditional structures of community and kinship.
T h e disappearance of traditional sources of employment, the effects of
policies aimed at rehousing u r b a n residents, the impact of infrastructure
and commercial p r o p e r t y development, the decay of the environment, and
t h e absence of a d e q u a t e social facilities, have c o m b i n e d t o e r o d e t h e cohe-
sion of many u r b a n communities. With the b r e a k d o w n of the support
provided by the neighbourhood, other p r o b l e m s have e m e r g e d which have
led to further instability and decline. In this situation new issues arise,
including t h e spatial concentration in the inner cities of non-white immi-
grants and the u r b a n poor. R a c e is now a significant factor in m a n y of our
u r b a n areas, and it is 'important that those concerned with intervention in
u r b a n renewal should be particularly aware of the racial aspects and im-
plications of policy' (Couch, 1990, p . 90). N e w immigrants and t h e children
of earlier generations of immigrants have a d d e d an ethnic dimension to
m a n y of the issues confronting u r b a n communities. M o r e importantly, and
positively, these new groups have also contributed new resources and
sources of potential (Oc, 1995).
A final point of i m p o r t a n c e in this brief introduction to the social and
c o m m u n i t y aspects of u r b a n policy is the image of the city. In the eyes of
m a n y p e o p l e t h e city is n o longer an attractive place that can provide all the
r e q u i r e m e n t s necessary for a civilised way of life. R a t h e r , parts of our
towns and cities fulfil 'the same role as the howling wilderness of the
sixteenth a n d s e v e n t e e n t h centuries; a place of b a s e instincts, ugly motives,
s u b t e r r a n e a n fears and u n s p o k e n desires, a place which reveals the savage
basis of t h e h u m a n condition and the frailty of civilised society' (Short,
1991, p p . 4 7 - 8 ) . W i t h a public image of this kind can u r b a n areas ever
recover their position as the centrepiece of civilised living? T h e answer can
b e seen in a n u m b e r of experiments in social and community regeneration
t h a t are aimed at 'breaking out of this stultifying t r a p ' ( R o b s o n and R o b -
son, 1994, p . 91), and in the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of s o m e u r b a n communities,
such as t h e E l d o n i a n s of Liverpool, to resist the negative forces of change
a n d t o rebuild from within.
Physical Obsolescence and New Requirements

O n e of the most obvious manifestations of the ' u r b a n p r o b l e m ' is the
physical obsolescence of m a n y parts of our towns and cities. In situ decay,
the functional obsolescence of buildings, derelict sites, o u t d a t e d infrastruc-
t u r e and t h e changed accessibility r e q u i r e m e n t s of the users of u r b a n areas,
c o m b i n e to p r e s e n t a major task for regeneration. Whilst economic, social
and institutional factors can b e identified that explain the physical decline
of cities, in m a n y cases these factors can also b e redirected in o r d e r to
provide t h e foundations for regeneration. Such an a p p r o a c h can help to
guide physical d e v e l o p m e n t in o r d e r to ensure that it is a p p r o p r i a t e and is
likely to initiate area-wide physical, economic, social and environmental
restructuring. T h e establishment of a wider m a n d a t e for property-led re-
generation would help to ensure that physical action for towns and cities
also m a d e a greater contribution to the economic and social well-being of
such areas (Turok, 1992).
Physical p r o b l e m s arise due to changes in the r e q u i r e m e n t s of the users
of u r b a n land and premises, because of the deterioration of the stock of
u r b a n buildings and infrastructure, and as a c o n s e q u e n c e of m a r k e t failures
in the system of land ownership and control. A l t h o u g h t h e r e is some evi-
dence to the contrary, t h e r e is often a space constraint on t h e location of
e c o n o m i c activities in t h e inner areas of m a n y cities. This constrained
locational view is s u p p o r t e d by research (Fothergill, Kitson and M o n k ,
1983) and by t h e m a n y instances of firms leaving the city in search of
additional space a n d lower operational costs. Increasing competition for
jobs, t o g e t h e r with the influence exerted by the new residential preferences
of employees, has resulted in the provision of alternative locations that are
often b e t t e r served by m o d e r n infrastructure and which offer lower rents or
land values (Balchin and Bull, 1987).
28 Peter Roberts
A d d e d to these factors are problems associated with t h e presence of

derelict and contaminated land, the cost of clearing sites and providing new
infrastructure, and the difficulty of assembling sites. Whilst solutions to
such p r o b l e m s are often technically d e t e r m i n e d and site-specific, it is im-
p o r t a n t to realise that t h e r e is an institutional as well as a physical dimen-
sion to the occurrence and persistence of u r b a n physical problems. T h e
absence of an a d e q u a t e institutional capacity to intervene in the cycle of
physical decline has proved to b e a major i m p e d i m e n t to the regeneration
of m a n y u r b a n areas. It was in o r d e r to address such issues that the new
u r b a n initiatives of the 1980s were introduced, including enterprise zones
and u r b a n development corporations; the aim of these innovations was to
'experiment with ways of recasting the regulatory regime' (Healey, 1995,
p . 262).
A final point of importance that should b e n o t e d in relation to the
physical p r o b l e m s of u r b a n areas, is t h e influence of the planning system.
H e r e the evidence is far from conclusive; in some cases blight and neglect
have resulted from over-ambitious planning schemes that have exceeded
their capacity for implementation, whilst in other instances planning has
acted as an enabling force that has g e n e r a t e d positive change. W h a t is clear
is that achieving u r b a n regeneration requires far m o r e t h a n traditional
land-use planning; it has to encompass a b r o a d e r strategy of u r b a n m a n a g e -
m e n t which relates 'investment, physical intervention, social action and
strategic planning - to other associated policy fields' ( R o b e r t s , Struthers
and Sacks, 1993, p . 11).
Environmental Quality and Sustainable Development

T h e final issue to b e discussed in this section is concerned with the environ-
m e n t of u r b a n areas. M a n y of the factors discussed in the preceding para-
graphs have conspired to degrade the u r b a n environment. Whilst
dereliction is the most obvious outward sign of the imposition of urbanisa-
tion on the natural environment, this is not the chief cause of concern. T h e
very existence of what is increasingly referred to as 'unsustainable ur-
banisation' indicates the origins and impacts of towns and cities that have
b e e n developed in o r d e r to serve the goal of economic growth. A city
'draws water, energy and m a n y other resources from distant points leaving
an environmental or ecological footprint of its consumption p a t t e r n '
( R o b e r t s , 1995, p . 230).
In m a n y senses u r b a n areas can b e seen to generate environmental costs
that are not m a t c h e d by benefits. T h e s e costs include the excessive con-
sumption of energy, the inefficient use of raw materials, the neglect of o p e n
space, and the pollution of land, water and the a t m o s p h e r e . A l t h o u g h the
'muck and brass' philosophy of the past may once have b e e n seen to
represent the pathway towards a p r o s p e r o u s city, recent research indicates
that attitudes and expectations have changed, and that a successful town of
t h e future is increasingly likely to b e judged on its environmental
performance and a p p e a r a n c e ( A c h e , B r e m m and K u n z m a n n , 1990). E v e n
traditionally attractive features, such as the ready availability of land or a

plentiful supply of labour, m a y in the longer t e r m prove insufficient to
e n s u r e t h e successful d e v e l o p m e n t of u r b a n areas. Set against these weak-
nesses and costs are the environmental benefits associated with u r b a n
areas, including t h e presence of public transport networks, a threshold of
p o p u l a t i o n and economic activity that justifies the d e v e l o p m e n t of active
waste m a n a g e m e n t , and the existence of substantial areas of serviced
brownfield land that can b e redeveloped.
T h e n e w challenge for u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n is to contribute to the achieve-
m e n t of sustainable development. T h e world's economic system is in-
creasingly an u r b a n o n e ' and this system 'provides the b a c k b o n e for natural
d e v e l o p m e n t ' (World Commission on E n v i r o n m e n t and D e v e l o p m e n t ,
1987, p . 235). N e w models are now on offer, including 'ecological m o d e r n i -
sation' ( R o b e r t s , 1997), and their value has now b e e n emphasised in policy
s t a t e m e n t s published by t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n and the U K G o v e r n m e n t .
U r b a n Policy: O r i g i n s a n d D e v e l o p m e n t
T h e final section of this chapter offers a brief s u m m a r y of the origins and

evolution of m o d e r n u r b a n policy, chiefly in England. A s is n o t e d in o t h e r
chapters in t h e present text, whilst successive British g o v e r n m e n t s have
d r a w n extensively u p o n the experience of o t h e r countries in developing
u r b a n policy, it is possible to identify a distinctive British a p p r o a c h to the
a t t e m p t e d resolution of u r b a n problems. This a p p r o a c h reflects the appor-
t i o n m e n t of roles and responsibilities b e t w e e n central and local
g o v e r n m e n t , and b e t w e e n the public, private and voluntary sectors. Al-
t h o u g h the style and content of u r b a n policy has changed in accord with the
characteristics summarised in T a b l e 2.1, a n u m b e r of elements of policy
continuity can b e identified, including a continuing concern to raise the
level of education and training of the u r b a n workforce (see C h a p t e r 7), the
n e e d constantly to r e n e w and revise the physical fabric of towns and cities,
and t h e continuing i m p o r t a n c e of financial and legal factors (see C h a p t e r 9)
in determining what can b e achieved.
The Early Days
T h e origins of m o d e r n u r b a n policy can b e traced back to the 1930s and the

designation of slum clearance areas, and to the C o m p r e h e n s i v e D e v e l o p -
m e n t A r e a s designated u n d e r the 1947 T o w n and C o u n t r y Planning Act.
F u r t h e r additions to policy occurred during t h e 1950s and 1960s, including
the provisions of Section 11 of the 1966 Local G o v e r n m e n t A c t for special
aid in areas of concentration of C o m m o n w e a l t h immigrants and the E d u c a -
tional Priority A r e a s scheme, which followed the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s of the
30 Peter Roberts
1967 Plowden R e p o r t on primary education (Hall, 1981). In response to

growing concern a b o u t the condition of the inner u r b a n areas, and
especially those neighbourhoods with significant concentrations of immi-
grants, t h e U r b a n P r o g r a m m e was launched by the H o m e Office in 1968. In
1969 the Local G o v e r n m e n t G r a n t s (Social N e e d ) A c t provided the basis
for financial assistance through the U r b a n P r o g r a m m e .
O t h e r policy initiatives followed, including the C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p -
m e n t Projects (established by the H o m e Office in 1969), an expansion of
the E d u c a t i o n a l Priority A r e a s Scheme and the pioneering S N A P , which
was published in 1972. In the early 1970s a series of Inner A r e a Studies
w e r e carried out by consultants and this, together with other initiatives,
such as t h e designation of Housing A c t i o n A r e a s by the 1974 Housing Act,
provided the basis for the upgrading of the u r b a n agenda t h r o u g h t h e 1978
I n n e r U r b a n A r e a s Act. E v e n though the initial impact of t h e m e a s u r e s
introduced u n d e r the 1978 Act was limited to a few inner city areas ( D o n -
nison and Soto, 1980), the most important consequence of this legislation
was that it placed u r b a n policy in the mainstream of central g o v e r n m e n t
policy.
D u r i n g the 1970s central government responsibility for u r b a n policy
changed hands. T h e control and direction exercised through the H o m e
Office, with industrial and regional policy still within t h e portfolio of t h e
D e p a r t m e n t of T r a d e and Industry, switched in 1975 to the D e p a r t m e n t of
the E n v i r o n m e n t . This shift in d e p a r t m e n t a l responsibility reflected a
change in the emphasis of policy. T h e H o m e Office h a d a d o p t e d a social
pathology approach, whereas the D e p a r t m e n t of the E n v i r o n m e n t e m p h a -
sised t h e n e e d for a structural or economic view of u r b a n deprivation and
policy (Balchin and Bull, 1987). U n d e r the 1978 A c t local authorities could
b e designated as partnership or p r o g r a m m e authorities. A total of seven
partnerships, 15 p r o g r a m m e authorities and 14 other districts w e r e desig-
nated. In Scotland responsibility for u r b a n regeneration was vested in the
Scottish D e v e l o p m e n t Agency (established in 1976), which m a d e substan-
tial investments in a n u m b e r of major area schemes, including the Glasgow
E a s t e r n A r e a R e n e w a l ( G E A R ) project in Glasgow.
Introducing the Market
Following the change of government in 1979, the U r b a n P r o g r a m m e con-

tinued, but with an increased emphasis on private investment and a greater
concern for 'value for m o n e y ' . Public investment in the U r b a n P r o g r a m m e
increased t h r o u g h o u t the early 1980s alongside the introduction of new
measures designed to revive and e n h a n c e private sector confidence. T h e
first of these new initiatives was the establishment of U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t
Corporations ( U D C s ) u n d e r the 1980 Local G o v e r n m e n t Planning and
L a n d Act; two U D C s were designated in 1981, o n e for L o n d o n D o c k l a n d s
and o n e for Merseyside. T h e second new m e a s u r e , which was a n n o u n c e d in
t h e 1980 B u d g e t speech, was the establishment of E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e s ( E Z s ) ;

11 E Z s w e r e designated in 1981. B o t h of these p r o g r a m m e s w e r e later
e x p a n d e d ; in total 13 U D C s w e r e designated (12 in E n g l a n d and one in
Wales), whilst a further 14 E Z s w e r e designated in a second r o u n d during
1983-84.
A w a r e that the U D C s and E Z s would not b e able to address all of the
p r o b l e m s of the inner u r b a n areas, the U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t G r a n t ( U D G )
was i n t r o d u c e d in 1982 alongside t h e establishment of I n n e r City E n -
terprises (a p r o p e r t y d e v e l o p m e n t company, funded in p a r t by t h e U r b a n
P r o g r a m m e , that was t o seek out d e v e l o p m e n t opportunities that would
otherwise b e ignored or considered t o o risky). A l t h o u g h U D G was in p a r t
b a s e d on t h e experience of the U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t A c t i o n G r a n t in t h e
U S A , t h e r e w e r e clear links b e t w e e n U D G and earlier u r b a n policy ac-
tions, including the d e v e l o p m e n t of special schemes u n d e r the Category A
Derelict L a n d G r a n t a r r a n g e m e n t s (Jacobs, 1985).
O t h e r u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n initiatives launched during the early and
mid-1980s included:
• t h e establishment of five civil service task forces in the p a r t n e r s h i p

areas (these City A c t i o n T e a m s b r o u g h t together officials from various
central g o v e r n m e n t d e p a r t m e n t s , the M a n p o w e r Services Commission,
and m a n a g e r s (seconded from industry) charged with the task of un-
blocking t h e provision of public services and increasing efficiency;
• the creation of registers of u n u s e d and u n d e r u s e d land o w n e d by public
bodies - this r e q u i r e m e n t was placed on local authorities by t h e 1980
Local G o v e r n m e n t Act;
• t h e o p e r a t i o n and expansion of t h e Priority Estates Project which was
r e n a m e d E s t a t e A c t i o n in 1987.
In 1987 t h e U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n G r a n t ( U R G ) was introduced with the

intention of c o m p l e m e n t i n g t h e U D G ; the p u r p o s e of U R G was to assist
t h e private sector in bringing forward major schemes. T h e U R G was mer-
ged with t h e U D G into the new City G r a n t that was introduced in 1988 as
t h e major policy instrument u n d e r the A c t i o n for Cities P r o g r a m m e . City
G r a n t applications w e r e appraised by private sector secondées and t h e
grant was a w a r d e d t o developers directly r a t h e r t h a n t h r o u g h a local auth-
ority intermediary.
Into the 1990s
City Challenge was introduced in May 1991. It invited local authorities to

bid for funds in p a r t n e r s h i p with o t h e r public sector, private and voluntary
bodies. Eleven bids w e r e selected u n d e r t h e first r o u n d (for the period
1992-97) and a further 20 bids were approved in the second (and final)
r o u n d in 1992. By this stage City Challenge r e p r e s e n t e d the largest single
element of the u r b a n policy b u d g e t (Mawson et αι., 1995). T h e third r o u n d
32 Peter Roberts
of bidding was suspended and eventually a b a n d o n e d pending a major re-

view of u r b a n policy.
T h e o u t c o m e of the policy review of the early 1990s was a further m o v e
d o w n t h e r o a d of the 'new localism' (managerial, competitive and corpora-
tist) described by Stewart (1994). W h a t e m e r g e d in N o v e m b e r 1993 was t h e
Single R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget ( S R B ) . T h e ten new integrated offices in the
English regions (the G o v e r n m e n t Offices for the Regions, or G O R s ) w e r e
given the role of administering the existing main p r o g r a m m e s (cuts in
budget for b o t h the U r b a n P r o g r a m m e and the U D C s h a d b e e n a n n o u n c e d
in late 1992) and the new S R B . In the N o v e m b e r statement the
government also a n n o u n c e d the introduction of City Pride - a pilot
p r o g r a m m e which invited multi-agency groups in Birmingham, L o n d o n
and M a n c h e s t e r to develop a ten-year strategic vision for their city and to
present an action p r o g r a m m e to achieve the vision.
Draft Bidding Guidance for S R B was issued in J a n u a r y 1994, and it
indicated that it was expected that most S R B partnerships would b e led by
local authorities or Training and Enterprise Councils ( T E C s ) , although
o t h e r leadership a r r a n g e m e n t s were not precluded. Final bidding guidance
was published prior to the first bidding round, which c o m m e n c e d in April
1994. In D e c e m b e r 1994 the successful 201 bids w e r e announced. T h e
successful projects c o m m e n c e d during the 1995/96 financial year. A further
r o u n d of S R B took place in 1995 (Bidding Guidance - D e p a r t m e n t of the
E n v i r o n m e n t , 1995 - was issued in M a r c h ) .
T h e final elements of u r b a n policy introduced during the early and
mid-1990s that deserve c o m m e n t h e r e include the creation of English Part-
nerships and the Private Finance Initiative. In July 1992 a consultation
p a p e r was published proposing the establishment of an U r b a n R e g e n e r a -
tion Agency. T h e intention was to create a new statutory agency to p r o -
m o t e t h e reclamation and development of derelict, vacant and u n d e r u s e d
land and buildings in England, especially in u r b a n areas. T h e agency
(English Partnerships) came into full effect in April 1994 and m e r g e d the
functions previously discharged by English Estates, City G r a n t and D e r e -
lict L a n d G r a n t .
In 1992 the government launched the Private Finance Initiative (PFI).
T h e p u r p o s e in creating P F I was to reduce the Public Sector Borrowing
R e q u i r e m e n t and to raise additional capital finance in an a t t e m p t to per-
suade t h e private sector to take a m o r e active role in u r b a n (and regional)
regeneration.
The Current Situation and Beyond
In M a y 1997 a L a b o u r administration was elected to office. Whilst certain

elements of u r b a n policy have rolled forward (the S R B , for example, will
continue but with a greater emphasis on the distribution of funds to a wider
range of local authority areas), new elements of policy have b e e n intro-
duced. Welfare to W o r k is a major new e m p l o y m e n t stimulation m e a s u r e ,
alongside the creation of Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies ( R D A s ) .

T h e newly established D e p a r t m e n t of t h e E n v i r o n m e n t , T r a n s p o r t and
t h e R e g i o n s issued, in J u n e 1997, a consultation p a p e r on t h e p r o p o s e d
R D A s . This indicated t h e intention to create organisations that will co-
o r d i n a t e regional economic development, help attract inward investment
and s u p p o r t t h e small business sector. A n agency will b e created in each
G O R region (Merseyside will b e m e r g e d with the N o r t h West R e g i o n ) and
it is anticipated that the R D A will bring together the functions of the
G O R s with those currently discharged by English Partnerships and the
R u r a l D e v e l o p m e n t Commission.
B e y o n d the p r e s e n t proposals, and the i m m e d i a t e remit of this section,
are o t h e r initiatives, including t h e establishment of a Scottish Parliament, a
Welsh Assembly and representative c h a m b e r s in English regions. T h e s e
bodies will have an i m p o r t a n t role to play in the structure and operation of
u r b a n (and regional) regeneration.
Other Initiatives a n d Policies
T h r e e other aspects of policy are of particular relevance to urban regenera-

tion, although they either relate to matters beyond the strict boundary of a
discussion of u r b a n policy, or are policy areas outwith the sole determination
of U K government. T h e first issue relates to the continued operation of a
wide range of public policies - on health, social policy, housing, education,
training, transport, law and order, planning, and environmental standards -
that are relevant to urban regeneration. A s can be seen from the preceding
discussion, whilst some of these policies have addressed urban problems
directly, other policies can work against the objectives of urban regeneration.
T h e second aspect of policy, which has existed since the 1930s, is Regional
Selective Assistance ( R S A ) . Although the objectives of R S A , and other
forms of assistance have varied over the years, are generally coincident with
those of urban regeneration, responsibility for R S A is vested in the D e p a r t -
m e n t of T r a d e and Industry and the funds available are used to support
projects in u r b a n and rural areas. A final strand of policy, which has grown in
importance during recent years, is the E u r o p e a n Union's Structural Funds.
M a n y areas of the U K , both urban and rural, are designated as eligible to
receive assistance from the Structural Funds. T h e funds are managed
through partnership structures representing the E u r o p e a n Commission, the
M e m b e r State government and local and regional interests (Roberts and
Hart, 1996).
Concluding Remarks
This chapter is different to most of the others in this b o o k in that it p r o -

vides a framework and b a c k d r o p , r a t h e r t h a n presenting a specific topic.
34 Peter Roberts
Therefore, the concluding section of the chapter is m o r e concerned with

the identification of matters of interest, than it is with the d e v e l o p m e n t of
answers or solutions.
H o w e v e r , t h r e e general conclusions can b e drawn from the preceding
discussion. T h e first is the importance of evaluation in informing the de-
v e l o p m e n t and further e n h a n c e m e n t of regeneration theory and practice.
This m a t t e r is considered in greater d e p t h in C h a p t e r 10. Second, it is
essential t o tackle the task of regeneration through the adoption of an
integrated and comprehensive approach. Third, it is i m p o r t a n t to accept
that today's new regeneration initiative is b u t a staging post in the evolu-
tion of towns, cities and regions. R e g e n e r a t i o n is a constant challenge, and
t h e a p p r o a c h a d o p t e d at a particular point in time represents t h e o u t c o m e
of a complex system of social, economic and political choice.
T h e remaining chapters of this b o o k address m a n y of t h e complexities of
regeneration. They also provide insights and guidance that will b e of assis-
tance in ensuring that the present generation of contributions to the p r o -
gress of towns, cities and regions will b e b o t h positive and lasting.
Key Issues and Actions
• It is essential to set a context for any proposed regeneration action - this

context should consider the historic evolution of an area and the
outcomes of previous policies.
• All towns, cities and regions display a particular blend of problems and
potentials - this blend is the manifestation of both external influences
and internal characteristics.
• The style of approach to regeneration has evolved over the years, and
policy and practice reflect dominant socio-political attitudes.
• The regeneration of urban areas can be seen as an important element of
regional and national success.
• Urban regeneration is a comprehensive and integrated vision and action
which leads to the resolution of urban problems and which seeks to
bring about a lasting change in the economic, physical, social and
environmental condition of an area that has been subject to change.
References
A c h e , P., Bremm, H J . and Kunzmann, K. (1990) The Single European Market: Possible
Impacts on Spatial Structures of the Federal Republic of Germany, I R P U D , University of
Dortmund, Dortmund.
Balchin, P.N. and Bull, G.H. (1987) Regional and Urban Economics, Harper & R o w , London.
Boddy, T. (1992) Underground and overhead: building the analogous city, in M. Sorkin (ed.)
Variations on a Theme Park, Hill and Wang, N e w York.
Browne, H. (1974) Joseph Chamberlain, Radical and Imperialist, Longman, London.
Couch, C. (1990) Urban Renewal Theory and Practice, Macmillan, Basingstoke.
Curran, J. and Blackburn, R. (1994) Small Firms and Local Economic Networks, Paul Chap-
man, London.
Department of the Environment (1995) Bidding Guidance: A Guide to Bidding for Resources
from the Government's Single Regeneration Budget Challenge Fund, Department of the
Environment, London.
D o n n i s o n , D . (1993) A g e n d a for the future, in C. McConnell (ed.) Trickle Down or Bubble
Up? Community D e v e l o p m e n t Foundation, London.
D o n n i s o n , D . and Soto, P. (1980) The Good City, Heinemann, London.
Fainstein, S.S. (1994) The City Builders, Basil Blackwell, Oxford.
Feagin, J.R. and Smith, M.P. (1987) Cities and the new international division of labor: an
overview, in M.P. Smith and J.R. Feagin (eds.) The Capitalist City, Basil Blackwell, Oxford.
Fothergill, S. and Gudgin, G. (1982) Unequal Growth, Heinemann, London.
Fothergill, S., Kitson, M. and Monk, S. (1983) Industrial Land Availability in Cities, Towns
and Rural Areas, Industrial Location Research Project, Working Paper N o . 6, Department
of Land E c o n o m y , University of Cambridge, Cambridge.
Fowler, E.P. (1993) Building Cities That Work, McGill and Queens' University Press,
Montreal and Kingston.
Hall, P. (1974) Urban and Regional Planning, Pelican B o o k s , Harmondsworth.
Hall, P. (ed.) (1981) The Inner City in Context, Heinemann, London.
Hall, P. (1987) The anatomy of job creation: nations, regions and cities in the 1960s and 1970s,
Regional Studies, Vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 95-106.
Hall, P. (1988) Cities of Tomorrow, Basil Blackwell, Oxford.
Hannington, W. (1937) The Problem of the Distressed Areas, Victor Gollancz, London.
Hausner, V . A . (1993) The future of urban development, Royal Society of Arts Journal, Vol.
141, no. 5441, pp. 523-33.
Healey, P. (1995) Discourses of integration: making frameworks for democratic planning, in
P. Healey, S. Cameron, S. Davoudi, S. Graham and A . Madani-Pour (eds.) Managing
Cities: The New Urban Context, John Wiley & Sons, Chichester.
Healey, P., Cameron, S., Davoudi, S., Graham, S. and Madani-Pour, A . (1995). Introduction:
The city - crisis, change and innovation, in P. Healey, S. Cameron, S. Davoudi, S. Graham
and A . Madani-Pour (eds.) Managing Cities: The New Urban Context, John Wiley & Sons,
Chichester.
Hickling, A . (1974) Managing Decisions: The Strategic Choice Approach, M A N T E C Publica-
tions, Rugby.
Howard, E. (1902) Garden Cities of Tomorrow, Swan Sonnenschein, London.
Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Vintage B o o k s , N e w York.
Jacobs, J. (1985) U D G : the Urban D e v e l o p m e n t Grant, Policy and Politics, Vol. 13, no. 2, pp.
191-9.
Knox, P. (1995) Urban Social Geography: An Introduction, Longman, Harlow.
Kuklinski, A . (1990) Efficiency versus Equality: Old Dilemmas and New Approaches in Re-
gional Policy, Regional and Industrial Policy Research Series N o . 8, University of Strath-
clyde, Glasgow.
Lawless, P. (1989) Britain's Inner Cities, Paul Chapman, London.
Lichfield, D . (1992) Urban Regeneration for the 1990s, London Planning Advisory Committee,
London.
Massey, D . (1984) Spatial Divisions of Labour, Macmillan, London.
Mawson, J., Beazley, M., Burfitt, Α., Collinge, C , Hall S., Loftman, P., Nevin, B., Srbljanin, A.
and Tilson, B. (1995) The Single Regeneration Budget: The Stocktake, Centre for Urban and
Regional Studies, University of Birmingham, Birmingham.
McConaghy, D . (1972) SNAP: Another Chance for Cities, Shelter, London.
McGregor, A . and McConnachie, M. (1995) Social exclusion, urban regeneration and economic
reintegration, Urban Studies, Vol. 32, no. 10, pp. 1587-600.
36 Peter Roberts
Ministry of Town and Country Planning (1947) The Redevelopment of Central Areas, HMSO,
London.
Mumford, L. (1940) The Culture of Cities, Seeker & Warburg, London.
Oc, T. (1995) Urban policy and ethnic minorities, in S. Trench and T. O c (eds.) Current Issues
in Planning, Avebury, Aldershot.
Porter, M. (1995) The Competitive Advantage of the Inner City, Harvard Business Review,
Vol. 73, no. 3, pp. 5 5 - 7 1 .
Roberts, P. (1990) Strategic Vision and the Management of the UK Land Resource, Stage II
Report, Strategic Planning Society, London.
Roberts, P. (1995) Environmentally Sustainable Business: A Local and Regional Perspective,
Paul Chapman, London.
Roberts, P. (1997) Sustainable development strategies for regional development in Europe:
an ecological modernisation approach, Regional Contact, N O . XI, pp. 92-104.
Roberts, P. and Hart, J. (1996) Regional Strategy and Partnership in European Programmes,
Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York.
Roberts, P., Struthers, T. and Sacks, J. (eds.) (1993) Managing the Metropolis, Avebury,
Aldershot.
Robson, B. (1988) Those Inner Cities, Clarendon Press, Oxford.
Robson, B. and Robson, G. (1994) Forward with faith, Town and Country Planning, Vol. 63,
no. 3, pp. 9 1 - 3 .
Short, J.R. (1991) Imagined Country: Society, Culture, Environment, Routledge, London.
Smailes, A . E . (1953) The Geography of Towns, Hutchinson, London.
Stegman, M. A . (1995) Recent U S urban change and policy initiatives, Urban Studies, Vol. 32,
no. 10, pp. 1601-7.
Stewart, M. (1994) B e t w e e n Whitehall and town hall, Policy and Politics, Vol. 22, no. 2, pp.
133-45.
Stôhr, W (1989) Regional policy at the crossroads: an overview, in L. Albrechts, F. Moulaert,
P. Roberts and E. Swyngedlouw (eds.) Regional Policy at the Crossroads: European
Perspectives, Jessica Kingsley, London.
Turok, I. (1987) Continuity, change and contradiction in urban policy, in D . D o n n i s o n and A .
Middleton (eds.) Regenerating the Inner City, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London.
Turok, I. (1992) Property-led urban regeneration: panacea or placebo? Environment and
Planning A, Vol. 24, no. 3, pp. 361-79.
World Commission on Environment and D e v e l o p m e n t (1987) Our Common Future, Oxford
University Press, Oxford.
3 Strategy and Partnership in
Urban Regeneration
Andrew Carter
Introduction
T h e r e is an emerging consensus in E u r o p e , and increasingly in the U K , that

in o r d e r to address the interconnected p r o b l e m s facing m a n y u r b a n areas
t h e r e is a n e e d to develop strategic frameworks at the u r b a n region level
(Healey, 1997). This consensus is based on the premise that successful
u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n requires a strategically designed, locally based, multi-
sector, multi-agency partnership approach.
T h e e m e r g e n c e of such partnerships can b e seen as a particular response
and challenge to the rapid and fundamental social, economic and institu-
tional changes that society has witnessed over the past few decades. T h e
globalisation and restructuring of the economy have increased the econ-
omic, social and physical problems that m a n y cities face, whilst reducing
the control that institutions, public and private, have over the economic
decisions that affect communities' well-being (Parkinson, 1996). A major
consequence of these developments is that the economic fortunes of cities
and regions now d e p e n d increasingly on the success of local activity. In
trying to r e s p o n d to these changes, we have witnessed a wide variety of
policy responses by cities.
Single-sector, single-agency approaches have b e e n p r o v e n to have major
limitations in trying to tackle the social, economic and physical problems
found in m a n y u r b a n areas. ' G o n e are the quick fix schemes of the early
1980s. In the place of opportunism and an obsession with getting things
d o n e , t h e r e is a m o d e l of integrated d e v e l o p m e n t based on a c o m p r e h e n -
sive, multi-agency a p p r o a c h ' ( R o b e r t s , 1997, p. 4). Most organisations in-
volved in u r b a n regeneration (regardless of the needs they are addressing)
recognise that the issues they face have multiple causes and therefore n e e d
a multi-agency a p p r o a c h to devising and implementing solutions.
This chapter examines a n u m b e r of major issues:

• the n e e d for a strategic approach to u r b a n regeneration;
• developing a strategic vision and framework;
• principles of a strategic framework;
• the partnership approach in u r b a n regeneration;
38 Andrew Carter
• models and types of partnership;

• managing the partnership process;
• policy and practical principles of partnership;
• the strengths and weaknesses of the partnership approach;
• conclusions and future considerations.
The N e e d for Strategy
T h e strategic context for u r b a n regeneration has not b e e n well

developed in the past. A feature of much u r b a n policy has b e e n a lack of
strategic vision and longer-term perspective. T h e overwhelming
emphasis on small areas, discrete projects and output-related funding
has left little r o o m for b r o a d e r considerations ( T u r o k and Shutt, 1994).
T h e r e has b e e n little or no a t t e m p t to devise a strategic view of what
should h a p p e n to cities as a whole or to individual conurbations.
M o r e o v e r , it is a p p a r e n t that m a n y u r b a n policies developed by central
g o v e r n m e n t in the 1980s have specifically pursued ad hoc projects
without attempting to locate these within a b r o a d e r vision of what
should b e happening to regions.
As a result, problems are being addressed in a piecemeal manner and the link-
ages between different aspects of regeneration have not been developed. Plan-
ning and action on a city-wide or regional level have also been sidelined by the
focus on local initiatives. Consequently, a duplication of effort is occurring, econ-
omic activity is shifted around at public expense and problems of dereliction and
deprivation continually reappear and deepen as economic restructuring pro-
ceeds. (Turok and Shutt, 1994, p. 212)
T h e n e e d for a strategic approach to u r b a n regeneration arises from the

concerns regarding property-led u r b a n regeneration and inner city policies
in general which have b e e n described as being modest in scale, geograph-
ically dispersed, marginal and ad hoc in character, and lacking any relation-
ship to structural u r b a n economic trends (Hausner, 1993).
H e a l e y claims that it is 'no longer possible to a p p r o a c h u r b a n regenera-
tion through the p r o m o t i o n of u r b a n transformation projects in isolation'.
Instead, she states 'the emphasis should b e creating the conditions for
economic, social and environmental r e g e n e r a t i o n ' (Healey, 1997, p . 109).
Essential in achieving this is the existence of a long-term strategic frame-
work which reflects a process capable of fostering links b e t w e e n issues and
those involved in them.
A strategic framework at the u r b a n region level, enables policy p a r a m -
eters to b e explored and integrated. Such an examination assists u r b a n
regeneration and helps to define the extent to which such measures can in
turn m e e t environmental and social objectives without compromising econ-
omic d e v e l o p m e n t in the long term.
Strategy and Partnership 39
Box 3.1 Coventry and Warwickshire Partnerships Ltd
The formation of Coventry and Warwickshire Partnerships (CWP) in 1994 was

an attempt to provide a platform for strategic economic development for the
subregion of Coventry and Warwickshire. The partnership comprises all the
area's seven local authorities, the TEC, the Chamber of Commerce, two uni-
versities, colleges, private firms, voluntary organisations and trade unions.
The partnership was primarily used to engage the private sector and higher
education institutions in the future development of the region. At a strategic
level CWP has worked well, in terms of bringing together the key agencies and
in securing UK regeneration and European funding. However, at the oper-
ational level there has been on occasion conflict between the partnership secre-
tariat and partners' agencies, mainly because of the problem in separating out
responsibilities with the partnership.
Source: E C O T E C (1997).
Peter Hall in his review of regeneration policies for peripheral housing

estates states that U K urban policy has b e e n characterised by 'inward-
looking regeneration policies'. H e argues that this represents an unbalanced
approach to regeneration. Such policies have failed to tackle many of the
root causes of decline. Hall suggests that policy needs to b e reoriented
towards 'outward-looking policies' (Hall, 1997, p . 873), the key characteris-
tics of which are set out in Table 3.1. Such policies should seek to address
u r b a n decline through adducing factors in the external environment. This
approach emphasises strategic linkages between local initiatives and part-
nerships, particularly at a region-wide level. This approach also locates par-
ticular areas within the wider context of a vision for the urban-region as a
whole.
Table 3.1 Outward-looking policies

Policy A s p e c t Policy Focus
Institutional Emphasis o n r e g i o n - w i d e partnerships; emphasis o n

arrangements horizontal a n d vertical linkages w i t h i n a n d b e t w e e n
institutions.
Spatial scale Linkages b e t w e e n areas of deprivation a n d potential;

r e g i o n - w i d e strategic p l a n n i n g frameworks.
Economic E d u c a t i o n , recruitment a n d placement; linking local to

development city a n d regional d e v e l o p m e n t ; attracting i n w a r d
investment.
Social c o h e s i o n Measures a i m e d at o v e r c o m i n g stigmatisation a n d social

exclusion.
E n v i r o n m e n t , access O v e r c o m e physical isolation of declining areas; transport

a n d amenity p l a n n i n g ; i m p r o v e d a m e n i t y to attract outsiders.
Housing I m p r o v e h o u s i n g to attract n e w residents; attention to

r e g i o n - w i d e h o u s i n g allocation processes.
Source: After Hall ( 1997).
40 Andrew Carter
The European Dimension
A c c o r d i n g t o A l d e n and B o l a n d (1996) t h e clearest expression of t h e

E u r o p e a n C o m m i s s i o n ' s policy on regional d e v e l o p m e n t of spatial plan-
ning is t o b e found in Europe 2000+. T h e d o c u m e n t emphasises t h e e m e r -
gence of a E u r o p e a n dimension in p l a n n i n g policies of m e m b e r states a n d
a d v o c a t e s an e n h a n c e d role for regional d e v e l o p m e n t strategies in
achieving t h e objectives of nations, regions a n d localities in an e n l a r g e d
European Union (EU).
Within this context, Europe 2000+ identifies a n u m b e r of major t r e n d s
emerging from m e m b e r states which advocate the role for spatial planning
in devising and implementing regional d e v e l o p m e n t strategies.
T h e first major trend is the growing awareness that spatial planning has
shifted from a concern for purely physical planning and land-use m a t t e r s to
a wider concern for social, economic, environmental and political issues.
This reflects the r e t u r n of the importance of strategic thinking in planning,
especially given t h e importance of cities and regions operating within b o t h
the E U and even wider global economy w h e r e strategic levels of decision-
making assume significance ( A l d e n and Boland, 1996).
A second trend examined in Europe 2000+ is t h e n e e d not only to
identify strategic issues, but also to integrate the various issues into a m o r e
comprehensive and complex form of spatial planning. Planning at a variety
of spatial levels is now concerned with a wider range of issues t h a n
hitherto, including economic development, transportation, retailing, tour-
ism, housing, u r b a n regeneration, the countryside, and their integration
with each other.
Third is the increased decentralisation of responsibility for policies and
controls to regional and local levels of government. This is coupled with an
increased n u m b e r of organisations responsible for delivering services
within t h e region.
T h e ability to think and act strategically is essential for t h e long-term
success of the U K in E u r o p e . A s R o b e r t s argues, 'In the absence of strate-
gic vision it is doubtful if the U K will b e able to sustain a range of viable
economic, social and physical environments within a E u r o p e of regions'
( R o b e r t s , 1990, p . 6). T h e benefits of applying the principles of strategic
vision are already a p p a r e n t in a n u m b e r of E u r o p e a n countries; the strate-
gic vision approach has b e e n used t o help plan and r e g e n e r a t e a n u m b e r of
cities and regions, including Barcelona.
Elements of a Strategic A p p r o a c h
T h e r e is a growing consensus amongst policy-makers a b o u t what t h e el-

e m e n t s of a strategic approach to regeneration might b e . A s Parkinson
(1996) notes, w h e n the E u r o p e a n Commission revised its Structural F u n d s
in 1988 it identified four necessary features of the reformed policy: it

should bring a d d e d value, b e p a r t n e r s h i p based, b e clearly targeted and
integrate different policy instruments and approaches. Similarly, w h e n the
Scottish Office introduced its N e w Life for U r b a n Scotland initiative in
1988 it defined t h e strategic a p p r o a c h to r e g e n e r a t i o n as comprehensive,
multi-sectoral and p a r t n e r s h i p based. This thinking finds echoes in m o r e
recent U K central g o v e r n m e n t r e g e n e r a t i o n initiatives - City Challenge
and t h e S R B .
In trying to define t h e elements of a strategic a p p r o a c h to regeneration,
M c G r e g o r et al. suggest that it is concerned with t h e use of resources to
secure lasting social and economic change by m a k i n g c o m p l e m e n t a r y in-
vestments in interacting local activities. T h e s e changes are designed to
facilitate further desired change and to have beneficial effects on o t h e r
sectors and areas within the local or u r b a n economy. This a p p r o a c h implies
s o m e k n o w l e d g e of h o w investments and o t h e r changes interact t o p r o -
m o t e local change, to create a dynamic and to p r o d u c e positive spill-overs
( M c G r e g o r et al., 1992).
P a r k i n s o n (1996) drawing on this w o r k and o t h e r research states that a
strategic a p p r o a c h to u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n should:
• h a v e a clearly articulated vision and strategy;

• specify h o w its chosen mechanisms and resources would help to achieve
t h e long-term vision;
• clearly integrate the different economic, e n v i r o n m e n t a l and social pri-
orities of t h e r e g e n e r a t i o n strategy;
• identify t h e i n t e n d e d beneficiaries of the strategy and the ways in which
they will benefit;
• identify t h e level of private, public and community resources, financial
and in kind, that would b e committed over defined periods of time;
• specify t h e role and contribution that the public, private and com-
munity p a r t n e r s would m a k e to regeneration;
• integrate, vertically and horizontally, t h e policies, activities and re-
sources of those p a r t n e r s in a comprehensive strategy;
• link explicit r e g e n e r a t i o n policies to wider m a i n s t r e a m p r o g r a m m e s in
housing, education, transport, health, finance which constitute the im-
plicit u r b a n strategy;
• specify the relationship b e t w e e n short, m e d i u m and long-term goals;
• establish economic, social a n d physical baseline conditions before t h e
policy intervention to allow an assessment of change over time;
• have agreed milestones of progress;
• m o n i t o r the o u t p u t s and o u t c o m e s of the strategy and evaluate their
impact.
A s P a r k i n s o n rightly acknowledges, this represents a formidable set of

criteria which in the real world of policy would b e extremely difficult to
achieve. D e s p i t e this it is w o r t h stating t h e m as an ideal typical set of
criteria, against which to evaluate actual strategy development.
42 Andrew Carter
Principles o f a Strategic F r a m e w o r k
Devising a strategic framework requires skills in 'making links - setting

contexts to foster relationships; and, strategic vision - mobilising ideas
about the future' (Healey et αϊ, 1995, p . 284). This framework should:
• provide a bridge b e t w e e n ' t o p - d o w n ' and ' b o t t o m - u p ' approaches;

• b e realistic and capable of being translated into specific policies, objec-
tives and actions;
• b e drawn up by a wide-ranging partnership, which includes all key
stakeholders;
• address the overall viability, prosperity and competitiveness of regions
- enhancing their contribution to their own residents and to their re-
gions and the nation;
• ameliorate disadvantage, p r o m o t e opportunity and mobility, support
d e v e l o p m e n t in deprived communities;
• preserve cities as motors of civilisation, culture, innovation, oppor-
tunity and enterprise (Hausner, 1993).
Strategic vision is concerned with creating the framework in which

longer-term goals, aims and objectives of individuals, organisations and
areas can b e realised (Roberts, 1990). T h e creation of a strategic vision can
ensure that resources, for example land, capital and labour, are used in
such a way as to achieve the best overall effect. A strategic vision should
emphasise:
• the i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e of actions, rather t h a n treating each action as

independent;
• the long-term outcomes and benefits, o t h e r t h a n mainly considering
short-term costs;
• the overall requirements of an area, rather t h a n stressing the potential
of an individual site (or project);
• t h e importance of creating c o m m o n ground and, wherever possible, the
generation of consensus, rather t h a n encouraging conflict;
• the creation of positive attitudes towards mutual collaboration b e t w e e n
sectors, r a t h e r than maintaining a public-private sector divide.
T h e r e are important lessons to b e gained from the experience of at-

t e m p t s to devise and implement strategic vision:
• It is important to be aware of the complexities that are involved in

constructing an approach to (resource) m a n a g e m e n t which is based
u p o n strategic vision.
• T h e r e is a n e e d for consistency of p u r p o s e , the benefits of adopting
strategic vision are unlikely to b e fully evident in the short term.
• It is i m p o r t a n t to encourage t h e widest possible participation of b o t h
' b o t t o m - u p ' and 'top-down' interests in t h e setting of goals, in generat-
ing a vision or visions, in identifying and obtaining t h e necessary re-

sources and in t h e m a n a g e m e n t of implementation.
• It is desirable t o create a system for strategic vision and m a n a g e m e n t
which is self-sustaining and which recognises, at t h e outset, that t h e r e
will b e a n e e d to adjust and fine-tune the policies which are pursued.
• It is equally i m p o r t a n t t o ensure that, having created consensus and
agreed u p o n a strategic vision, the processes of i m p l e m e n t a t i o n also
a d h e r e t o agreed objectives.
• It is desirable t o monitor, to evaluate regularly and disseminate infor-
m a t i o n widely on t h e progress of t h e agreed strategy.
Strategic planning is an important tool for enabling communities to iden-

tify advantages in relation to the external environment - local, regional,
national and international. This emphasis on external factors allows the
process to incorporate a wide range of organisations and individuals from the
public, private, voluntary and community sectors. Clearly the partnership
approach is a critical element in adopting a strategic approach to urban
regeneration. This approach is explored in greater detail in the next section.
The Partnership A p p r o a c h
T h e ethos of p a r t n e r s h i p , and multi-agency provision and collaboration,

have b e c o m e t h e key concepts of the 1990s. A l t h o u g h seven I n n e r City
Partnerships w e r e formed u n d e r the 1978 I n n e r U r b a n A r e a s Act, t h e
a p p r o a c h only really developed significantly during the late 1980s. By the
early 1990s t h e r e was a consensus developing b e t w e e n all the main political
parties that a closer involvement b e t w e e n the public and the private sec-
tors, t o g e t h e r with t h e direct participation of local communities and the
ability t o cut across traditional policy b o u n d a r i e s , w e r e all essential el-
e m e n t s of an effective u r b a n regeneration strategy (Bailey, 1995). This
principle has since b e e n e x t e n d e d to practically all aspects of public policy
- training, housing, community care and social services.
D e s p i t e t h e recognition of the n e e d for partnership, which unites dif-
ferent levels of g o v e r n m e n t and o t h e r public, private and community
actors and agencies, 'the p r o b l e m of generating the right institutional ma-
chinery with a d e q u a t e incentives, sanctions and resources to integrate the
actions of national and local, of public, private and community institutions
and agencies - to m a k e p a r t n e r s h i p a reality r a t h e r t h a n a cliché remains a
challenge' (Parkinson, 1996, p . 31).
W h y Partnership?
T h e r e are a n u m b e r of main reasons behind the m o v e towards multi-

agency partnerships as the preferred m e t h o d of working in addressing a
44 Andrew Carter
wide range of social, economic and environmental issues. First, t h e current

political agenda is forcing the pace in this area. Funding r e q u i r e m e n t s for
initiatives, such as City Challenge and the S R B , explicitly require t h e de-
v e l o p m e n t of partnerships. T h e G u i d e to Bidding for resources from the
g o v e r n m e n t ' s Single R e g e n e r a t i o n B u d g e t states that, 'bids must b e sup-
p o r t e d by partnerships representing an appropriate range of interests
which should include relevant interests in the private and public sectors
and in local voluntary and community organisations' ( D e p a r t m e n t of the
E n v i r o n m e n t , 1995, p . 2).
Second, the multidimensional and complex n a t u r e of u r b a n p r o b l e m s
requires integrated, co-ordinated and multifaceted strategies involving a
wide range of actors. T h e concerns raised t h r o u g h o u t the 1980s and the
1990s regarding b o t h property-led u r b a n regeneration and inner city pol-
icies point to the n e e d for a longer-term, m o r e strategic, integrated and
sustainable approach to u r b a n regeneration, which incorporates a b r o a d e r
package of p r o g r a m m e s for finance, education, business d e v e l o p m e n t and
social provision. Partnerships are perceived to b e t h e most effective vehicle
for achieving these goals. A d v o c a t e s of partnerships argue that, because
they offer greater involvement by all sectors in the decision-making p r o -
cess, they are seen to be an inherently m o r e efficient and equitable way of
allocating public funds.
Third are the difficulties associated with the centralisation of p o w e r and
fragmentation of duties and organisations involved in u r b a n areas. Part-
nerships which involve a wide range of agencies and organisations can help
to co-ordinate activity and extend across traditional policy boundaries.
F o u r t h , in m a n y policy spheres, for example, housing, education, health
care and crime prevention, individuals are challenging the paternalistic
n a t u r e of central and local government initiatives. Local p e o p l e are in-
creasingly demanding a voice in defining and implementing the most ap-
p r o p r i a t e responses to the challenges facing their locality.
Models of Partnership
T h e r e is n o single m o d e l of partnership. Mackintosh puts forward a useful

framework for understanding the process of partnership. Partnership is,
she argues, a concept in public policy which 'contains a very high level of
ambiguity' (Mackintosh, 1992, p . 210) with its potential range of meanings
subject to 'conflict and negotiation'. Mackintosh devises t h r e e main con-
ceptual models of partnership in relation to the u r b a n regeneration
context:
• T h e synergy m o d e l suggests that by combining their knowledge, re-

sources, approaches and operational cultures, the p a r t n e r organisations
will b e able to achieve m o r e together than they would by working on
their own or, in other words, the whole is greater t h a n the sum of the
parts.
• T h e b u d g e t e n l a r g e m e n t m o d e l is based u p o n the knowledge that by

working t o g e t h e r t h e p a r t n e r s will gain access t o additional funds that
neither could access on their own.
• T h e transformational m o d e l (with a different focus) suggests that t h e r e
are benefits to b e gained by exposing the different p a r t n e r s to the
assumptions and working m e t h o d s of o t h e r p a r t n e r s (that is, it will
stimulate innovation as part of a continuing process of d e v e l o p m e n t
and change) and Mackintosh suggests that successful partnerships al-
ways result in such transformation.
In t h e current context, policy-makers have b e e n particularly concerned

with partnerships based u p o n the first two models. A key aim has b e e n to
achieve m o r e with t h e same inputs or, increasingly, with less. T o b e m o r e
cost-effective while finding new ways of gaining access to additional re-
sources. T h e Bidding G u i d a n c e states that 'bids must show how Challenge
F u n d resources will reinforce other public sector initiatives, maximise the
leverage of additional private sector investment'. It is also envisaged that
bids will 'harness the talents and resources of the voluntary sector and
volunteers and involve local communities' ( D e p a r t m e n t of the Environ-
m e n t , 1995, p . 3).
Types of Partnership
O v e r t h e last ten years, the variety of partnerships has e x p a n d e d signifi-

cantly. Partnerships are overlaid u p o n complex organisational and political
e n v i r o n m e n t s and the n u m b e r of potential p a r t n e r s in any one area is large
and diverse. T h e n a t u r e of partnership organisations m a k e s categorisation
difficult. T h e strategies deployed vary according to local circumstances,
national and local policy, and the interplay of the different interests within
the p a r t n e r s h i p a r r a n g e m e n t s (Bailey, 1995).
T a b l e 3.2 offers a typology of alternative categories of partnership. This
typology seeks to define six categories, with examples t a k e n from contem-
p o r a r y u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n in the U K . It is not structured in such a way as
to evaluate a b r o a d range of partnerships, b u t it illustrates the variety that
exists and points to the capacity of those responsible for u r b a n regenera-
tion to explore new working relationships a m o n g different and sometimes
competing groups in the economy.
P a r t n e r s h i p describes b o t h an organisational s t r u c t u r e , bringing
t o g e t h e r a r a n g e of agencies to c o - o p e r a t e to achieve s h a r e d objectives,
a n d a s t r u c t u r e for policy-making. P a r t n e r s h i p s can o p e r a t e at different
levels:
• Systematic p a r t n e r s h i p involving strategic policy-makers are most

effective in dealing with large-scale, d e e p - r o o t e d problems.
• P r o g r a m m a t i c partnerships might tackle issues such as the implementa-
tion of an u r b a n regeneration strategy.
Table 3.2 Types of partnership
Type Area of c o v e r a g e R a n g e of partners Activities Examples
Development Single site or small Private developer, h o u s i n g Commercial/non-profit d e v e l o p m e n t p r o d u c i n g London Road
partnership, area, e . g . t o w n association, local authority. m u t u a l benefits. Development Agency,
joint venture centre. Brighton Media Centre
Development Clearly defined C o m m u n i t y - b a s e d , importantly, Community-based regeneration. Generally concerned C o i n St, N o r t h K e n s i n g t o n

trust area for i n d e p e n d e n t from public bodies w i t h creating a n d s p r e a d i n g c o m m u n i t y benefits a n d A m e n i t y Trust, Arts F a c t o r y
regeneration, e . g . but frequently s o m e reps from since they a r e non-profit m a k i n g , recycle all surpluses
n e i g h b o u r h o o d or Local Authorities. into t h e trust.
estate.
Informal District or city- Private sector-led. S p o n s o r e d by Place-marketing, p r o m o t i o n of g r o w t h a n d T h e N e w c a s t l e Initiative,

arrangement wide. C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e or investment. C o n c e r n e d w i t h problems, issues a n d G l a s g o w A c t i o n , East
development agency. strategy identification that are of m u t u a l interest to L o n d o n Partnership.
t h e parties i n v o l v e d .
Agency U r b a n , or Terms of reference from Multiple task orientation, usually w i t h i n a d e s i g n a t e d U D C s , City C h a l l e n g e , S R B ,

subregional. sponsoring a g e n c y . Delivery m a y timeframe. ' N e w Life' Partnerships.
b e t h r o u g h a t e a m of s e c o n d é e s
d r a w n from t h e partners or
through a development company
(limited by g u a r a n t e e ) that is
i n d e p e n d e n t of t h e partners.
Strategic Subregional, All sectors. D e t e r m i n i n g b r o a d strategy for g r o w t h a n d Coventry a n d

metropolitan. d e v e l o p m e n t . M a y act as a n initial catalyst for activity. W a r w i c k s h i r e Partnership,
O f t e n acts as a g u i d e for d e v e l o p m e n t . Chester City Partnership,
I m p l e m e n t a t i o n is often t h r o u g h third parties. C a n a c t Thames G a t e w a y London
as a n umbrella organisation g u i d i n g o t h e r vehicles, Partnership.
including d e v e l o p m e n t c o m p a n i e s .
Source: After Bailey (1995) a n d B o y l e (1993).

• Technical partnerships may b e short-term a r r a n g e m e n t s t o achieve a

particular objective such as a discrete physical r e d e v e l o p m e n t project.
T o understand b o t h the differences and the similarities between part-

nership arrangements, Stewart and Snape (1995) have identified three 'ideal
types' or organisational models of partnership; these are illustrated in Box
3.2. E a c h reflects a different understanding of three key dimensions to part-
nership - the nature of partnership objectives; the relationship between
partners; and the specific activities of partnerships.
Box 3.2 Models of partnership
Facilitating Negotiation of contentious or politically sensitive issues;

partnerships partners have differing perspectives; wide-ranging
objectives; focus on deep-rooted problems; powerful
stakeholders; balance of power crucial.
Co-ordinating Drawing together partners to oversee initiatives
partnerships undertaken by the partners themselves or by arms-length
bodies; address relatively new and non-contentious
issues; often led or managed by one partner; balance of
power not as delicate.
Implementing Specific objectives and time limited; responsible for the
partnerships delivery of agreed projects often involving securing
funding and resources; outputs clearly defined; power
relations unproblematic.
Source: Stewart and Snape (1995), p. 4.
M a n y partnerships contain elements of all t h r e e models, whilst in others

t h e r e r e m a i n d o u b t s a b o u t the a p p r o p r i a t e balance b e t w e e n facilitation,
co-ordination and implementation.
M a n a g i n g the Partnership Process
R e s e a r c h u n d e r t a k e n for t h e J o s e p h R o w n t r e e F o u n d a t i o n by the A s h -
ridge C e n t r e (in 1997) highlights the key issues that n e e d to b e considered
in developing a successful p a r t n e r s h i p m a n a g e m e n t process (see Box 3.3).
Principles of Partnership
Whilst t h e scale and scope of the partnership, and the type and n u m b e r of
actors w h o should b e involved, will vary according to the aims and objec-
tives established, t h e r e are n o n e the less certain defining principles which
should u n d e r p i n the process.
48 Andrew Carter
T h e quality of the partnerships that are formed is of critical importance.

R e s e a r c h suggests a symbiotic relationship b e t w e e n the quality of the part-
nership and the quality of the regeneration strategy (Carley, 1995). 'Suc-
cessful partnerships reveal a capacity t o adapt t o changing conditions:
political, economic and commercial. They d e m o n s t r a t e the "loose-tight"
characteristics of successful organisations: clearly pursuing well-
d e t e r m i n e d strategic objectives while retaining the ability to adapt tac-
tically to overcome impediments and obstacles' (Boyle, 1993, p . 321). T h e
most robust partnerships are those which respect t h e roles and contribu-
tions of each of the partners; the most productive are those which are
flexible and reflective; and the most beneficial are those which are sustain-
able b e y o n d the requirements of a specific p r o g r a m m e .
Box 3.3 Managing the partnership process
Stage 1
Partners come together through mutual recognition of a common need, or in
joint effort to obtain public funds. If they have not worked together before,
they begin the process of overcoming differences in background and approach,
building trust and respect. There may be the need for training, building each
partner's capacity to operate effectively in this new organisation.
Stage 2
Through a process of dialogue and discussion, the partners establish common
ground and work towards agreeing a vision and mission statement for the
initiative. The original core group of partners might agree on the need to
involve more individuals and organisations in the initiative. The partners de-
velop mechanisms for assessing needs and quantifying the size of the task they
propose to undertake. The initiative combines the information generated by
the needs assessment exercise, together with the vision and mission statement
to produce an agenda for action.
Stage 3
The formal framework and organisational structure of the partnership is de-
signed and put in place. The partners set specific goals, targets and objectives
linked into the agenda for action. Where appropriate, the executive arm of the
partnership selects or appoints a management team to oversee the work of the
initiative.
Stage 4
The partnership delivers to its action plan, whether through service provision
or some other function. The executive arm seeks to maintain the involvement
of all partners, formulates policy decisions and ensure the continuing process
of assessing, evaluation and refining the operations of the partnership.
Stage 5
Where appropriate, the partners should plan their forward strategy. This in-
volves developing a new set of goals for the survival and continuation of the
work of the initiative in some form. They should seek to create 'life after death'
by transferring the asset of the partnership back into the community with
which they work.
Source: Wilson and Charlton (1997).
Partnerships must b e built on shared interests, reciprocal support and

m u t u a l benefit with each p a r t n e r contributing according to their respective
resources, strengths and areas of expertise. T h e varying r e q u i r e m e n t s of
each p a r t n e r , such as t h e n e e d for public accountability of governments,
profit for private sector organisations and personal gratification for volun-
teers, must b e recognised.
Box 3.4 Thames Gateway London Partnership
The Thames Gateway London Partnership (TGLP) consists of 12 local author-

ities, two TECs, the London Docklands Development Corporation (LDDC)
and English Partnerships. The origins of TGLP lie in a report carried out by
SERPLAN (London and South East Regional Planning Conference) in the
early 1990s which looked at redressing the imbalance between East and West
London. The result was the Thames Gateway Planning Framework. The TGLP
does not have any strategic power, it is a strategic partnership not a strategic
authority. All decisions are made by consensus.
The TGLP has developed a vision for the area which is encapsulated in the
planning framework. The challenge lies in turning the vision into reality. Whilst
the vision is based on long-term objectives of 20-30 years, the partnership
recognises the need for early success in order to keep the partnership together.
Stages of Development
Boyle (1993) in his analysis of p a r t n e r s h i p working in West Central Scot-

land has identified a n u m b e r of key stages through which partnerships
progress:
(1) L a u n c h and n e e d for early wins to establish credibility.

(2) I m p l e m e n t a t i o n of early action p r o g r a m m e s .
(3) Consolidation and reassessment of aims and objectives.
(4) L o n g e r - t e r m , m o r e ambitious p r o g r a m m e s of structural change.
A s partnerships p r o c e e d t h r o u g h these stages, and in m a n y instances b e -

fore they actually reach Stage 1, a n u m b e r of policy and practice issues
e m e r g e which have i m p o r t a n t implications for their d e v e l o p m e n t and ul-
timately their success. T h e following set of issues are an a t t e m p t to provide
a provisional 'check-list' of issues to consider in forming partnerships. This
is clearly not an exhaustive list and as the experience of p a r t n e r s h i p de-
v e l o p m e n t and working grows and d e e p e n s this list will b e expanded.
Policy Issues
Strategic Context
Recognising the external context and fundamental socio-economic realities
of all partnerships is vital. 'It is essential that the underlying condition of
50 Andrew Carter
the regional and national economy, the state of the local labour m a r k e t , the
b r o a d e r political context and the harsh realities of the commercial world
are b r o u g h t to the attention of the p a r t n e r s h i p ' (Boyle, 1993, p . 322).
Partnership objectives need to b e realistic and attainable, given the powers
and resources available.
Individual schemes function best w h e n clear priorities are set within t h e
overall context of a strategic plan, recognising what can be realistically
achieved within the resources available. A strategic framework can provide
the setting within which a multiplicity of n e i g h b o u r h o o d regeneration ini-
tiatives can establish their local visions of how they contribute to the lo-
cality as a whole. This approach allows the key strengths and weaknesses of
an area to be analysed and individual area initiatives to b e p l a n n e d and
m a n a g e d within the overarching strategy.
Box 3.5 Chester Action Partnership
The partnership is a multi-sectoral network established in 1993 with a pro-

gramme to highlight and address the challenges facing Chester City and its
rural district. It currently represents more than 300 organisations and leads the
development and implementation of both new and existing strategies for
regeneration.
Its role is to facilitate action and provide a strategic framework for all ac-
tivity taking place in Chester. The programme represents a coherent set of
goals, priorities and actions which has provided a framework in which individ-
ual projects can be implemented as the appropriate resources are secured.
Current activities include: managing £10 million SRB Programme; managing
Estate Action Schemes; City Centre Management; 'Living Over the Shop'
Project; 'Clean Up' Campaign; Cultural Strategy; Anti-Poverty Strategy; gov-
ernment and private sector secondments and sponsorship; Arts for Health'
project.
Integration
F r o m an organisational perspective, Carley (1996, p . 8) identifies b o t h
'vertical' and 'horizontal' integration as prerequisites for sustainable re-
generation. Vertical integration is the beneficial linkage and co-ordinated
policy and action at appropriate spatial levels: national, regional, local,
n e i g h b o u r h o o d and the household. This is 'subsidiarity' to use the E U
term, in which action at each level is important, but not sufficient on its own
for the achievement of policy objectives.
Horizontal integration has two aspects. First, cross-sectoral connections
b e t w e e n d e p a r t m e n t s in central and local government to generate m o r e
efficient responses to multiple deprivation and the r e q u i r e m e n t s for sus-
tainable regeneration. Second, the bringing to b e a r of all a p p r o p r i a t e
stakeholders, or interest groups, in partnership to address the complex
challenges of multiple deprivation.
Engaging Key Actors

A vital stage in the establishment of a p a r t n e r s h i p is to identify stakeholder
groups across all sectors and t a k e a p p r o p r i a t e action to ensure they d o not
feel alienated and t h r e a t e n e d . M o r e effective and accountable partnerships
have equal r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of all t h e relevant actors. A s well as identifying
key stakeholders to b e involved, t h e r e is a n e e d to ensure they have access
t o information, m a n a g e m e n t p r o c e d u r e s and decision-making powers.
Focus of Activity
Partnerships often n e e d to d e m o n s t r a t e quick successes in o r d e r to create
confidence and support in local communities. Partnerships use tried and
tested p r o c e d u r e s , notably housing and environmental i m p r o v e m e n t s , to
legitimise their existence in difficult and controversial situations. T h e r e is a
d a n g e r that m o r e ambitious initial objectives involving, for example, inno-
vative business d e v e l o p m e n t or community development, can b e mar-
ginalized by t h e d e m a n d s on t h e p a r t n e r s h i p to deliver. Partnerships often
face real political and organisational difficulties in moving from low-risk,
traditional projects t o m o r e creative, risky ventures (Boyle, 1993). Long-
t e r m external support is necessary to t e m p e r the i m m e d i a t e d e m a n d s of t h e
p a r t n e r s h i p with t h e basic realities of the situation and longer-term benefits
that m a y derive from slower, steady progress.
Building Networks
Successful partnerships d e p e n d heavily on the o p e r a t i o n and quality of
n e t w o r k s (Skelcher, M c C a b e and L o w n d e s , 1996). Effective n e t w o r k s give
s e p a r a t e agencies a d d e d strength t h r o u g h combining with others. In par-
ticular, they offer t h e possibility of greater information exchange and the
d e v e l o p m e n t of a shared perspective a m o n g diverse groups. N e t w o r k i n g
involving those affected by an initiative increases its potential to be m o r e
sensitive to t h e n e e d s of the locality.
Practice Issues
Leadership
If a p a r t n e r s h i p does not have t h e leadership capacity and creative skills to
e n g e n d e r a c o m m o n sense of p u r p o s e and develop a shared vision, then it
is unlikely to use r e g e n e r a t i o n resources well. Political will and support are
prerequisites of effectiveness while the active involvement from senior
actors in participating agencies can d e m o n s t r a t e real c o m m i t m e n t . W i t h o u t
basic support, t h e energies of partnerships are easily subsumed by internal
conflict and constant struggles to secure additional resources. In this con-
text it is crucial that multiple agencies are involved early in the process and
that p a r t n e r s in different sectors are mutually aware of each o t h e r ' s strat-
egies. In addition, it is also essential t o ensure that the chief executive
(officer) and the convenor are able to work together and that they com-
m a n d the support of the partners.
52 Andrew Carter
Independence
M a n a g e m e n t also needs to b e i n d e p e n d e n t of a single sector interest and
representative of the full range of stakeholders. Partnership a r r a n g e m e n t s
seem to work best where staff are appointed or seconded to an indepen-
dent partnership agency rather t h a n being the responsibility of an existing
agency. Likewise, partnerships require their own resource budget in o r d e r
to exert m o r e influence on other p a r t n e r s through negotiation, project
selection and leverage.
Staff
T h e quality of the personnel involved appears to b e a critical factor for
achieving success over the longer period. Their ability to develop meaning-
ful relationships with politicians and representatives from the participating
agencies is often a vital ingredient of effectiveness. T h e r e is also evidence
of the transfer of experience, with key officials taking their expertise from
o n e initiative to another. This serves to highlight the importance of bu-
reaucrats in the evolution of partnership and raises t h e possibility that
professional/technical concerns can overtake, or even replace, the original
p r o b l e m s identified by the community or its representatives (Boyle, 1993).
Measuring Success
Monitoring and evaluation are central to the ability of partnerships to
d e m o n s t r a t e that they have achieved worthwhile results. T h e m e a s u r e m e n t
of partnership achievements needs to b e further refined and b e t t e r tailored
to partnership objectives. T h e pressure for objective quantifiable m e a s u r e -
m e n t , the absence of satisfactory qualitative measures of changed attitudes,
raised awareness, improved image, capacity building etc., and the difficult
m e a s u r e m e n t of 'visionary' objectives have all e m e r g e d as key issues which
have to b e resolved (Stewart and Snape, 1995).
Creating Added Value

A further element in partnership evaluation which needs to b e addressed is
w h e t h e r the partnership provides added value. This involves the assess-
m e n t of additionality (whether resources applied through partnership
achieve m o r e than would have resulted from their individual use
elsewhere), synergy (whether two or m o r e p a r t n e r s energise each other to
m a k e two and two equal five), and displacement (whether p a r t n e r s h i p
activity has m e a n t the loss of some activity elsewhere in the locality).
The Challenge of the Partnership A p p r o a c h
T h e r e is widespread acceptance of the need for comprehensive a p p r o a c h e s

to deal with the complex problems of c o n t e m p o r a r y u r b a n areas and to
advance strategic objectives for cities as a whole. In addition, t h e r e appears
t o b e a growing realisation that some flexibility in t h e construction of

partnerships is essential at t h e local level and that it is the primary task of
central g o v e r n m e n t to provide an effective policy framework without un-
d u e interference at t h e local level. H o w e v e r , as Bailey notes ' m u c h remains
to b e d o n e to create the necessary linkages b e t w e e n locally based part-
nerships, central g o v e r n m e n t budgets and, of increasing i m p o r t a n c e , access
to E u r o p e a n structural funds' (Bailey, 1995, p . 226).
Strengths of Partnerships
Partnerships have t h e potential to ensure that the weaknesses of previous

a p p r o a c h e s to u r b a n regeneration are o v e r c o m e by concentrating u p o n
those elements which have a m a x i m u m impact u p o n u r b a n problems. In
addition, partnerships can bring together social, economic and physical
activities within the same strategy. T h e y can bring a new dynamism to old
p r o b l e m s and are often effective in forging new links b e t w e e n existing
stakeholders.
Box 3.6 Mansfield Diamond Partnership
The partnership provides a comprehensive approach to the problems caused

by the pit closures in Nottinghamshire. The desire for strong community in-
volvement provided the initial focus for this strategic partnership. The part-
nership co-ordinates over 80 projects in a three-year £50 million SRB
programme in the Mansfield area of Nottinghamshire. The term 'diamond'
aptly conjures an image of the many facets involved including business de-
velopment, crime and safety, community development, education and training
and general environmental improvements. The scheme demonstrates the cata-
lytic effect that government funding has had in developing closer links between
organisations located in the area.
Partnerships can create synergy b e t w e e n p r o g r a m m e and policy areas

such that impacts can b e achieved which are b e y o n d the reach of any one
stakeholder, for example by accessing and integrating new sources of fi-
nance (Mackintosh, 1992).
I m p r o v e d co-ordination and delivery of local services can be achieved
t h r o u g h creating a setting within which local priorities can be identified.
Involving community representatives is particularly i m p o r t a n t here, as well
as establishing efficient communication channels b e t w e e n p a r t n e r organ-
isations. W h e r e good working relationships are established, it is possible to
b r e a k down interdisciplinary barriers and to develop comprehensive
programmes.
T h e weaknesses of local individual p a r t n e r s can b e overcome by joint
action, while their strengths are consolidated by the partnership. Private
sector p a r t n e r s provide business a c u m e n and are likely to b e c o m e m o r e
54 Andrew Carter
socially responsible, providing they can continue t o m a k e effective business

decisions. C o m m u n i t y organisations are flexible, close to informal net-
works and support the long-term interests of the community; but they often
have few financial resources. G o v e r n m e n t s , b o t h local and national, have
key roles t o play in encouraging co-operation, supporting local initiatives
and decision-making, leveraging resources and providing administrative
support (Bailey, 1995).
Things to avoid
Avoiding the 'lowest c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r ' approach to partnerships is

n e e d e d to encourage bolder actions and to turn talking-shops into proac-
tive, problem-orientated ventures, with m o r e equal sharing of risk a m o n g
partners.
Initial enthusiasm to set up the partnership, often to a tight time-scale,
m e a n s that important m a n a g e m e n t , representation and accountability is-
sues, and reporting arrangements are overlooked or sidelined, leading to
conflict and stagnation later (Stewart and Snape, 1995).
T h e r e is the tendency for the lead agency to create partnership in its own
image (Mawson et ai, 1995). T h e private sector t e n d t o opt for lean, small
agencies m a n a g e d by leading corporate executives, whereas local author-
ities tend to create large bureaucratic organisations. In community-based
partnerships t h e r e is often little private sector representation and the re-
verse occurs in private sector-led examples. This can lead to a lack of
balance in determining priorities.
Conflicts can arise b e t w e e n different levels of c o m m i t m e n t and involve-
m e n t of different partners. Perceptions vary as to the u n e v e n distribution
of costs and benefits and t h e lack of time in the early stages often m e a n s
that 'capacity-building' is overlooked.
Some p a r t n e r s are difficult to engage. W h e r e partnerships are unstable
or w h e r e goals are not shared, stakeholders are motivated mainly by the
n e e d t o protect their vested interests. Variations in p o w e r and political
clout, in annual budgeting, in planning cycles and work styles (especially
language) put different pressures on p a r t n e r s and can create tensions
within the partnerships (Parkinson, 1996). Considerable time and effort
therefore n e e d s t o be spent in building partnerships within an a t m o s p h e r e
of trust and sharing. Participation and partnership-working requires a new
culture of joint action if they are to deliver sustainable results.
Conclusions
T h e potential benefits of adopting a strategic a p p r o a c h to u r b a n

regeneration are readily apparent. It encourages local authorities and o t h e r
organisations to establish clear aims, in the context of an agreed strategy,
offering t h e m the opportunity to devise criteria against which the merits of

individual projects can b e assessed. This m a k e s t h e selection of schemes
which reflect longer-term aspirations m u c h m o r e likely ( R o b e r t s , 1990).
T h e actual d e v e l o p m e n t of a strategic framework can help to foster
collaboration and encourage partnerships b e t w e e n the b r o a d range of
agencies involved in u r b a n regeneration. M o r e o v e r , it can b e e m p l o y e d as
a basis for monitoring and evaluating the o u t c o m e s of u r b a n policy initia-
tives, thus enabling a m o r e informed a p p r o a c h to future policy formula-
tion, resource allocation and project appraisal (Martin and Pearce, 1995).
A strategic vision and framework n e e d s t o emphasise:
• a genuine working multi-sectoral partnership;

• the co-ordination and integration of initiatives, r a t h e r t h a n focusing on
single issues;
• a long-term c o m m i t m e n t , rather t h a n stressing short-term outputs and
costs;
• t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of local regeneration strategies.
A s M a r t i n a n d P e a r c e note:
At the heart of this process is the need to develop projects and programmes
which are consistent with agreed policies and to identify and implement projects
which respond to programmatic need. The interrelationships between policies,
programmes and projects would therefore, need to be expressed clearly, and
projects selected on the basis that their objectives were consistent with those
defined at both policy and programme levels. (Martin and Pearce, 1995, p. 109)
T h e r e now exists a considerable b o d y of knowledge on the organisation

and m a n a g e m e n t of partnership-based strategic vision. Yet, in creating
such frameworks t h e r e is clearly n o universal approach. H e n c e , t h e r e are
n o ideal solutions because the choice of approach must d e p e n d not only on
t h e results desired, but also on the availability of partners, the gravity and
n a t u r e of the p r o b l e m s , the existing organisational and institutional struc-
tures a n d t h e national ethos.
Partnership-working on the whole has b e e n evolutionary, pragmatic and
piecemeal with individual p e o p l e and organisations 'making it u p as they
go along' (Stewart and Snape, 1995, p . 11). T h e r e has b e e n little exchange
of experience a b o u t t h e process of managing partnerships. Individuals and
p a r t n e r s h i p organisations are seldom asked to provide feedback a b o u t
their experiences and lessons learnt.
M a n y of those involved in partnership-working, especially organisations
set u p prior to S R B , are now in a position to develop 'good practice'
guidelines b o t h for the d e v e l o p m e n t of new partnerships and for the con-
duct of existing p a r t n e r s h i p activities. Some p a r t n e r s are already develop-
ing internal guidance of this type, but it is in the interest of effective
partnership-working that all parties potentially involved in regeneration
partnerships should recognise basic g r o u n d rules for partnership-working.
56 Andrew Carter
Drawing on the Organisation for E c o n o m i e Co-operation and D e v e l o p -

m e n t ' s ( O E C D ' s ) (1996) and B U R A ' s (1996; 1997) experience as t o what
constitutes good practice in u r b a n regeneration, it is possible to suggest a
n u m b e r of principles for policy in relation to the establishment of success-
ful partnerships:
• A strategic vision and framework, providing a clear picture of the de-

sired outcomes, encourages p a r t n e r s to align their goals and objectives
while making appropriate contributions. Partnerships should b e built
on shared interests, joint understanding and action.
• Partnerships should b e developed to suit local and regional conditions.
T h e specific characteristics of the locality, the stakeholders and vested
interests should d e t e r m i n e the structure, composition and m o d e of o p -
eration of the partnership.
• Partnerships should combine b o t h ' b o t t o m - u p ' and ' t o p - d o w n '
initiatives. Capacity-building and mutual understanding are essential
across all the sectors to ensure that the partnership can w o r k
effectively.
• Partnerships cannot work in isolation. Locally based projects n e e d to
b e integrated into a wider framework for the region. T h e y require t h e
support of agencies at the level of t h e city, region and nation, if their
actions are to be successful and sustainable.
• Effective partnership working requires clear allocation of responsibility
within p a r t n e r organisations, accompanied by a d e q u a t e resources, time
and structures.
• Partnerships should involve local residents and community organisa-
tions as equal partners. This often requires a change in culture and way
of operating to a c c o m m o d a t e community participants. T h e involve-
m e n t of these groups is necessary to ensure their full c o m m i t m e n t to
achieving the jointly established goals and to ensure that they are the
principal beneficiaries of whatever action is taken.
This chapter has d e m o n s t r a t e d the considerable role that partnerships,

b o t h strategic and local, can play in devising and implementing u r b a n
regeneration initiatives. It also suggests that t h e r e is a degree of consensus
a m o n g policy-makers and practitioners about the gains which can b e
achieved from effective partnership-working, and about some of its costs
and current limitations.
M i k e G e d d e s identifies two primary gains from working in partnership:
• Partnerships can provide a strategic framework which encourages t h e

co-ordination and integration of policies and resources b e t w e e n t h e
public, private and voluntary sectors and with local communities
themselves.
• This can enable social and economic policies to r e s p o n d m o r e effec-
tively to local characteristics, and introduce a greater degree of
differentiation and responsiveness to the needs of local stakeholders

and social groups ( G e d d e s , 1997).
H e concludes by stating that, 'there is n o o n e m o d e l of partnership which

can b e advanced as the o p t i m u m for all contexts. T h e r e is a need for
continuing flexibility, innovation and experimentation, supported by re-
search and evaluation, to advance good practice' ( G e d d e s , 1997, p. 130).
• Partnerships should be built on a clear strategic vision and framework

for action.
• Partnerships should reflect shared ownership, shared interests, common
ambitions and joint understanding.
• Partnerships must be tailored to local conditions and should aim to be
inclusive.
• Within partnerships a clear allocation of responsibilities is essential.
• Partnerships will change over time.
References
A l d e n , J. and Boland, P. (1996) Regional Development Strategies: A European Perspective,

Jessica Kingsley, London.
Bailey, N. (1995) Partnership Agencies in British Urban Policy, U C L Press, London.
Boyle, R. (1993) Changing partners: the experience of urban economic policy in west central
England, 1980-90, Urban Studies, Vol. 30, no. 2, pp. 309-324.
British Urban Regeneration Association ( B U R A ) (1996) Best practice awards 1996. Booklet
prepared for the B U R A Best Practice Awards Ceremony, 21 May, Sheffield.
British Urban Regeneration Association ( B U R A ) (1997) Best practice awards 1997. Booklet
prepared for the B U R A Best Practice Awards Ceremony, 3 June, London.
Carley, M. (1996) Sustainable development, integration and area regeneration. Paper pre-
pared for the A r e a Regeneration Programme for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation.
Carley, M. (1995) Using information for sustainable urban regeneration, Scottish H o m e s Inno-
vation Paper 4, Edinburgh.
Department of the Environment (1995) Bidding Guidance: A Guide to Bidding for Resources
from the Government's Single Regeneration Budget Challenge Fund, Department of the
Environment, London.
E C O T E C (1997) Planning in Partnership: A Guide for Planners. A Final Report to the Royal
T o w n Planning Institute, RTPI, London.
European Commission (1994) Europe 2000+. Cooperation for European territorial develop-
ment, European Commission, Luxembourg.
G e d d e s , M. (1997) Partnership against Poverty and Exclusion? The Policy Press, Bristol.
Hall, P. (1997) Regeneration policies for peripheral housing estates: inward and outward-
looking approaches, Urban Studies, Vol. 34, no. 5-6, pp. 873-90.
Hausner, V. (1993) The future of urban development, Royal Society of Arts Journal, Vol. 141,
no. 5441, pp. 523-33.
Healey, P. (1997) A strategic approach to sustainable urban regeneration, Journal of Property
Development, Vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 105-10.
58 Andrew Carter
Healey, P., Cameron, S., Davoudi, S., Graham, S. and Madani-Pour, A . (eds.) (1995) Manag-
ing Cities: The New Urban Context, John Wiley & Sons, Chichester,
Mackintosh, M. (1992) Partnership: issues of policy and negotiation, Local Economy, Vol. 3,
no. 7, pp. 210-24.
Martin, S. and Pearce, G. (1995) The evaluation of urban policy project appraisal in R.
Hambleton and H. Thomas (eds.) Urban Policy Evaluation: Challenge and Change, Paul
Chapman, London.
Mawson, J., Beazley, M., Collinge, C , Hall, S., Loftman, P., Nevin, B., Srbljanin, A . and
Tilson, B. (1995) The Single Regeneration Budget: The Stocktake Interim Report Summary,
University of Birmingham and Central England, Birmingham.
McGregor, Α . , Maclennan, D . , Donnison, D . , Gemmell, B. and MacArthur, A . (1992) A
Review and Critical Evaluation of Strategic Approaches to Urban Regeneration, Scottish
H o m e s , Edinburgh.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and D e v e l o p m e n t ( O E C D ) (1996) Strategies for
Housing and Social Integration in Cities, O E C D , Paris.
Parkinson, M. (1996) Strategic approaches for area regeneration: a review and a research
agenda. Paper prepared for the Area Regeneration Programme for the Joseph Rowntree
Foundation.
Roberts, P. (1990) Strategic Vision and the Management of the UK Land Resource, Stage II
Report, Strategic Planning Society, London.
Roberts, P. (1997) Opinion, BURA Journal, October.
Skelcher, C , McCabe, A . and Lowndes, V. (1996) Community Networks in Urban Regenera-
tion: 'It all depends who you know!', The Policy Press, Bristol.
Stewart, M. and Snape, D . (1995) Keeping up the momentum: partnership working in Bristol
and the West. Unpublished Report from the School for Policy Studies to the Bristol
Chamber of Commerce and Initiative.
Turok, I. and Shutt, J. (1994) The challenge for urban policy, Local Economy, Vol. 9, no. 3,
pp. 211-15.
Wilson, A . and Charlton, K. (1997) Making Partnerships Work: A Practical Guide for the
Public, Private, Voluntary and Community Sectors, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York.
PART 2
M A J O R THEMES A N D TOPICS
4: Economie Regeneration and
Funding
David Noon, James Smith-Canham,
Martin Eagland
Introduction
E c o n o m i c regeneration is a vital part of the process of u r b a n regeneration.

It is n e e d e d to counter the economic decline experienced by cities with the
changes in the workings of the economy and the increasing globalisation of
m a r k e t s . T h e industrial revolution m a d e cities the focus of production,
population, culture and society in Britain but the last t h r e e decades have
b e e n characterised by a loss of e m p l o y m e n t and population, a relocation of
manufacturing and the readjustment of other economic structures. After a
long period of continued growth the advent of decline led to questions
being asked a b o u t the role of the city in a m o d e r n economy, including the
n e e d for cities to readjust to these processes of u r b a n and regional change
which have seen the economic benefits of a city location decline in favour
of u r b a n fringe and m o r e rural locations. T h e development of u r b a n policy
over the past t h r e e decades has b e e n a process of responding to the con-
tinually changing n a t u r e of a m o d e r n economy and to its spatial
manifestations.
This chapter considers a n u m b e r of major issues:
• definition and scope of economic regeneration;

• the workings of u r b a n economies;
• early attempts at economic regeneration;
• economic regeneration initiatives and p r o g r a m m e s ;
• the economic impact of regeneration;
• financing economic regeneration;
• future considerations.
C o m p o n e n t s of Economic Regeneration
T h e successful economic regeneration of a city is two-sided, b o t h d e m a n d

and supply processes are at work.
62 D. Noon, J. Smith-Canham and M. Eagland
Demand Side
T h e d e m a n d side will b e d e t e r m i n e d by the city's ability to retain local

expenditure and to attract m o r e spending from outside. This may t a k e the
form of d e m a n d for industrial production or for the o u t p u t of the service
sector. Efforts to p r o m o t e the city aim to attract new sources of expendi-
ture. F o r example, the development of conferences and tourism m a r k e t s
have b e e n p u r s u e d as part of strategies to sustain new types of economic
activity in the city.
Supply Side
O n the supply side investment must b e m a d e to improve infrastructure

including the building of new roads or improving existing roads and o t h e r
communication links. L a n d needs to b e redeveloped and m a d e available to
b o t h existing industries, k e e n to expand or relocate, and also for the
d e v e l o p m e n t of new industries. I m p o r t a n t links b e t w e e n education and
research institutions have a role to play in the d e v e l o p m e n t and operation
of science, technology and business parks. T h e r e must also b e investment
in p e o p l e with increased and appropriate training and support for ideas
delivered through enterprise and training bodies such as t h e T E C s and
local enterprise companies ( L E C s ) , and business support agencies such as
Business Link.
D u r i n g the Industrial Revolution cities w e r e the focus of production and
population with close proximity to activities generating external economies
which have b e e n t e r m e d 'spatial economies of scale'. T h e economy is now
changing, spatial economies of scale are of less importance, and the cities
n e e d to react and plan for the future. T h e economy is entering a new phase
w h e r e the handling and communication of information is becoming in-
creasingly important. Directly linked to this is the increasing use of infor-
mation and communication technologies, often referred to as telematics.
Cities, to ensure their future role in the changing economic climate, n e e d to
have excellent telecommunication networks, not just internally or with
other u r b a n centres in E u r o p e but with the rest of the world. W i t h o u t the
physical establishment of these networks and their optimal utilisation, an
u r b a n area risks moving from being a core regional or national location to a
peripheral global location. T h e supply side will also b e influenced by t h e
productive capacity of the city. Of particular importance h e r e is the ability
to attract investment and for indigenous d e v e l o p m e n t to b e p r o m o t e d
through new firm formation and through the growth of existing businesses.
T h e climate for investment in productive capacity will clearly b e influenced
by the competitiveness of the local economy as reflected in the quality of
infrastructure, skills of the workforce and locational advantages.
T h e 1996 W h i t e P a p e r Competitiveness: Creating the Enterprise Centre of
Europe focuses on these supply side issues and sets out policy aims for
Economie Regeneration and Funding 63
developing t h e information society, raising t h e role and profile of small and

medium-sized enterprises ( S M E s ) , encouraging further deregulation, and
ensuring a suitably trained, skilled and well-qualified workforce. T h e s e
initiatives give emphasis t o t h e view that spatial economic p e r f o r m a n c e is
t h e result of t h e key factors of production, land, labour and capital being
t h e major areas for public policy intervention w h e n seeking to address
u r b a n and regional economic disparities.
T o succeed, economic regeneration initiatives therefore n e e d to address
b o t h t h e supply-side and demand-side c o m p o n e n t s . T h e r e is little point in
providing major new infrastructure without sufficient d e m a n d to sustain its
use, whilst t h e p r o m o t i o n of a town and city in t h e absence of a d e q u a t e
infrastructure and facilities is destined for failure.
Theory of U r b a n Decline
It has b e e n generally recognised that t h e r e has b e e n a n e e d for u r b a n

r e g e n e r a t i o n in Britain from the 1960s w h e n it started to b e c o m e in-
creasingly clear that m a n y cities were facing long-term decline. This decline
was characterised particularly by population and e m p l o y m e n t loss with a
net out-migration of population, firms and activities. L i n k e d to these two
major factors has b e e n physical and social decline.
D u r i n g the 1960s m u c h of t h e literature on the workings of the u r b a n
e c o n o m y was c e n t r e d on explaining the growth of cities. Central place
analysis and u r b a n base theory w e r e b o t h p o p u l a r a p p r o a c h e s t o explaining
u r b a n growth and change (see Richardson, 1971, for a review). T h e s e w e r e
d e m a n d - o r i e n t e d approaches. T h e supply-oriented theories of u r b a n
growth stressed t h e role of population growth, capital investment and tech-
nical progress and particularly the attraction of these growth factors from
outside t h e city. T h e s e theories w e r e relevant w h e n considering the con-
tinued growth of u r b a n centres. H o w e v e r , it was clear from the mid-1960s
that growth in m a n y centres h a d stopped and cities were mainly facing
decline.
Several explanations have b e e n advanced for u r b a n decline, and Table
4.1 below aims t o summarise the main economic interpretations and ex-
planations which have b e e n put forward.
E x p l a n a t i o n s of u r b a n economic decline are often based entirely on
empirical evidence b u t they do have an i m p o r t a n t role to play in u r b a n
regeneration. If explanations can b e found for decline t h e n lessons can b e
l e a r n e d and past mistakes avoided. F o r example counter-urbanisation is
caused by factors such as p e o p l e ' s desire to m o v e to the countryside b e -
cause of the negative aspects of living in a city such as congestion, pollution
and crime. In conjunction with some p e o p l e ' s desire to relocate firms m o v e
out of u r b a n areas because of the push factors of the city such as high
service costs, d e v e l o p m e n t constraints, failing infrastructure and
Table 4.1 Explanations for urban decline

N a m e of e x p l a n a t i o n Explanation
Structuralist Structural c h a n g e in t h e g l o b a l e c o n o m y ; rise of n e w e c o n o m i e s

w i t h differing spatial/locational requirements.
Counter-urbanisation Pull factors of rural areas a n d t h e p u s h factors arising in u r b a n

areas c a u s i n g firms a n d p o p u l a t i o n to m o v e o u t .
Marxist N e e d to maximise exploitative potential of capital b y u s i n g

c h e a p e r , flexible, less militant l a b o u r t h a t c a n b e f o u n d in less
u r b a n i s e d areas.
Sectoral o r p l a n n i n g U n i n t e n t i o n a l effects of spatial p l a n n i n g policies s u c h as

d e v e l o p m e n t of g r e e n b e l t e n c o u r a g i n g firms to m o v e w e l l a w a y
f r o m u r b a n centres.
External o w n e r s h i p Increasing external o w n e r s h i p of firms in u r b a n a r e a s b y others

w i t h little local a l l e g i a n c e .
Product-cycle Standardisation m e a n s t h a t m a n u f a c t u r i n g c a n h a p p e n almost

a n y w h e r e so p r o d u c t i o n e l s e w h e r e b e c o m e s h i g h l y p r o b a b l e .
increasingly inflexible labour. T o prevent this u r b a n regeneration strategies

have focused on improving u r b a n infrastructure, reducing t h e reclamation
and assembly costs of u r b a n land t h r o u g h a range of grants and enhancing
the skill base of the local workforce through targeted training schemes
designed to improve the j o b prospects of the local workforce.
Economic Regeneration Programmes
Early Attempts
Early attempts at economic regeneration p r o g r a m m e s are exemplified by

Boxes 4.1 and 4.2, case studies of Glasgow, Lowell (near Boston, U S A ) and
D e a n Clough (Halifax). These examples are characterised by a com-
prehensive approach to economic regeneration which served to bring to-
gether a n u m b e r of separate initiatives or by the vision and c o m m i t m e n t of
key people.
Trends in Urban Economic Policy
F r o m t h e mid-1960s to the present day it is possible to identify four phases

in t h e development of u r b a n policy as a response to u r b a n decline. T h e first
phase r a n from the mid-1960s until the publishing of the 1977 W h i t e P a p e r
( H M S O , 1977). D u r i n g this time t h e r e was a particular view of deprivation
based on the 'culture of poverty' thesis, developed in A m e r i c a by writers
such as Banfield (1970), which generally attributed u r b a n p r o b l e m s to the
Box 4.I Glasgow
In the late 1960s and early 1970s Glasgow was suffering an economic crisis as
markets for steel, shipbuilding, railway engineering and other engineering ac-
tivity slipped away. The industrial base was in serious decline and unemploy-
ment was rapidly rising. Since then, Glasgow's fortunes have been successfully
reversed, its image enhanced and its popularity as a visitor city stands in stark
contrast to those earlier depressing images. A number of reasons for the city's
success in regenerating itself can be identified:
• the creation of the Scottish Development Agency in the mid-1970s;

• a stable local government;
• the ability to create partnerships between many agencies;
• a strategic approach that gave priority to the creation of new markets for the
city rather than a site-specific approach.
This approach gradually brought benefits from visitors attracted to the city
and the inward relocation of companies and people which in turn stimulated
other investments in the city.
Today, the successes of the 1980s are being consolidated and further de-
veloped by the Glasgow Regeneration Agency.
Box 4.2 Lowell\ Massachusetts, and Dean Clough, Halifax
The economic fortunes of many towns in the north of England declined with
the slow but steady disappearance of their textile industries. From the 1960s
onwards many large, and often striking, textile mills stood empty or were
underutilised. In the 1970s and 1980s Lowell near Boston in the USA led the
way in showing how such mills could be reused and economic life returned to
the local area. Their success was based upon a number of factors:
• the presence of high-tech industries and the willingness of some of these

industries to occupy the mills after refurbishment;
• local tax incentives for investment;
• capitalising on the presence of local waterways to enhance refurbishment
schemes;
• the ease with which local partnerships were created;
• a flexible approach to the application of building regulations.
A similar development in a textile mill is Dean Clough in Halifax where 1

million square feet of space was converted into a number of business and
cultural uses through the vision of a local businessman, Sir Ernest Hall. The
success of the project was based around flexibility in letting arrangements,
introduction of a cultural element, involvement of the local community com-
bined with the attraction of several blue chip tenants.
inadequacies operating within families concentrated in small areas. 'It as-

s u m e d poverty was a limited p r o b l e m concentrated in small areas within
which a definable anti-social culture could b e identified and ultimately
eradicated' (Lawless, 1988, p . 532). Therefore, m a n y of t h e u r b a n economic
p r o g r a m m e s launched during this period r e p r e s e n t e d an a t t e m p t to tackle
t h e 'social' problem. However, the C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Projects
( C D P s ) and the I n n e r A r e a Studies (IASs) helped to change this attitude
towards deprivation and signalled a new direction in u r b a n policy.
T h e second phase ran from 1977 t h r o u g h to the early 1980s; t h e 1977
W h i t e P a p e r signalled the change in focus, and the change in g o v e r n m e n t
following the 1979 election saw this phase develop further. This was a
period characterised by an emphasis on the d e v e l o p m e n t of land and p r e -
mises to bring about u r b a n economic regeneration. T h e underlying
theoretical approaches were associated with a concern that t h e r e w e r e
major supply constraints in operation, with limited land for the expansion
of existing businesses and few opportunities to attract major new inward
investment. It was accepted that major public sector funding would b e
required to improve inner city development opportunities and to address
the p r o b l e m s of dereliction. This was t h e beginning of the economic ap-
p r o a c h to u r b a n regeneration with the launch of Industrial I m p r o v e m e n t
A r e a s , Derelict L a n d and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t G r a n t s and E n t e r p r i s e
Z o n e s . U r b a n policy at this time was starting to show the signs of becoming
increasingly centrally focused with the role of local authorities and o t h e r
local bodies gradually being diluted.
This shift from local to central control continued with the next phase of
u r b a n policy from the early 1980s until 1987/88. T h e g o v e r n m e n t saw the
local authorities as overly bureaucratised and inefficient resulting in high
local rates which were burdening local businesses. Therefore, t h e private
sector was encouraged to b e c o m e actively involved in u r b a n regeneration
facilitated by new agencies such as the U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations
( U D C s ) . This policy of 'leverage planning' involved the d e v e l o p m e n t of
mixed use and often larger schemes aided by u r b a n regeneration grants
which were m a d e available by central government to local authorities and
U D C s . T h e other t h e m e to be developed during this period was that of
partnerships which involved the public and private sectors. Partnerships
w e r e encouraged to create a m o r e efficient, dynamic a p p r o a c h to u r b a n
regeneration through central government initiatives applied locally such as
City Action T e a m s ( C A T s ) and the Task Forces. T h e concept of public
sector funding levering in private sector investment and the notion of
partnership b e t w e e n various agencies and organisations have continued as
a central plank of u r b a n policy t h r o u g h to t h e mid-1990s.
D u r i n g the 1980s the flagship project was a major focus for economic
activity and u r b a n regeneration in t h e 1980s. It was usually an exceedingly
large mixed-use scheme, with a commercial emphasis and bringing with it
major infrastructure and land reclamation benefits. Flagship projects
sought to stimulate very substantial investment and customer d e m a n d
while matching this with a c c o m m o d a t i o n on t h e supply side. In their fa-

vour, s u p p o r t e r s of flagship projects can point to t h e successful p r o m o t i o n
of t h e recipient area, generation of external d e m a n d and worthwhile im-
p r o v e m e n t s in spending p o w e r locally. Critics point to t h e distortion of the
local m a r k e t p l a c e and the absorption of m a n y y e a r s ' d e m a n d into o n e part
of the area. A n u m b e r of flagship projects w e r e either killed off or very
m u c h r e d u c e d in scale by the recession of the late 1980s and early 1990s.
H o w e v e r , in m o r e recent times the t o p slicing of E u r o p e a n Regional D e -
v e l o p m e n t F u n d ( E R D F ) funding for Regional Challenge bids d e m o n -
strates t h e attractiveness to policy-makers of high profile initiatives which
can gain wide publicity and acclaim.
A l s o in the 1980s u r b a n regeneration initiatives h a d their focus gradually
shifted from t h e local communities and authorities to being controlled and
run by central g o v e r n m e n t and the various quangos it established. Follow-
ing t h e release of the 1988 Action for Cities ( H M S O , 1988) d o c u m e n t this
t r e n d has b e e n reversed and t h e r e is now a desire to increase the role that
local communities and local authorities play in u r b a n regeneration. In this
fourth and final p h a s e of the chronology of u r b a n policy t h e r e has b e e n an
increasing recognition that t h e n a t u r e of u r b a n p r o b l e m s varied b e t w e e n
different localities a n d that u r b a n regeneration strategies n e e d e d to b e
d e v e l o p e d and ' o w n e d ' by the local communities. A n example of this new
a p p r o a c h to u r b a n economic regeneration is provided by the Coalisland
R e g e n e r a t i o n Project.
Box 4.3 Community Involvement: Coalisland Regeneration Project
The Coalisland Regeneration Project, a partnership of the local community,

public agencies and local business, has made significant improvements to the
town centre of this declining industrial town by providing a community facility
in the refurbished Cornmill, car parking, a water feature and landscaped area,
and the conversion of a derelict factory and vacant premises into economic use.
The community has been involved as an active partner in the development
process, and this has led to a deeper feeling of ownership. The strength of the
regeneration lies in the energy of the community which has led to a strong
partnership approach.
Individual commercial property owners have been given financial assistance
to refurbish vacant buildings and improve shop frontages. The regeneration is
the basis for further renewal, and future plans include a canal link, industrial
tourism and more small work units. The Coalisland scheme illustrates the
powerful leverage effect of public money when well applied.
P r o g r a m m e s such as City Challenge and t h e Single R e g e n e r a t i o n B u d g e t

( S R B ) , t o g e t h e r with the establishment of t h e G o v e r n m e n t Offices for the
Regions, r e p r e s e n t a c o m m i t m e n t to increasing local participation. This
greater local a n d regional emphasis is also, not least in the E u r o p e a n
context, a necessary m o v e as it ties in with the E U ' s regionalist ideals and
was an i m p o r t a n t step in improving the chances of securing funding from

this source.
E c o n o m i c R e g e n e r a t i o n Initiatives a n d P r o g r a m m e s
T h e previous section has focused on the d e v e l o p m e n t of u r b a n policy from

the 1960s to the present day. D e v e l o p m e n t s over this period have resulted
in the establishment of a range of policy initiatives which are described in
this section. T h e initiatives presented h e r e have formed a significant com-
p o n e n t of u r b a n policy during the 1990s.
Grant Support
L a n d grants have b e e n an important element in m a n y u r b a n regeneration

schemes such as at Merry Hill in the Black Country and, on a smaller scale,
with t h e r e d e v e l o p m e n t of the Bird's Custard Factory in Birmingham. Such
use of grant support lowers the entry threshold for the private sector and
can induce significant investment as a result.
Box 4.4 The Custard Factory, Birmingham
The former Bird's Custard Factory in Digbeth, Birmingham, had been derelict
for many years before a City Grant Award of £800,000 was made in January
1992. This public sector funding levered in £1.6 million of private sector invest-
ment for the refurbishment of 100,000 sq. ft of redundant buildings, providing
145 units for use by artists, designers, communicators and others associated
with creative design.
The development provides low-cost starter units with a range of services
designed to support new businesses. The first phase has created some 300 jobs
with 50 per cent of occupants being previously out of work. When the second
and third phases are completed it is anticipated that about 1,000 jobs will have
been created.
T h e first land grant was the Derelict L a n d G r a n t ( D L G ) which was

e x t e n d e d after the A b e r f a n disaster of 1966 and was initially m o r e applica-
ble to rural areas. During the 1980s the focus of the grant shifted t o the
t r e a t m e n t of derelict u r b a n areas. Derelict land grants support a p r o p o r -
tion of the costs of bringing land back into beneficial use. Local authorities
qualified for 100 per cent grant if they were in Assisted A r e a s or Derelict
L a n d Clearance A r e a s ; 75 per cent in National P a r k s and 50 p e r cent
elsewhere. F o r the private sector it was 80 p e r cent in Assisted A r e a s and
Derelict L a n d Clearance A r e a s and 50 p e r cent elsewhere ( D o E , 1988a;
1991). Local authorities w e r e the d o m i n a n t users of t h e D L G and t a k e - u p
by the private sector was relatively low.
U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t G r a n t s w e r e established in 1982 to encourage pri-

vate sector resources t o flow into u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t t h r o u g h t h e applica-
tion of a m i n i m u m public sector contribution. T h e r e was to b e n o
restriction on t h e type of project, although from 1984 o n w a r d s the em-
phasis was clearly on physical r e g e n e r a t i o n projects w h e r e t h e contribution
from t h e private sector was required to b e several times greater t h a n that
from t h e public sector. T h e grants helped to stimulate additional private
sector investment and they created inner city housing in places w h e r e it
would not have b e e n built. H o w e v e r , only a small p r o p o r t i o n of the U r b a n
P r o g r a m m e authorities benefited and these w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d in very
small pockets of cities. T h e r e w e r e also criticisms a b o u t the complex and
lengthy application p r o c e d u r e .
U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n G r a n t s w e r e launched in 1987 to o v e r c o m e some of
t h e constraints of t h e U D G s with t h e main change being that developers
could directly a p p r o a c h the g o v e r n m e n t and bypass the local authority. T o
qualify t h e sites for d e v e l o p m e n t had to b e larger t h a n 20 acres. T h e U R G
and U D G w e r e replaced by the City G r a n t - which was close to the m o d e l
of t h e U R G - outlined in the 1988 Action for Cities d o c u m e n t . It, like the
U R G , bypassed local g o v e r n m e n t and was offered by the D e p a r t m e n t of
E n v i r o n m e n t ( D o E ) regional offices to offset specific disadvantages of an
inner city site and assist the project's commercial viability.
Relaxation of Regulations
E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e s w e r e established in 1981 based on t h e principle of remov-

ing t h e ' b u r d e n on business' t h r o u g h the relaxation of planning controls
and providing tax benefits. Twenty-eight E Z s and four extensions have
b e e n designated by the g o v e r n m e n t since 1981. E a c h zone o p e r a t e d for a
p e r i o d of ten years from its initial designation. S o m e zones, therefore, have
already r e a c h e d t h e e n d of their lives. In 1996 five zones w e r e operating,
including two extensions. T h r e e further zones are t o b e designated in areas
which have suffered j o b losses due to the contraction of t h e mining
industry.
T h e benefits currently available to businesses situated in these zones
include:
• e x e m p t i o n from non-domestic rates;

• 100 p e r cent allowances for corporation and income tax p u r p o s e s for
capital e x p e n d i t u r e on industrial and commercial buildings;
• a m u c h simplified planning system and a reduction in g o v e r n m e n t re-
quests for statistical information.
T h e findings from an interim assessment ( H M S O , 1987) on the effective-

ness of E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e s led the g o v e r n m e n t to a n n o u n c e that it did not
foresee extending t h e scheme generally although it did suggest that new
zones could be created if they w e r e seen as the best way of tackling a
particular local problem. T w o such cases did occur, o n e in Sunderland in

1990 and a n o t h e r in Inverclyde in 1989.
Urban Development Agencies
T h e passing of the 1980 Local G o v e r n m e n t Planning and L a n d A c t gave

the government the p o w e r to create U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations,
t h e first two of which were established in 1981 followed by a further 11
b e t w e e n 1987 and 1993. These were agencies created to aid the regenera-
tion of specific u r b a n localities mainly with the money, ideas and focus of
the private sector primed by central government funding. T h e s e agencies
h a d the p o w e r to acquire, improve and service areas of land and t h e n to act
as their own development controller. T h e basic aim was to ensure that
private investment was encouraged to play its part in u r b a n regeneration.
By 1989 the U D C s had dealt with 40,000 acres and had a central grant of
£200 million p e r annum. In 1988 the t h e n government argued that the
U D C s w e r e 'the most important attack ever m a d e on u r b a n decay'
( H M S O , 1988).
English Partnerships, originally k n o w n as the U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n
Agency, was set u p through the 1993 Leasehold Reform, Housing and
U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Act. It was formed as a type of 'roving U D C w h e n
the third r o u n d of City Challenge was cancelled. This new q u a n g o reflected
the g o v e r n m e n t ' s continuing emphasis u p o n land and p r o p e r t y develop-
m e n t and inward investment, but was set up to develop links with and b e
committed to local communities.
Integrated Approaches
In the early 1980s concern was expressed a b o u t the lack of integration and
co-ordination of u r b a n policies and initiatives. In response to the n e e d for a
m o r e holistic approach to b e applied across a local area and a recognition
of the importance of a local community input, City Action T e a m s w e r e
created. This experiment c o m m e n c e d with the creation by the g o v e r n m e n t
of the Merseyside Task Force 1981. Following the relative success of this
pilot project, six C A T s were established in 1985 in the Partnership A r e a s .
E a c h t e a m consists of the Regional Directors of the D e p a r t m e n t of E n -
vironment, E m p l o y m e n t and T r a d e and Industry and these teams w e r e
responsible for the co-ordination of central government expenditure totall-
ing £850 million per a n n u m , instilling private sector confidence, looking for
m a r k e t funding and providing a contact point for external sources of fund-
ing for the area.
H o w e v e r , they in themselves did not bring any additional resources to
the area. They have also not always w o r k e d closely with local governments,
which was their aim, and it is also stated (Lawless, 1988) that m a n y of the
projects the C A T s have initiated or b e e n involved with would probably
have h a p p e n e d anyway. T h e C A T s w e r e subsumed within the Integrated

Regional Offices in April 1994.
Task Forces w e r e launched by the g o v e r n m e n t in F e b r u a r y 1986, initially
n u m b e r i n g eight. T h e aim of the Task Force is to b e t t e r co-ordinate the
efforts of g o v e r n m e n t d e p a r t m e n t s , local government, the private sector
and the local community to r e g e n e r a t e inner city areas.
T h e T a s k F o r c e consists of a t e a m of a b o u t five civil servants. T e a m s are
t h e n s u p p l e m e n t e d with secondées from local authorities and t h e private
and voluntary sectors. Task Forces are based in some of the most deprived
inner cities in the country such as Bradford, Hull, Moss Side and H u l m e
(Manchester).
Box 4.5 Aims and activities of Task Forces
Main aims of Task Forces

• Increase employment prospects for residents by removing barriers to
employment.
• Create and safeguard jobs.
• Improve employability of local people by raising skill levels and providing
training.
• Promote local enterprise development through support for enterprise train-
ing, financial and managerial assistance.
• Support education initiatives.
Typical activities of Task Forces
• Encouraging enterprise by attracting business through the development of
premises and the provision of financial and managerial support.
• Matching work skills with current and future work opportunities.
• Supporting training schemes to improve employability.
By the spring of 1994 Task Forces h a d committed about £148 million to

5,800 projects. T h e s e projects have helped to create over 31,000 jobs, p r o -
vided over 175,000 training places and helped over 44,000 businesses.
Competitive Bidding for Funding
T h e 1990s have b e e n m a r k e d by the allocation of u r b a n regeneration fund-

ing t h r o u g h a process of competitive bidding based on clear objectives,
o u t p u t m e a s u r e s and value for money. A n i m p o r t a n t element has b e e n the
involvement of the private sector and the prospects of attracting significant
private sector funding.
T h e City Challenge p r o g r a m m e was launched in 1991 and r e p r e s e n t e d a
new era of competitive bidding for funding. It differed from m a n y previous
policies in that it sought to give t h e local authority a key role by letting the
authority draw u p plans for the regeneration of areas that they felt were
pivotal in the region's resurgence. Again it involved strong links with the
business and commercial sectors but this time it was also to draw u p o n the
resources of the local voluntary sector, which indicated a m o v e away from
solely economic regeneration motives to include a stronger social policy
dimension.
City Challenge encouraged the local authority to act with vision and to
include t h e local p e o p l e and community organisations (with, of course, the
private sector) in its projects. Stress was placed on an integrated a p p r o a c h
to link u r b a n projects with e m p l o y m e n t and training, childcare, housing,
environmental concerns, and crime prevention and safety. T h e innovative
p a r t of the p r o g r a m m e was that it introduced a competitive bidding process
with the aim of encouraging an entrepreneurial ideal into local govern-
ment. It was also felt that even those areas that 'lost o u t ' in the bidding
process would benefit from the process and work b e t t e r with their new
p a r t n e r s in the private sector.
R e p o r t s by the A u d i t Commission (1989) and the National A u d i t Office
(1990) identified a degree of overlap in the g o v e r n m e n t ' s inner city p r o -
g r a m m e s and concluded that this a m o u n t e d to a waste of b o t h time and
funds. These reports stimulated the formation of the Single R e g e n e r a t i o n
B u d g e t in 1994 which was to incorporate the 20 existing p r o g r a m m e s and
initiatives into o n e integrated regeneration budget. T h e S R B introduced a
wider and m o r e varied range of regeneration activity t h a n before. Integra-
tion and co-ordination on a m o r e local level, initiated in t h e City Challenge
p r o g r a m m e , were further encouraged and e n h a n c e d t h r o u g h the S R B . This
local focus was further supported by the establishment of G o v e r n m e n t
Offices for the Regions in 1993 to establish control of spending and policy
implementation at the regional level and to address t h e shortcomings of
past partnership attempts because of a failure to involve local communities.
Experience to date suggests that the S R B is likely t o b e d o m i n a t e d by
projects aimed at large-scale physical development. This is because b o t h
the U D C s and English Partnerships P r o g r a m m e s , including land reclama-
tion, are financed from S R B funding (Table 4.2).
T a b l e 4.2 The Single Regeneration Budget (£ million)

1994-95 1995-96 1996-97
HATS 88.2 90.0 90.0
UDCs 291.0 253.7 244.7
E n g l i s h Partnerships 180.8 210.8 220.8
All o t h e r S R B p r o g r a m m e s 887.1 777.6 768.2
Source: D e p a r t m e n t of t h e E n v i r o n m e n t
T h e S R B signals a change in t h e primary influences acting u p o n u r b a n

economic policy. M u c h government u r b a n policy has b e e n drawn from
experiences and ideas from N o r t h America, particularly the U S A . In t h e
case of the S R B m a n y parallels can b e drawn from the F r e n c h C o n t r a t de
Ville. This initiative encourages partnerships b e t w e e n t h e state and local

institutions in o r d e r to form a m u t u a l understanding of the underlying
causes of p r o b l e m s and how best to tackle t h e m . T h e initiative has p r o -
duced cohesive partnerships at t h e local level which override administra-
tive b o u n d a r i e s and d e p a r t m e n t a l i s m b o t h centrally and locally, and it has
achieved an impressive degree of co-ordination of public policy and expen-
diture (Oakley, 1995a; 1995b).
T h e S R B n o w represents the main form of support from central govern-
m e n t for u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n in the U K .
Financing Urban Regeneration
Since t h e start of m o d e r n u r b a n p r o g r a m m e s following t h e 1977 W h i t e

P a p e r , t h e r e have b e e n several variations in the m e t h o d s used to provide
finance.
T h e main source of funding for u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n in the early days of
t h e p r o g r a m m e s was the public sector. Prior to t h e publication of t h e 1977
W h i t e P a p e r , the U r b a n P r o g r a m m e was administered by the H o m e Office
w h o p r o v i d e d 75 p e r cent grant aid to m a n y local authorities and also to
s o m e voluntary groups. In 1977 the L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t substantially in-
creased t h e U r b a n P r o g r a m m e from £30 million p e r a n n u m to s o m e £125
million p e r a n n u m and m o v e d its administration to the D e p a r t m e n t of the
E n v i r o n m e n t . T h e seven u r b a n partnerships created in 1978 received £66
million directly from the U r b a n P r o g r a m m e b u d g e t and a further £66
million from a £100 million inner city capital p r o g r a m m e .
Following t h e 1979 general election new ideas e m e r g e d on h o w to fund
u r b a n regeneration. T h e new focus was to encourage greater participation
by the private sector in u r b a n regeneration initiatives. This a m o u n t e d to
'neo-liberalism u n d e r w r i t t e n by state intervention . . . a subsidy to the
private sector t h r o u g h infrastructural investment' ( A t k i n s o n and M o o n ,
1994, p . 165). Of course, t h e r e was still a considerable input of direct
g o v e r n m e n t funding, t h e emphasis was shifted towards the private sector
with t h e h o p e that a degree of e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l initiative would b e instilled
by t h e private sector into the local authorities and o t h e r bodies associated
with regeneration. This change in policy direction reflected the desire of
the Conservative administration for an economic focus to u r b a n policy and
it introduced a development-led process concentrating on refurbishment,
building, infrastructural i m p r o v e m e n t and r e d e v e l o p m e n t .
In a document published in 1983, Michael Heseltine stated that it is 'a
major concern to maximise the amount of private sector investment in the
inner city areas' (Heseltine, 1983, p . 21). Many of the policies of the Conser-
vative government during this time were based on what can be described as
'leverage planning' (Atkinson and Moon, 1994, p. 192). This is where the
main aim of public investment was to 'lever in' private investment.
Leverage planning w h e r e 'additional private resources are raised

t h r o u g h public expenditure, so as to increase the net benefit of public
spending for economic regeneration' ( R o b s o n , 1989) can b e effectively
d e m o n s t r a t e d by some of the Conservative p r o g r a m m e s introduced in the
1980s, m a n y of t h e m based u p o n similar initiatives introduced in the U S A .
A n example of this is the U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t G r a n t which was based on
the U S A ' s U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Action G r a n t . This was a scheme in which
local authorities w o r k e d u p capital investment projects in co-operation
with private sector interests. T h e private sector was to provide m u c h of the
investment finance for the project. T h e scheme was then submitted to the
D e p a r t m e n t of the Environment. T h e r e w e r e n o restrictions on the type of
project eligible for this grant and the scheme involved competitive bidding
for a share of the capital resources available. Successful projects w e r e
a w a r d e d with a grant paid at the rate of 75 p e r cent of the finance that the
local authority put forward for the project.
A n o t h e r example of the application of the principle of 'levering in' can
b e seen in its approach to providing low-cost housing. In this case the
public sector was invited to bid for derelict land grants which could b e used
to reclaim land u p o n which the private sector could then build low-cost
housing. In 1983 Michael Heseltine stated that £5 million of public m o n e y
offered for this scheme attracted £14 million of private sector m o n e y , i.e.
£19 million of capital housing investment at a cost to the exchequer of only
a q u a r t e r of the total amount.
T h e U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations which started in 1980 are often
thought to 'represent the flagship of Conservative government u r b a n pol-
icy' (Imrie and T h o m a s , 1993, p . 1) despite the A u d i t Commission's (1989)
concern that the U D C s were over complex and did not have the resources
to match the scale of the problem. T h e U D C s are a n o t h e r property-led
a t t e m p t at regeneration with the aim of 'levering in' private sector re-
sources. T h e U D C s receive funding from two different sources: an annual
budget from central government, and the utilisation of receipts from the
sale of land and property.
T h e government channelled much of its energy and resources into t h e
U D C s during the 1980s as they b e c a m e a priority area and a focus for
property-led regeneration. B e t w e e n 1981 and 1990 U D C funding was £1.8
billion, a large p r o p o r t i o n of which went on land purchase and assembly
(Imrie and T h o m a s , 1993). T h e U D C s w e r e successful in 'levering in' large
sums of private sector finance. T h e Public Accounts C o m m i t t e e (1989)
n o t e d that the L o n d o n D o c k l a n d s D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n levered in
over £2 billion in 1989 and the Tyne and W e a r D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n
had £250 million of private sector funding committed in the first two years
of operation.
A major p r o b l e m faced by the U D C s was the virtual absence of returns
during the early 1990s on investments in land and p r o p e r t y following the
slump in the p r o p e r t y m a r k e t in 1989. M a n y of the U D C s have r e c o r d e d
losses in this area of activity during the early 1990s.
T h e focus on t h e p r i v a t e sector a n d its role in u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n was

reflected in t h e 1988 A c t i o n for Cities p r o g r a m m e . T h e l i t e r a t u r e for this
p r o g r a m m e described h o w t h e g o v e r n m e n t was s p e n d i n g £3 billion on t h e
i n n e r cities t h r o u g h its various initiatives a n d it also l a u n c h e d a n e w
c o n s o r t i u m called British U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t ( B U D ) which was m a d e
u p of senior executives from 11 large construction a n d e n g i n e e r i n g
c o m p a n i e s . This c o n s o r t i u m h a d plans t o invest in n e w d e v e l o p m e n t
s c h e m e s . It signalled t h e start of a n o t h e r p a r t n e r s h i p w h e r e g o v e r n m e n t
w o u l d facilitate a n d e n t e r p r i s e , t h r o u g h B U D , which w o u l d e n s u r e
effective i m p l e m e n t a t i o n . T h e slump in t h e p r o p e r t y m a r k e t killed off
this initiative.
A s discussed e a r l i e r in t h e c h a p t e r t h e 1990s h a v e w i t n e s s e d a sea
c h a n g e in t h e o p e r a t i o n of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n , with t h e e m p h a s i s
m o v i n g a w a y from g r a n t s a n d q u a n g o s t o c o m p e t i t i v e b i d d i n g , j o i n t
v e n t u r e s , p a r t n e r s h i p s a n d t h e i n c r e a s i n g i m p o r t a n c e of E u r o p e a n
finance.
T h e first widespread example of this new a p p r o a c h was City Challenge.
In 1993 t h e g o v e r n m e n t b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r the D e p a r t m e n t s of T r a d e and
Industry, E m p l o y m e n t , T r a n s p o r t and E n v i r o n m e n t into Integrated R e -
gional Offices of Central G o v e r n m e n t ( I R O s ) . This was accompanied by a
merging of all existing regeneration p r o g r a m m e s into a single framework
n a m e d t h e Single R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget, which is administered by the
I R O s . T h e S R B funds all the regeneration quangos ( U D C s , the Housing
A c t i o n Trusts - H A T S - and English Partnerships), with any remaining
m o n e y o p e n for competitive bidding t h r o u g h a Challenge F u n d . Bids for
S R B challenge funding n e e d to b e s u p p o r t e d by partnerships with T E C s
a n d local authorities expected t o play a strong if not leading role within
t h e m . This Challenge F u n d is not currently spatially targeted (though n e e d
must b e p r o v e n ) and as a result has led to a wider geographical spread of
regenerative resources, including pockets of deprivation or dereliction in
generally affluent areas, for example, the R o u n d s h a w E s t a t e , L o n d o n Bor-
ough of Sutton.
English Partnerships ( E P ) came into operation in April 1994. T h e
agency focuses on physical regeneration initiatives t h r o u g h o u t E n g l a n d but
concentrates on Objective 1, 2 and 5b areas, coalfield closure areas, City
Challenge and inner city areas, and other assisted areas. Its objective is to
p r o m o t e j o b creation, inward investment and environmental i m p r o v e m e n t
t h r o u g h reclamation and d e v e l o p m e n t of vacant, derelict and u n d e r u s e d or
c o n t a m i n a t e d land and buildings - acting in strategic partnerships with
local authorities, the private sector, voluntary bodies and others. English
P a r t n e r s h i p s also has certain statutory powers giving it the ability to p r o -
vide financial assistance (grants, loans and g u a r a n t e e s ) , enter into joint
v e n t u r e s , carry out d e v e l o p m e n t and purchase land and buildings (through
compulsory p u r c h a s e or by a g r e e m e n t ) . Every aspect of its involvement in
r e g e n e r a t i o n is financed by its investment fund, which comes from the
g o v e r n m e n t ' s Single R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget.
Since 1995 t h e N a t i o n a l L o t t e r y has p r o v i d e d a m a j o r n e w financial

r e s o u r c e for a wide r a n g e of p a r t n e r s h i p - b a s e d , u n i q u e a n d often strik-
ing p r o j e c t s which o t h e r w i s e w o u l d fall o u t s i d e t h e scope of c o n v e n -
t i o n a l p u b l i c funding or b e t o o d e m a n d i n g for it. T h e r e a r e five ' g o o d
c a u s e s ' s u p p o r t e d by L o t t e r y funds. T h e s e a r e t h e M i l l e n n i u m C o m m i s -
sion, t h e S p o r t s Council, t h e N a t i o n a l H e r i t a g e M e m o r i a l F u n d , t h e
C h a r i t i e s B o a r d , a n d t h e A r t s Council. T h e s e b o d i e s , t h r o u g h t h e L o t -
t e r y funds, a r e s u p p o r t i n g b o t h m a j o r a n d m i n o r p r o j e c t s for c o n s e r v i n g
the national heritage, environmental improvement, community de-
v e l o p m e n t , s p o r t s a n d r e c r e a t i o n , a n d t h e arts. S o m e of t h e p r o j e c t s
s u p p o r t e d c o n t i n u e t o act as a catalyst for t h e r e g e n e r a t i o n of local
a r e a s . M a j o r flagship projects s u p p o r t e d so far by t h e M i l l e n n i u m C o m -
mission include t h e L o w r y C e n t r e in Salford, t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l C e n t r e
for Life in N e w c a s t l e , Bristol 2000, M i l l e n n i u m P o i n t in B i r m i n g h a m ,
a n d t h e E a r t h C e n t r e , D o n c a s t e r . A n u m b e r of similar p r e s t i g e s c h e m e s
are currently under consideration.
T h e E u r o p e a n Commission, through its allocation of regional develop-
m e n t aid, is a significant provider of funds for u r b a n regeneration in the
U K . M a n y local authorities and local regeneration partnerships gain sig-
nificant additional resources from the Commission to implement projects
which they would otherwise b e unable to finance. T h e vast majority of
these come from the Structural Funds, which are intended to p r o m o t e
economic and social cohesion in the E U through redistributing resources in
favour of less prosperous regions. T h e Structural F u n d s concentrate on
four regional policy objectives of which the following t h r e e apply to the
UK:
• Objective 1, for regions w h e r e development is lagging behind the C o m -

munity average (70 per cent of the total funds available);
• Objective 2, for the adjustment of regions worst affected by industrial
decline (11 per cent of the funds);
• Objective 5b, for structural adjustment in rural areas (4 p e r cent of the
funds).
A further 9 per cent of the total resources are spent on C o m m u n i t y

Initiatives which can also be used to help funds particular types of projects.
T h e s e include R E C H A R for designated coalfield closure areas, and U R -
B A N for designated deprived u r b a n areas. T h e sums allocated to the U K
through the Structural F u n d s are substantial, averaging £1.8 billion per
year b e t w e e n 1994 and 1999, and are used to match fund resources o b -
tained from U K regeneration initiatives.
T h e E u r o p e a n Commission has stated that approximately £10,000 mil-
lion of Structural F u n d s will b e allocated to Britain b e t w e e n 1994 and 1999.
M u c h of the funding will flow to u r b a n areas, especially in the older indus-
trial regions. T h e E U has also m a d e it easier for the private sector to seek
support for infrastructural schemes, with limited 'additionality' funds from
local authorities.
Box 4.6 Birmingham and EU funding
There have been some European success stories on a local level. In the early
1980s the City of Birmingham lobbied hard to be declared an assisted area in
order to qualify for the European Regional Development Fund. In 1984 the
city was designated and has subsequently taken a proactive stance towards
Europe which has been rewarded with sizeable funding. By 1987 Birmingham
had received £78 million from the E R D F and between 1988 and 1991 it gained
a £203 million package, consisting of £128 million E R D F money, £31 million
worth of European Social Fund monies and £44 million in loans.
It was the early start by Birmingham and its subsequent commitment to
Europe which enabled it to gain this funding. Many of the local authorities now
active on a European level suffer from late entry into the 'policy networks' of
E U funding. However, this problem may be partly solved by the recent intro-
duction of the Single Programme Document (SPD) which should make the
process of application for monies simpler, more efficient and enable greater co-
ordination.
Securing Resources: Capital a n d Maintenance
T h e majority of physical regeneration projects require an element of public

sector support. Increasingly such support, be it from the S R B Challenge
F u n d , English Partnerships Investment F u n d or the E u r o p e a n Structural
F u n d s ( E R D F ) , will n e e d to b e justified in t e r m s of ' h a r d ' outputs - notably
jobs saved and/or created (for example, see English Partnerships, 1994).
T h e process of resource allocation from public bodies is becoming in-
creasingly sophisticated as the onus is put on bidders to d e m o n s t r a t e out-
puts using techniques such as detailed cost-benefit analysis. T h e pressure
to maximise private sector contributions further c o m p o u n d s this and an
increasing emphasis is being placed on ex ante project appraisal.
T h e r e q u i r e m e n t for match funding from the majority of grant providers
(including the National Lottery) also contributes towards increasingly com-
plicated techniques of appraisal as schemes seek to pull together a package
of funding from various public and private sources.
A s most grants for physical regeneration are for capital expenditure
(that is, those a w a r d e d by the Millennium Commission) t h e r e is a n e e d to
p r o v e that once complete new buildings/attractions will be self sustaining in
t e r m s of r e v e n u e g e n e r a t e d for m a i n t e n a n c e and running costs. Funding
agencies will therefore wish to see evidence of capability to deliver. This is
often provided in the form of business plans, details of m a n a g e m e n t ar-
r a n g e m e n t s and importantly an early clarification of any legal issues includ-
ing m a t t e r s such a land ownership, compulsory purchase orders, joint
ventures or c o n t a m i n a t e d land liabilities. If the ownership of a capital
project is likely to change after its completion it will be important for the
business plan to include an exit strategy detailing how this is to be
successfully achieved. Detailed project planning is therefore becoming in-

creasingly important to success in terms of grant allocation as well as
ensuring a scheme's long t e r m economic viability. Project p r o m o t e r s will
n e e d to ensure that the total stock of developments does not exceed their
capability to finance their continued operation/maintenance. This has b e e n
a particular concern of the large capital projects part funded by t h e Millen-
nium Commission.
O n e way of overcoming this may be the increased use of private resources
through the PFI, which, to date, has b e e n used to secure capital investment
in roads, light rail, health facilities and information technology (IT) services
among others. Through the formation of private sector-led joint ventures,
the P F I transfers financial risk to the private sector. In particular, with the
recent extension of the Design Build Finance O p e r a t e ( D B F O ) model to
nearly all local authority services, many capital investments using this
m e t h o d of funding will be able to attract favourable revenue support.
Issues t o b e considered by particular types of project are as follows:
• Landscaping/environmental i m p r o v e m e n t s - usually one-off capital

projects requiring some form of ongoing maintenance. I m p o r t a n t to
allocate resources to maintenance (in form of annualised cost) and also
t o use materials which will b e available in the future should they re-
quire replacement.
• T r a n s p o r t projects - will r e v e n u e g e n e r a t e d from passengers b e suffi-
cient t o maintain service levels and/or stock? T h e p r o p o s e d Bir-
m i n g h a m N o r t h e r n Relief R o a d aims to cover capital, r e v e n u e and
m a i n t e n a n c e costs from charging users of the r o a d - this is likely to b e
an increasing t r e n d in the future.
• Attractions (arts/cultural/tourism) - visitor n u m b e r s will b e crucial as
these should create enough revenue to offset running costs.
• Housing - capital improvements to housing stock should by their na-
t u r e reduce maintenance costs t h r o u g h improved construction and en-
ergy efficiency. Transferring redeveloped and refurbished stock to
private or housing association ownership will reduce the m a i n t e n a n c e
b u r d e n on public resources.
• Social and economic regeneration (that is, training and business sup-
port facilities) - will often d e p e n d on continued public sector support in
addition to revenue generated to remain viable. N e e d to b e wary of
long-term r e v e n u e difficulties.
Economic Impact of Regeneration
A range of p r o b l e m s are e n c o u n t e r e d in attempting to evaluate t h e econ-

omic impact of u r b a n regeneration. It is difficult t o examine t h e economic
impact of a specific initiative or p r o g r a m m e due to the fact that the
outcomes are often the result of t h e combined effects of several p r o -
g r a m m e s . T h e r e is also the counter-factual p r o b l e m to consider. This is the

p r o b l e m of not being able to predict what would have h a p p e n e d over a
similar p e r i o d of time if n o p r o g r a m m e was introduced. Despite these
p r o b l e m s , evaluations have b e e n able to d e m o n s t r a t e that several projects
have p r o v e d to b e successful. R e s e a r c h conducted into the U r b a n D e v e l o p -
m e n t G r a n t argued that it raised private sector investment in the cities
( D o E , 1988b). A similar investigation into the U r b a n P r o g r a m m e d e m o n -
strated that it helped to m a k e environmental i m p r o v e m e n t s and create
e m p l o y m e n t projects ( D o E , 1986), whilst evaluation of the E n t e r p r i s e
Z o n e initiative showed that they e n h a n c e d local p r o p e r t y m a r k e t s , re-
m o v e d dereliction, encouraged new business start-ups and created new
jobs ( H M S O , 1995).
Assessment of Recent Policy
A r e c e n t analysis, Assessing the Impact of Urban Policy ( R o b s o n et al.,

1994) by B r i a n R o b s o n a n d colleagues as p a r t of t h e D e p a r t m e n t of t h e
E n v i r o n m e n t ' s I n n e r Cities R e s e a r c h P r o g r a m m e , p r o v i d e s a detailed
e x a m i n a t i o n of t h e impact of u r b a n policy during t h e 1980s a n d early
1990s. A s it is t h e only source to p r o v i d e such detailed assessment t h e
r e m a i n d e r of this section is, for t h e m o s t part, reliant on its m e t h o d s and
results.
T h e i m p a c t of u r b a n e c o n o m i c policy in this case was e v a l u a t e d b o t h
q u a n t i t a t i v e l y a n d qualitatively. T h e q u a n t i t a t i v e , or statistical, analysis
e x a m i n e d t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e e x p e n d i t u r e a n d t h e socio-
e c o n o m i c o u t c o m e s in a s a m p l e of 123 E n g l i s h local a u t h o r i t i e s . Of
t h e s e 123 a u t h o r i t i e s , 57 w e r e U r b a n P r i o r i t y A r e a s ( U P A s ) - t h e
t a r g e t s of t h e A c t i o n for Cities p r o g r a m m e - 40 w e r e similar m a r g i n a l
a u t h o r i t i e s a n d t h e r e m a i n i n g 26 w e r e ' c o m p a r a t o r ' (i.e. for
comparison) authorities.
T h e r e w e r e a large n u m b e r of outcomes that could have b e e n chosen for
analysis, but, in this case, the factors considered to d e m o n s t r a t e impact
most effectively w e r e the general and long-term rates of u n e m p l o y m e n t
during t h e p e r i o d 1983 to 1991, net j o b changes b e t w e e n 1981 and 1989, the
p e r c e n t a g e change in small businesses b e t w e e n 1979 and 1990, house price
change from 1983 to 1990 and the net change in the n u m b e r and p r o p o r t i o n
of 25-34-year-olds b e t w e e n 1981 and 1990. T h e s e factors were chosen for
analysis as they w e r e easy to interpret and readily accessible and, b e t w e e n
t h e m , addressed the areas of e m p l o y m e n t creation and enhancing the at-
tractiveness of u r b a n areas.
T h e qualitative information was g a t h e r e d from two different areas. T h e
first of these was from a survey of the recipients of policy - b o t h residents
and employers in inner city areas - and the second c a m e from the outcomes
of discussions with experts at the sharp end of policy implementation.
Quantitative Evaluation
A national assessment of 123 local authorities was used by R o b s o n to

evaluate impacts and outcomes. With regard to inputs it appears that ex-
p e n d i t u r e in the U P A s shows a lack of fit b e t w e e n the classification of
authorities as U P A s and the a m o u n t s of resource they received p e r capita.
T h e U P A s did not receive substantially m o r e p e r capita than the marginal
or c o m p a r a t o r areas. Indeed, the poor-performing U P A s , with regard to
outcomes, showed large percentage reductions in p e r capita funding. In
considering outcomes, the figures show that overall t h e r e w e r e deteriorat-
ing conditions in the U P A s over the period as a whole, although some of
t h e individual indicators were positive. B o t h the general and long-term
e m p l o y m e n t rates show signs of i m p r o v e m e n t . T h e r e w e r e also s o m e suc-
cessful outcomes in terms of improving residential attractiveness in inner
city areas and so some U P A s have b e e n successful in retaining the import-
ant 25-34-year-old age group. U r b a n policy has had the effect, in s o m e
U P A s , of slowing down or reversing the erosion of the economic and
residential base of some towns and cities. Certain relationships are clear
from the above. T h e main one being that an increase in expenditure in a
defined area can b e linked t o s o m e reduction in overall and long-term
u n e m p l o y m e n t , and also assists in t h e retention of the 25-34-year-old age
group. T h e r e is also a link b e t w e e n the increase in expenditure and a
positive house price change during 1986-89.
Profiles of U P A s based on input: o u t c o m e data reveals that 18 of the 57
U P A s show what might b e defined as positive outcomes. Nine of these 18
had high or relatively high inputs, two had a mixed level of inputs and
seven h a d relatively low inputs. A further 18 U P A s showed mixed out-
comes and of these eight had mixed inputs and ten h a d relatively low
inputs. Twenty-one U P A s had p o o r or relatively p o o r outcomes despite
t h e fact that nine had high and two had mixed inputs. T h e o t h e r ten h a d
low inputs.
Qualitative Evaluation
Turning to the qualitative surveys, 1,299 interviews w e r e conducted with

residents of U P A s . T h e areas of the surveys were selected to enable paired
comparisons b e t w e e n areas broadly similar in socio-economic conditions
but which had received different levels of financial resources. T h e main
points to c o m e from the surveys w e r e that in areas receiving m o r e m o n e y
the attitudes of the residents towards the current and future desirability of
their area were positive; a form of 'area loyalty' exists, in such areas. This
would suggest the n e e d for a m o r e focused social dimension to u r b a n policy
to t a k e advantage of this loyalty and sense of community. T h e r e s p o n d e n t s
outlined their most i m p o r t a n t issues of concern of which t h e t o p t h r e e w e r e
crime, health care and the cost of living. H o w e v e r , it must b e n o t e d that
there was a m a r k e d difference in responses b e t w e e n racial groups.
E m p l o y e r s ' views a b o u t u r b a n policy w e r e gleaned by a series of loosely

structured discussions. T h e responses showed that their knowledge of the
p r o g r a m m e s was limited, even for those companies w h o a p p e a r e d to b e
deriving benefit from schemes. M a n a g e r s w e r e critical of the multiplicity
and b u r e a u c r a t i c i m p e d i m e n t s they w e r e faced with. Capital-based
schemes such as t h e Derelict L a n d G r a n t and the U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t
C o r p o r a t i o n s w e r e generally welcomed although access to information was
seen to b e difficult. Tackling crime in inner city areas was seen as i m p o r t a n t
because extra e x p e n d i t u r e on security was a disincentive to locating in an
inner u r b a n location.
D u r i n g interviews and discussions with experts t h e r e w e r e t h r e e issues
continually raised. T h e first concerned partnerships. T h e success of part-
nerships and t h e p r o g r a m m e s they w e r e associated with was d e t e r m i n e d to
a large d e g r e e by local consensus. D e s p i t e the g o v e r n m e n t aims to encour-
age and develop these partnerships m a n y r e s p o n d e n t s felt that m u c h of
policy in t h e 1980s actually u n d e r m i n e d the d e v e l o p m e n t of partnerships at
t h e local and national level, particularly because of financial restrictions
which h a d r e d u c e d the capacity of local authorities to be successful part-
ners. H o w e v e r , t h e recent City Challenge p r o g r a m m e has signalled a
change in this t r e n d and the local authorities have started to play an in-
creasing role in partnerships. R e s p o n d e n t s felt that the City Challenge
p r o g r a m m e scheme was innovative and early evidence pointed towards a
successful initiative.
T h e second issue concerns co-ordination and concludes that co-
ordination b e t w e e n local authorities, b e t w e e n central g o v e r n m e n t depart-
m e n t s and b e t w e e n central and local g o v e r n m e n t is insufficient. Different
d e p a r t m e n t s s e e m e d to b e operating on different assumptions a b o u t the
n a t u r e of, and, presumably, how to tackle, their p r o b l e m s .
T h e third issue is policy targeting. T h e r e are two types to b e considered:
targeting resources towards the 57 U P A s , and targeting groups or areas
within t h e U P A s . T h e responses suggest that t h e r e is a n e e d to focus m o r e
on groups t h a n on places. This opinion contradicts s o m e of the o u t c o m e
results which suggest m a n y of the m o r e successful p r o g r a m m e s w e r e spa-
tially targeted. T h e r e was also considerable support for focusing resources
on narrowly defined areas.
The Implications of the Assessment
In m a n y ways a mixed p a t t e r n emerges from this assessment. T h e r e is

certainly evidence to suggest an i m p r o v e m e n t in terms of u n e m p l o y m e n t
and social deprivation. H o w e v e r , in the most deprived areas it seems that
policy has h a d little effect, indeed, evidence exists which suggests some
areas are n o w worse off. T h e best situations can b e found in smaller,
p e r i p h e r a l areas w h e r e expenditure has h a d a positive effect, but this is
c o u n t e r e d by the fact that t h e r e is an increasing polarisation b e t w e e n the
'best' and 'worst' areas.
T h e aim of creating partnerships has only b e e n partly achieved while the

desire to 'lever-in' private investment has h a d the effect of alienating local
communities and authorities in some areas. Local authorities have encoun-
tered p r o b l e m s in supporting their role in partnerships because their re-
sources were over-extended and they were unfamiliar with the workings of
the private sector. Additionally, in the view of some respondents, private
investment has a short-term focus which does little to ensure the stability of
u r b a n economic policy or a process of continuous policy development.
T h e report concludes that m u c h of u r b a n policy in the 1980s lacked
coherence and should have b e e n m o r e strategic. M a n y of t h e p r o g r a m m e s
had to b e co-ordinated across several governmental d e p a r t m e n t s and this
did not work well. T h e areas w h e r e u r b a n policy has w o r k e d well are
mainly area-based schemes with a community focus and this suggests the
n e e d for regional budgets and m o r e local co-ordination. T h e City Chal-
lenge p r o g r a m m e reflected this desire as does the S R B .
T h e study is also critical of the g o v e r n m e n t ' s economic (property-led
regeneration) focus to u r b a n policy, claiming that it has failed to consider
i m p o r t a n t social and community p r o b l e m s and issues, although it does
state that some success has b e e n achieved in terms of environmental im-
p r o v e m e n t s and physical renewal. H o w e v e r , the r e p o r t considers that the
needs of deprived inner-urban area residents have b e e n ignored and that a
major opportunity has b e e n missed to utilise their skills a n d build local
capacity ( R o b s o n et ai, 1994).
Conclusions from the Robson Report
Box 4.7 Conclusions from the Robson Report
Five conclusions drawn from the Robson Report are designed to influence
future urban economic policy:
• There is a need to create effective coalitions of 'actors' within localities and
these will prove more effective with the development of structures to en-
courage long-term partnerships.
• The local authorities must play a significant part in any coalition.
• Local communities must also be involved in these coalitions.
• The coherence of programmes must be improved both within and across
governmental departments. Strategic objectives must guide priorities.
• The development of an urban budget administered at a regional level is
needed to better reflect local conditions.
A s the study was published in 1994 it is worth bringing the situation u p to

date by considering w h e t h e r any of the proposals have b e e n met. In terms
of the first two points some progress has b e e n m a d e . Across t h e country a
n u m b e r of new 'partnerships' have b e e n initiated such as the Coventry and
Warwickshire Partnership Ltd.
Box 4.8 Coventry and Warwickshire Partnership Ltd
The Coventry and Warwickshire Partnership Ltd was set up in June 1994, as a
company limited by guarantee, to provide a formal mechanism for co-
ordination and integration of policy initiatives. The establishment of the part-
nership follows a long history of informal arrangements across a number of
local authorities and other organisations designed to support and promote the
economic development of the area.
Key partners include the Coventry and Warwickshire local authorities, the
Coventry and Warwickshire TEC and the Chambers of Commerce. The part-
nership has achieved early success particularly in respect of the first round of
SRB. A single economic strategy for the subregion has been developed to
provide the framework for future economic developed initiatives in the City of
Coventry and the surrounding County of Warwickshire.
T h e r e has also b e e n a n u m b e r of d e v e l o p m e n t s regarding the organisa-

tion and administration of u r b a n economic policy. In April 1994 G o v e r n -
m e n t Offices for t h e Regions w e r e established. T h e s e ten integrated
regional offices drew together resources from the D e p a r t m e n t s of E m p l o y -
m e n t , E n v i r o n m e n t , T r a n s p o r t and Industry and each is accountable to a
senior regional director. T h e intention of the G O R s was, according to J o h n
G u m m e r w h o a n n o u n c e d t h e launch, to initiate 'sweeping m e a s u r e s to shift
p o w e r from Whitehall to local communities and m a k e the g o v e r n m e n t
m o r e responsible to local priorities'. T o aid the w o r k of the G O R s the S R B
was developed which has b e e n previously discussed.
The Future of Economic Regeneration
O v e r t h e past t h r e e decades economic regeneration has r e s p o n d e d to and

has b e e n influenced by a wide range of economic, political and social
factors. Policy initiatives developed out of a strong economic rationale
which in t h e 1960s and 1970s saw u r b a n areas facing the prospect of contin-
u o u s decline in the absence of major injections of public expenditure.
M a n y initiatives w e r e designed t o overcome the disadvantage of inner city
locations in t e r m s of accessibility, environmental quality and t h e relative
cost of land d e v e l o p m e n t c o m p a r e d with greenfield sites. In m o r e recent
years public sector investment has continued to support economic re-
g e n e r a t i o n with increased emphasis placed on frameworks designed to
ensure a m o r e integrated a p p r o a c h emphasising p a r t n e r s h i p and value for
money. T h e latter reassessment is p r o m o t e d through a greater reliance
u p o n competitive bidding which seeks to establish clear performance crite-
ria for evaluating outcomes.
This evolving u r b a n e c o n o m i c policy f r a m e w o r k seen t h r o u g h t h e
i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of t h e S R B p r o g r a m m e and t h e w o r k of English
P a r t n e r s h i p s places increasing e m p h a s i s u p o n c o m p e t i t i o n , selectivity,
c o m m u n i t y involvement and t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of prestigious projects

capable of g e n e r a t i n g a high local impact, b o t h economically a n d
politically. It is also evident that t h e r e has b e e n a shift away from
traditional industrial and commercial projects to t h o s e which h a v e a
stronger emphasis on addressing t h e n e e d s of t h e local c o m m u n i t y . F o r
e x a m p l e , m a n y r e c e n t projects h a v e i n c o r p o r a t e d leisure a n d r e c r e a t i o n
facilities to m e e t these n e e d s and as p a r t of wider tourism d e v e l o p m e n t
strategies have included facilities t o attract b o t h day a n d overnight
visitors. A s this a p p r o a c h is further d e v e l o p e d successful bids for
e c o n o m i c r e g e n e r a t i o n funding will n e e d to:
• involve a b r o a d range of partners;

• address the needs of local communities;
• reflect the sectoral changes occurring in the economy;
• d e m o n s t r a t e innovation;
• point to tangible benefits;
• be capable of replication.
T h e r e is evidence, through recent funding decisions, that flagship p r o -

jects are beginning to emerge as the preferred approach to address the
major challenges facing towns and cities in the twenty-first century.
Proposals which address issues such as the wider use of technology and
telecommunications, transport and communications, economic and en-
vironmental sustainability and p r o m o t e u r b a n living, for example t h r o u g h
• Recently, due to changes in the workings of urban and regional

economies and the increasing globalisation of markets and economic and
industrial restructuring, cities have been in decline.
• Economic regeneration is a vital process in urban regeneration.
• Urban regeneration aims to attract and stimulate investment, create
employment opportunities and improve the environment of cities.
• Funding for schemes and programmes comes from a wide variety of
sources with increasing competition for limited resources.
• Urban economic regeneration involves a partnership created from
national and local government, the private and voluntary sectors and
members of local communities.
• The developing role of Regional Development Agencies in economic
and urban regeneration.
• Urban economic policy must continue to be dynamic and responsive to
changing circumstances.
• Examples of best practice in partnership arrangements should be widely
publicised.
• Potential fragmentation of urban policy places an increasing role on the
development of a clear strategic context and vision of the future.
• It is essential that the case for urban regeneration funding is set within a
wider cost/benefit context and its role in sustainable development at the
national and international level is fully recognised.
mixed-use developments, are likely to b e favoured. U r b a n economic policy

is increasingly concerned with the efficient use of financial resources rather
t h a n simply p r o m o t i n g the maximisation of economic growth. F r o m a re-
gional economic development perspective the developing role of the newly
formed Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies as p r o m o t e r s and co-ordinators
of economic and u r b a n regeneration will b e an important issue for practi-
tioners over the coming years.
References
Atkinson, R. and M o o n , G. (1994) Urban Policy in Britain, Public Policy and Politics Series,
Macmillan, London.
Audit Commission (1989) Urban Regeneration and Economic Development: The Local Auth-
ority Dimension, H M S O , London.
Banfield, E. (1970) The Unheavenly City, Little, Brown & Co., Boston.
Department of the Environment ( D o E ) (1986) Assessment of the Employment Effects of
Economic Development Projects Funded by the Urban Programme, H M S O , London.
Department of the Environment ( D o E ) (1988a) City Grant Guidance Notes, H M S O , London.
Department of the Environment ( D o E ) (1988b) Urban Policy and DoE Programmes, HMSO,
London.
Department of the Environment ( D o E ) (1991) General Note: Derelict Land Grants, HMSO,
London.
Heseltine, M. (1983) Reviving the Inner Cities, Conservative Political Centre, London.
H M S O (1977) Policy for the Inner Cities, Cmnd 6845, H M S O , London.
H M S O (1987) An evaluation of the Enterprise Zone Experiment, H M S O , London.
H M S O (1988) Action for Cities, H M S O , London.
H M S O (1995) Final Evaluation of Enterprise Zones, H M S O , London.
Imrie, R. and Thomas, H. (eds) (1993) British Urban Policy and the Urban Development
Corporations, Paul Chapman, London.
Lawless, P. (1988) British inner urban policy: a review, Regional Studies, Vol. 22, no. 6, pp.
531-42.
National Audit Office (1990) Regenerating the Inner Cities, H M S O , London.
Oatley, N. (1995a) Competitive urban policy and the regeneration game, Town Planning
Review, Vol. 66, no. 1, pp. 1-14.
Oatley, N. (1995b) Urban regeneration, Planning Practice and Research, Vol. 10, no. 3 - 4 , pp.
261-70.
Public Accounts Committee (1989) Twentieth Report: Urban Development Corporations,
H M S O , London.
Richardson, H. (1971) Urban Economics, Penguin, Middlesex.
R o b s o n , B. (1989) Those Inner Cities, Clarendon, Oxford.
R o b s o n , B., Bradford, M., D e a s , I., Hall, E., Harrison, E., Parkinson, M., Evans, R., Garside,
P. and Robinson, F. (1994) (the R o b s o n Report), Assessing the Impact of Urban Policy,
H M S O , London.
5 Physical and Environmental
Aspects
Paul Jeffrey and John Pounder
Introduction
T h e physical appearance and environmental quality of cities and neigh-

b o u r h o o d s are highly potent symbols of their prosperity and of the quality
of life and confidence of their enterprises and citizens. R u n - d o w n housing
estates, tracts of vacant land and derelict factories, and decaying city cen-
tres are the all too visible faces of poverty and economic decline. M o r e
often than not they are the symptoms of decline or of a town's inability to
adapt quickly enough to rapid social and economic change. However, inef-
ficient and inappropriate infrastructure or worn-out and obsolescent build-
ings can b e a cause of decline in their own right. They fail to serve the
needs of enterprises in new and growing sectors and impose costs in use
and repair which are higher than average and beyond the m e a n s of those in
poverty or firms on the margins of profitability. T h e y blight the invest-
ments, property values and confidence of those living or working nearby.
Likewise, environmental decay and a neglect of the fundamental
principles of sound resource use can damage b o t h the functioning and
reputation of a city. A b o v e and beyond this, the ecological 'footprint' or
'shadow' of an u r b a n area frequently extends beyond the administrative
boundaries of a city and reflects the consumption of resources associated
with u r b a n living.
Physical renewal is usually a necessary if not sufficient condition for
successful regeneration. In some circumstances it may b e the main engine
of regeneration. In almost all cases it is an important visible sign of commit-
m e n t to change and improvement. T h e key to successful physical regenera-
tion is to understand the constraints and the potential of the existing
physical stock and the role improvement can play in enabling, and w h e r e
appropriate promoting, renewal at regional, u r b a n or n e i g h b o u r h o o d level.
Successful realisation of the potential requires an implementation strategy
which recognises and takes advantage of the changes u n d e r way in econ-
omic and social activity, funding regimes, ownership, institutional arrange-
ments, policy and emerging visions of u r b a n life, and the roles of cities.
This chapter addresses these key t h e m e s in physical and environmental
regeneration:
Physical and Environmental Aspects 87
• t h e c o m p o n e n t s of the physical stock;

• socio-economic changes and the new requirements on the physical stock;
• the roles of physical regeneration in u r b a n regeneration;
• assessing t h e stock;
• developing solutions and schemes;
• funding, capital and m a i n t e n a n c e ;
• involving the actors, participation, defining delivery mechanisms and
institutional a r r a n g e m e n t s ;
• t h e changing context of funding, institutions, and policy;
• new visions of u r b a n areas.
The Physical Stock a n d Socio-Economic C h a n g e
The Components of the Physical Stock
In u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n it is very often the state of the buildings which

d o m i n a t e s an appreciation of the physical conditions of t h e area to b e
addressed. H o w e v e r , the c o m p o n e n t s of the physical stock go m u c h wider
t h a n this and whilst action may not b e necessary across all c o m p o n e n t s of
the stock t h e r e is at the least a n e e d to assess all aspects of the stock. This
includes:
• buildings;
• land and sites;
• u r b a n spaces;
• o p e n spaces and water;
• utilities and services;
• telecommunications;
• t r a n s p o r t infrastructure;
• e n v i r o n m e n t a l quality.
C o m p o n e n t s such as the available utilities and services and the telecom-

munications and transport infrastructure can be critical elements in re-
generation. F o r example in some of the older industrial parts of the U K ,
increasing t h e d e m a n d for gas supplies will require that the existing gas
mains delivery n e t w o r k is strengthened; the L o n d o n D o c k l a n d s ' D e v e l o p -
m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n ( L D D C ) found that it had to t a k e the initiative in invest-
ing in electricity substations in some areas to provide new capacity before
new d e v e l o p m e n t s could b e encouraged.
T h e quality of telecommunications available is becoming increasingly
i m p o r t a n t for firms and hence the availability of Integrated Services Digi-
tial N e t w o r k ( I S D N ) lines, compatible exchanges and, to a lesser extent,
fibre optics links are all relevant considerations for physical renewal.
Similarly, accessibility is coming to have a wider scope. T h e t h r e e tradi-
tional qualities of a site - location, location, location - emphasise this, but
88 Paul Jeffrey and John Pounder
accessibility is coming to be m o r e than easy connections to a high-quality

r o a d n e t w o r k - important as that is for certain sectors. Planning Policy
G u i d a n c e ( P P G ) 13, and indeed the preoccupation of m a n y regeneration
schemes in inner city or town centre areas, m e a n s that t h e r e is a n e e d to
ensure that access by mass transport systems is viable as t h e pressures of
congestion and traffic pollution result in restrictions on car use. Further-
m o r e , some of the growing sectors which might b e relied u p o n to help
regeneration (such as tradable business services, software houses, spe-
cialised and high value-added manufacturing) o p e r a t e in national and in-
ternational m a r k e t s and require high-quality rail and air links to their
m a r k e t places and other sites. T h u s the quality of rail services and t h e
suitability of airport capacity may b e relevant considerations, depending
u p o n the spatial scale of the area being addressed for regeneration and the
possible future economic structure envisioned in the p r o g r a m m e .
T h e impact of transport infrastructure can have a negative as much as a
positive impact as transport requirements change. F o r example, the City of
Birmingham has recognised that its inner ring r o a d is damaging the quality
of the centre of the city and inhibiting visitors and the expansion of t h e
centre. H e n c e , as part of its regeneration scheme which includes the Sym-
p h o n y Hall and Centennial Square it has lowered the r o a d below the level
of pedestrian movements; and in some of its latest schemes is considering
removing the r o a d altogether. In the case of the proposals for the Mass-
house Circus and new Millennium Point regeneration scheme this entails
the highly costly process of demolishing a prestressed concrete elevated
r o a d as well as finding a way of dealing with all of the displaced traffic.
E n v i r o n m e n t a l quality is now recognised as a key and necessary c o m p o -
nent in the locational decisions of m a n y firms and high-skilled workers. It is
therefore important from an economic d e v e l o p m e n t point of view as m u c h
as from the perspective of giving residents a good quality of life and expres-
sing confidence in an area. E n v i r o n m e n t a l quality is an integral feature of
the buildings - new and old - and of the u r b a n and natural spaces.
H o w e v e r , it is important to address it in its own right. Whilst the overall
form and structure of an area may offer significant possibilities - the exis-
tence of canals and water is the now 'old h a t ' example - t h e reverse m a y
also b e the case. F o r example, some now obsolete mining villages in the
E a s t D u r h a m Coalfields and elsewhere, w h e r e the overall structure of the
village is of p o o r quality buildings and a d r a b layout, can b e dramatically
altered by major planting and possibly selective demolition. In m o r e detail,
use of o p e n water as a focus for regeneration may require extensive w o r k
to clean u p and maintain water quality - as in Salford Q u a y s - or air
pollution from poorly controlled factories may b e an inhibition to new
d e v e l o p m e n t as was the case in certain parts of the Black C o u n t r y which
w e r e affected by foundry emissions. Such p r o b l e m s are by n o m e a n s c h e a p
to resolve, yet they can b e critical to the success of a scheme and therefore
n e e d to b e t a k e n into account early in the d e v e l o p m e n t of the regeneration
strategy.
T h e criteria used for an initial assessment of t h e stock will d e p e n d not

only u p o n current standards and obvious m e a s u r e s , such as dereliction, but
also t o s o m e d e g r e e u p o n an appreciation of t h e future uses of and vision
for t h e area. T o that extent the assessment has to b e an integral part of the
process of developing a solution for t h e area and b e based u p o n an under-
standing of t h e way in which changing economic and social d e m a n d s will
require different standards in the future. F u r t h e r m o r e , the scope and detail
of t h e attention to the stock will vary d e p e n d i n g u p o n the spatial scale of
the r e g e n e r a t i o n project - from single site to whole u r b a n area. W h e n
considering t h e role and state of t h e physical stock in the r e g e n e r a t i o n of
an area as large as E a s t M a n c h e s t e r or the L o n d o n D o c k l a n d s , t h e n it is
i m p o r t a n t to include all of the elements outlined above and, necessarily,
the assessment of sites and buildings has to b e d o n e , at least initially, using
general criteria and features which can b e readily assessed in a simple
survey. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w h e n dealing with the regeneration of a smaller
area c o m p o s e d of a few sites, t h e n the focus is likely t o b e u p o n the sites
and buildings with t h e quality and capacity of the other aspects of t h e stock
being a constraint or limiting factor r a t h e r t h a n being something to be
changed or addressed in the strategy.
Socio-economic Change and the Stock
T h e r a t e of socio-economic change is m u c h m o r e rapid t h a n that of the

physical stock. I n d e e d it is sometimes this which causes the p r o b l e m s of
decline and certainly adds to t h e costs of regeneration. It is fundamental
that any r e g e n e r a t i o n scheme is built u p o n realistic and sustainable social
and economic trends, and therefore that t h e consideration of the stock - its
suitability, strengths, weaknesses and what is required in the future - is
u n d e r t a k e n within the context of well-founded understanding of what the
m a r k e t , economic and social conditions will be like. F o r example it is not
possible to appraise t h e office stock if t h e r e is n o clear understanding of the
likely - or desired - types of commercial activity that will b e encouraged to
develop in the area. T h e r e q u i r e m e n t s of 'back office functions' for large
business services are quite different from the offices suitable for legal and
professional practices.
T h e r e f o r e in t h e early stages of regeneration w o r k t h e r e n e e d s to b e
close integration b e t w e e n the developing scenarios for the role and econ-
omic and social functioning of the area and the physical appraisal and
proposals. T h e fact that we are at a period w h e n t h e r e might b e some quite
radical changes in b o t h socio-economic preferences and in the way we use
and develop t h e physical stock m a k e s the exercise of forward investment
m o r e challenging and exciting. W e would a p p e a r to b e at a point w h e r e
t h e r e might well b e a major shift in attitudes to the use of the car in cities
and, therefore, to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t and funding of public transport sys-
tems. S o m e cities are seeing a r e n e w e d interest in city-centre living and the
changes in t h e demographic structure will alter t h e d e m a n d for different

types of housing and facilities. T h e shift in the m o d e of delivery to a m o r e
community-oriented, partnership approach is well established, but t h e de-
v e l o p m e n t of agencies such as English Partnerships and t h e remit and
powers they have will significantly affect the types of regeneration that can
get funded. B e y o n d this, the longer-term impact of telecommunications on
financial services and their location (possibly reducing t h e n e e d for retail
outlets), on home-working patterns and on shopping and leisure may well
b e dramatic for u r b a n areas.
S W O T Analyses
Appraising the Stock

A t an early stage during the process of appraising an area and developing
ideas for a regeneration strategy it is helpful to provide a quick appraisal of
the physical stock. This might address very generally whether it currently
acts as a constraint on the development of the indigenous enterprises and the
households in the area, and whether there are any obvious major gaps in
capacity of the quantity and quality that are generally thought t o b e necess-
ary to support m o d e r n forms of development. Clearly, in certain cases, such
as schemes focused on poor housing, many of these constraints and problems
will be clear. It is also useful to have a rapid appreciation of the strong
features and potentialities in the area upon which initiatives might b e built
(natural features, waterscapes, historic or architecturally interesting build-
ings, etc.). Such a rapid appreciation can then be put alongside the emerging
understanding of the economic strengths and potential roles for the area and
can help in the development of an overall strategy.
T h e Roles o f Physical R e g e n e r a t i o n in U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n
Physical r e g e n e r a t i o n , like all forms of e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , has b e e n

subject to fashions over time - for e x a m p l e , t h e fashion for 'housing
leading t o r e g e n e r a t i o n ' or 'flagship projects'. T h u s to s o m e e x t e n t t h e r e
has b e e n a change of emphasis from o n e type of 'solution' t o a n o t h e r .
This is r a t h e r less a progression to ever m o r e suitable a p p r o a c h e s t h a n a
succession of different a p p r o a c h e s - each of which has its role d e p e n d i n g
u p o n t h e p r o b l e m s of t h e area to b e r e g e n e r a t e d , t h e influence of t h e
policy context in force at t h e time a n d its impact on funding, and
t h e c u r r e n t m a r k e t conditions. It is t h e r e f o r e useful t o look at each of t h e
p o t e n t i a l roles separately as they m a y each b e a p p r o p r i a t e in t h e right
circumstances.
T h e r e are at least five different roles which physical regeneration may
play in the full regeneration of an area:
Box 5.1 Liverpool Central Business District Action Plan
The first stage in developing a co-ordinated and managed programme of de-

velopment, transportation, environment and marketing proposals for Liver-
pool's Central Business District (CBD) was an analysis of the existing stock.
The appraisal was set in the context of current and emerging demand and
supply trends in the national and regional office market, and set out to deter-
mine how the existing physical stock helped or hindered the perceived role of
the CBD. The appraisal comprised assessments of:
• the Office product' currently being offered:
- available space
- amount of quality space
- flexibility/functionality of space
- age of buildings
- occupancy levels;
• urban design and urban environment:
- building design
- character of conservation area(s) and listed buildings
- function of the area
- identification of weaknesses;
• transport infrastructure and services
- road network and external access
- traffic flows
- public transport capacity
- parking provision.
• removing constraints;
• leading the change;
• building on opportunities;
• supply side investments;
• integrated socio-economic and physical renewal.
Which of these roles is the most i m p o r t a n t in any given scheme is to

s o m e extent d e p e n d e n t on the future vision for the area - the 'solution' -
and in part u p o n the underlying p r o b l e m s which gave rise to the decline
and n e e d for r e g e n e r a t i o n in the first place.
H o w e v e r , they can b e related to the underlying strategy assumptions
u p o n which the particular regeneration strategy is based. T h e r e are a lim-
ited n u m b e r of these basic approaches which relate to w h e r e the drive for
r e g e n e r a t i o n and the ongoing investment will c o m e from. T h e s e are:
• Build u p o n and develop the potential of the indigenous firms and skills
in t h e area: in this case particular attention n e e d s to b e paid to the
constraints that the physical stock is currently placing on local firms and
any major lacks in the provision of infrastructure and services etc.
• U n l o c k latent d e m a n d and expenditure from current users and visitors
to t h e area: in this case new forms of activity, supply-side actions such
as the provision of m u s e u m s etc. are relevant.
• A t t r a c t inward investment; in which case there is the need to ensure

that the quality of the environment and the facilities and the quality of
infrastructure, services, sites and buildings is a d e q u a t e to c o m p e t e with
those offered elsewhere.
• A t t r a c t new visitors to the area: in which case the quality of the en-
vironment, the development of visitor attractors - which m a y n e e d to
b e supply-side led - and the refurbishment of existing features and
buildings of interest are the key approaches.
• Build u p o n the strengths of the m e m b e r s of t h e community: in which
case the focus is likely to be on those types of activity such as housing
renovation, estate development which are an integral part of an integ-
rated local development strategy.
Removing Constraints
A classic and c o m m o n constraint has b e e n derelict and c o n t a m i n a t e d sites

w h e r e the costs of bringing the site to a state w h e r e it can be redeveloped is
very high yet m a r k e t d e m a n d is weak. Such p r o b l e m s have b e e n at the
heart of the activities of many of the U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations. In
the Black Country U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t A r e a , the Black C o u n t r y D e v e l o p -
m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n ( B C D C ) considered the condition of each potential de-
velopment site and costs of reclamation as key determinants in the
allocation of p r o p o s e d uses. Reclamation could then b e tailored to the
most appropriate land use for a particular site. In the absence of any
statutory standards to which land should b e reclaimed the B C D C w o r k e d
with the National Rivers A u t h o r i t y ( N R A - now subsumed within the
E n v i r o n m e n t Agency) to agree standards for seepage of contaminants for
sites being reclaimed. This gave the N R A confidence in the reclamation
activities of the corporation and gave the B C D C and its developers ad-
vance knowledge of the extent of works required and associated costs
before the works began therefore reducing uncertainty. T h e choice and
standard of remediation can b e fundamental to financial viability and ac-
ceptability in planning terms. Clarifying these issues at an early stage (i.e.
as part of the planning permission or through a Section 106 agreement,
r a t h e r t h a n as a condition on a permission to b e d e t e r m i n e d after approval)
is crucial.
O t h e r less obvious constraints to regeneration occur w h e r e t h e land is
held in m a n y small sites, unsuitable for current developments and yet
difficult and costly to assemble - very often because the structure of indus-
tries, and therefore industrial and commercial sites and properties, w e r e
based a r o u n d a large n u m b e r of small firms. T h e s e may still b e in existence
but finding their current premises inefficient for m o d e r n practices (e.g.
multi-storey factories, or sites on n a r r o w roads with little r o o m for parking,
heavy goods vehicle ( H G V ) delivery, or on sites with n o r o o m for in situ
expansion). A s such areas decline, successively less profitable uses are
m a d e of t h e locations - scrap metal and car b r e a k e r s , car repair, H G V

storage, etc. c o m e t o o p e r a t e out of such areas. T h e y pose two problems.
T h e y further r e d u c e the b o o k value of the p r o p e r t y of t h e existing firms -
thus m a k i n g it difficult for t h e m to b o r r o w and invest (and encouraging
t h e m to m o v e away). Second, they represent a major potential cost to an
agency o r local authority that wishes to encourage r e d e v e l o p m e n t of the
area because the costs of relocation are significant. Such p r o b l e m s are
classically found in the older industrial areas of the U K and u n d e r p i n a
large part of the strategies of the U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations, and
still u n d e r p i n t h e o p e r a t i o n of English Partnerships w h e n it helps develop-
m e n t t h r o u g h supporting funding of derelict land reclamation.
A s well as building and site configuration t h e r e may be o t h e r constraints
such as p o o r r o a d layout and access, again a c o m m o n feature of inner city
industrial and commercial quarters. T h e r e are m a n y areas in which sites
are inaccessible and therefore a key response is to o p e n up areas with new
spine r o a d s such as those in several of the U D C s , including the St Phillips
Causeway (Bristol) and the Black C o u n t r y N e w R o a d (Black Country -
see Box 5.2).
Box 5.2 Black Country New Road
The importance attached to good transport infrastructure in terms of attracting

inward investment is no more clearly exemplified than in the case of the con-
struction of the Black Country New Road (BCNR). The completion of the
road, which runs through the heart of the Urban Development Area (UDA)
and provides a direct link between Junction 1 of the M5 with Junction 10 of the
M6, was seen as a crucial prerequisite for the economic regeneration of this
part of the West Midlands. Access to the strategic motorway network is crucial
to modern industry and the corporation realised that quick access to the net-
work would be vital for the attraction of modern industries employing Just In
Time principles. Indeed the BCNR formed a central ingredient in the corpora-
tion's marketing strategy and promotional material to potential investors/
occupiers.
In B i r m i n g h a m a different type of constraint has b e e n m e t - that is the

inner ring r o a d which stands as an elevated prestressed structure b e t w e e n
the city centre and one of the key inner city areas requiring regeneration.
T h e inner ring constrains the city-centre functions from easily expanding
o u t w a r d s in this area. In Belfast the constraints are slightly different in that
t h e r e is little available land on which to encourage the industrial develop-
m e n t associated with the docks and, therefore, sites have had to be re-
claimed from the estuary.
A t a larger spatial scale, t h e r e m a y b e constraints in terms of the capacity
of the regional r o a d system's ability to grow in response to forecast growth.
Such constraints can be relieved through the introduction of mass transit
systems. O v e r c o m i n g the potential constraint of future congestion on
further d e v e l o p m e n t of the region was o n e of the reasons for public sector

support of the proposed West Midlands M e t r o .
Leading the Change
T h e very visible n a t u r e of new developments m e a n s that they can play a

significant role in establishing a changed image for an area, act as a declara-
tion of intent and vote of confidence in the area and so bring in o t h e r
developments behind them. Such so-called 'flagship projects' w e r e at o n e
stage highly fashionable. A classic example of this is the Birmingham Sym-
p h o n y Hall and Convention C e n t r e which established the clear intent to
support and encourage regeneration of a whole swathe of derelict and
u n d e r u s e d land to the west of the inner city. A key feature of such ap-
p r o a c h e s is that they are large enough to have a major visible impact on the
i m m e d i a t e area and so change the context for further investment by reduc-
ing the negative image and run-down n a t u r e of the area. In Birmingham
this physical transformation of part of the city centre through the develop-
m e n t of key prestige projects was fundamental to the reconstruction of the
image of the city, b o t h nationally and internationally, as a centre for busi-
ness tourism (Loftman and Nevin, 1996).
Flagship projects were characteristic of the approach to u r b a n regenera-
tion t a k e n by m a n y of the U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations set u p in the
1980s. Well-known examples include Canary Wharf ( L o n d o n D o c k l a n d s '
D e v e l o p m e n t Corporation) and A l b e r t D o c k (Merseyside D e v e l o p m e n t
C o r p o r a t i o n ) . T h e aim of these schemes was to boost confidence in the
designated U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t A r e a and t h e r e b y help stimulate private
sector investment.
Physical development can lead regeneration in less dramatic ways. F o r
example it may be that the most effective way of beginning to mobilise
community development in p o o r housing estates is to begin by improving
the physical condition of the housing itself. E x a m p l e s of this are: Vauxhall
U r b a n Village, Liverpool; T h e Eldonians, Liverpool; H u l m e , Manchester;
and Miles Platting, Manchester. O n e of the interesting aspects of this ap-
proach is that it gives the opportunity to involve the residents directly in
the d e v e l o p m e n t plans and, through community d e v e l o p m e n t schemes, to
involve t h e m in the work through training and work experience schemes.
Box 5.3 Vauxhall Urban Village, Liverpool
A partnership between the resident communities and the Merseyside Develop-

ment Corporation. Began as a plan to build new housing and developed
through a 'bottom-up' approach to regeneration into a comprehensive project
to provide community facilities, training opportunities and local enterprise
initiatives.
Box 5.4 Miles Platting, Manchester
The refurbishment of a high-density public housing estate (originally consisting

of 4,350 units). By early 1980s the estate was characterised by the typical
environmental and social problems associated with 1950/1960s housing estates,
and heightened by high rates of unemployment. It was recognised at the outset
that significant physical refurbishment without complementary environmental
improvements would have a limited impact on the low levels of confidence the
residents had in the estate. Extensive community involvement was crucial to
the successful development of the project. Involvement was promoted on the
estate as a whole and within individual housing blocks, allowing residents to
discuss the details of policy. A result has been reduced vandalism, a greater
level of commitment and involvement by residents and a lessening of the
hostility felt by them towards the estate.
(Source: E C O T E C , 1988)
Box 5.5 Manchester - Hulme homes for Hulme people
Hulme covers an area of 272 acres (equal to that of Manchester city centre).
The regeneration strategy focuses on a housing programme planned and imple-
mented by a partnership comprising a group of housing associations, local
residents, Hulme Regeneration Ltd, Manchester City Council and private sec-
tor developers. The redevelopment has been led by a successful City Challenge
bid and over a period of five years more than £150 million of public and private
funds have been invested in the demolition of unfit dwellings and the building
and renovation of almost 2,000 homes. The housing programme has laid the
basis for a broader regeneration initiative (drawing on SRB, Capital Challenge
and URBAN initiative funds), including community development schemes, by
dramatically altering perceptions of the area.
Building on Opportunities
In s o m e cases t h e physical stock itself has strong qualities which can b e

developed and built u p o n . T h e most well-known example of this is the use
of water, docks, canals etc. as a feature a r o u n d which to establish and
e n c o u r a g e d e v e l o p m e n t . Since the ideas w e r e successfully developed in
B a l t i m o r e s o m e 15 years ago t h e r e are now n u m e r o u s examples of this
a p p r o a c h world-wide. In the U K , t h e r e are m a n y examples of housing
d e v e l o p m e n t s featuring canalside locations and indeed British W a t e r w a y s
has successfully established a large n u m b e r of regeneration projects build-
ing on the asset of their canalside sites. A n example is the Coalisland
( N o r t h e r n Ireland) project which w o n a B U R A best practice award in
1996. It represents the harnessing of industrial heritage to create a focus for
economic and social growth; the result being the creation of 50 workspace
units, t h e formation of six new industrial sites and extensive environmental
i m p r o v e m e n t s . T h e conversion of a r e d u n d a n t cornmill into a community
Box 5.6 Salford Quays
A local authority-led physical redevelopment aimed at creating a unique char-

acter based on a the creation of a new quarter and its relationship to water.
Prior to development the land had to be cleared of outdated/obsolete buildings
and infrastructure and a new canal, road and service structure installed. The
realisation that the Greater Manchester light rail scheme could be extended to
serve the quays enhanced recognition of the opportunity that existed for large-
scale commercial arts, sports and leisure facilities, which are currently being
developed.
centre is a catalyst for further development. R e a l community involvement

has led to a feeling of ownership which should ensure its sustainability.
T h e r e are of course a much wider range of opportunities potentially
offered by the physical stock in addition to the water feature which has
b e c o m e almost a cliché. These include buildings of architectural or historic
interest. Well before the Central M a n c h e s t e r D e v e l o p m e n t corporation
was established, Manchester City Council had initiated the Castlefield p r o -
ject in a derelict area b e t w e e n the city centre and the R o c h d a l e canal. H e r e
t h e r e are the archaeological remains of a R o m a n fort which have b e e n used
as the basis of an u r b a n p a r k and local i m p r o v e m e n t which has encouraged
o t h e r investment to come into the area, such as a hotel and new, small
office developments.
Supply-Side Investments
Supply-side investments range from the traditional serviced site and build-
ing provision, transport access through to specialist investment such as cold
stores on transportation parks (such as the example at Hull), or tourist
destinations (such as museums and hotels). In m a n y instances the so-called
flagship projects have sought to stimulate economic activity and attractive-
ness of an area by supplying services or tourism and visitor destinations
which w e r e not available and hence for which d e m a n d was suppressed. T h e
A l b e r t D o c k on the Liverpool waterfront is a good example of a flagship
regeneration scheme which combines a waterside location with the refur-
bishment of a listed building, and has also created a m a r k e t for tourism
which did not previously exist, attracting u p to 6 million visitors p e r a n n u m .
T h e L D D C u n d e r t o o k significant preinstallation of services and tele-
comms capacity with respect to electricity substations and satellite links.
They even went so far as to fund the capital expenditure for building new
schools in areas they were promoting for housing d e v e l o p m e n t so that the
facilities were available as an attraction t o new in-movers. T h e L D D C has,
however, also b e e n criticised for not providing basic transport infrastruc-
ture in advance of its initial development projects. This was exemplified by
Box 5.7 Sutton Harbour Regeneration Scheme, Plymouth
Winner of the Secretary of State for Environment Award for Partnership in

Regeneration 1996.
During the 1980s Sutton Harbour had fallen into serious decline. The key
elements of a regeneration strategy were the construction of an entrance lock
to overcome tidal restrictions, the development of a modern fisheries complex,
major environmental improvements and the creation of new links with the
historical core of the city. The physical and operational improvements to the
harbour have: opened up previously derelict land to investment; encouraged
the diversification of industries; enhanced the commercial viability of a major
investment in the National Maritime Aquarium; and, through new links with
the historic city core, further boosted the local economy through tourism.
t h e phasing of t h e L i m e h o u s e Link r o a d serving Canary Wharf and the

delays t o the completion of the Jubilee Line extension.
Integrated Socio-Economic a n d Physical Renewal
After t h e concentration on physical, property-led regeneration initiatives

during t h e 1980s, exemplified by t h e U D C s , t h e advent of initiatives such as
City Challenge r e p r e s e n t e d a new a t t e m p t at bringing together the p r o p -
erty and socio-economic aspects of u r b a n regeneration. In Leicester for
example, t h e local community (under t h e umbrella of t h e B e d e Island
C o m m u n i t y Association - B I C A ) have representation on the Challenge
B o a r d . This process of involvement has b e e n further e x t e n d e d with the
advent of t h e Single R e g e n e r a t i o n B u d g e t Challenge F u n d which requires
bids for funding to b e submitted by partnerships of private, public and
c o m m u n i t y sectors, t h e r e b y integrating a b r o a d e r range of interests t h a n
m a y have previously b e e n the case with statutorily imposed regeneration
b o d e s such as the U D C s . E x a m p l e s of initiatives which combine b o t h
aspects of renewal are the Shirebrook and District D e v e l o p m e n t Trust, and
the r e g e n e r a t i o n of t h e R o u n d s h a w E s t a t e in South L o n d o n . T h e latter
exemplifying h o w t h e advent of new funding mechanisms (in this case the
S R B Challenge F u n d ) has b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r a wide variety of interest
groups and stakeholders for the p u r p o s e s of developing and implementing
regeneration.
T h e E u r o p e a n Commission's U r b a n Pilot Projects ( U P P ) are o n e of a
range of C o m m u n i t y Initiatives funded from the E U ' s Structural F u n d s
and are designed to explore and illustrate innovative approaches to tack-
ling u r b a n p r o b l e m s of environmental and industrial decay and social ex-
clusion. T h e U P P in Bilboa, Spain is a good example of integration of
physical and social regeneration. Focused on the highly disadvantaged and
physically, socially and economically isolated district of La Vieja, the U P P
actions concentrate on the rehabilitation of the area's infrastructure
Box 5.8 Shirebrook and District Development Trust
Operates in the heart of the former Derbyshire Coalfield, providing advice to

local people; supporting local business; promoting the town centre and reno-
vating prominent derelict properties. The executive comprises local volunteers
who represent the interests of the local community. It has developed its own
assets through property purchase (which provides a long-term income stream)
whilst working towards the reintegration of the local workforce into the
broader economy.
Box 5.9 The Roundshaw Estate, London Borough of Sutton
The Roundshaw Estate is a 1960s development, physically and visually cut off
from the rest of the community, in need of extensive redesign and refurbish-
ment. The regeneration of the estate has been enabled by a successful SRB bid
by the Sutton Area Regeneration Partnership. The partnership comprises:
residents of the estate; the business community, public sector agencies, and
voluntary organisations; the Local Agenda 21 Forum; and health professionals.
The private sector takes the lead in the regeneration programme and sub-
groups are directly responsible for the delivery of each of the strategic objec-
tives, which include:
• helping generate sustainable economic growth in the area;
• improving living conditions, quality of life and environment;
• providing a comprehensive range of education and training;
• fighting crime and fear of crime;
• improving access and transport.
Hence, although the strategy comprises significant housing development and
refurbishment it recognises that the physical redesign of the built environment
will not in itself bring about the economic regeneration of the area, and so must
be accompanied by improved facilities for health care, education and training
and transport.
Box 5.10 Wise Group
The Wise Group started in Glasgow in the mid-1980s and aims to improve the
physical environment of poorer communities and reduce unemployment by
providing improved services to low-income households. The group comprises a
series of not for profit companies carrying out physical regeneration activity
(including whole house refurbishment) on social housing estates by recruiting
and training a workforce drawn from the long-term unemployed. Trainee
workers are given a one-year programme of work and after an initial eight-
week training period are paid a day rate for the job which takes them out of the
benefit system. Core businesses comprise: Heatwise which concentrates on
home insulation, efficient heating and home security; and Landwise which
concentrates on environmental upgrading.
Box 5.11 Housing Action Trusts - Castle Vale, Birmingham
Six Housing Action Trusts (HATs) have been set up by local authorities since
1991, to take over ownership and management of large council estates with
high levels of structural decay and social problems, in order to bring about
investment and regeneration which is beyond the scope of local authority
budgets. Castle Vale HAT in Birmingham, formed in 1994, is responsible for
the regeneration of Castle Vale housing estate. Built in the 1960s Castle Vale
comprises 34 high-rise blocks originally planned to house 22,000 people dis-
placed by inner city slum clearance. Over five years all but three of the high-
rise blocks are scheduled for demolition and replacement. A key aim of the
plan is to encourage residents to consider forms of tenure other than public,
with ownership of the new homes to be transferred to various non-profit mak-
ing housing associations. Indeed this has proved necessary simply for achieving
the income required for completing the plan in the absence of adequate fund-
ing from central government. Castle Vale and other HATs illustrate the mas-
sive physical regeneration required on housing estates throughout the UK and
the importance of radical physical transformation in eliminating the stigma
attached to many of these areas. However, economic regeneration is more
difficult than physical regeneration. In recognition of this it is working with
local employers to develop training schemes to meet future skills requirements
so local residents will be well placed to take advantage of future employment
opportunities.
including, for example, the provision of a health and hygiene centre. In

addition t h e project e m b r a c e s the concept of self-rehabilitation, with most
renewal w o r k s having b e e n carried out by the local labour force and res-
idents (following practical training), and are specifically targeted at creat-
ing opportunities within t h e area.
D e v e l o p i n g Solutions a n d A v o i d i n g Conflict
Working with the Market
It is fundamental that physical regeneration strategies u n d e r s t a n d the

p r o p e r t y r e q u i r e m e n t s of the types of firms they are aiming to attract, d u e
to the increasing differentiation and segmentation of p r o p e r t y m a r k e t s .
This is b e c o m i n g m o r e i m p o r t a n t with the increasingly rapid d e v e l o p m e n t
and e m p l o y m e n t of information and communication technologies and their
implications for infrastructure r e q u i r e m e n t s .
Physical r e g e n e r a t i o n is t h e r e f o r e i m p o r t a n t to correct m a r k e t failures,
w h e r e t h e r e is a m i s m a t c h b e t w e e n supply a n d d e m a n d for land or
p r o p e r t y . This is often exemplified by t h e r e l u c t a n c e of institutions to
invest in brownfield sites. This w e a k n e s s in t h e o p e r a t i o n of land a n d
p r o p e r t y m a r k e t s is recognised by t h e E u r o p e a n C o m m i s s i o n which,
despite a g e n e r a l m o v e away from financing physical infrastructure
investment, still insists on the inclusion of 'Strategic D e v e l o p m e n t Sites'

as a priority m e a s u r e in t h e Single P r o g r a m m i n g D o c u m e n t s informing
e x p e n d i t u r e of Structural F u n d s for regional d e v e l o p m e n t in Objective 2
regions. W i t h o u t public intervention, t h e d e m a n d for land a n d p r o p e r t y
w o u l d increasingly b e channelled into m o d e r n , flexible, accessible
greenfield sites which do nothing for t h e p r o b l e m s associated with inner
u r b a n industrial decline and u n e m p l o y m e n t . H e n c e , for t h e p u r p o s e s of
u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n strategies it is i m p o r t a n t to d e v e l o p strategic
assessments of land and buildings supply a n d d e m a n d characteristics
which can identify: t h e quality of existing stock; t h e sources of future
d e m a n d by industrial sector; and p r o p e r t y t r e n d s in t e r m s of location a n d
type of p r e m i s e s . Steps can t h e n b e identified by which public i n v e s t m e n t
can c o n t r i b u t e t o w a r d s correcting t h e mismatch b e t w e e n d e m a n d a n d
supply, which m a y arise b e c a u s e of: a s h o r t a g e of a particular type of
land; sites not being viable for e m p l o y m e n t use; or sites requiring
u p g r a d i n g in o r d e r to m e e t investor/occupier expectations. R e -
c o m m e n d a t i o n s for public investment could include land r e c l a m a t i o n ,
infrastructure provision or p r o p e r t y d e v e l o p m e n t .
Displacement and the Need for Co-ordination
T u r o k (1992) highlights t h e t e n d e n c y for n e w p r o p e r t y t o b e t a k e n u p

by existing local firms r e l o c a t i n g from e l s e w h e r e in t h e u r b a n a r e a ,
t a k i n g a d v a n t a g e of available subsidies a n d t h e r e b y displacing
v a c a n c i e s t o o l d e r units in t h e u r b a n r e g i o n . This w o u l d suggest a n e e d
t o f o r m u l a t e city-wide (as o p p o s e d t o site-specific) a p p r o a c h e s t o
t r a n s f o r m i n g / u p d a t i n g v a c a n t sites if a n e t overall e c o n o m i c gain is t o b e
achieved.
Focusing policy i n s t r u m e n t s in c o n c e n t r a t e d areas (as exemplified by
E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e s and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n s ) also gives rise
to certain o t h e r dangers, identified by H e a l e y (1995). First, t h e r e is a
d a n g e r of clustering activity a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y distorting land a n d
p r o p e r t y m a r k e t s in favour of certain areas. Second, in t h e a b s e n c e of a
c o - o r d i n a t e d strategic a p p r o a c h , c o m p e t i t i o n can arise b e t w e e n different
agencies which are p r o m o t i n g different p a r t s of t h e u r b a n region. H e a l e y
gives t h e e x a m p l e of t h e conflict b e t w e e n R o y a l Q u a y s in Newcastle with
an adjacent City Challenge area. A c o n s e q u e n c e can b e t h e u n d e r m i n i n g
of central a r e a (brownfield) p r o p o s a l s in favour of m o r e p e r i p h e r a l
(greenfield) sites. H e a l e y concludes t h a t t h e c o - o r d i n a t i o n of infra-
structure provision, land-use planning policy a n d subsidies for p r o p e r t y
d e v e l o p m e n t is a necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e for o v e r c o m i n g t h e s e p r o b l e m s
associated with physical r e g e n e r a t i o n . I n d e e d t h e p r o p o s e d R e g i o n a l
D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies m a y p r o v i d e an o p p o r t u n i t y t o i m p r o v e such co-
o r d i n a t i o n at a regional level.
Environment a n d Urban Regeneration
A s indicated above, the n e e d for physical regeneration would imply some

form of e n v i r o n m e n t a l i m p r o v e m e n t . A r u n - d o w n u r b a n area is likely to b e
manifested in physical dereliction, including vacant and derelict buildings
a n d land, a n d p e r h a p s contamination. T h e s e are environmental p r o b l e m s ,
b o t h aesthetically and physically, and will have major impacts on the per-
ception of an area held by potential investors and the ability of the area to
m a r k e t its assets. H o w e v e r , it is becoming increasingly necessary to justify
e n v i r o n m e n t a l i m p r o v e m e n t investment p r o g r a m m e s in t e r m s of the econ-
omic benefits which will accrue as a result. In o t h e r words, for the purposes
of securing r e g e n e r a t i o n resources t h e r e n e e d s to b e an economic rationale
for e n v i r o n m e n t a l i m p r o v e m e n t works. F u r t h e r m o r e , the e n h a n c e m e n t of
the e n v i r o n m e n t can prove beneficial for b o t h business and the local com-
munity ( R o b e r t s , 1995).
In recent years n u m e r o u s u r b a n regeneration initiatives have included
extensive elements of environmental i m p r o v e m e n t , largely for the pur-
poses of attracting private sector investment. Such initiatives include
amenity i m p r o v e m e n t s (e.g. landscaping and planting), g r o u n d t r e a t m e n t
(i.e. land assembly, acquisition, clearance and sale) and improved site ac-
cess and services. A n increasingly i m p o r t a n t element is t h e quality of u r b a n
design, as has b e e n exemplified in the competitions held for the master
planning of M a n c h e s t e r city centre following extensive b o m b d a m a g e . T h e
n a t u r e of e n v i r o n m e n t a l i m p r o v e m e n t s will d e p e n d on the r e q u i r e m e n t s of
individual locations and the end uses they are seeking to encourage (as
outlined earlier). Residential, leisure and industrial uses tend to be focused
o n their i m m e d i a t e s u r r o u n d s and t h e particular site in question. Retailing
and higher-value commercial uses are m o r e sensitive to their wider
environs.
In a study for British Waterways, E C O T E C (1996) a t t e m p t e d to
establish t h e economic benefits of investment in the canal n e t w o r k and
develop a m e c h a n i s m for appraising the benefit as one tool in deciding on
an investment p r o g r a m m e . Using a case study approach, the research also
identified t h e relationship b e t w e e n canal i m p r o v e m e n t schemes and the
r e g e n e r a t i o n of adjacent u r b a n and rural areas (see Box 5.12).
T h e sensitivity of retail and office uses to their surrounding e n v i r o n m e n t
has b e e n a driving force b e h i n d the a p p o i n t m e n t of town centre m a n a g e r s
and, m o r e recently, the formation of s e m i - a u t o n o m o u s town centre m a n -
a g e m e n t companies (for example, Coventry's City C e n t r e Co.) and t h e
p r o m o t i o n of T o w n I m p r o v e m e n t Z o n e s ( T I Z s ) . T h e s e public-private
partnerships have b e e n formed for the purposes of improving town centre
e n v i r o n m e n t s in response to the threat to central u r b a n areas from out of
town d e v e l o p m e n t s . T h e r e has b e e n a realisation that town centres n e e d to
offer a high-quality shopping and working e n v i r o n m e n t in o r d e r to remain
competitive.
Box 5.12 Gas Street Basin/Brindleyplace, Birmingham
A recent example of comprehensive land assembly and development promo-

tion by Birmingham City Council, incorporating towpath and bridge replace-
ment, canalside engineering works and improvements to listed structures. This
pump-priming activity has brought about considerable levels of new invest-
ment in mixed-use development incorporating office, retail, leisure and hous-
ing sectors. The mixed-use element has been critical to its success with its high-
quality canalside setting and its situation in relation to the International Con-
vention Centre and the National Indoor Arena has also been significant.
However, the canalside improvements have been criticised for encouraging the
spread of economic activity via new pedestrian linkages - in an area charac-
terised by heavily used roads. The insistence on leisure uses occupying units on
the canalside has resulted in the canal itself being the focus of activity.
Sustainable Development, Urban Form a n d Regeneration
In recent years the t e r m ' e n v i r o n m e n t ' has come to encompass a m u c h

b r o a d e r range of issues than those indicated above. These 'global' environ-
m e n t a l concerns include, the efficient use of resources, biodiversity, air
quality, the depletion of the ozone layer and global warming. U r b a n areas
have a large role to play in tackling these global issues, and in doing so
moving towards m o r e sustainable forms of development. T h e notion of the
compact city as a sustainable built form is becoming increasingly p o p u l a r
a m o n g policy-makers at a national and E u r o p e a n level: the implications of
this include the p r o m o t i o n of central area revitalisation, higher u r b a n den-
sities, and mixed-use developments - all of which seek t o reduce the n e e d
for travel. I n d e e d these principles are now e m b e d d e d in U K g o v e r n m e n t
planning policy (notably P P G 1 3 and P P G 6 ) .
Urban Housing
T h e publication in 1996 of a D o E discussion p a p e r on household and

housing growth ( U K G o v e r n m e n t , 1996) a d d e d further impetus to the
d e b a t e about sustainable u r b a n form. T h e p a p e r included a suggested tar-
get of 60 per cent of all new residential development should t a k e place on
reused u r b a n (brownfield) land by the year 2005. This figure was set in the
context of the government's own projections of household growth which
suggest that for the 25-year period 1991-2016 it will comprise 4.4 million
households. This generated much public d e b a t e about the target figure
which should b e adopted, with m a n y environmental campaign groups argu-
ing for much higher targets.
T h e target of 60 per cent (of new h o m e s to b e built on previously de-
veloped land over the next ten years) has subsequently b e e n confirmed in
t h e W h i t e P a p e r , Planning for the Communities of the Future ( D E T R ,

1998), p r o d u c e d by t h e current government. This p r o p o s e s that Regional
Planning Conferences should b e given greater responsibility for identifying
targets in t e r m s of extra housing:
• on all previously developed land in u r b a n and rural areas;

• on previously developed land in u r b a n areas.
B r e h e n y (1997) suggests that the increased pressure to reuse brownfield

land is likely to have a major impact on u r b a n regeneration policies and
practice. H o w e v e r , as he explains, the desire to maximise the p r o p o r t i o n of
housing developed on brownfield land will prove difficult for technical,
economic and political reasons.
• Economic: It will b e necessary to reverse the trends of counter-

urbanisation of population and decentralisation of industry which have
t a k e n place in the U K over the last 30 years. This implies a n e e d to
destroy t h e negative perceptions associated with m a n y inner u r b a n
areas, and will heighten the n e e d for t h e creation of positive images and
e n v i r o n m e n t s in such areas. P e r h a p s t h e greatest obstacle to achieving
a 50 p e r cent target lies in the geographical mismatch b e t w e e n the
d e m a n d for new housing and t h e supply of brownfield land. T h e areas
w h e r e d e m a n d for housing is strongest (notably South E a s t E n g l a n d )
are those with t h e least a m o u n t of brownfield land.
• Technical: A l t h o u g h rates of reuse of brownfield land for housing have
b e e n impressive in recent years, B r e h e n y questions w h e t h e r such a rate
can b e maintained, arguing that the easier brownfield sites have already
b e e n r e d e v e l o p e d and t h e remaining sites will require large-scale sub-
sidies before private sector developers will consider t h e m .
• Political: B r e h e n y quotes various sources of evidence to show how
higher u r b a n densities are likely to b e resisted by m a n y local author-
ities, in o r d e r t o preserve well-established residential preferences. It
will b e crucial to ensure new brownfield d e v e l o p m e n t s are of a high
quality and d o not sacrifice standards of amenity if they are to be part of
a viable long-term solution to u r b a n regeneration.
In addition t h e r e are also a n u m b e r of reasons - which could be t e r m e d

'social' - which will also n e e d to b e overcome. In recent years a significant
a m o u n t of brownfield housing in large u r b a n areas has b e e n in the form of
flats aimed at 'young professionals'. E x a m p l e s are n u m e r o u s and can b e
found in most of t h e U K ' s major cities (e.g. Salford Quays, L o n d o n D o c k -
lands). T o achieve an increase in the n u m b e r of families moving into u r b a n
areas it will b e necessary to overcome t h e negative perceptions associated
with m a n y of these areas. T h e s e include, fear of crime, p o o r air quality and
poor-quality schools. Tackling these p r o b l e m s calls for a m u c h m o r e holis-
tic a p p r o a c h to regeneration.
T h e g o v e r n m e n t is seeking to address precisely these issues with the
formation of an U r b a n Task Force. Chaired by L o r d R o d g e r s , the Task
104 PaulJeffrey and John Pounder
Force is co-ordinating research and policy d e v e l o p m e n t into making b e t t e r

use of brownfield land by identifying causes of u r b a n decline in E n g l a n d
and r e c o m m e n d i n g practical solutions to bring p e o p l e back into cities,
towns and u r b a n neighbourhoods. It is working alongside, advising and
helping to develop initiatives through English Partnerships, local author-
ities and other key players. T h e Task Force's r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s will have
significant implications for the physical regeneration of u r b a n areas across
England.
Sustainable Transport
E m e r g i n g transport policies will also have implications for u r b a n regenera-

tion. T h e publication of P P G 1 3 in 1994 ( D o E , 1994) heralded t h e first
practical step towards an integrated land-use transport policy which em-
phasises t h e role of public and non-polluting forms of transport and seeks
to encourage p a t t e r n s of development which reduce the n e e d to travel by
car. It is becoming increasingly important to d e m o n s t r a t e that steps have
b e e n t a k e n to provide for access to new development by less polluting/
m o r e energy efficient m o d e s of travel. Overcoming such directives may
favour development in highly accessible central u r b a n areas, however, cur-
rently t h e r e remains a large a m o u n t of extant permissions granted prior to
the introduction of P P G 1 3 for developments in peripheral locations.
In the future, tougher restrictions on the use of t h e private car (par-
ticularly in congested u r b a n areas experiencing p o o r air quality) such as
restrictions on car parking and road-pricing could b e a feature of central
and local government policy. T h e extent of such policies and their potential
effects on u r b a n regeneration are as yet u n k n o w n and untested.
Sustainability a n d E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t
It is at the local level where many initiatives seeking to raise awareness and
change individuals' behaviour are being developed in o r d e r to facilitate
sustainable development. M u c h of this work is being u n d e r t a k e n t h r o u g h
the Local A g e n d a 21 process by local authorities. Gibbs (1997) highlights
the inability of m a n y local authorities to integrate sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t
objectives into their economic d e v e l o p m e n t and u r b a n regeneration pol-
icies. In m a n y respects regeneration and sustainability are seen as being in
conflict, in that the pursuance of sustainable solutions may hinder econ-
omic growth. Gibbs suggests that the increasing involvement of the private
sector in regeneration partnerships has further complicated this p r o b l e m -
o n e which commonly exists within local authorities. T h o u g h economic d e -
velopment strategies do increasingly acknowledge environmental objec-
tives and constraints, they tend to focus on the physical environment r a t h e r
t h a n t h e wider 'global' issues. This is reflective of t h e guidance to which

partnerships must conform w h e n bidding for and implementing regenera-
tion p r o g r a m m e s such as t h e Single R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget, City Challenge
or E u r o p e a n Structural F u n d s , all of which focus on economic outputs.
W h e r e e n v i r o n m e n t a l outputs are r e q u i r e d these consist of h a r d physical
i m p r o v e m e n t s such as the a m o u n t of land reclaimed, n u m b e r of trees
p l a n t e d etc.
Sustainability a n d the European Structural Funds
T h e n e e d for sustainability to b e addressed in major economic develop-

m e n t p r o g r a m m e s is, however, beginning to b e addressed by the E u r o p e a n
Commission. R e s e a r c h carried out by E C O T E C (1997) for D G X V I identi-
fies 16 areas of action which must b e addressed by an Objective 2 p r o -
g r a m m e if it is to help m o v e the regional e c o n o m y towards sustainability.
T h e s e are classified into o n e of t h r e e steps or stages in moving a regional
e c o n o m y towards a m o d e l of sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t w h e r e b y economic
growth continues whilst reducing the impact it has on the environment.
T h e s e steps are:
• business as usual;
• minimisation;
• the sustainable growth path.
Business as usual implies that all current e n v i r o n m e n t a l standards and

regulations and p r o c e d u r e s are complied with. Minimisation refers to de-
v e l o p m e n t which seeks to go b e y o n d existing standards by employing the
best available technology. It also seeks to minimise environmental knock-
on effects of new d e v e l o p m e n t s by directing t h e m towards brownfield sites
and locations w h e r e the necessary supporting infrastructure is already p r o -
vided, i.e. close to existing public transport nodes. T h o u g h different lo-
calities will require differing p a t t e r n s of d e v e l o p m e n t in o r d e r to m o v e
along a sustainable growth path, they will all share certain c o m m o n fea-
tures if they are to lay t h e basis for sustainability. T h e s e include:
• encouraging innovation in goods and services which use fewer environ-

m e n t a l resources in use, manufacture or disposal;
• encouraging the e c o n o m y to restructure towards these sectors;
• increasing the use of renewable energy;
• reducing t h e n e e d to travel t h r o u g h use of IT, and integrated land-use
and t r a n s p o r t planning;
• t h e d e v e l o p m e n t and p r o m o t i o n of improved public transport.
In t h e G u i d a n c e for P r o g r a m m e M a n a g e r s p r o d u c e d in association with

t h e research, E C O T E C (1997) r e c o m m e n d a pragmatic a p p r o a c h to assess-
ing w h e t h e r t h e m e a s u r e s and associated actions p r o p o s e d in a Single
P r o g r a m m i n g D o c u m e n t will help to m o v e the region towards sustainable
development. This involves mapping the p r o g r a m m e of measures (in turn)

on to identified areas of action, and estimating the percentage of actions
(or the budget) specified in the S P D which are devoted to each of the t h r e e
steps towards sustainability. This takes the assessment of p r o g r a m m i n g
d o c u m e n t s b e y o n d the currently employed environmental appraisals by
identifying specific actions which can b o t h enhance sustainability and con-
tribute towards economic growth and u r b a n regeneration.
Employment Creation and the Environment
It will therefore b e c o m e increasingly important that the profile of the

environment is raised not simply as something worthy of protection but
also as a potentially valuable source of new e m p l o y m e n t opportunities.
Within the field of u r b a n regeneration the potential for new e m p l o y m e n t
opportunities is likely to b e enhanced by the strategic objective for de-
v e l o p m e n t on brownfield land. Public p r o g r a m m e s to recover derelict ur-
b a n sites will continue to b e a feature of regeneration policy in the U K and
the E U . Potential links with welfare to w o r k p r o g r a m m e s can provide b o t h
e m p l o y m e n t and training opportunities. T h e example offered by the Wise
G r o u p in Glasgow may prove to have widespread potential in this respect
(see Box 5.10). Such initiatives will reinforce the link b e t w e e n environmen-
tal i m p r o v e m e n t s and economic benefits.
N e w Visions of Urban Areas
T h e advent of the 'information e c o n o m y ' is dispersing production away

from traditional u r b a n locations. Different u r b a n areas are responding in
different ways. T h e largest (so-called 'world') cities such as L o n d o n
are developing a concentration of p r o d u c e r services. Smaller regional capi-
tals (Manchester, Newcastle, Sheffield, etc.) are becoming centres for con-
sumer services focusing on education, arts and cultural industries -
exemplified by recent and p r o p o s e d large regeneration projects such as
Salford Quays, Manchester and Millennium Point, Birmingham. T h e im-
pact of information and communication technologies on business services,
leisure and retailing may well b e even m o r e significant for u r b a n areas, if
their purpose as centres for the location of such services b e c o m e s in-
creasingly r e d u n d a n t . A major issue would then be: what will replace these
activities to ensure the continued economic viability of m a n y u r b a n areas?
T h e changing structure of u r b a n e c o n o m i e s brings a b o u t r e q u i r e m e n t s
for n e w skill levels very different from t h o s e r e q u i r e d w h e n
manufacturing was t h e d o m i n a n t m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . This raises
c o n c e r n s t h a t a r e q u i r e m e n t for m o r e skilled e m p l o y e e s ( a n d fewer
e m p l o y e e s ? ) m a y result in large economically inactive u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n s ,
w h o are effectively excluded from t h e u r b a n e c o n o m y . T h e s e p e o p l e h a v e

b e e n t e r m e d t h e ' u n d e r c l a s s ' . I n t e g r a t i n g t h e s e g r o u p s into u r b a n society
will b e a major challenge for e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e new
millennium.
E n v i r o n m e n t a l p r e s s u r e s , particularly t h e drive t o w a r d s m o r e en-
v i r o n m e n t a l l y sustainable p a t t e r n s of d e v e l o p m e n t , will also impact on
t h e future d e v e l o p m e n t of cities. A t a strategic level it m a y focus
d e v e l o p m e n t activity on existing u r b a n a r e a s (i.e. brownfield l a n d ) in
o r d e r t o avoid d e v e l o p i n g greenfield sites, a n d e n c o u r a g e c o n c e n t r a t i o n s
of activity in t h e s e a r e a s (the n o t i o n of t h e c o m p a c t city). O v e r t h e next
few d e c a d e s this will b e exemplified by t h e n e e d t o a c c o m m o d a t e t h e
majority of t h e d e m a n d for n e w housing in t h e U K in existing u r b a n
a r e a s . A c h i e v i n g this m a y well r e q u i r e significant government
i n t e r v e n t i o n in t e r m s of land p r e p a r a t i o n a n d r e c l a m a t i o n , financial
incentives a n d land-use regulation.
T h e focus on sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t will also h a v e significant
implications for infrastructure provision, particularly t r a n s p o r t . M o v e s t o
restrict t h e use of t h e p r i v a t e car in u r b a n areas, including road-pricing
will h a v e significant, if u n p r e d i c t a b l e , effects on land-use p a t t e r n s a n d
i n v e s t m e n t in o u r cities. T h e r e is already a m o v e t o w a r d s e n c o u r a g i n g t h e
use of public t r a n s p o r t for u r b a n j o u r n e y s , even if this has not yet b e e n
t r a n s l a t e d into h a r d infrastructure provision o t h e r t h a n in a few
e x c e p t i o n a l e x a m p l e s (e.g. light rail s c h e m e s in Sheffield and
Manchester).
• Be clear about the spatial scale and the time scale of the proposed
renewal actions.
• Understand the ownership and the economic/market trends affecting the
physical stock.
• Be clear about the role of the physical stock in the renewal strategy -
lead/flagship/supply side; 'enabling' or responding to demand; integrated.
• Undertake SWOT analysis of stock.
• Develop a clear vision and a strategic design for the renewed physical
conditions.
• Ensure this fits the emerging role of the area, integrates with the other
dimensions of renewal and is developed with the participation of the
appropriate partners in the area.
• Establish institutional mechanisms for implementation and continued
maintenance of the schemes.
• Establish mechanisms for capital, operation and maintenance funding.
• Understand the economic rationale for environmental improvements.
• Ensure the approaches can respond to changing government delivery
strategies, and changing social and economic trends.
References
Breheny, M. (1997) Urban compaction: feasible and acceptable? Cities, Vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 2 0 9 -
17.
Department of the Environment ( D o E ) (1994) Planning Policy Guidance Note Transport,
H M S O , London.
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions ( D E T R ) (1998) Planning for the
Communities of the Future, H M S O , London.
E C O T E C (1988) Improving Urban Areas, H M S O , London.
E C O T E C (1996) The Economic Impacts of Canal Development Schemes. A Report to British
Waterways, E C O T E C , Birmingham.
E C O T E C (1997) Encouraging Sustainable Development through Objective 2 Programmes:
guidance for Programme Managers. A Report to D G X V I of the European Commission,
E C O T E C , Birmingham.
Gibbs, D . (1997) Urban sustainability and economic development in the United Kingdom:
exploring the contradictions, Cities, Vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 203-8.
Healey, P. (1995) The institutional challenge for sustainable urban regeneration, Cities, Vol.
12, no. 4, pp. 221-30.
Loftman, P. and Nevin, B. (1996) Going for growth: prestige projects in three British cities,
Urban Studies, Vol. 33 no. 6, pp. 991-1019.
Roberts, P. (1995) Environmentally Sustainable Business, Paul Chapman, London.
Turok, I. (1992) Property-led urban regeneration: panacea or placebo, Environment and
Planning A, Vol. 24, no. 3, pp. 361-79.
U K Government (1996) Household Growth: Where Shall We Live? Cmnd 3471, H M S O ,
London.
Further R e a d i n g
Department of the Environment (1995) The Impact of Environmental Improve-

ments on Urban Regeneration, HMSO, London.
Department of the Environment ( 1997) Bidding Guidance: A Guide to Bidding for
Resources from the Governments Single Regeneration Budget Challenge Fund
(Round 4), DoE, London.
English Partnerships (1995) Investment Guide, English Partnerships, London. In-
cludes criteria against which EP assess bids for resources.
English Partnerships (1996) Working With Our Partners: A Guide to Sources of
Funding for Regeneration Projects, English Partnerships, London. The first edi-
tion is now out of print but provides an brief introduction to the variety of
activity undertaken by EP and an excellent overview of the range of sources of
funding for regeneration. An updated second edition is expected.
European Commission (1997) Urban Pilot Project: Annual Report 1996, Provides
an insight into the range of regeneration projects funded by this Community
Initiative, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities,
Luxembourg.
HM Treasury ( 1995) A Framework for the Evaluation of Regeneration Projects and
Programmes, HMSO, London.
Llewelyn Davies (1996) 77?e Re-use of Brownfield Land for Housing, Joseph
Rowntree Foundation, York.
Robertson, D. and Bailey, N. (1995) Housing renewal and urban regeneration,
Housing Research Review, Vol. 8, pp. 10-14.
6 Social and Community Issues
Introduction
This chapter provides an overview of some important issues concerning the

role of local communities in u r b a n regeneration. T h e boxed case studies
refer t o differing experiences. T h e y provide practical examples of how
policies cater for community needs and encourage community involvement
in u r b a n affairs. T h e case of the Tipton Challenge Partnership in Sandwell
in the West Midlands features prominently as an example of good practice.
T i p t o n Challenge provides a refreshing example of a successful and innova-
tive initiative facilitating the participation of local people in community
affairs. T h e Tipton case, and other illustrations, show how p r o g r a m m e s and
projects require effective and efficient m a n a g e m e n t if they are to cater for
a b r o a d range of community needs. T h e chapter thus covers some import-
ant interrelated concerns that arise w h e n managers of u r b a n regeneration
initiatives deal with diverse local issues and needs. Local authorities,
c o m p a n y sponsors and voluntary organisations have t o ensure that p r o -
g r a m m e s benefit local people and p r o d u c e value for money. T h e topics
here serve to identify considerations t a k e n into account when implement-
ing local p r o g r a m m e s . T h e topics, reviewed h e r e during 1997, concern:
• the definition of 'community';

• the needs of local people in communities and the provisions to m e e t
those needs;
• the special needs of community groups;
• the d e v e l o p m e n t of shared goals to p r o m o t e the i m p r o v e m e n t of econ-
omic and social conditions;
• representativeness in communities;
• community e m p o w e r m e n t ;
• effective community partnerships;
• capacity-building in local communities;
• lessons from good practice.
E v e n though the creation of e m p l o y m e n t is at the t o p of the list of

priorities of many community-based regeneration schemes, the emphasis in
this c h a p t e r is o n a wider list of issues. H o w e v e r , recognising the import-
ance of employment, this topic is dealt with in detail in C h a p t e r 7.
Defining Community
Involving Communities in Urban and Rural Regeneration, p r o d u c e d by the

D e p a r t m e n t of the E n v i r o n m e n t , T r a n s p o r t and the Regions ( D E T R ,
1997a), provides a working policy définition of 'community' as the p e o p l e
working and living in defined areas covered by regeneration p r o g r a m m e s .
This policy definition envisages 'communities' as enclosed by the b o u n d -
aries set by the Single R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget Challenge F u n d ( S R B C F ) ,
City Challenge, the Task Forces and Housing Action Trusts. According t o
the D E T R , the private and voluntary sectors and local authorities try t o
identify the most immediately felt problems of p e o p l e within t h e contexts
provided by such communities. H o w e v e r , this view is very restrictive, so
the D E T R guide usefully expands the definition of 'community' by refer-
ring to criteria developed by the Local G o v e r n m e n t M a n a g e m e n t B o a r d
( L G M B ) . Box 6.1 presents the L G M B criteria.
Box 6.1 The characteristics of communities
Communities may be defined by reference, for example, to their:

• personal attributes (such as age, gender, ethnicity, kinship);
• beliefs (stemming from religious, cultural or political values);
• economic position (occupational or employment status, income or wealth,
housing tenure);
• skills (educational experience, professional qualifications);
• relationship to local services (tenants, patients, carers, providers);
• place (attachments to neighbourhood, village, city or nation).
Source: D E T R (1997a), quoting the Local Government Management Board.
T h e L G M B approach allows for widely different 'communities' based on

a rich variety of local experiences and perceptions. O n e or m o r e of the
characteristics in Box 6.1 combine to create particular community identi-
ties and attitudes. This implies that the conception of community varies to
such an extent that narrow technical definitions are unsatisfactory.
D i s a g r e e m e n t s over the meaning of ' c o m m u n i t y ' therefore a b o u n d , b u t
the generally favourable images and associations that the t e r m community
provides, forms a basis for partnership and innovation. Communities can
t h e n support economic activities that benefit local p e o p l e (Burns,
H a m b l e t o n and Hoggett, 1994) especially w h e n they e n g e n d e r powerful
emotive connotations that derive from a sense of togetherness and social
identity. Notions of solidarity, pride and identity tend to bind p e o p l e to-
gether (Tilly, 1974). Consequently, the most viable and ultimately success-
ful communities are those that e n g e n d e r a sense of belonging and
partnership b e t w e e n people. According to Charles H a n d y (1997) vibrant
communities evoke trust b e t w e e n p e o p l e and form civil associations that
contribute to local welfare. Local p e o p l e establish supportive relationships

producing a sense of togetherness that is not constrained by physical
b o u n d a r i e s . F o r H a n d y , p e o p l e develop rules and values that enable indi-
viduals to w o r k t o g e t h e r and prosper.
C o m m u n i t y N e e d s a n d Provisions
Unfortunately, the conditions for the establishment of viable and success-

ful communities are not always present. A n i m p o r t a n t recent study by the
U n i t e d Nations and the W o r l d B a n k (World R e s o u r c e s Institute, 1996)
indicates t h e p r o b l e m s facing u r b a n policy-makers world-wide. Policy-
m a k e r s have to deal with complex and interrelated p r o b l e m s including
shortages of funding for local amenities, o v e r b u r d e n e d social and
education provisions and the lack of access of citizens to affordable health
services. T h e study shows that in every nation citizen involvement is vital to
e n s u r e t h e success of public policies and the prosperity of communities.
In the U n i t e d Kingdom, the specific n a t u r e of the p r o b l e m s facing u r b a n
communities differs from those in developing countries, but local groups
h e r e are as k e e n as elsewhere to improve the quality of life. In this country,
t h e r e is an established tradition of community and voluntary effort that
provides a strong foundation for u r b a n regeneration. G e d d e s (1995) argues
that for communities the challenge is to improve their access, extend social
and economic opportunities and develop local services to b e c o m e m o r e
effective in m e e t i n g local needs. In practice, this has led to policy actions to
deal with policy areas that increasingly have to be viewed together. T h e
main policy areas are m e n t i o n e d in the S R B C F R o u n d 4 guidance shown in
Box 6.2.
T h e policy concerns in Box 6.2 require co-ordinated action and funding
because they t o g e t h e r influence the social and economic prospects of com-
munities. In the case studies below, we select health as a particularly useful
focus because it underlines the interconnections b e t w e e n different policy
areas. F o r example, with an ageing population in Britain t h e r e is an in-
creasing d e m a n d for health care and community support. G o o d health
d e p e n d s u p o n good housing, a d e q u a t e social provisions, a pleasant en-
v i r o n m e n t and leisure, sport and recreation opportunities. Such thinking
lies b e h i n d t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s decision to p r o m o t e H e a l t h A c t i o n Z o n e s
and related r e g e n e r a t i o n p r o g r a m m e s ( D E T R , 1997c).
T h e good health of communities improves the quality of life of local
p e o p l e and develops a greater pride in localities. W h e n p e o p l e enjoy a
b e t t e r life, it gives t h e m the confidence to plan for the future within a
pleasant c o m m u n i t y context. H e a l t h initiatives can also significantly
e n h a n c e the capacity of localities to provide locally responsive services
t h r o u g h t h e extension of relevant skills and capabilities. In health, alterna-
tives to m o r e traditional service provisions therefore provide exciting
Box 6.2 Related community policy concerns: Single Regeneration Budget

Challenge Fund Round 4 - Supplementary Guidance, 1997
• Welfare to work. Challenge Fund schemes have an important role to play
in the government's new measures to tackle unemployment, educational
attainment and social deprivation. When possible schemes should comple-
ment new opportunities/programmes which will soon be available under
the Welfare to Work initiative and in Employment Zones.
• Education Action Zones. Government Offices/the Employment Service
will supply further information to partnerships as the detail of these de-
velopments becomes clear.
• Capital receipts. Challenge Fund schemes can effectively complement mea-
sures to tackle housing need or promote housing-related regeneration
which is proposed for support from the release of housing capital receipts.
• Crime. The government intends, in the Crime and Disorder Bill, to give
local authorities and the police a joint responsibility to develop local part-
nerships to tackle and prevent crime in consultation with the local com-
munity. The Challenge Fund can help local partnerships draw up and
implement strategies for tackling crime. The new duty will not be in place
by the closing date of the bidding round, but bidders should seek to ensure
that any bids with a significant crime prevention or community safety el-
ement are compatible with such local plans as may have already been
drawn up by the relevant local and police authorities. Re-establishing a
sense of community and building capacity in the voluntary sector is also a
government priority which the Challenge Fund may be able to help.
• Drugs. Tackling drugs requires co-ordinated action at every level. The govern-
ment is committed to appointing a 'Drugs Tsar' to co-ordinate action
nationally, regionally and locally. The SRB Challenge Fund provides an oppor-
tunity for local services and local people to work together through Drug Action
Teams to tackle the problem within communities. The Prime Minister has
already made clear that regeneration work is central to the fight against drugs.
• Ethnic minorities. The Crime and Disorder Bill will also include specific
offences to tackle racial violence and harassment. Challenge Fund schemes,
especially those which help develop a sense of community or build capacity
in the voluntary sector and those involving crime prevention, community
safety and victim support, can complement other work to tackle racial
violence and harassment in local communities, and also target economic
development and training initiatives on such communities.
• Public health. The government is developing a new health strategy which
will recognise the impact that social conditions such as poverty, poor hous-
ing, unemployment and a polluted environment have on people's health.
Challenge Fund schemes can contribute to improvements in public health
through these conditions, as well as by developing partnerships with local
health bodies to promote healthier lifestyles and improve access to
community-based health facilities.
• Vulnerable groups. The government's commitment to tackle social exclu-
sion will have particular relevance for vulnerable groups in the community
such as homeless people, frail elderly people and those with mental illness.
Challenge Fund schemes can develop targeted housing projects to promote
community-based care and greater quality of life for these groups.
In addition, Challenge Fund schemes should complement wherever possible
other programmes, for example, capital investment in renewal of school build-
ings and the development of information technology.
Source: D E T R , 1997b.
opportunities for t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of new approaches to service delivery

and personal d e v e l o p m e n t . H o w e v e r , this can only b e achieved if policies
cater for the real n e e d s of communities.
The Special N e e d s of C o m m u n i t y G r o u p s
J o h n Bennington (1994) points to the exclusion of groups based on race,

gender and age. These are groups with special needs arising from various
forms of discrimination. Discrimination against ethnic minority and socially
deprived groups reinforces the problems faced by people in communities and
underscores their problems. It is often difficult to reconcile differing needs
w h e n localities accommodate many competing interests, values and social
groups. Policy-makers therefore try to p r o m o t e some sense of inclusion and
belonging. Policy goals frequently expand themes that allow for gender,
religious faith, race and age differences as well as how to overcome disadvan-
tage. Policy objectives increasingly identify specific groups, such as the el-
derly and women, so that groups can work effectively together through
appropriate consultative frameworks. T h e S R B C F encourages bidders for
funding to base their cases for support on specified needs identified in their
target areas, and regional frameworks will extend the recognition of need
m o r e broadly allowing for a m o r e comprehensive set of policy initiatives to
deal with exclusion. Box 6.3 indicates how ethnic minority organisations can
b e c o m e directly involved in identifying needs within the community.
Box 6.3 Ethnic minority needs in Sandwell
• Following its Round 1 SRB bid, Sandwell Regeneration Partnership held a

conference aimed at the involvement of the ethnic minority community and
the voluntary sector in the Partnership's second round SRB bid, Sandwell
Capacity Building for Urban Regeneration.
• Black-led community organisations were invited to submit project pro-
posals to the partnership. Once these had been received, the partnership
attempted to match up those organisations who had submitted bids for
similar projects. A series of workshops was then held giving community
groups an opportunity to discuss their proposals. The value of project
proposals far exceeded the likely level of available resources. The project
proposals were refined and resubmitted to the partnership. Surgeries were
held with unsuccessful bidders to discuss alternative funding mechanisms.
• The partnership's successful Round 2 SRB bid was driven by the Bid
Development Group; a body consisting of 40 key members of the local
community, including representatives of ethnic minority communities.
Some 30 per cent of the £7.1 million to be allocated over a seven-year
period is targeted specifically at the borough's ethnic minority
communities.
Source: D E T R (1997a).
A Shared Vision
Disadvantaged groups have interests in the i m p r o v e m e n t of localities and

they all have ideas to contribute on how communities can b e regenerated.
H o w e v e r , tensions often exist b e t w e e n conflicting local interests, racial and
ethnic groups or opposing environmental lobbies. It is therefore important
to achieve a vision for the community that can be shared by all and which
defines priorities for action.
T h e involvement of local people working with the public and private
sectors improves the quality of policy decisions and secures the m o r e effec-
tive implementation of local p r o g r a m m e s . Burns, H a m b l e t o n and H o g g e t t
(1994) show how local councillors, public officials, company executives and
citizens support the community initiatives that bring groups together to
p r o d u c e a wider awareness of how local p r o b l e m s can b e overcome. Burns,
H a m b l e t o n and Hoggett (1994) refer to the unifying impulse that com-
munity identity can provide. T h e unifying impulse of communities provides
a firm basis for linking different interests and establishing the shared com-
munity vision. Communities can foster co-operation, c o m m o n p u r p o s e and
confidence (CBI, 1988; T a u b , 1994) and reflect these in vision statements
and policy commitments. T h e success of communities will d e p e n d u p o n the
degree to which they can cohere a r o u n d aims and objectives, and the
degree to which local people can identify with those objectives.
Representativeness
Despite the importance of including a wide range of interests, active groups

and individuals that a p p e a r to be influential in a locality are not necessarily
representative of local people or businesses. Frequently, groups or organ-
isations do achieve a respected standing within a community based u p o n
their association with the area and their skills and expertise. I n d e p e n d e n t
or voluntary sector organisations can provide important services within
communities ( W a r e , 1989) and they often represent groups that find it
difficult to speak independently. Voluntary organisations provide profes-
sional assistance and advice and other assistance to groups seeking funding
from public and private sources. Voluntary organisations can w o r k with
local p e o p l e to articulate local needs and improve the quality of m a n a g e -
m e n t in community projects.
T h e D E T R (1997a) guide refers to the importance of creating represent-
ative b o a r d s to run local p r o g r a m m e s . T h e guide suggests that 'credible'
representatives should represent networks of local groups. It is t h e n poss-
ible to ' e m p o w e r ' communities through the widest and most effective r e p -
resentation of local interests. T h e composition of boards, the election or
selection of representatives and a g r e e m e n t on a p p r o p r i a t e structures
Social and Community Issues 1 Î5
p r e s e n t h a r d choices. Representativeness and community access t o local

authorities and partnerships can b e difficult t o achieve if a limited n u m b e r
of groups p r e d o m i n a t e over others. W h e r e groups develop strong identi-
ties, public policies t e n d to respond to the d e m a n d s of the leading repres-
entatives of t h e groups concerned. Conflicts can arise especially w h e n
excluded c o m m u n i t y leaders challenge the assumptions that u n d e r p i n p r e -
vailing public policies. Individual or sectional interests can then conflict
with t h e interests of t h e community as a whole. Representativeness in
c o m m u n i t y initiatives should therefore establish the O w n e r s h i p ' of initia-
tives by t h e community (Farnell et αϊ, 1994) so that t h e r e can b e as b r o a d as
possible acceptance of the goals pursued.
Empowerment
E m p o w e r m e n t extends the 'ownership' of programmes and projects to com-

munities, and provides local people with responsibilities for influencing and
taking decisions on S R B C F m a n a g e m e n t boards and so on. A n o t h e r popular
mechanism for e m p o w e r m e n t is through the development of local en-
terprises that employ people so that they can gain from their participation in
the economy and develop skills for the future. Support for economic initia-
tives in regenerating communities finds expression in the policy objectives of
governments and in the prescriptions of the private sector (BITC, 1986; CBI,
1988). In the United States, many programmes have included community
enterprise as a central strategy for neighbourhood regeneration and em-
p o w e r m e n t (Taub, 1994). In Britain, politicians from all the political parties
support m a r k e t solutions in urban regeneration and embrace private initia-
tive, public-private partnerships, small businesses and entrepreneurship.
E m p o w e r m e n t requires policies that enable citizens to gain greater access
to services and to have m o r e say on the use of community resources such as
housing. Also, 'community development' (West, 1993) interprets empower-
m e n t as a practical policy strategy. Local authorities and the private sector
can play an important role in assisting people to empower themselves and to
m a k e informed choices concerning their futures. For example, policies can
provide tenants in public housing with the chance to own their homes, give
parents greater choice between schools, and give patients the opportunity to
m a k e selections about the care they receive. Diversity, choice and enterprise
are thus firmly established in the vocabulary of community regeneration
because they are essential ingredients of empowerment.
Effective R e g e n e r a t i o n Partnerships
A s discussed in C h a p t e r 3, partnerships are the organisational vehicles of

c o m m u n i t y r e g e n e r a t i o n and e m p o w e r m e n t . T h e S R B C F uses community
partnership as a way of harnessing the talents and resources of c o m m u -

nities in u r b a n regeneration. Partnerships combine the efforts of t h r e e
broadly defined groups of organisation:
• Public organisations involved in u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n include local

authorities, central g o v e r n m e n t d e p a r t m e n t s , t h e G o v e r n m e n t Offices
for t h e R e g i o n s , N a t i o n a l H e a l t h Service Trusts, a n d t h e Police. T h e r e
are also o t h e r agencies such as t h e business-led Training a n d
E n t e r p r i s e Councils that play a p r o m i n e n t p a r t in u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n .
• For-profit private sector organisations, such as companies and financial
institutions, play an increasing role in communities t h r o u g h corporate
social responsibility p r o g r a m m e s and sponsorship. F o r example, Busi-
ness in the C o m m u n i t y ( B I T C ) is a non-profit organisation that brings
companies together with voluntary organisations and local g o v e r n m e n t
to implement p r o g r a m m e s at the local level.
• N o t for profit p r i v a t e sector o r g a n i s a t i o n s c o m e in m a n y forms. T h e
N a t i o n a l Council for V o l u n t a r y O r g a n i s a t i o n s ( N C V O , 1996a)
p r o v i d e s a d e t a i l e d a n n u a l b r e a k d o w n of t h e v o l u n t a r y sector.
P r a c t i t i o n e r s often subdivide g r o u p s as p r i v a t e non-profit o r g a n -
isations, v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i s a t i o n s , a n d charities. B u t , h o w e v e r w e
define g r o u p s , t h e y all m a k e significant c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e
b e t t e r m e n t of c o m m u n i t i e s a n d t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of effective
partnerships.
A s the N C V O policy suggests, partnerships need to provide effective m a n -

agement structures to meet the policy aims and objectives agreed by part-
ners. C o m p a n i e s and local authorities also advocate effective partnership
management.
• Partnerships should enable community p r o g r a m m e managers to work

alongside politicians, public officials and representatives of the private
corporate and non-profit sectors. T h e co-ordination of different interests
is sometimes difficult, but is important to ensure the success of
programmes.
• Partnerships should provide effective m a n a g e m e n t structures for the
implementation of the shared policy goals of partners. M a n a g e m e n t
and organisational structures need to b e appropriate to the objectives
set by managers of local initiatives.
• Partnerships should link different programmes (such as the S R B C F , Euro-
pean initiatives, T E C programmes and private initiatives) into coherent
strategic plans (see also Chapter 11 on organisation and management).
Measures can help to establish a wider sense of community as well as
providing new opportunities in social, health, education and recreational
provision. In partnership, local health and education authorities, city coun-
cils and voluntary organisations can provide information to families,
enhance access to services and promote enhanced opportunities.
Box 6.4 The role of voluntary organisations
The importance of the voluntary sector in urban regeneration is evidenced by

the existence of over 125,000 voluntary community organisations. An indepen-
dent Commission on the Future of the Voluntary Sector supported and initi-
ated by the NCVO and chaired by Professor Nicholas Deakin, consulted
extensively with voluntary organisations to assess their role. The commission
presented its report entitled 'Meeting the challenge of change voluntary action
into the 21st century' in 1996. This report found that: 'voluntary and com-
munity organisations in all their diversity are a major resource. Their indepen-
dence must be safeguarded.' Further, the NCVO stated that the sector should
be governed by six basic principles:
• Public policy needs to recognise the unique qualities of voluntary action.
• Partnership must be on an equal basis.
• The role of users is crucial to the sector.
• Voluntary bodies must always be free to act as advocates.
• The sector must be managed professionally, without deflecting from its
purposes and aims.
• Diversity of funding sources is one of the best guarantees of independence.
This led to a number of actions to be taken by the NCVO and voluntary
organisations as follows:
• supporting a concordat or code of good practice on future relations be-
tween the government and the voluntary sector, encouraging government
to adopt a strategic approach to its relations with the sector;
• encouraging a change in the legal definition of charity to one based on a
single definition of public benefit, enabling more organisations to gain
charitable status;
• building on NCVO's previous work with the Charity Commission, on the
Nolan Committee and with the publication of the Good Trustee Guide to
develop models of performance and governance for voluntary
organisations;
• building on the Fiscal Working Party in liaison with Business in the Com-
munity, the Institute of Charity Fundraising Managers and Charities Aid
Foundation to create a consortium to investigate new sources of funding;
• promoting Europe not just as a source of funds but also as a means of
developing transnational partnerships;
• developing quality standards for the sector to demonstrate good gover-
nance and effectiveness;
• developing and supporting links with business through board membership,
gifts in kind and skill sharing.
Source: N C V O (1996b).
S o m e writers have alluded to the limitations of the p a r t n e r s h i p model.

Farnell et al. (1994) describe the American-inspired b r o a d - b a s e d organis-
ing ( B B O ) w h e r e local 'actions' p r o m o t e initiatives that are fully account-
able t o communities. T h e B B O a p p r o a c h places emphasis u p o n t h e
exertion of 'political p r e s s u r e ' through b o t t o m - u p Organisation-building'
(Farnell et al., 1994) r a t h e r than by way of what critics regard as the ' t o p -
d o w n ' a p p r o a c h of partnerships. T h e B B O a p p r o a c h implies a b r o a d - b a s e d
form of community involvement through 'day-to-day activism' that encour-

ages the involvement of 'the hitherto voiceless' in communities (Farnell et
al., 1994). H o w e v e r , it is difficult to achieve a genuinely b o t t o m - u p struc-
ture in practice in Britain especially when so m a n y local groups lack the
capabilities effectively to involve themselves in u r b a n regeneration initia-
tives. T h e capacities of communities n e e d to b e substantially strengthened
as a result.
Capacity-building
W h e n community organisations gain access to the policy process t h r o u g h

partnerships or through other means, they n e e d to develop their capacities
to engage in local economic development and social initiatives. T h e D E T R
(1997a) recognises the role of communities in helping with the strategic
direction and m a n a g e m e n t of p r o g r a m m e s and the consequent n e e d for
communities to develop the capacity to achieve this. F o r the D E T R ,
capacity-building is about:
• skills: project planning, budgeting and fund-raising, m a n a g e m e n t , or-

ganisation, development, b r o k e r a g e and networking;
• knowledge: of the p r o g r a m m e s and institutions of regeneration, their
systems, priorities, key personnel;
• resources: essential if local organisations are to be able to get things done;
• p o w e r and influence: the ability to exert influence over the plans, pri-
orities and actions of key local (and national) agencies.
Capacity-building is a process that enhances:

• the e m p o w e r m e n t of communities because p e o p l e increasingly do
things for themselves;
• the ability to create structures and networks to assist this process;
• skills to enable local people to t a k e charge of their futures.
C a s e Studies: Social a n d Health Issues
T h e inclusion of social, welfare and health objectives in u r b a n regeneration

signifies t h e creation of new social infrastructures that clearly d e m o n s t r a t e
the n e e d for the development of such capacities. Local initiatives concen-
trate on the i m p r o v e m e n t of the health of local p e o p l e and the provision of
social support services that imply a r e q u i r e m e n t for local expertise across a
range of activities.
H e a l t h criteria are now included in m a n y S R B C F schemes. This m a r k s a
stronger emphasis on social regeneration t o c o m p l e m e n t physical r e -
generation. A 1996 British U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n conference ( H e a l t h of the
Social and Community Issues 1 19
nation: community regeneration perspectives) indicated the relationships

between social and health issues such as employment and housing (Harcup,
1996). T h e development and improvement of the social infrastructures of
communities was a major t h e m e at the 1996 United Nations Conference on
H u m a n Settlements. G o o d health and environment are key indicators of a
good quality of life, so cities should 'embody the diversity and energy of
h u m a n pursuits' and act as the 'engines of social progress' (World Resources
Institute, 1996, p. ix). T h e E u r o p e a n Commission's Social Action Pro-
g r a m m e will p r o m o t e new initiatives on health provision and the improve-
m e n t of information systems for communities on health-related issues. T h e
Commission's strategy concentrates upon new mechanisms for providing
health care at the local level and the development of integrated policies
linking health to related social and economic problems. In the United States,
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s and Enterprise Communities often focus upon social
and health issues that stress the involvement of local people in initiatives.
T h e E Z / E C initiative places emphasis upon distressed communities develop-
ing their capacities for self-improvement, innovation and creativity ( H U D ,
1995). Imbroscio et αϊ. (1995) refer to the role of ' h u m a n investment' pro-
grammes in central-city regeneration in the U S A . H u m a n investment seeks
to m a k e people m o r e productive as m e m b e r s of society and involves the
development of skills in health, education and training.
In the north-west of England, Bolton City Challenge has developed a
strategy that includes projects involving B o l t o n H e a l t h A u t h o r i t y and the
H e a l t h for B o l t o n scheme in p a r t n e r s h i p with B o l t o n social services. T h e
a p p r o a c h builds the capacity of the community to provide support services
t h r o u g h effective m a n a g e m e n t . H e a l t h p r o m o t i o n and health awareness
are of central i m p o r t a n c e as they c o m p l e m e n t sport, leisure and environ-
m e n t a l i m p r o v e m e n t s . T h e initiative includes drop-in access to local p e o p l e
t h r o u g h a H e a l t h Information C e n t r e . T h e p a r t n e r s h i p enlists the support
of midwives in expanding maternity services to ethnic minority w o m e n .
T h e r e is also a drugs and substance misuse scheme and a m e n t a l health
project (Bolton City Challenge, 1995).
Integrated policies have b e e n recognised by the E u r o p e a n Commission.
F o r example, an exchange p r o g r a m m e established between 11 E u r o p e a n
participants concerned policies in urban areas aimed at socially disadvan-
taged groups. T h e ' E u r o p e a n Network Eleven' shared experiences and dis-
seminated information about good practice. Birmingham, Luton and Stoke-
on-Trent joined in the p r o g r a m m e along with Berlin, R o m e , Naples, Lyons,
Tours, A m i e n s , Helsinki and Regio Calabria. T h e exchange provided the
opportunity to create a wider E u r o p e a n network for the dissemination of
information on policy and practical experiences as well as the possibility of
joint funding and projects linked to E u r o p e a n Objective 2 initiatives. In
N e t w o r k Eleven cities, officials recognised the linkages between pro-
grammes such as the E u r o p e a n Regional Development Fund, E U Com-
munity Initiatives for run-down mining areas, Regional Challenge and the
SRBCF.
120 Brian Jacobs and Clive Dutton
Box 6.5 Bolton City Challenge

By Susan Richardson (Bolton City Challenge)
Quality of life is central to Bolton City Challenge's remit to regenerate the
Halliwell area of the town.
Health and community issues are held in the same esteem and importance as
the economic regeneration of this area with its high unemployment rate and
associated social problems. But it is not just physical illness that City Challenge
projects tackle. It also:
• addresses the effects on mental health of the stresses of modern day living
through the Mental Health Initiative;
• provides a dedicated multi-disciplinary team that works to provide a drop-
in centre, which has more than 230 members;
• supported a housing scheme and an employment service to benefit those
with mental health problems and their carers.
The ethos has been to listen to local people and come up with health solutions
that fit their needs.
Another aspect of City Challenge's work is supporting local organisations
through its Community Fund which distributes grants to a diverse range of groups.
For example, there is Shopmobility which provides wheelchairs for disabled
people to borrow for all sorts of social activities. The scheme recently came
second in the community section of the NHS Health Challenge Awards and
has 700 users.
The Betty Hamer Life Education Unit received £60,000 from the City Chal-
lenge Community Fund. This is a mobile classroom that visits all primary schools
in the area, educating children about health through interactive activities.
Halliwell's youth are also part of environmental activities, such as the Mean
Green Team which is a group of local youngsters who organise and participate
in local clean-ups, tree planting and a whole host of other activities.
The Recycling Factory is a joint community enterprise initiative between Bolton
City Challenge and Lancashire Wild Life Trust. It encourages local businesses and
schools to save aluminium cans which will then be collected and recycled with
resultant funding reinvested into further enterprise initiatives.
City Challenge has also helped to establish Crossover '97. This is a unique
initiative bringing together a number of local organisations including Bolton
Metro's Youth and Leisure Services, Community Healthcare and NACRO.
They have achieved considerable success with activity programmes aimed at
those between 5 to 25 years with a wide range of schemes such as drama
workshops and football courses organised in partnership with the town's
nationally renowned theatre, The Octagon, and Premier football club, Bolton
Wanderers.
The City Challenge philosophy is that investment should be put to work to
support projects run by the people for their community as evidence indicates social
and economic improvements cannot be achieved simply by spending money.
City Challenge has spearheaded that attitude and established a number of
community-level initiatives that are now being adopted by other areas. An
example of its approach is Health Link which offers medical advice in an
informal 'shop' atmosphere designed to break down the community's reluc-
tance to use traditional practices.
One Health Link service that has been extremely successful is the Cardiac
Rehabilitation service. It involves one to one visits to patients by a qualified
nursing sister on their discharge from hospital to give them and their families
advice and to help them avoid the risk of further coronary problems.
Source: Written communication from Susan Richardson.

Social and Community Issues 121
Case Study: The Tipton Experience
T h e T i p t o n Challenge Partnership in t h e W e s t Midlands provides an im-

p o r t a n t example of how u r b a n regeneration can b e about t h e creation of
new c o m m u n i t y social provisions that provide direct access to local p e o p l e
and e n h a n c e community capacity building. T h e case shows t h e combina-
tion of actions designed to involve the community. T h e main activities of
t h e p a r t n e r s h i p are shown in Box 6.6. T h e account below was written in
late 1997, during t h e lifetime of the partnership.
Box 6.6 The Tipton Challenge Partnership main activities
• Improving access to employment through education and training.

• Preserving existing business and stimulating new businesses and enterprise.
• Improving housing conditions and offering a wider choice of housing.
• Reducing crime and enhancing community health and safety.
• Improving image and environmental quality with the removal of
dereliction.
• Providing new and enhancing existing sports, leisure and community
facilities.
• Sharing the vision.
Source: adapted from Tipton Challenge Partnership (1997).
It is t h e substantial d e v e l o p m e n t of a health-oriented a p p r o a c h that

m a k e s t h e r e g e n e r a t i o n of T i p t o n of special interest. T h e particular interest
lies in t h e pivotal role that t h e health sector has played in the T i p t o n story.
W h e r e a s economic factors t e n d normally to t a k e centre-stage in so m a n y
r e g e n e r a t i o n efforts, in T i p t o n ' s case t h e shared focus has b e e n very m u c h
on improving health and quality of life. In this way, health is seen as a
catalyst for the future economic prosperity of the town.
Planning for real, public consultation, public information and participa-
tion exercises related to d e v e l o p m e n t or individual initiatives are not new.
T h e y have b e e n used to varying degrees for over 20 years. Their effective-
ness is varied and in m a n y cases they w e r e u n d e r t a k e n to enable a particu-
lar ' b o x ' to b e ticked on a list of tasks that ought to be u n d e r t a k e n by the
p r o m o t e r or regulator of the scheme involved. Often such involvement
occurred relatively late in the r e d e v e l o p m e n t process w h e n economic,
p r o p e r t y , commercial and professional issues or preferences had b e e n
largely d e t e r m i n e d . T h e r e have b e e n notable exceptions, but that was
largely the picture. This resulted in schemes that could not b e sustained
because they alienated t h e very p e o p l e w h o w e r e required to live, shop,
visit or w o r k in an area w h e r e major transformation was planned; or m o r e
precisely, the community.
T h e 1990s b r o u g h t significant changes. City Challenge introduced its
process focus to the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of 31 time-limited area-based
initiatives. Such an approach is endorsed and encouraged in S R B schemes.

T h e government guidance, in 1991, to the 20 authorities invited to bid for
City Challenge status was that 'partnerships' would b e a prerequisite, led
by the local authority but incorporating significantly the private sector,
o t h e r public sector agencies and the local community. T h e regenerative
propositions were aimed at b o t h geographic areas (the average being in the
region of 3 square miles and 25,000 residents) and to address c o m p r e h e n -
sively the revitalisation of an area (the social as well as physical and econ-
omic issues). This was a significant change to b o t h the emphasis and
approach to u r b a n policy.
H o w e v e r , communities, particularly those that have suffered in the de-
moralisation and demotivation of a third of a century of decline, cannot
readily engage in 'partnership' working as equal players with the other
sectors without p r e p a r a t i o n and ongoing support (both financial and non-
financial). T o illustrate this, examples are t a k e n from Sandwell in the Black
Country in the West Midlands. This is a particularly deprived borough; the
third most deprived outside L o n d o n and the ninth in England.
T h e first example relates to a community development 'pilot' project
initiated by Sandwell Metropolitan B o r o u g h Council ( M B C ) in 1989 in
Tipton; one of the six u r b a n villages and towns that m a k e u p the b o r o u g h .
Tipton, an u r b a n district council u p until 1966, was subsumed by larger
municipal administrations such as the West Midlands M e t r o p o l i t a n C o u n t y
and later by the Metropolitan District. In parallel with periods of municipal
change and loss of a u t o n o m y for local issues came decline through succes-
sive recessions. Full e m p l o y m e n t gave way to 20 p e r cent u n e m p l o y m e n t in
little over 15 years. Tipton not only had its heavy manufacturing base
dismantled, but also lost its former identity and opportunity to m a n a g e and
influence its local affairs.
T h e community pilot project was selected for Tipton for a variety of
reasons:
• Crucial was the fact that the area h a d not benefited from any previous
significant u r b a n p r o g r a m m e initiative.
• T h e project involved four community development workers, employed
by the local authority working full time within the communities of
Tipton.
• Their goal was to help local voluntary and interest groups to focus u p o n
issues collectively and to develop a greater understanding and contact
with local authority service providers.
T h e initiative created an 'umbrella' organisation of local voluntary sector

groups, n a m e d the Tipton Action G r o u p . T h e initiative, however, did not
bring with it substantial funds to support the group. M o r e importantly, the
funds did not enable any projects to be u n d e r t a k e n t o either tackle local
issues individually or to address poverty on a wider scale.
W h e n the government a n n o u n c e d its second and, as it t u r n e d out, last
City Challenge bidding round, a proposal for Tipton a p p e a r e d compelling.
N o t only was t h e area in desperate n e e d of regeneration, with oppor-

tunities that, if realised, could help address some of t h e problems, b u t t h e r e
was already a community mobilised, focused a n d inducted t o interface with
the public sector. It enabled a community-based bid to b e formulated to
address local issues a n d maximise t h e e m p l o y m e n t opportunities created
by t h e n e a r b y Black C o u n t r y D e v e l o p m e n t Corporation.
T h e g o v e r n m e n t r e q u i r e m e n t for partnerships can often provide a di-
l e m m a as t o t h e character a n d m e t h o d of engaging local p e o p l e in t h e
process of regeneration. T h e t o k e n involvement of p e o p l e can b e a danger,
particularly w h e r e t h e r e is pressure t o establish partnerships at very short
notice. In Tipton, to a large degree, t h e situation was different, as t h e
T i p t o n A c t i o n G r o u p could claim t o b e representative. It could genuinely
provide a mechanism for nominating its own representatives to t h e Part-
nership B o a r d a n d a p l e t h o r a of subgroups dealing with topic-based policy,
i m p l e m e n t a t i o n a n d monitoring responsibilities. B o x 6.7 shows t h e m a k e
u p of t h e delivery mechanism for Tipton Challenge Partnership, t h e organ-
isation formed to orchestrate t h e City Challenge p r o g r a m m e .
Box 6.7 Tipton Challenge Partnership: capacity-building through

participation
Community representatives are nominated and elected by the various neigh-

bourhood groups overseen by Tipton Action Group, the Muslim community
and the Tipton Young People's Forum. The latter represents people between
the ages of 11-25; the elections involved proportionately more people than
vote in Tipton at local government elections. The Chair of the forum has a
place on the board. In each case, the community determines the nomination
and the term and the right to replace. As a result, the largest representative
group on the Challenge Board is the community.
The Tipton Action Group Board members help oversee a £174 million
regeneration programme, and they are responsible for administering a com-
munity block fund programme. This involves £150,000 per year available for
local community organisations by application.
Through preparing communities in advance of the regeneration initiative,
the community can readily become engaged as a representative, responsible,
talented and committed contributor to the regeneration of the area. It may be
asked, how could it be any other way? Regeneration schemes come and go, but
the community, by whatever definition, goes on forever.
The Tipton Health Strategy
Tailoring local circumstances with a community dimension can provide

surprising results if t h e partnership involved is flexible, creative a n d alert to
opportunities linked t o local circumstances. A good example of this is how
the T i p t o n Challenge P a r t n e r s h i p has developed a health strategy t o b o t h
address core symptoms of poverty and turn it to regenerative advantage.
Box 6.8 Building on the Tipton experience
The community development workers in Sandwell moved to another town a

year after Challenge started to undertake similar 'capacity-building' work in
Cradley Heath, another area of the borough which had hitherto received little
in the way of urban funded initiatives, but where a large estates action project
was about to start.
The real lessons learnt in 'investing in the community' in this way have been
developed by Sandwell MBC a stage further and impressively have been re-
warded for its approach by the government in the form of SRB Round 2
funding. The lessons learnt from Tipton are that true regeneration, which is to
be long-lasting, must involve local people from the start in an area's regenera-
tion. They must be assisted before, during and after the particular initiative.
The investment in preparing communities to be full, responsible, and account-
able contributors is extremely important. The SRB Round 2 initiative is solely
related to the process of empowering and enabling local communities in the
regeneration of their neighbourhoods, their localities and their borough. Dur-
ing seven years, £7 million has been awarded by government to assist this;
recognising that the process is important to the character, the quality and the
durability of the product. Investing in communities in this way is extremely
significant. This approach underscores the significance of process especially in
the way that the public sector views and approaches the way it delivers local
services. The mechanism by which the local urban voices can assist public
sector agencies in how they best meet local needs and tackle local issues has
much to learn from the Tipton, and other City Challenge and SRB, models.
Similarly, this approach can help in ensuring that regenerative solutions to
deep-rooted social, economic and physical problems are tailored to the circum-
stances of the individual area. Whilst much can be learnt from what other
practitioners have done (both right and wrong) in other parts of the United
Kingdom and abroad, there can be no template, blueprint or prescription for a
particular town or neighbourhood. All have their own special characteristics
and strengths, needs and opportunities. Each has its own community charac-
teristics with different special needs.
Tipton displayed all the characteristics of communities that developed

rapidly during the Industrial Revolution but whose social and economic
conditions are now a m o n g the worst in the country. Life expectancy was
low - the average life expectancy in T i p t o n was seven years below the
national average. H e a l t h was bad. T h e r e was a m u c h higher than average
incidence of the illnesses, such as coronary heart disease, which shorten life
and increase disability. Housing was p o o r - 22 p e r cent of h o m e s w e r e
classified as unfit to live in. Wages w e r e low - 75 p e r cent of residents had
incomes of less than £100 p e r week. Long-term u n e m p l o y m e n t was high;
running at 45 per cent of the workforce out of work for m o r e t h a n six
months.
Three years on from winning its City Challenge bid, Tipton is beginning to
look different and feel different. Some 400 projects are being undertaken - in
education, training, housing, environmental improvement, land reclamation,
job creation, leisure, community safety and health. All these projects aim to
enhance the quality of life of Tipton residents. They also reflect the priorities
of the people themselves. Directly involving the local community has been a
guiding principle throughout. The projects have flowed from community
needs. They have not been superimposed from outside.
A l r e a d y T i p t o n is seeing tangible benefits. U n e m p l o y m e n t has d r o p p e d
by 50 p e r cent since City Challenge started. T h e spirit of Tipton has b e e n
recharged a n d revitalised. City Challenge has h a d m a n y spin-offs for Tip-
ton. A significant n u m b e r of the projects now u n d e r way are health related
including a mobile community health t e a m , a food co-operative to m a k e
healthy p r o d u c e available at affordable prices and healthy lifestyle advice
for p a r e n t s of local primary school children.
Box 6.9 Tipton Challenge Partnership: the Neptune Health Park
The Neptune Health Park grew out of a number of coincidental factors:
• the determination of doctors in a go-ahead general medical practice in

Tipton to improve their premises and provide a better quality of service to
their patients;
• the determination of Sandwell's major provider of hospital and
community health services to ensure that it is meeting the real needs of
Tipton people;
• the strong commitment of Sandwell's health authorities to tackling the
causes of disease and reducing the inequalities between different parts of
the borough;
• the growing bond of partnership between local health services and Sand-
well Metropolitan Borough Council;
• the flexible thinking stimulated by the success of City Challenge.
The overriding desire of all parties involved to put health at the top of the
town's agenda led to the Neptune Health Park idea. Out of a number of vital
exchanges came Neptune Health Park. Side by side on a 5-acre site in the
centre of Tipton would be a whole range of new health facilities. As well as the
health bureau, there would be a brand new practice building for the family
doctors, facilities for minor surgery, radiology, community nursing, physio-
therapy and chiropody, premises for a dentist, optician and chemist, a base for
social workers serving the Tipton area, and a Citizen's Advice Bureau. For the
health care consumer, it means everything together at one convenient location.
But that was just the start of it.
Just 300 metres from the health park itself, a new shopping centre will be
developed by a private sector interest encouraged by the transformation taking
place in Tipton.
Investment is being made in sports and recreation facilities, reinforcing the
'healthy Tipton' initiative. For example, refurbishment of the baths, establish-
ing waterborne recreation facilities, a new sports and community centre, up-
grading of established parks and much more.
Visiting the doctor, picking up a prescription, getting advice on welfare
benefits and doing the family shopping can all be done quite easily in future.
Quite literally, the heart is being put back into the town.
M o r e ideas are still coming forward in Tipton. Some, it is h o p e d , will

qualify for start-up funding from National Lottery funds. Jogging and cycle
trails along the canal have a potentially strong health contribution to m a k e
by encouraging p e o p l e to b e c o m e m o r e physically active and by helping to
reduce stress levels. A sporting academy based o n National Lottery-funded
all-weather athletics facilities to be used by a consortium of the b o r o u g h ' s
five athletic clubs, together with a major L a w n Tennis Association com-
plex, is also envisaged. Using spare land on the site to p r o d u c e food crops,
which can then b e m a r k e t e d and distributed through a food co-operative,
could boost attempts to p r o m o t e healthy eating.
L e s s o n s f r o m G o o d Practice
W h a t are the lessons about the best and most appropriate policies to b e
used u n d e r particular circumstances? Clearly, local conditions vary as well
as local aspirations and expectations about what is required so that t h e r e
can be n o single blueprint for success. Public policy-makers, c o m p a n y ex-
ecutives and community leaders therefore tend to pragmatically develop
their own community policy strategies. They may consciously or intuitively
develop mechanisms that derive or b o r r o w from the approaches m e n t i o n e d
above, but which also suit local conditions. Differences of emphasis in
different local initiatives imply that policy-makers can select the most ap-
p r o p r i a t e elements from different approaches. In practice, policies t e n d to
reflect various strands of thinking and experience.
T h e lesson of Tipton's N e p t u n e H e a l t h P a r k is that health can act as a
major force for community regeneration, but the agencies and profes-
sionals involved must be willing to listen to local people. They must also b e
flexible and willing to lower their traditional boundaries in a spirit of genu-
ine friendship. This experience seems to b e consistent with that of t h e other
partnerships m e n t i o n e d in the introduction.
Within Sandwell, the Tipton experience has shown the benefit of adopt-
ing this approach. It may now b e transplanted to the o t h e r five towns that
go to m a k e u p the Metropolitan Borough. T h e lessons from this experience
are about progress and working together. T h e excitement which projects
such as those in Bolton and Tipton have g e n e r a t e d springs m o r e from t h e
fact that all the key partners have b e e n able to sit down with o n e a n o t h e r
and discuss policy options to create a shared vision and pride in the
community.
Finally, we recognise that this chapter provides only a snapshot of a
situation that is constantly changing. T h e present government has initiated
a wide-ranging series of policy changes and continues t o p r o d u c e policy
proposals that will influence future initiatives. W e have thus a t t e m p t e d
h e r e to provide an overview of issues that we feel will b e of enduring
interest during this period of change.
There are a number of important issues and actions arising from the above
discussion:
• Initiatives in urban regeneration are implemented most successfully
when programmes sensitively respond to local people including those
with special needs and problems.
• The partnership model is an effective mechanism that ensures that
practical polices can benefit whole communities. This is particularly the
case when related policy areas need effectively to be co-ordinated and
programmes efficiently managed.
• Community organisations play an important part in capacity building
and encouraging the involvement and empowerment of people. This is
especially so when policy-makers and programme managers have a clear
idea of the factors that contribute to the development of a meaningful
degree of community involvement in the process of urban regeneration.
• Local initiatives should spark a sense of purpose and pride in
communities.
Notes
This paper does not necessarily represent the view of the former Tipton Challenge
Partnership or Sandwell MBC.
Thanks go to Alec Morrison (Cobridge Community Renewal, Stoke-on-Trent)
who provided information about the European Network Eleven and to Susan
Richardson of Bolton City Challenge for her local case study.
References
Benington, J. (1994) Local Democracy and the European Union: The Impact of Europeanisa-
tion on Local Governance, Commission for Local Democracy, London.
Bolton City Challenge (1995) Progress through Partnership: Bolton's City Challenge Mid Year
Review, 1995-1996, Bolton City Challenge, Bolton.
Burns, D . , Hambleton, R. and Hoggett, P. (1994) The Politics of Decentralisation: Revitalising
Local Democracy, Macmillan, Basingstoke.
Business in the Community (BITC) (1986) Business and the Inner Cities: How the Business
Community Can Work With Others to Promote Better Opportunities in Our Inner Cities,
B I T C , London.
Confederation of British Industry (CBI) (1988) Initiatives beyond Charity: Report of the CBI
Task Force on Business in Urban Regeneration, CBI, London.
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions ( D E T R ) (1997a) Involving
Communities in Urban and Rural Regeneration: A Guide for Practitioners, D E T R , London.
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions ( D E T R ) (1997b) Single Re-
generation Budget Challenge Fund Round 4: Supplementary Guidance, D E T R , London.
Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions ( D E T R ) (1997c) Regeneration
Programmes: The Way Forward, D E T R , London.
Farnell, R., Lund, S., Furby, R., Lawless, P., Wishart, B. and Else, P. (1994) Hope in the City?
The Local Impact of the Church Urban Fund, Centre for Regional Economic and Social
Research, Sheffield Hallam University, Sheffield.
Geddes, M. (1995) Poverty, Excluded Communities and Local Democracy, Commission for
Local Democracy, London.
Handy, C. (1997) The Hungry Spirit: Beyond Capitalism: A Quest for Purpose in the Modern
World, Hutchinson, London.
Harcup, T. (1996) Looking after the health of the city, International Cities Management,
September-October, p. 16.
Housing and Urban D e v e l o p m e n t ( H U D ) (1995) U S Department of (1995). Every com-
munity's a winner: Empowerment Z o n e s and Enterprise Communities, Community Con-
nections, March, pp. 6-7.
Imbroscio, D . , Orr, M., Ross, T. and Stone, C. (1995). Baltimore and the human investment
challenge, in F.W. Wagner, T.E. Joder and A.J. Mumphrey (eds), Urban Revitalisation:
Policies and Programs, Sage, Thousand Oaks.
National Council for Voluntary Organisations ( N C V O ) (1996a) The UK Voluntary Sector
Statistical Almanac 1996, N C V O , London.
National Council for Voluntary Organisations ( N C V O ) (1996b), Annual Review 1995-96,
N C V O , London.
Taub, R.P. (1994) Community Capitalism: The South Shore Bank's Strategy for Neighbour-
hood Revitalisation, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, M A .
Tilly, C. (1974) An Urban World, Little Brown, Boston, M A .
Tipton Challenge Partnership (1997) Annual Report, 1997, Tipton Challenge Partnership,
Sandwell.
Ware, A . (ed.) (1989) Charities and Government, Manchester University Press, Manchester
and N e w York.
West, A . (1993) Putting Communities Streets A h e a d , BURA News, no. 11, Winter 1993-94,
pp. 18-19.
World Resources Institute (1996) World Resources, 1996-97: A Guide to the Global Environ-
ment (The Urban Environment), Oxford University Press for The World Resources In-
stitute, The United Nations Environment programme, The United Nations D e v e l o p m e n t
Programme and The World Bank, N e w York and Oxford.
7 Employment, Education and
Training
Trevor Hart and Ian Johnston
Key Issues
Jobs for local people are the lifeblood if we want people to live in u r b a n
areas, and especially in inner u r b a n areas. Similarly, the availability of
suitable jobs is very high on most inner city residents' order of priorities.
M o r e o v e r , it is now widely accepted that the competitiveness of a locality
or area and its attractiveness to inward investors d e p e n d critically on its
h u m a n resource. T h e basic core and vocational skills of the potential work-
force and their attitude and motivation are critical. F o r this reason, educa-
tion and training are key c o m p o n e n t s of regeneration.
This chapter considers a n u m b e r of major issues:
• the origins of u r b a n e m p l o y m e n t problems;

• the d e v e l o p m e n t of u r b a n labour m a r k e t s ;
• the evolution of u r b a n labour m a r k e t policy;
• the importance of u r b a n labour m a r k e t strategies;
• the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of policy;
• the likely future evolution of u r b a n labour markets.
Urban Employment Problems
While, with commuting, it is possible to have economically successful capi-

tal investment in u r b a n areas, without jobs for local people such areas tend
to b e sterile deserts at night.
U r b a n centres built on jobs linked with railway termini, docks and asso-
ciated wholesalers and retailers have lost their purpose as the lorry and car
have b e c o m e the p r e d o m i n a n t m e a n s of transport. Mass production and
ease of transportation away from congested u r b a n centres m e a n that m a n y
jobs associated with provision of goods and services to the u r b a n masses
are now situated at the periphery or beyond.
O t h e r cities have b e e n particularly affected by technological change (for
example, Sheffield and steel and Birmingham by the m o v e from brass to
130 Trevor Hart and Ian Johnston
plastic) and some by global competition (for example, Newcastle and ship-
building, Bradford and wool).
Loss of Jobs and Unemployment
M u c h of the decline in traditional industries has b e e n focused in u r b a n

areas. Problems, or perceived problems, likely to destroy jobs m o r e quickly
or m a k e j o b creation in u r b a n areas m o r e difficult include:
• congestion which causes operational inefficiencies;

• high land values or polluted land so new building is expensive or
difficult;
• public transport may be radial and may suffer from underinvestment;
• higher security costs;
• few skilled people;
• p o o r e r basic education;
• perceived street crime and insecurity.
U n e m p l o y m e n t may b e higher, or m o r e difficult to reduce, because:
• t h e r e are higher proportions of particularly disadvantaged long-term

u n e m p l o y e d people;
• the impersonal n a t u r e of u r b a n areas m a k e s j o b matching m o r e
complex;
• hostels and other accommodation for disadvantaged groups are con-
centrated in the cities;
• concentrations of ethnic minorities m a y present language p r o b l e m s to
potential employers;
• possibly a negative synergy brought about by a combination of such
factors.
T h e j o b creation problems in u r b a n areas are thus b o t h distinctive and

m o r e acute than elsewhere. T h e r e is, however, often the political will pres-
ent to invest in a solution. It does not particularly m a t t e r w h e t h e r this is
motivated by national or civic pride, by concerns about security, by a desire
to utilise existing capital infrastructure or by a desire to p r o d u c e equitable
chances for the people concerned. All may lead to public authorities put-
ting a higher value on jobs created in u r b a n areas. A p a r t from buildings
which are worthy of some national heritage status, if inner u r b a n areas
have served their usefulness to humanity, it is not clear from the standpoint
of economic logic why they should necessarily b e preserved.
Some successful u r b a n p r o g r a m m e s indeed d o simply involve rehousing
the jobless p o o r in thin dispersion in wealthier suburbs (for example, Chi-
cago), or m o r e directly training p e o p l e to allow t h e m t o emigrate to other
labour markets. But most p r o g r a m m e s and policies involve attracting jobs
into u r b a n centres and equipping local p e o p l e to c o m p e t e for t h e m t h r o u g h
education, training, remotivation and j o b search skills.
Employment Education and Training 131
D e v e l o p m e n t s in U r b a n L a b o u r M a r k e t s
T h e p r o b l e m s of u r b a n labour m a r k e t s are not of recent origin; they have

changed in character over a period of m a n y years, taking on different
characteristics in periods of growth and decline, and manifesting t h e m -
selves in different forms as a response to different phases of economic
restructuring. H o w e v e r , t h e r e is some t h r e a d of consistency in policy re-
sponses. T h e s e are frequently p r o m p t e d by a concern for the sharp social
and economic inequalities that are evident in cities.
Table 7.1 Population change for eight large cities

C h a n g e for p e r i o d (%)
City 1901-51 1951-61 1961-71 1971-81 1981-91
Birmingham + 49.1 + 1.9 -7.2 -8.3 -5.6
Glasgow + 24.9 -2.9 - 13.8 -22.0 - 14.6
Leeds + 19.3 + 2.5 + 3.6 -4.6 -3.8
Liverpool + 10.9 -5.5 - 18.2 - 16.4 - 10.4
London + 25.9 -2.2 -6.8 -9.9 -4.5
Manchester + 8.3 -5.9 - 17.9 - 17.5 -8.8
Newcastle + 26.1 -2.3 -9.9 -9.9 -5.5
Sheffield + 23.0 + 0.4 -6.1 -6.1 -6.5
G r e a t Britain + 32.1 + 5.0 + 5.3 + 0.6 + 0.02
Source: C h a m p i o n a n d T o w n s e n d (1990); Stillwell a n d L e i g h (1996).
Population C h a n g e
T a b l e 7.1 shows the p a t t e r n of rapid growth and decline in the populations

of Britain's largest u r b a n centres. In addition to these changes in resident
p o p u l a t i o n should b e a d d e d those w h o see these u r b a n centres as their
natural place of work but w h o live elsewhere: the c o m m u t e r s . T h r o u g h o u t
t h e past 90 years, i m p r o v e m e n t s in public transport and growing access to
private t r a n s p o r t have increased c o m m u t i n g flows into cities, partly
t h r o u g h m a k i n g it possible for former residents employed in the city to live
elsewhere. This increase in mobility has a d d e d to t h e degree of social and
economic polarisation in the cities, as those in the b e t t e r r e w a r d e d seg-
m e n t s of the labour m a r k e t can exercise the choice to live elsewhere and
travel into the city to work, while those in poorly paid or m o r e marginal
forms of e m p l o y m e n t have little choice but to live within the city.
T h e growth in p o p u l a t i o n in the first half of the century resulted from
changes in birth rates, i m p r o v e m e n t s in health and changes in the econ-
omy, with the impetus provided by the continuing growth in some seg-
m e n t s of manufacturing industry (for example, the m o t o r industry) being
c o m p l e m e n t e d by growth in e m p l o y m e n t in the service sector. T h e
depopulation of cities since the 1950s has b e e n described by C h a m p i o n a n d

T o w n s e n d (1990, p . 161) as relating 'almost entirely t o t h e forces of d e -
centralisation a n d counter-urbanisation'. I n addition t o increased c o m m u t -
ing, a n u m b e r of 'push' factors - such as pressures on land supply - play
their part. T h e r e have also been, particularly in t h e 30 years u p to t h e
1970s, p l a n n e d dispersals of population from cities, at times reinforced by
incentives and pressures to locate (or relocate) away from t h e main cities,
and t h e development of substantial public housing estates o n t h e periphery
of cities. In m o r e recent years, policies t o encourage outward m o v e m e n t s
of jobs have b e e n reversed.
T h e socially selective impact of commuting has in t h e past b e e n exacer-
b a t e d by immigration from t h e N e w C o m m o n w e a l t h , a n d of young p e o p l e
from o t h e r parts of t h e U K in search of work. O n arrival, m a n y of t h e n e w
immigrants are relatively constrained in their choice of employment. While
a certain a m o u n t of dispersal has occurred, t h e m o r e marginal groups in
t h e labour m a r k e t concentrated into a n u m b e r of deprived localities have
suffered disproportionately from t h e decline in national economic perfor-
m a n c e reflected in rising u n e m p l o y m e n t figures from t h e 1970s onwards. In
some u r b a n cores, added pressure has b e e n placed on certain groups by t h e
gentrification of inner areas.
The Loss of Jobs
A s Table 7.2 shows, the major loss of e m p l o y m e n t in cities b e t w e e n 1951

and 1981 has b e e n in t h e manufacturing sector. This p a t t e r n continued in
t h e 1980s with almost all t h e metropolitan counties a n d districts continuing
to lose manufacturing jobs at a rate exceeding t h e national rate - a decline
of 9.2 p e r cent b e t w e e n 1981 and 1991. In t h e 1960s m u c h of this j o b loss
Table 7.2 Employment change in major conurbations

Period/sector Overall conurbations G r e a t Britain
000s % %
1951-61
Total e m p l o y m e n t +274 +3.4 +7.0
of which
Manufacturing -59 -1.7 +5.0
Services +369 +7.7 + 10.6
1961-71
Total e m p l o y m e n t -624 -8.3 + 1.3
of which
Manufacturing -645 -17.2 -3.9
Services -10 -0.2 +8.6
1971-81
Total e m p l o y m e n t -774 -11. -2.7
of which
Manufacturing -927 -34.5 -24.5
Services +89 + 1.8 + 1.8
Source: C h a m p i o n a n d T o w n s e n d (1990).
can b e traced to decentralisation, but in later years national trends and

influences on manufacturing e m p l o y m e n t b e c a m e m u c h m o r e important.
While there are many important general influences on the level of manufac-
turing employment, national economic policy exerted some significant press-
ures. In the face of falling domestic and export demand for manufactured
goods, output and employment were reduced and many plants and businesses
closed. These impacts were particularly felt in cities which were dispropor-
tionately dependent on manufacturing employment. The decline in manufac-
turing was exacerbated by the fact that cities were seen as less competitive and
attractive locations for investment than other parts of the country. A wide
range of factors contribute to a locality's competitiveness and its attractiveness
to businesses. Particularly important are the constraints facing companies in
cities: problems of unsatisfactory sites and limitations on relocation or expan-
sion are identified as having a significant influence (Fothergill, Kitson and
Monk, 1985). These are often more severe than the constraints facing com-
panies elsewhere and have often been the decisive factor in the closure of
inner city plants. There was both an urban-rural and a north-south dimension
to this pattern of advantage and disadvantage, serving to emphasise the im-
portance of viewing cities in their regional as well as national context.
Unemployment
Table 7.3 Unemployment by place of residence

( G B = 100) 1951 1961 1971 1981
I n n e r cities 133 136 144 151
O u t e r cities 81 82 88 101
F r e e - s t a n d i n g cities 95 107 112 1 15
T o w n s a n d rural a r e a s 95 93 90 90
Source: Hasluck ( 1 9 8 7 ) .
T r e a t i n g u r b a n areas as a single category conceals the differences which

exist b o t h b e t w e e n and within u r b a n areas. Some areas suffer multiple
aspects of deprivation. T h e cumulative spiral of decline that can result
leads to greater polarisation b e t w e e n cities but m o r e particularly b e t w e e n
localities within t h e m . U n e m p l o y m e n t is often t a k e n as the principal in-
dicator of the economic health of a locality and, as Table 7.3 shows, it is
inner city areas which have suffered considerable u n e m p l o y m e n t . Results
from the 1991 Census show that it is cities - and particularly the key u r b a n
centres - which continue to suffer a b u r d e n of u n e m p l o y m e n t greater than
is experienced in most o t h e r parts of Britain. T h e r e are also significant
differences b e t w e e n u r b a n areas. In the 1980s areas that previously had not
suffered high incidences of u n e m p l o y m e n t , such as the West Midlands,
showed rapid rates of increase. Also in the 1980s a clear n o r t h - s o u t h divide
was in evidence. Since this period, p a t t e r n s of decline and recovery have
b e e n less clearly spatially differentiated: by the 1990s L o n d o n experienced
u n e m p l o y m e n t rates equal to some traditionally disadvantaged areas.
T h e 1980s saw worsening economic conditions in many urban areas, with

higher proportions of long-term unemployed indicating an increasing degree
of concentration of the most disadvantaged (Robson et al., 1994). Almost
inevitably this spiral of decline will b e associated with falling j o b oppor-
tunities. A s significantly, employment in these afflicted areas is likely to be
concentrated in the those types of jobs which are of a lower quality than
might be found elsewhere. This qualitative segmentation of the labour mar-
ket has b e e n characterised by H u t t o n (1995) as the 30:30:40 society: that is,
the disadvantaged unemployed or non-employed; those in marginalised or
insecure employment; and the fortunate 40 per cent who have (currently)
some form of tenured p e r m a n e n t employment. It is also the case that certain
groups are less well placed to avoid the impacts of recession including the
young, the old, the unskilled and the unqualified, those with an illness or
disability, those with a poor employment record, and ethnic minorities.
This latter issue is of particular concern for a number of reasons. First, the
concentration of ethnic minority groups in certain localities throws a par-
ticularly sharp focus on their labour market problems: for example, 20 per cent
of the population of Greater London is from ethnic minority groups, with the
proportion rising to 40 per cent of the population in boroughs such as Brent
and Newham. Second, some ethnic minority groups suffer disproportionately
from unemployment: for example, unemployment rates of 45 per cent are
observable in South Asian groups in Tower Hamlets. Finally, there is a likeli-
hood of the problems for some of these groups becoming worse, as a result of
the fact that the numbers economically active are forecast to continue to
increase (by around 18 per cent in the ten years up to 2001), while the white
economically active population remains fairly constant (Green and Owen,
1995)
Finally, in spite of the fact that w o m e n ' s labour m a r k e t participation
rates have continued to rise, gender segregation remains at the root of
some profound labour m a r k e t inequalities. W o m e n are the main c o m p o -
n e n t of t h e growing part-time workforce a n d w o m e n ' s hourly pay rates are
still only 65 per cent of those for m e n ( M a c E w a n Scott, 1994). Seen in the
context of household incomes, these factors play a significant part in defi-
ning deprivation in the b r o a d e r sense in u r b a n areas.
U r b a n L a b o u r M a r k e t Policy
In earlier years, national policies for tackling t h e p r o b l e m s in cities, a n d

particularly u n e m p l o y m e n t , w e r e to a large extent c o n t a i n e d within a
growing r a n g e of regional policy i n s t r u m e n t s . In t h e i m m e d i a t e post-war
years regional policy focused on t h e localities which h a d b e e n d e s i g n a t e d
as Special A r e a s in t h e 1930s. A n u r b a n policy b e g a n to e m e r g e from t h e
c o n d u c t of ' u r b a n e x p e r i m e n t s ' from t h e mid-1960s, p r o m p t e d by a rise in
u n e m p l o y m e n t , the recognition of persistent p o v e r t y despite t h e
d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e welfare state, a n d t h e e m e r g e n c e of social p r o b l e m s

c e n t r e d on race. Lawless (1989) sees t h e most influential of t h e s e experi-
m e n t s as b e i n g t h e I n n e r A r e a Studies a n d t h e C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t
Projects, in t h a t t h e y h a d a focus of targeting a n d co-ordination, b u t most
particularly b e c a u s e ' t h e y h e l p e d transform a t t i t u d e s to u r b a n depriva-
t i o n ' (Lawless, 1989, p . 7). T h e U r b a n P r o g r a m m e was c r e a t e d in 1968,
b u t its m e t h o d of o p e r a t i o n was m u c h revised in 1977, t h e year which also
saw t h e publication of t h e W h i t e P a p e r Policy for the Inner Cities,
( H M S O , 1977) arguably B r i t a i n ' s only c o h e r e n t a t t e m p t at developing a
strategy for cities.
T h e period of the T h a t c h e r g o v e r n m e n t s coincided with a retreat from
traditional regional policy and the emerging i m p o r t a n c e of a distinct u r b a n
policy. This change in priorities was accompanied by a change in philoso-
phy. T h e 1983 review of regional assistance m a d e it clear that the govern-
m e n t ' s view was that the case for intervention was primarily social. It also
p r o m u l g a t e d the view that the p r o b l e m s on which policy was to focus were
a result of supply-side weaknesses which u n d e r m i n e d competitive effici-
ency and adaptability: so, the causes of concentrations of persistent u n e m -
p l o y m e n t could b e traced to labour m a r k e t rigidities, and to a lack of
enterprise, reflected in low rates of new firm formation and technological
innovation. F r o m 1984 the focus of regional policy b e c a m e m u c h m o r e
c o n c e r n e d with t h e p r o m o t i o n of indigenous growth.
This change in philosophy was reflected in policies directly focused on
t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t . T w o W h i t e P a p e r s issued in 1985, Employment: The
Challenge for the Nation ( D o E , 1985a) and Lifting the burden, ( D o E ,
1985b) b o t h stressed the t h e m e of competitiveness and how it could be
e n h a n c e d by t h e pursuit of neo-liberal policies. This a p p r o a c h was ad-
vanced in s u b s e q u e n t labour m a r k e t strategy papers. F o r example, in a
foreword to the 1992 W h i t e P a p e r People, Jobs and Opportunity, (Employ-
m e n t D e p a r t m e n t G r o u p , 1992) the Secretary of State for E m p l o y m e n t
n o t e d ' W e must widen even further the choices and opportunities for
p e o p l e at work. W e must stimulate enterprise and encourage the trend
towards individual initiative in every aspect of working life.' In 1990 Train-
ing and E n t e r p r i s e Councils w e r e launched, charged with p r o m o t i n g the
pursuit of the goal of a m o r e skilled and competitive workforce: m a n y
Training and E n t e r p r i s e Councils have operational areas including main
u r b a n labour m a r k e t s . Training and E n t e r p r i s e Councils also enshrined the
concept of private sector leadership.
T h e position of T E C s illustrated the d o m i n a n t a p p r o a c h e s and philoso-
phy u n d e r p i n n i n g the Conservative g o v e r n m e n t ' s policy for u r b a n labour
m a r k e t s . In addition to the primacy given to private sector leadership,
influence a n d ethos, t h e r e was a stress on p a r t n e r s h i p a p p r o a c h e s at the
strategy-to-project level. A t the same time, t h e r e was still strong
managerial control exercised by central government, seeking to ensure
value for public m o n e y by employing a range of performance measures.
T h e philosophy was one which saw the solution to u r b a n labour m a r k e t
p r o b l e m s as being located in improved competitiveness, for individuals and

businesses. T h e neo-liberal focus t e n d e d t o undervalue o t h e r o u t p u t s from
u r b a n e m p l o y m e n t policy such as improved health or improved environ-
m e n t , and also undervalued the achievement of consensus with
stakeholders other than private sector businesses - for example, t r a d e
unions and community groups ( M a r q u a n d 1996).
Following t h e election of t h e L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t in 1997 a series of
reviews of relevant policy areas was p u t in train. T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of
R e g i o n a l D e v e l o p m e n t A g e n c i e s from 1999 was t h e first substantial
institutional change to e m e r g e , b u t a n u m b e r of changes in l a b o u r m a r k e t
policy will have relevance t o u r b a n l a b o u r m a r k e t s . E c h o i n g t h e
t e r m i n o l o g y t h a t h a d b e c o m e c o m m o n in E u r o p e a n U n i o n policy
s t a t e m e n t s b u t maintaining an a t t a c h m e n t t o supply-side m e a s u r e s , a k e y
focus of c o n c e r n b e c a m e t h e 'socially excluded', a n d d e v e l o p m e n t s in
policy w e r e seen as playing a role in 'tackling p o v e r t y a n d benefit
d e p e n d e n c y and contributing t o w a r d s i m p r o v e d g r o w t h a n d productivity'
( H M T r e a s u r y , 1998 p . 2).
D e v e l o p m e n t s in t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t , including changes in skills
r e q u i r e m e n t s , changes in t h e g e n d e r b a l a n c e of e m p l o y m e n t a n d t h e
changing impact of t h e tax a n d benefit system h a v e led t o w h a t is
described as a new a p p r o a c h being a d o p t e d . This is seen as having t h r e e
key e l e m e n t s :
• the ' N e w D e a l ' p r o g r a m m e s to aid progress from welfare t o work,

focusing on a n u m b e r of groups including 18-24-year-olds, long-term
u n e m p l o y e d aged over 25, lone p a r e n t s , p a r t n e r s of the u n e m p l o y e d ,
and t h e disabled;
• the introduction of the national m i n i m u m wage and changes to t h e tax
and benefit system, intended to ' m a k e work pay';
• continuing investment in education and skills development in o r d e r to
align the U K skills base with the n e e d s of the m o d e r n economy.
I n t h e 1990s t h e r e has b e e n an increasing r e a l i s a t i o n t h a t cities m u s t

m a k e t h e m o s t of t h e i r u n i q u e local assets a n d l e a d e r s h i p . F o r e x a m p l e ,
cities m a y well e m p h a s i s e t h e i r c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r i e s ( B i a n c h i n i a n d
P a r k i n s o n , 1993; K e a r n s a n d P h i l o , 1993), t h e r o l e of s p o r t ( K i t c h e n ,
1993), t h e r o l e of h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n ( R o b s o n et al., 1995; A r m s t r o n g a n d
G r o v e - W h i t e , 1994), t h e p r o m o t i o n of u r b a n t o u r i s m ( L a w , 1993), a n d
t h e i m p o r t a n c e of city m a r k e t i n g ( H a i d e r , 1992; P a d d i s o n , 1993). A l l
this h a s led t o s o m e r e t h i n k i n g a b o u t t h e r o l e of local l e a d e r s h i p ( J u d d
a n d P a r k i n s o n , 1990), t o a growing criticism of t h e p a r a d i g m of
p r o p e r t y - l e d r e g e n e r a t i o n ( T u r o k , 1992), a n d t o a m o r e critical,
analytical a p p r o a c h t o p a r t n e r s h i p ( P e c k a n d Tickell, 1994). T h e r e is a
g r o w i n g e m p h a s i s on b o t t o m - u p a p p r o a c h e s b u t e m b e d d i n g locally
d e t e r m i n e d a p p r o a c h e s within an e n v i r o n m e n t w h e r e r e s o u r c e s a r e
substantially c o n t r o l l e d by t h e c e n t r a l s t a t e r e p r e s e n t s a s u b s t a n t i a l
c h a l l e n g e for u r b a n l a b o u r m a r k e t policy.
Employment, Education and Training 137
L a b o u r M a r k e t Strategies for U r b a n A r e a s
T h e p r o b l e m of u n e m p l o y m e n t 'occupies a central role in t h e " u r b a n cri-

sis" b e c a u s e it is b o t h a s y m p t o m of the processes which have u n d e r m i n e d
t h e u r b a n economies and an i m m e d i a t e cause of poverty, p o o r housing and
o t h e r aspects of social deprivation' (Hasluck, 1987, p . 2). This q u o t a t i o n
emphasises that, while labour m a r k e t issues are a central concern, they are
closely interrelated with m a n y o t h e r aspects, which in t u r n are addressed
by various public policy measures, and by agencies within and outside the
public sector.
T h e fact that there are a growing n u m b e r of agencies and initiatives in play
m a k e s the need for co-ordination and strategy m o r e pressing. Effective local
action requires careful analysis as an input to its design. Monitoring and
other approaches to ensure and to demonstrate that the most effective use is
being m a d e of public funds d e p e n d on having a well-established strategy and
objectives against which to measure performance. Finally, there is the prag-
matic reason for adopting a strategic approach that a growing n u m b e r of E U
and U K public sector p r o g r a m m e s require a strategy as an input to applica-
tions for funding. A successful approach to strategy is likely to be one which
combines the exogenous weight of national and E u r o p e a n p r o g r a m m e s with
the endogenous benefits of organic, rooted, bottom-up initiatives, fused to-
gether in a genuine and inclusive partnership.
Defining J o b Creation
A t local level j o b creation is best defined as the net jobs a d d e d in that

particular area over time. Local authorities or o t h e r local agencies p r o b -
ably d o not worry a b o u t w h e t h e r the jobs have c o m e from neighbouring
areas or w h e t h e r they are ' n e w ' jobs. I n d e e d o n e p u r p o s e of u r b a n policy is
to attract jobs from m o r e p r o s p e r o u s or naturally attractive areas into less
a d v a n t a g e d areas. A n o t h e r key m e a s u r e in the evaluation of u r b a n policy
is t h e reduction in u n e m p l o y m e n t .
In principle jobs c o m e from increasing d e m a n d for labour by attracting
or creating jobs and/or by improving the supply of labour (for example,
m o r e skilled and b e t t e r motivated potential employees).
T h e d e m a n d side for labour can b e e n h a n c e d by:
• attracting inward investment;

• growing existing businesses, especially firms in the 10-100 employee
size range; this can b e assisted by m e a s u r e s such as the provision of
advice and technology transfer schemes;
• creating micro-businesses t h r o u g h encouraging self-employment;
• t e m p o r a r y j o b creation t h r o u g h publicly funded schemes;
• expanding the public sector;
• reducing labour costs (both wage and non wage) and various forms of
labour m a r k e t regulation to increase the e m p l o y m e n t intensity of
growth.
T h e first two or three approaches are most likely to hold potential for local
agencies. T e m p o r a r y j o b creation measures are expensive, and the jobs are,
after all, temporary. Expansion of the public sector can b e potentially
counter-productive if high resulting taxes and rates d e t e r inward invest-
m e n t and m a k e existing businesses less competitive. Reducing labour costs,
especially w h e r e this involves reducing wages, risks losing social consensus.
If t a k e n t o o far, particularly in u r b a n areas, such an a p p r o a c h might lead to
heightened forms of social conflict.
T h e supply side can b e enhanced by:
• providing information to m a k e the labour and education and training

m a r k e t s work better;
• improving basic education including English as a second language;
• developing vocational skills;
• enhancing confidence, motivation and j o b search;
• changing u n e m p l o y m e n t or other benefit to increase incentives to work
- for example, overcoming the benefits t r a p to provide higher in-work
benefits; by reducing benefits; by making access to benefits conditional
on j o b search or undertaking community work; or by changing o t h e r
benefits such as child care so single parents are free to work.
E v e n in times of recession, the labour m a r k e t in Britain is very active,

with about 7 million job changes p e r a n n u m . T h e net result is that if
s o m e o n e becomes unemployed the chances are b e t t e r t h a n even of finding
a n o t h e r j o b within six m o n t h s even in a recession. H o w e v e r , the longer
p e o p l e remain unemployed and the less educational and skill qualifications
they have, the lower their chances of getting a j o b b e c o m e . Because of this
it is important that supply-side measures are targeted on those that really
n e e d help.
Dead-weight, Displacement and Substitution
Funding agencies may refer to the potential waste arising w h e r e help is not
effectively targeted as dead-weight, displacement or substitution ( D D S ) . In
very b r o a d terms these have the following meanings. Dead-weight m e a n s
that the person would have found a j o b anyway without the special help.
Displacement m e a n s that although the p e r s o n helped got the j o b , they
stopped s o m e o n e else from getting it. Substitution (or 'crowding-out'),
m e a n s that the firm taking on the p e r s o n receiving special help, such as an
e m p l o y m e n t subsidy, survives but only by putting a n o t h e r unsubsidised
firm out of business.
This produces profound problems for national policy-makers seeking to
help u n e m p l o y e d people. They know that to show any economic r e t u r n to
t h e taxpayer, their p r o g r a m m e s have to b e particularly effective. In eval-

uating their p r o g r a m m e s they k n o w that, after D D S have b e e n deducted,
often only 10 p e r cent of t h e jobs claimed for t h e p r o g r a m m e are truly
additional. This puts a high priority on high-volume, short-term, cheap
interventions.
H o w e v e r , if p r o g r a m m e s are evaluated in social r a t h e r t h a n economic
t e r m s u n e m p l o y e d p e o p l e can have their individual chances of getting a j o b
very significantly improved. T h e y can b e p r o m o t e d to the front of the jobs
q u e u e , even t h o u g h this is achieved almost inevitably by pushing s o m e o n e
else further back.
Local agencies can also h o p e to push t h e displacement and substitution
out of their local area. Sitting in Jarrow, it does not m a t t e r w h e t h e r a j o b
gained in J a r r o w has m e a n t o n e lost in D u r h a m , D r e s d e n or J a p a n . D e a d -
weight, displacement and substitution are also why inward investment
looks a good b e t at whichever level t h e policy-maker sits.
T a k e n t o extremes, buying jobs t h r o u g h incentives and subsidies can
significantly disrupt the free m a r k e t and that is why within the E u r o p e a n
U n i o n t h e r e are strict competition rules outlawing continuing j o b subsidies.
It is permissible to offer t e m p o r a r y subsidies attached to disadvantaged
individuals, b u t not to offer long-term wage subsidies on the jobs t h e m -
selves. In general most policy proposals from local agencies u n d e r s t a t e the
'cost p e r j o b ' gained. T h e main value of cost-per-job evaluations is in
ranking schemes.
In practical t e r m s t h e r e are t h r e e a p p r o a c h e s local agencies can t a k e
which minimise dead-weight, displacement and substitution, namely:
• Try to create jobs engaged in producing goods or providing services sold

to people from outside the local area. This means avoiding traditional
local services like hairdressing, sandwich bars and most house-building.
• A i m i n g for sectors with long-term growth trends. In conventional ser-
vices this m e a n s , for example, leisure, education and health. In m a n u -
facturing it m e a n s focusing w h e r e v e r possible at t h e high-tech, high-
value a d d e d e n d of t h e m a r k e t .
• Train for skills in d e m a n d . With u n e m p l o y m e n t a r o u n d 2 million the
j o b seeker to vacancy ratio exceeds 10:1. T h e j o b seekers include
p e o p l e with a wide range of skills. H o w e v e r , in principle, if vacancies
can b e identified in the local area which employers cannot fill and
u n e m p l o y e d p e o p l e are trained to fill t h e m , dead-weight is zero, the
u n e m p l o y e d p e o p l e are happy, and the business community is pleased.
In practice, t h e r e are n u m e r o u s barriers to achieving this ideal.
Multiplier Effects
H a v i n g examined the difficulties it is worth also noting that success b r e e d s

success. If an inward investor establishes a c o m p a n y bringing 100 jobs t h e r e
is t h e prospect of the wages of the new employees, together with the firm's
expenditure on its supplies being spent to some extent on local goods and
services, b o t h sustaining further new 'linkage' jobs. T h a t is providing, of
course, that the company can b e p e r s u a d e d to use local suppliers and
employ local people. T h e overall net economic effect is therefore the gross
jobs created by the p r o g r a m m e (or regeneration project) minus dead-
weight, displacement and substitution plus associated multipliers ( H M
Treasury, 1995).
It is not really possible to estimate t h e multiplier effect since the range of
effect varies from 0 to 100 per cent depending on the n a t u r e of the incom-
ing investor's company and w h e r e it sources its supplies. Across a wide
range of companies a rough average might be 30 to 40 p e r cent. H o w e v e r ,
the spending p o w e r of local employees has b e e n estimated to add 6 p e r
cent to the initial n u m b e r of primary investor's jobs w h e r e the initial jobs
were in metal goods (Owen, n.d.), and is p e r h a p s m o r e generally t a k e n to
b e in the range 5 to 20 p e r cent.
Running Faster to Stand Still
A s already mentioned, w h e n additional jobs are created u n e m p l o y m e n t

does not necessarily fall correspondingly. This is because as j o b prospects
improve people at the margin may b e encouraged to enter or re-enter the
labour m a r k e t , for example a spouse contemplating re-entering the labour
m a r k e t after raising a family, or a student making a choice b e t w e e n j o b
search and further study. If a local agency is successful in creating local
jobs, some or even many of the jobs may go to such j o b seekers, p a r a d o x -
ically leaving the local rate of u n e m p l o y m e n t unchanged.
T h e reverse can also h a p p e n if the 'feel good' factor is missing or if the
economy is in recession. U n e m p l o y m e n t can fall even t h o u g h new jobs are
not created, or it can fall faster than the rate of j o b creation. T h e latter
h a p p e n e d in the British economy in 1994 w h e n growth was well u n d e r way
but the 'feel good' factor was missing. E m p l o y m e n t rose by 266,000 but
u n e m p l o y m e n t fell by 317,000, though this must b e considered a very un-
usual combination.
Temporary and Part-time Jobs
M a n y projects create t e m p o r a r y jobs, for example in construction. T h e s e

are clearly not as valuable as p e r m a n e n t jobs sustainable after the project
has finished. But t e m p o r a r y jobs do bring wealth into the area and do offer
long-term u n e m p l o y e d people a stepping stone back into the labour mar-
ket. F r o m the point of view of evaluation ( H M Treasury, 1995), they re-
quire the introduction of the notion of j o b years. Part-time jobs have b e e n
a very significant source of job growth over the past decade. M a n y p e o p l e
with part-time jobs want to work part time, r a t h e r t h a n full time.
The Informal Economy
A further complicating factor in u r b a n economies lies in establishing the

extent of t h e informal cash economy. A s m a n y as a third of those currently
defined as u n e m p l o y e d may have some m e a n s of supplementing their un-
e m p l o y m e n t benefit, especially w h e r e u n e m p l o y m e n t is high.
Certain studies have shown that m a n y u n e m p l o y e d p e o p l e have informal
skills, such as painting 73 p e r cent, cleaning 59 p e r cent, gardening 44 per
cent, car m a i n t e n a n c e 30 p e r cent (Lawless, 1995). This presents oppor-
tunities for local agencies b o t h to convert some informal activity into self-
e m p l o y m e n t in the recognised economy, and to e n h a n c e the real wealth of
p o o r n e i g h b o u r h o o d s by deliberately raising skill levels in occupations
useful for survival in the informal economy.
Other Aspects of Policy
In designing j o b creation projects it is important:
• to k e e p in mind the objectives of other partners;

• t o tailor the skill r e q u i r e m e n t s to t h e experience and skills of local
residents (for example, low skill low d e m a n d s , or accepting young
p e o p l e as their first step into the labour m a r k e t ) ;
• to aim for sustainability (for example, eventually self-financing or iden-
tified long-term public funding);
• to seek wide community support from local residents.
Sustainability is not easy to achieve. T h e evaluation of the H a n d s w o r t h

Task Force ( P A C a m b r i d g e E c o n o m i c Consultants, 1991) showed that only
one in t h r e e projects lasted m o r e t h a n two years after the Task Force and
that the j o b effect wasted rapidly. This illustrates the n e e d for an effective
exit strategy of which the most enduring is clearly likely to be commercial
viability.
Initial Education and Training
In local labour m a r k e t s w h e r e jobs are scarce it is i m p o r t a n t that pupils

gain a sound basic secondary education particularly in mathematics and
English. Inevitably it is in schools in just such labour m a r k e t s that truancy
tends to b e high and academic attainment tends to be low. T h e value to
pupils of working towards educational attainment may b e less obvious
w h e r e w o r k opportunities are few.
T h e last d e c a d e has seen the introduction of quantitative b e n c h m a r k s .
S t a n d a r d assessment tests and examination league tables can b e used to
match schools with c o m p a r a t o r s in similar locations. Of m o r e strategic
usefulness are the National E d u c a t i o n and Training Targets which count all
the qualifications gained by the entire cohort of young p e o p l e including

academic general ( G e n e r a l National Vocational Qualification - G N V Q )
and vocational qualifications (National Vocational Qualifications - N V Q s ) .
A n y school, college or training provider can c o m p a r e its current attain-
m e n t against either the national or local target and use this information to
set quantified goals for future improvement. T h e National Targets n o w
include specific targets for core skills - numeracy, communication and use
of I T - which employers say are important.
T h e r e is a vital role in regeneration for the business community t o help
the education world to b r e a k the vicious circle of 'failing schools'. T h r o u g h
active education-business partnerships the business community can con-
tribute a m o n g other things to:
• strategies and analysis;

• improved m a n a g e m e n t of schools;
• m o d e r n examples for the curriculum, m o d e r n materials and machines;
• continuing learning opportunities for teachers, particularly a b o u t the
world of work;
• work experience for pupils and students;
• compacts t o set goals and reward pupils;
• mentoring to support at-risk pupils/students.
O n e task is to convince pupils in deprived areas that t h e r e is some link

b e t w e e n education and jobs, and that they t o o can succeed. T h e y also n e e d
to b e p e r s u a d e d to stay on in education and training as long as possible to
progress as far as their personal potential allows.
Post-Compulsory Education
O n c e they reach 16, young p e o p l e face bewildering choices including:
• full-time or part-time study;

• education or training;
• academic qualifications, G N V Q s or N V Q s ;
• in-school, college, private training provider or from an employer.
A full range of work-based apprenticeships and youth training offering full

vocational qualifications should b e available. These choices are i m p o r t a n t
and m a n y local careers services are properly e q u i p p e d to help young
p e o p l e m a k e them. A characteristic of u r b a n deprivation is u n d e r u s e of the
advisory support that is available, and one aspect of a local e m p l o y m e n t
policy might involve special outreach by the careers service and adult
guidance services.
A t a national or a local level the m o r e young p e o p l e can b e p e r s u a d e d t o
stay on post-16 in education or training the b e t t e r - in t h e short t e r m they
are not competing for full-time jobs while they are studying, in t h e long
t e r m they are helping to raise the nation's skill base which will improve
competitiveness and help gain jobs in the future.
Most u r b a n areas have ready access to colleges of further education or
universities and these can b e an i m p o r t a n t source of continuing education
and training for adults. F o r u n e m p l o y e d p e o p l e these opportunities are
often free and designed to fit within the tuition time limits imposed by
u n e m p l o y m e n t benefit/job seekers allowance regulations so that benefit is
unaffected (16 h o u r s p e r w e e k u n d e r the j o b seekers allowance for further
education: full-time higher education is not allowed b u t career develop-
m e n t loans are available to assist some m a t u r e students).
Technology Transfer
E d u c a t i o n institutions also have a major role to play in helping local firms

k e e p at the leading edge of technology and are large inner city employers
in their own right.
Information and Analysis
A prerequisite for effective action is a clear understanding of p r o b l e m s and

their underlying causes; this can then c o m p l e m e n t an understanding of
which are the relevant agencies of influence, and their capability and capa-
city for action. It is also i m p o r t a n t that the progress of interventions should
be tracked a n d this may require the establishment of a baseline of labour
m a r k e t conditions.
A n i m p o r t a n t preliminary question is: which local labour m a r k e t ?
Clearly the geographical extent of labour m a r k e t s varies with skill and
occupation, a m o n g o t h e r things; to some extent this point has already b e e n
established in the discussion of c o m m u t i n g earlier in this chapter. W h a t -
ever decision is reached, it is often also partly d e t e r m i n e d by the avail-
ability of data.
T h e r e are m a n y sources of data on the d e m a n d and supply sides of the
labour m a r k e t , and t h e r e have b e e n several unsuccessful a t t e m p t s to de-
velop and establish systems which integrate these data sources. This m e a n s
that it is usually the responsibility of individual agencies to assess their
information needs, and to gather together a p p r o p r i a t e information from a
diversity of sources.
In the majority of cases organisations will b e reliant on secondary data
sources in attempting to u n d e r s t a n d or m o n i t o r their local labour market:
the availability of data by geographical area is set out in Table 7.4. W h e n
using this data it is i m p o r t a n t to b e aware of its limitations. D a t a which is to
b e used for monitoring purposes needs to be at the very least consistent
b e t w e e n time periods. T h e r e is also difficulty in using these secondary
sources to describe a baseline picture, as they are not always as inclusive as

might be desired, nor do they provide a fine grain of analysis.
T h e establishment of a n e t w o r k of T E C s has a d d e d a n o t h e r source of
data, although it has to be said that the majority of T E C labour m a r k e t
assessments are a mixture of primary and secondary sources. T h e data
a d d e d by the T E C s themselves tends to b e 'soft' and their assessments may
not m e e t the needs and priorities of all organisations.
In the absence of appropriate secondary data, primary research m a y b e
necessary. In the case of local d e m a n d data, it is frequently necessary to
u n d e r t a k e employer surveys. O n the supply side, t h e r e is often a n e e d to
supplement the regular statistics from the monthly claimant count, either
by conducting a skills survey or a skills audit.
Table 7.4 Regularly available local labour market data by geographical

area
Establish- Post c o d e Travel to
Data/level ment Ward Sector District County work area Region
Employment:
Annual
employment
survey χ X X X x x x
Labour force
survey some χ χ
Unemployment:
Claimant count x x x x x x
Labour force
survey some χ χ
Unemployment
unit some some some x x x
Vacancies χ JCA χ
V A T registrations X X
Note: J C A = J o b C e n t r e A r e a
A final dimension of interest is a consideration of the future: in addition

to attempting to tackle existing problems, organisations will b e interested
in considering likely developments in the local situation. Unfortunately, in
m a n y ways forecasting is m o r e problematic t h a n analysing or monitoring
the local labour market. Typically, forecasts are related to or based on o n e
of a n u m b e r of national forecasts, informed by a variety of sources of local
data, and disaggregated into d e m a n d and supply elements.
Key Actors and Agencies in the Local Labour Market
B e y o n d education and training providers, without d o u b t the t h r e e most

significant players are local authorities, Training and Enterprise Councils,
and the E m p l o y m e n t Service.
O n the business-led front g o v e r n m e n t have accepted T E C s as the key
private sector agency, but of course in m a n y places C h a m b e r s of
C o m m e r c e , C h a m b e r s of T r a d e , traditional local associations (for example,
Employment, Education and Training 145
in Sheffield t h e Cutler's C o m p a n y ) or single industries, (for example, Brit-

ish Coal E n t e r p r i s e ) , can b e very i m p o r t a n t p a r t n e r s . O v e r 90 p e r cent of
T E C funding c o m e s from national g o v e r n m e n t although a tiny minority of
T E C s , most notably N o r t h u m b e r l a n d , are developing with genuine private
sector funding.
O t h e r directors on T E C b o a r d s can b e from local authorities, education,
t r a d e unions, voluntary bodies or o t h e r parts of the public sector. So in
s o m e ways T E C s are a form of formalised community partnership focused
specifically on skills, small firm formation and growth, and local economic
development.
Training and E n t e r p r i s e Councils are expected to:
• lead in local strategic policy and encourage local progress towards the
N a t i o n a l E d u c a t i o n and Training Targets;
• b e major p a r t n e r s in education business partnerships and to offer stra-
tegic guidance on F u r t h e r E d u c a t i o n provision;
• s u p p o r t local careers service a r r a n g e m e n t s ;
• contract provision for work-based training and apprenticeships;
• contract provision for training and w o r k experience for long-term un-
employed people;
• stimulate lifetime learning for adults;
• e n c o u r a g e good c o m p a n y learning and training practice, and to act as
assessors of t h e Investors in People training and development;
• e n c o u r a g e small firms and self-employment, and to b e the strategic
local lead contractor in the Business Link advisory n e t w o r k for small
firms;
• e n c o u r a g e local economic d e v e l o p m e n t m o r e generally.
A l t h o u g h most of T E C funding is for the specific purposes described

above, T E C s have considerable discretion to target their main p r o g r a m m e
imaginatively on particular localities and also to spend any surpluses in
ways they wish. T h e r e has inevitably b e e n d e b a t e b e t w e e n T E C s and o t h e r
p a r t n e r s , as well as with the government, a b o u t how m u c h discretionary
funding it would b e p r u d e n t for T E C s t o spend each year.
F r o m 1999, t h e context for local skills and training strategies will change,
initially with t h e e m e r g e n c e of the Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies, and
later t h r o u g h t h e implications of the W h i t e P a p e r Learning to succeed
( D f E E , 1999). Exactly h o w such changes affect t h e d e v e l o p m e n t and work-
ing of local partnerships remains to b e seen.
T h e r e are two basic tasks for the E m p l o y m e n t Service. First, t h r o u g h the
extensive n e t w o r k of J o b Centres, the E m p l o y m e n t Service pays benefit to
u n e m p l o y e d p e o p l e . Second, the E m p l o y m e n t Service acts as a free public
b r o k e r b e t w e e n t h e j o b seeker and employers with j o b vacancies. T h e
E m p l o y m e n t Service can provide information on trends, provide a place-
m e n t service to potential inward investors and an advance guidance service
to r e d u n d a n t employees.
Of m o r e interest to local agencies pursuing local regeneration is the

E m p l o y m e n t Service role in helping each j o b seeker develop a J o b
Seeker's A g r e e m e n t . This m e a n s every u n e m p l o y e d benefit claimant is
interviewed regularly and that the E m p l o y m e n t Services deploys oppor-
tunities for j o b search skills, work experience, work trials and subsidised
probation, training and F u r t h e r Education. T h e E m p l o y m e n t Service can
therefore act as a shop window of local opportunities for local people, as
well as delivering national p r o g r a m m e s locally.
Given their strategic overview and democratic legitimacy it is not sur-
prising that local authorities lead or convene most partnerships and have
d e e p interests in education and jobs. They are responsible for compulsory
state education, they are often p a r t n e r s running Careers Services, they
subsidise some adult F u r t h e r E d u c a t i o n and offer some adult students
discretionary grants, and they administer grants and fees for H i g h e r E d u c a -
tion. Some Authorities run adult guidance services.
Local authorities are:
• landowners on a massive scale (for example, Birmingham City Council

owns a q u a r t e r of the land area of Birmingham);
• planning authorities;
• capable of servicing land;
• developers of m a n a g e d workspace.
A s o n e might expect, t h e r e f o r e , local authorities a n d T E C s form t h e

h e a r t of most local p a r t n e r s h i p s which h a v e l a b o u r m a r k e t objectives.
Since j o b creation is at least a subsidiary objective for most r e g e n e r a t i o n
activity, t h e p o t e n t i a l for synergy is for real. F o r e x a m p l e , e n v i r o n m e n t a l
i m p r o v e m e n t s , housing m a i n t e n a n c e , t h e r m a l insulation, care a n d
m e n t o r i n g all n e e d labour. It d o e s not m a t t e r that m a n y of t h e j o b s are
t e m p o r a r y , b e c a u s e they give local p e o p l e t h e o p p o r t u n i t y to regain
confidence, to b r e a k out of benefit d e p e n d e n c y a n d to acquire a r e c e n t
w o r k history.
T h e presence of T E C s in partnerships facilitates access to business ad-
vice and participation from T E C b o a r d s or wider business networks, and
therefore provides exposure to new ideas, expertise, leadership and cham-
pions. However, the business orientation of T E C s does not always fit easily
with the public and community p a r t n e r s ' interests and attitudes.
A s just noted, multiple objectives are a strength. T E C directors from
business have b e e n uncomfortable in joining partnerships with objectives
which have in some way watered down what the T E C might have wished to
try and achieve if focused solely on its own mission and objectives (En-
vironment Select C o m m i t t e e , 1995). Failure to win challenge bids, focusing
on hard-to-place clients in output-related funding regimes, or even spend-
ing T E C reserves to the extent that the T E C reports a net 'loss', are all
difficult for results-oriented business people.
While the presence of T E C s may encourage genuine private sector re-
source contributions, it does not bring t h e m automatically. I n d e e d in the
labour m a r k e t area large-scale private contributions are unlikely, com-

p a r e d for example with the prospects of private asset formation t h r o u g h
p r o p e r t y d e v e l o p m e n t . N o n e the less, some private sector companies m a y
b e p r e p a r e d to back education or training projects, such as compacts, as
p a r t of their b r o a d e r community relations strategies.
Funding
A l t h o u g h in principle the availability of funding and the conditions at-

tached to it should never shape strategy, or projects responding to local
needs, in practice t h e availability of funds often determines feasibility.
Public sector funding for tackling p r o b l e m s of u r b a n labour m a r k e t s can
c o m e t h r o u g h a variety of sources - direct from central government, via
q u a n g o s or from local government.
A s i m p o r t a n t as the absolute a m o u n t of public funding may b e , changes
in t h e way funding regimes o p e r a t e is of almost equal importance. T h e
1990s have seen the growth in the i m p o r t a n c e of a n u m b e r of approaches,
notably t h e i m p o r t a n c e of partnership, Challenge funding, the role of the
private sector, and output-related funding for e m p l o y m e n t schemes. T h e
p a r t n e r s h i p principle in u r b a n regeneration has a long pedigree, par-
ticularly in relation to capital projects F o r example, the Private Finance
Initiative launched in 1992 was expected to yield £14 billion for capital
projects by 1998-99. Challenge funding has b e c o m e particularly i m p o r t a n t
in u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n projects. T h e first bidding r o u n d for new regenera-
tion projects s u p p o r t e d by the Single R e g e n e r a t i o n B u d g e t (bringing to-
gether 20 previously separate g o v e r n m e n t p r o g r a m m e s from five
d e p a r t m e n t s ) was held in 1994, w h e n 200 bids w e r e successful.
T h e p a r t n e r s h i p principle h a s also b e e n given significant p r o m i n e n c e in
E U funding regimes. T h e p a r t n e r s h i p sought h e r e is o n e involving t h e
public, p r i v a t e a n d v o l u n t a r y sectors. T h e s e p a r t n e r s h i p s are s t r u c t u r e d
within a p r o g r a m m e for t h e r e g e n e r a t i o n of t h e a r e a , a n d t h e
p r o g r a m m e s t h e m s e l v e s are m e a n t t o b e t h e p r o d u c t of p a r t n e r s h i p s .
E u r o p e a n U n i o n p r o g r a m m e s typically p r o v i d e n o m o r e t h a n 50 p e r cent
of t h e cost of projects, emphasising t h e i m p o r t a n c e of t h e availability of
m a t c h i n g funding.
The Implementation of Strategy
A s m a y b e expected after a r o u n d 30 years of developing u r b a n policy,

t h e r e is a rich variety of a p p r o a c h e s to tackling the p r o b l e m s of u r b a n
labour m a r k e t s . T h e case studies p r e s e n t e d below are in n o way scien-
tifically representative of this rich variety, but do give an indication of what
is possible.
Box 7.1 Managed Workspace: Bradford City Challenge
Traditional managed workspace, where both new and established small busi-
nesses can rent space and share common services such as reception, secretarial,
fax and phone answering, can have a significant local impact. Bradford City
Challenge's 'Commerce Court' offers space for 52 small business units and is
situated adjacent to a council estate with a long history of problems with
unemployment. Opened in June 1995 and managed by Bradford Chamber of
Commerce, the development achieved an occupancy level of 68 per cent within
six months. The cost per job brought into the area is estimated to be £7,300.
Of the many attempts to categorise u r b a n policy interventions, that used

in Action for Cities ( H M S O , 1988) is p e r h a p s as useful as any. This g r o u p e d
the central government policy measures into five groups:
• Helping Businesses Succeed - concerned with encouraging enterprise

and new business and helping existing businesses grow stronger. This
t h r e a d has continued to assume great importance, in the work of T E C s
and others, and is a central task of Business Links. A s well as using
funding from the U K public sector, a n u m b e r of E U p r o g r a m m e s are of
importance here. A range of agencies are involved from the public,
private and voluntary sector, and it is p e r h a p s the case that the
educational/training perspective is seen as being of growing importance
in the quest for competitiveness.
• Preparing for W o r k - focused on the aim of improving p e o p l e ' s j o b
prospects, motivation and skills. This strand was focused on the school
leaver and identified school-industry links and established youth train-
ing a m o n g its main areas of action. While these types of activity remain
important, there is a growing emphasis on the skills of those in work,
with the objective of maintaining and developing appropriate skills to
ensure continued employment and competitiveness in the labour
market.
• Developing Cities - included the aims of making areas attractive to
residents and businesses by tackling dereliction, bringing buildings into
use and preparing sites and encouraging development. This action con-
tinues to be an essential c o m p o n e n t of m a n y of the activities funded
from the Single R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget and from the E u r o p e a n Social
F u n d (ESF). Overcoming the adverse impact on local competitiveness
associated with dereliction continues to be an important part of j o b
creation.
• B e t t e r H o m e s a n d A t t r a c t i v e Cities - c o n c e r n e d with i m p r o v i n g t h e
quality of h o u s i n g a n d m a k i n g i n n e r city a r e a s a t t r a c t i v e places t o
live. It is an i m p o r t a n t adjunct t o l a b o u r m a r k e t policy t o r e t a i n or
a t t r a c t t h o s e in higher skilled a n d b e t t e r p a i d e m p l o y m e n t t o i n n e r
city a r e a s .
Box 7.2 Positive Action Consortium, Bristol
The project addresses the underperformance of ethnic minorities by placing

them with companies. It uses £2,000 per trainee to lever an £8,000 contribution
from companies. Eighty-eight per cent of clients had been unemployed for over
two years and 49 per cent were from the Task Force area. The project had 1,500
trainees and 90 per cent got work at the end of their placement (but not
necessarily with the host company). It had the involvement of 60 plus companies
including Hewlett Packard and Nat West Life, all of whom were cold canvassed.
It had funding from SRB, ESF and TEC core funding. Its aims: to be a one-stop
shop for IT training, enterprise training and careers advice; to build some
workshops; and to get more funds from the private sector (their funding is
currently all time-limited, so they feel a bit insecure).
Integration of Policies
T h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a n e t w o r k of G o v e r n m e n t Offices for the Regions and

the launch of the Single R e g e n e r a t i o n B u d g e t continued the m o v e towards
closer co-ordination and integration of g o v e r n m e n t policy initiatives: R e -
gional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies offer scope for closer integration at a re-
gional level. T h e significance of E u r o p e a n p r o g r a m m e s and funding for
u r b a n labour m a r k e t s has grown with a developing awareness of these
p r o g r a m m e s a m o n g public and voluntary agencies, and with the extension
of eligibility to some u r b a n areas such as parts of L o n d o n . T h e E S F con-
tinues to b e the most effective E U labour m a r k e t policy instrument: in
addition to supporting the m a i n s t r e a m U K p r o g r a m m e s for youth and
long-term u n e m p l o y e d , it often provides the m e a n s to fund innovatory
actions focused on marginalised groups.
It is a continuing t h e m e in the evaluation of U K and E U p r o g r a m m e s
that t h e r e is m u c h to be gained by identifying good or best practice in
u r b a n regeneration, as well as by measuring success. G o o d practice should
be seen as applying to b o t h m e t h o d s of operation as well as the p r o g r a m m e
content. H o w e v e r , models of good practice should only be applied in a way
which respects local needs and circumstances.
Future Evolution of U r b a n Labour Markets
U r b a n labour m a r k e t s are likely to follow national trends but also to show

s o m e distinctive characteristics in terms of particular growth sectors. In the
national labour m a r k e t t h e r e is a persistent trend away from unskilled and
craft jobs towards professional, managerial and technician posts. While this
will be reflected in inner u r b a n areas also, it is exactly these levels of
e m p l o y e e w h o can afford to c o m m u t e from higher-cost housing in the
suburbs or beyond.
T h e r e is also a t r e n d towards a m o r e flexible labour m a r k e t , with large
firms tending to contract out m o r e work and for m o r e jobs to be of a
Box 7.3 Wigan Borough Partnership
This partnership brings together the Metropolitan Borough Council, the local
Chamber of Commerce, Metrotec, and others. They have thoroughly analysed
their whole area in terms of social and economic indicators and the skills
profile of their working population. Their focus has been on what brings wealth
to Wigan. They found their current economy had the following structure:
Category Employers Employees
W e a l t h creation 15% 26%
Suppliers to w e a l t h creators 17% 13%
P e r s o n a l a n d d o m e s t i c t r a d e d services 50% 31%
Publicly f u n d e d c o m m u n i t y services 17% 27%
Their strategy is to focus their efforts on improving the effectiveness of the

existing wealth creating employers (for example by training and the Investors
in People standard and by advice through Business Links), and by attracting
inward investment. They have clear targets by 2005 to achieve the provision of
wealth creating employment through:
• attracting 12,000 new jobs to the borough;
• creation/maintenance of 20,000 jobs among existing and newly formed
businesses;
• education and training of borough residents.
They intend to measure their progress towards these targets.
part-time, t e m p o r a r y or short-term contract n a t u r e . T h e notion of all m e m -

bers of a family working part time indicates a priority for i m p r o v e m e n t s in
crèche and nursery provision.
G r o w t h in employment is unlikely to come from large firms growing,
since most are still downsizing and cost-cutting. T h e simple formula for
corporate strategies - half the staff paid twice as m u c h for producing t h r e e
times as much - is set to continue. N e t new jobs are generally thought to b e
likely to c o m e from the growth of very small firms into medium-sized firms.
W h e r e these focus on high-tech, high-value added, high-knowledge activity
they are most likely to add p e r m a n e n t e m p l o y m e n t and wealth creation in
a global economy.
N e t new jobs from self-employment and new micro-businesses are less
likely but, as with training and other measures to help the unemployed,
such opportunities may be a legitimate way of helping individuals into
employment. Micro-businesses may also succeed in competing to win jobs
in services from adjacent areas.
In terms of sectoral differentiation it is possible to think of u r b a n labour
m a r k e t s being strong and becoming even stronger in:
• provision of F u r t h e r and Higher Education, and associated with this a

strong local service of technology transfer to companies t h r o u g h tech-
nopoles, science parks and the like;
• health care - being at the public transport h u b helps;

• culture, e n t e r t a i n m e n t , sport - again being at the public transport h u b
helps;
• heritage or t h e m e retailing and tourism;
• the 24-hour city - supply of goods and services r o u n d the clock is a
feature which m a y have further potential;
• local goods and services for local residents;
• m o r e ambitiously, building on local strengths in sectoral terms to
attract and grow new wealth-creating companies.
T w o former strengths of u r b a n areas, financial services and niche retailing,

are b o t h likely to suffer from the information revolution as m o r e and m o r e
transactions can b e m a d e at a distance. H o w e v e r , the d e v e l o p m e n t of
interest in e n v i r o n m e n t a l issues may hold advantages for cities which are
alive to t h e possibilities p r e s e n t e d by changing preferences and a develop-
ing legislative and policy framework.
• Population movements and economic changes are leading to cities

becoming increasingly polarised, economically and socially.
• Cities have some unique assets as centres for service provision and
consumption, and future development must maximise these advantages.
• Solutions to problems need to address issues of education and training
as well as job creation.
• Local action must adapt to changed national labour market policies,
which now emphasise supply-side measures instead of demand-side and
favour partnership approaches over corporatism.
• The growing number of agencies increases the need for co-ordination of
actions and interventions at the local level.
• Develop a clear understanding of trends in the local labour market and
its inherent strengths and weaknesses.
• Map the pattern of actors and agencies influential in the labour market
and the resources they bring with them.
• Work with others in the development of local labour market strategy as
a basis for integrated local action, including the involvement of private
and community sectors.
• Establish mechanisms and measures to evaluate the impact of
interventions and initiatives.
References
Armstrong, H. and Grove-White, R. (1994) The economic and environmental impact of

Lancaster University. Paper to E S R C Urban and Regional Economics Seminar Group,
Leeds, September 1995.
Bianchini, F. and Parkinson, M. (1993) Cultural Policy and Urban Regeneration: The Western
European Experience, Manchester University Press, Manchester.
Champion, A . G . and Townsend, A . R . (1990) Contemporary Britain - a Geographical Perspec-
tive, Edward Arnold, London.
D f E E (1999) Learning to succeed, DfEE, London.

Department of the Environment ( D o E ) (1985a) Employment: The Challenge for the Nation, Cmnd
9474, HMSO, London.
Department of the Environment ( D o E ) (1985b) Lifting the Burden, Cmnd 9571, HMSO, London.
Employment Department Group (1992) People, Jobs and Opportunity, Cmnd 1810, HMSO,
London.
Environment Select Committee (1995) First Report on the Single Reneration Budget, HMSO,
London.
Fothergill, S. Kitson, M. and Monk, S. (1985) Urban Industrial Change: The Causes of Urban-Rural
Contrast in Manufacturing Employment Trends, HMSO, London.
Green, A.E. and Owen, D.W. (1995) Ethnic minority groups in regional and local labour markets
in Britain: a review of data sources and associated issues, Regional Studies, Vol. 29, no. 8, pp.
729-36.
Haider, D . (1992) Place wars: new realities in the 1990s, Economic Development Quarterly, Vol. 6,
no. 2, pp. 127-34.
Hasluck, C. (1987) Urban Unemployment: Local Labour Markets and Employment Initiatives,
Longman, London.
H M Treasury (1995) A Framework for the Evaluation of Regeneration Projects and Programmes,
HMSO, London.
H M Treasury (1998) Pre-Budget-Report, HMSO, London.
H M S O (1977) Policy for the Inner Cities, Cmnd 6845, HMSO, London.
H M S O (1988) Action for Cities, HMSO, London.
Hutton, W. (1995) The State We're In, Jonathan Cape, London.
Judd, D . and Parkinson, M. (1990) Leadership and Urban Regeneration, Sage, Newbury.
Kearns, G. and Philo, C. (1993) The City as Cultural Capital, Past and Present, Pergamon, Oxford.
Kitchen, T. (1993) The Manchester Olympic Bid and Urban Regeneration. Proceedings of the Town
and Country Planning Summer School 34-38, RTPI, London.
Law, C M . (1993) Urban Tourism: Attracting Visitors to Large Cities, Mansell, London.
Lawless, P. (1989) Britain's Inner Cities, Paul Chapman, London.
Lawless, P. (1995) Inner-city and suburban labour markets in a major English conurbation: process
and policy implications, Urban Studies, Vol. 32, no. 7, pp. 1097-125.
MacEwan Scott, A. (ed.) (1994) Gender Segregation and Social Change: Men and Women in
Changing Labour Markets, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Marquand, J. (19%) The Future for Tomorrow's People, St William's Foundation, York.
Paddison, R. (1993) City Marketing, image reconstruction and urban regeneration, Urban Studies,
Vol. 30, no. 2, pp. 339-350.
P A Cambridge Economic Consultants (1991) An Evaluation of the Government's Inner City Task
Force Initiative: Main Report, DTI, London.
Peck, J. and Tickell, A. (1994) Too many partners . . . The future for regeneration partnerships,
Local Economy, Vol. 9, no 3, pp. 339-50.
Owen, G. (nd) The performance of local economic regeneration partnerships, Unpublished paper.
Robson, B., Bradford, M., Deas, I., Hall, E., Harrison, E., Parkinson, M., Evans, R., Garside, P., and
Robinson, F. (1994) (the Robson Report), Assessing the Impact of Urban Policy, HMSO,
London.
Robson, B., Topham, E , Deas, I., and Twomey, J. (1995) The Economic and Social Impact of
Greater Manchester's Universities, University of Manchester, Manchester.
Stillwell, J. and Leigh, C. (19%) Exploring the geographies of social polarisation in Leeds, in G.
Haughton and C C . Williams (eds) Corporate City? Partnership, Participation and Partition in
Urban Development in Leeds, Avebury, Aldershot.
Turok, I. (1992) Property led urban regeneration: panacea or placebo? Environment & Planning, b,
Vol. 24, no. 3, pp. 361-380.
8 Housing
Bill Edgar and John Taylor
Introduction
H o u s i n g is far m o r e than s o m e w h e r e to live. O n the o n e hand, areas of

monolithic housing, with i n a d e q u a t e amenities and few opportunities for
economic activity, simply result in ghettos w h e r e those w h o m a n a g e to
b r e a k the cycle of despair m o v e away, leaving the remaining community
p o o r e r still. M a n y post-Second W o r l d W a r estates now provide classic
examples of this spiral of decline. O n the other hand, soulless commercial
districts intimidate the ordinary citizen and regeneration without housing
m e a n s areas without life, areas which b e c o m e sterile outside n o r m a l work-
ing h o u r s and which fall prey to vandalism, crime and the fear of crime,
areas devoid of feeling and humanity r a t h e r than busy n e i g h b o u r h o o d s
buzzing with activity and a sense of community.
N e w housing can b e a driver of u r b a n regeneration, and decent housing
is an essential ingredient of any regeneration scheme. D e c e n t housing
stimulates b o t h physical and economic improvement, and the resulting
e n h a n c e m e n t s in t u r n stimulate new investment and new opportunities as
the u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t once again b e c o m e s full of life and enterprise.
T h e i m p o r t a n c e of housing is illustrated by the fact that some 80 per cent
of all d e v e l o p m e n t relates to housing and because w h e r e we live conditions
so m u c h of our daily lives (Gwilliam, 1997). Housing developments are, or
should b e , the trigger for the provision of facilities n e e d e d to m e e t daily
r e q u i r e m e n t s such as community, social, amenity, health care, and shop-
ping. Clearly also, transport is n e e d e d for work and leisure pursuits. If we
can provide good quality housing for a wide range of social needs, close to
e m p l o y m e n t centres and other facilities, then we can help to regenerate
our towns and cities and encourage a renaissance of u r b a n living.
T h e key issues covered in this chapter are:
• the context for recent housing provision;
• how m a n y h o m e s are n e e d e d , w h e r e they might go and p r o m o t i n g
u r b a n living;
• links with health, crime prevention and education, u r b a n design and
social integration;
• finance, economic factors and housing construction;
• housing regeneration policy frameworks;
• implementation of strategies.
154 Bill Edgar and John Taylor
Context
Changes in the British housing m a r k e t have b e e n well d o c u m e n t e d

elsewhere ( M c C r o n e and Stephens, 1995); the main issues that are of im-
p o r t a n c e for u r b a n regeneration are:
• housing stock - including questions of growth, and house condition;

• demographic change - including questions of household growth and
household composition;
• labour m a r k e t effects - including questions of migration patterns and
housing d e m a n d patterns.
Housing Stock
T h e total n u m b e r of dwellings in Britain in J u n e 1995 was 22.2 million, an

increase of 10 p e r cent since 1965. A s well as changing in scale, the t e n u r e
structure of British housing has altered. With new construction typically
running at b e t w e e n 90,000 and 110,000 per a n n u m , the bulk of this change
in t e n u r e has b e e n effected through house transfers from b o t h the private
r e n t e d and public r e n t e d sectors. D u r i n g that period the balance of new
dwelling provision has altered in favour of private sector provision (Figure
8.1); in 1979 the public sector accounted for 34 p e r cent of new dwellings
while by 1995 this had declined to 5 p e r cent. Figure 8.1 also illustrates that
the overall level of new housing provision has b e e n declining since t h e
1960s by a r o u n d 15 p e r cent ( M c C r o n e and Stephens, 1995; Wilcox, 1994).
D u r i n g this period the condition of the British housing stock has im-
proved. In 1965 almost 20 per cent of dwellings w e r e below the tolerable or
fitness standard (BTS) Below Tolerable Standard, by reason of a lack of
standard amenities. By 1995 that figure had fallen to less t h a n 5 p e r cent
and the main reason for failure is m o r e likely to relate to d a m p n e s s r a t h e r
t h a n to a lack of standard amenities. While over a third of all B T S dwell-
ings are in the public sector, 40 p e r cent are owner-occupied and a further
23 p e r cent are in the private r e n t e d sector (despite the fact that this sector
accounts for only 6 p e r cent of total stock).
Since t h e mid-1970s the majority of capital expenditure on housing in
b o t h the public and the private sectors has b e e n on the i m p r o v e m e n t and
modernisation of the existing housing stock. Local authority capital expen-
diture has declined in real terms since 1979, resulting in a reduction in
capital investment of about 61 per cent in E n g l a n d (Wilcox, 1994) and a
reduction in Scotland of over 15 p e r cent on Housing R e v e n u e A c c o u n t
( H R A ) p r o p e r t y and 33 per cent on n o n - H R A investment (Watt and
S u m m e r s , 1995). Local authorities in Scotland have concentrated expendi-
t u r e on modernisation of property which they wish to retain - increasing
from 21,000 to almost 100,000 dwellings modernised b e t w e e n 1979 and
1994.
Housing 155
Figure 8.1 New Dwelling Completions
United Kingdom
Thousands
4OQO00 -
Total
36QO0O
1961 1966 1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996
Source: D e p a r t m e n t o f t h e E n v i r o n m e n t , 1998.
Private sector investment in housing, in Scotland, was estimated at a r o u n d

£2.3 billion in 1993, with one-third accounted for by the provision of new
housing and t h e r e m a i n d e r by expenditure on repair, m a i n t e n a n c e and
improvement.
In E n g l a n d and Wales, the Housing Investment P r o g r a m m e ( H I P ) is
designed to create a comprehensive package of measures for local auth-
ority council housing stock. Evidence shows ( R o b s o n , 1994) that H I P al-
locations w e r e cut in every year of the 1980s except for 1982/84, and that
while e x p e n d i t u r e rose over the period b o t h allocations and expenditure
fell in real terms. This p a t t e r n reflects an increasing reliance on capital
receipts r a t h e r t h a n H I P borrowing limits. R o b s o n (1994) shows that the 57
U r b a n Priority A r e a s did not experience as large cuts as the rest of the
country. Nevertheless they still lost almost half of their 1978/79 resources.
E x a m i n i n g t h e relative shares of each year's H I P allocations shows an
increased targeting of the U P A authorities whose share of the allocation
rose from 46 p e r cent to 58 p e r cent b e t w e e n 1978 and 1989. In addition,
a r o u n d 75 p e r cent of the resources u n d e r the E s t a t e A c t i o n p r o g r a m m e
have b e e n allocated to the U P A s .
These changes to Britain's housing stock may be summarised in the fol-
lowing manner. Prior to the late 1960s new housing provision was at histor-
ically high levels and public sector provision was a high proportion of total
provision. P o o r condition and deterioration of the housing stock, by contrast,
were also running at high levels and tended to be concentrated in the private
(rented) sector. Policy responses were concentrated on increasing provision
and redevelopment. Since then, new provision has b e e n relatively low and
mainly private in character, whereas house condition has b e e n relatively
good with the main areas of deterioration occurring in the maturing public
sector. Despite this a high proportion of the housing stock is aged, while
clearance and new provision is below 'replacement levels'. Policy responses
have b e e n characterised by concerns with tenure, affordability and access.
Demographic Change
D e m o g r a p h e r s have begun to refer to the period since 1965 as the 'second

demographic transition', characterised by low fertility rates below replace-
m e n t level, a corresponding increase in the p r o p o r t i o n of the elderly in the
population and an increase in smaller and single person households (Jones,
1990). These changes have b e e n accompanied by changes in the n a t u r e and
rate of household formation.
Britain currently has around 20 million households, which represents a 13
per cent increase over 1981. This upward trend is likely to continue, increas-
ing by as much as 7 per cent by the year 2001. This rise in household numbers
can largely be accounted for by the increase in single person households
caused by demographic, cultural and economic factors (King, 1993).
Labour Market Effects
Labour market and demographic factors interact with housing market factors
in influencing the nature and rate of deterioration of residential areas and the
demand for new house-building. Some residential neighbourhoods may be-
come relatively poorer over time as a result of a combination of ageing in situ
(increased proportion of retired households), selective migration (out-
migration of employed households) and labour market impacts (increasing
levels of unemployment and low or unstable income). In areas of social rent-
ing, allocative mechanisms tend to accentuate these processes by allocating
houses on the basis of housing need and thus concentrating the social and
economic impacts of residential change (in residualised estates). Policies of
community ownership, voluntary transfer and tenure diversification have been
inevitable, if ideologically driven, responses to such problems.
These changes in household composition and formation are predicted by
some (Lever, 1994) to indicate a likely shift in d e m a n d towards smaller
dwellings and away from suburban villa lifestyle. In terms of locational
choice it is predicted that preferences will change a m o n g certain sections of
the population to favour u r b a n living with access to the facilities offered by
city centres. This coincides with a r e n e w e d interest in retaining residential
populations in city centres.
H o u s i n g N e e d s a n d U r b a n Living
All of the above factors are crucial issues in determining the scale and
composition of housing need, the level of d e m a n d for sites and t h e
Housing 157
a c c o m m o d a t i o n of the future population. R e c e n t d e b a t e concerning the

D e p a r t m e n t of t h e E n v i r o n m e n t ' s households projections for E n g l a n d and
Wales ( V a n n , 1996) reflects a fundamental shift in attitudes towards house-
building n e e d s and the location of housing. Since the mid-1960s changes in
the n a t u r e and rate of household formation have m e a n t that the headship
rate has increasingly b e c o m e a much less reliable tool for predicting house-
building needs. Analysis carried out by the Building R e s e a r c h Establish-
m e n t (King, 1993) describes the p a t t e r n of net household increases in
E n g l a n d and Wales from 1961 to 2011. U p to 1983 the p a t t e r n is one of
steady growth, averaging a r o u n d 130,000 households per a n n u m . D u r i n g
t h e mid-1980s n e t household growth increased to a r o u n d 200,000 p e r
a n n u m , fuelling the first-time b u y e r s ' b o o m of that period. Thereafter it is
projected to fall back to m o r e typical post-war levels, of a r o u n d 100,000,
for the r e m a i n d e r of the period to 2011. R e c e n t revisions to household
projections have b e e n necessary because they have p r o v e d to b e a p o o r
indicator of subsequent house-building rates. A likely explanation is that
t h e h e a d s h i p rates on which they w e r e based reflected the exceptional
h e a d s h i p r a t e b o o m of the mid to late 1980s. It seems likely that the
fundamentally changed economic situation of the 1990s, in combination
with this inaccurate assessment of headship rates, m e a n s that recent projec-
tions of households could b e a significant overestimate. Significantly, in this
context, although the late 1990s shows a falling away from the p e a k of the
late 1980s, the overall p a t t e r n returns to the levels of household growth
experienced in the 1960s and 1970s.
T h r e e issues are considered in the r e m a i n d e r of this section:
• housing needs;
• the availability of sites;
• u r b a n living.
Housing Needs
W e have seen that housing is fundamental to regeneration, but how much

of it is n e e d e d and w h e r e is it to go? T h e r e are at present a r o u n d 22 million
dwellings in the U K , m a n y of which are substandard or in n e e d of major
refurbishment. Notwithstanding this, well-aired g o v e r n m e n t research fore-
casts that 4.4 million new households will b e required over the 25-year
period to 2015. T h e s e projections are the result of d e m o g r a p h i c and social
trends: m o r e young p e o p l e leaving h o m e early, m o r e divorces and separa-
tions and m o r e old p e o p l e surviving their p a r t n e r s for m o r e years. Y o u
would have to b e particularly Canute-like to believe that you could stop
any of these things (Hall, 1998). T h e g o v e r n m e n t has revised the figures
several times in the 1990s, always upwards. If the figures are wrong, they
are likely to b e an u n d e r e s t i m a t e (Best, 1997).
If a d d i t i o n a l h o u s e s are not p r o v i d e d , it is a s s u m e d t h a t youngsters will
b e forced to r e m a i n longer in t h e p a r e n t a l h o m e ; couples will h a v e to wait
longer before e m b a r k i n g on t h e housing l a d d e r a n d t h a t t h e elderly will

h a v e to m o v e in with caring sons a n d d a u g h t e r s . B u t this simplistic
a p p r o a c h grossly u n d e r e s t i m a t e s t h e implications of t h e r e q u i r e m e n t .
T h e essential p r o b l e m is that, w i t h o u t a d e q u a t e housing provision, t h e
price of d e c e n t h o u s e s will rise a n d t h o s e w i t h o u t t h e m e a n s t o p u r c h a s e
t h e m will b e forced back into s u b s t a n d a r d a c c o m m o d a t i o n a n d sink
estates.
Availability of Sites
W h e r e will all the houses go? Monitoring in L o n d o n has revealed that over
a five-year period, as much as 50 p e r cent of house-building took place on
'windfall sites' not anticipated in development plans. This goes to the h e a r t
of the d e b a t e about brownfield versus greenfield development, and the
lessons can be applied to all u r b a n areas. F u r t h e r m o r e , some land will
continue to be released by utilities and transport infrastructure, the ra-
tionalisation of sites used for schools and education institutions, hospitals,
municipal buildings and, on a smaller scale, banking halls, post offices and
similar quality buildings which can b e converted to housing and o t h e r uses,
creating diversity within the local area. F r o m just o n e sector of t h e com-
mercial m a r k e t in L o n d o n , it has b e e n calculated that over 50,000 new
dwellings could b e created from r e d u n d a n t office buildings alone ( L o n d o n
Planning Advisory C o m m i t t e e , 1998).
T h e biggest source of housing sites within the u r b a n area will still b e
surplus industrial land, b o t h empty premises and the 'classic' derelict sites,
but the point is that these derelict sites are by n o m e a n s the sole source and
indeed a focus on these alone will seriously understate the a m o u n t of land
available for recycling.
Urban Living
Cities are m o r e than buildings and places w h e r e p e o p l e simply survive.

T h e y are cradles of social and economic activity, w h e r e the very diversity
of interactions creates new initiatives, new ideas and new energy. Cities
have to be re-created as attractive places w h e r e those p e o p l e with choice
will want to live and work and w h e r e they will enjoy leisure and cultural
pursuits (Taylor, 1997).
A m u c h clearer vision of the future now informs the thinking behind
m a n y of the proposals for u r b a n regeneration, and major cities have recog-
nised the n e e d to move away from their familiar industrial past to focus on
service industries and m o r e targeted, high-value production. Cities in this
view of the future are becoming the locations w h e r e p e o p l e gather and
m e e t for entertainment, w h e r e information is assembled and exchanged,
and w h e r e inventions and innovations are exploited as a basis for high
value-added goods and services.
Housing 159
T h e exodus of p e o p l e from town t o country over the later part of the

twentieth century has b e e n o n e of t h e most i m p o r t a n t trends underlying
t h e d e b a t e a b o u t t h e future of our cities. While the loss to our u r b a n areas
has b e e n in the o r d e r of 90,000 p e o p l e each year for the 15 years since 1982
( C h a m p i o n et ai, 1998), the p a t t e r n is by n o m e a n s uniform across the
major m e t r o p o l i t a n areas. In any case, this net figure merely represents the
balance of m u c h larger n u m b e r s moving in b o t h directions. T h e u r b a n
exodus is not inevitable; 20 per cent changes in in- and out-migration would
bring t h e exchange of p e o p l e b e t w e e n town and country into balance
(Reynolds, 1998). In seeking to explain why people move, the perceived at-
tractions of the rural idyll are particularly strong, while many of the stated
disadvantages of u r b a n living are inconsistent and exaggerated. I n d e e d ,
whilst accepting that the most deprived areas are clearly in n e e d of major
r e g e n e r a t i o n to restore quality of life and confidence, for m a n y groups of
p e o p l e , t h e advantages of u r b a n living are very great. W e n e e d therefore to
build on t h e growing m o o d of optimism and m a k e particular provision in
our towns and cities for t h e elderly, single p e o p l e and young professionals.
O t h e r K e y Factors
In this section a n u m b e r of other key factors and issues are discussed. In

particular, emphasis is placed on health, crime and education; u r b a n de-
sign; and social integration and community participation.
Health, Crime a n d Education
T h e r e is m o r e t h a n a century of solid evidence linking p o o r housing with ill

health. C o n c e r n s a b o u t the effects of insanitary and overcrowded housing
led to public health legislation in Victorian Britain, slum clearance p r o -
g r a m m e s and t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of social housing. Still, despite very con-
siderable public and private investment, over 1.7 million h o m e s in Britain
are officially d e e m e d unfit. E v e n m o r e are seriously lacking in p r o p e r
m a i n t e n a n c e and repair. All this must b e tackled as well as the backlog in
m e e t i n g current d e m a n d for social housing, before meaningful inroads can
b e m a d e into the new household projections.
Crime presents p r o b l e m s and generates anxiety across all housing ten-
ures a n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e country. It is particularly severe on some social
housing estates w h e r e the vulnerable and t h e disaffected c o m e together.
Noise, harassment, vandalism, theft and drugs are often cited as disincen-
tives to u r b a n living, although the relatively affluent and m o r e rural areas
are not i m m u n e .
Clearly, t h e causes of crime must b e tackled t h r o u g h social a n d
e d u c a t i o n a l p r o g r a m m e s , b u t t h e effects m u s t also b e a d d r e s s e d to c r e a t e
g r e a t e r feelings of security. M o s t of t h e crime which is most t r o u b l e s o m e
t a k e s place in t h e vicinity of t h e h o m e . Schemes to c o m b a t anti-social

b e h a v i o u r , such as n e i g h b o u r h o o d watch schemes a n d c o m m u n i t y safety
strategies, h a v e a p a r t t o play, while i m p r o v e d physical security a n d
i m p r o v e d surveillance act as d e t e r r e n t s . In t e r m s of physical r e g e n -
e r a t i o n , t h e extra cost of Secured by Design m e a s u r e s is very m o d e s t in
n e w residential areas and refurbished estates a n d this can r e d u c e very
considerably t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s for crime. Overall, i m p r o v e d housing
m a n a g e m e n t a n d meaningful c o m m u n i t y involvement are often t h e key
t o tackling crime.
G o o d education lays the foundations for the personal skills and en-
terprise that are so fundamental for the well-being of the economy as a
whole, and it is also critically important in terms of p r o m o t i n g socially
responsible behaviour. G o o d schools are often the determining factor for
m a n y families, influencing the choice of housing locations for those moving
into an area. However, whatever the education provision, p o o r and
c r a m p e d housing conditions place m a n y children at a disadvantage in r e a p -
ing t h e benefits of schooling.
Urban Design
C o m m e r c i a l districts can b e intimidating to t h e o r d i n a r y citizen. L a r g e

c o r p o r a t e buildings seek t o outbid each o t h e r r a t h e r t h a n welcoming
m e r e h u m a n beings; and often t h e s e districts are segregated a n d
intersected by u r b a n expressways, creating b o t h physical and
psychological barriers.
T h e whole history of the city is living cheek by jowl, of densities which
m a d e for communities and the exciting and exacting use of space ( G u m -
mer, 1997). T h e most successful places for living and working are those
which are compact, bringing together h o m e s and work, making good use of
infrastructure, and with the ability to adapt to changing fortunes without
complete redevelopment.
Such projects will only work well if executed to the highest standards of
u r b a n design and with long-term m a n a g e m e n t . M a n y mixed-use schemes
have b e e n of p o o r quality and have paid insufficient attention t o t h e ways
in which successful integration can b e achieved. O n the other h a n d , the
best examples of comprehensive, mixed-use development have achieved
environments that are undoubtedly m o r e effective, valuable and sustain-
able t h a n a piecemeal approach. Local authorities can assist with the draft-
ing of suitable design guidance which, while avoiding unnecessary
prescription, can articulate reasonable r e q u i r e m e n t s for developers in
terms of scale, the t r e a t m e n t of the public realm, connectivity, m o v e m e n t
and related factors. Guidelines can b e incorporated into planning and de-
velopment briefs and should b e the product of discussion with and the
involvement of local interests.
Housing 161
Planning a n d Land Use
M u c h has b e e n written in recent years a b o u t brownfield versus greenfield

d e v e l o p m e n t . In m a n y ways the essential features of sustainable c o m m u -
nities are m u c h t h e same in either scenario and the a r g u m e n t turns on
wider e n v i r o n m e n t a l issues, such as the cost of new infrastructure, trans-
p o r t and t h e availability of the support facilities n e e d e d . It must m a k e
sense to plan for mixed d e v e l o p m e n t s and a c c o m m o d a t e as m u c h as poss-
ible of t h e projected growth within the existing u r b a n framework, r a t h e r
t h a n create new settlements. This does not m e a n u r b a n cramming, or high-
density estates without t h e fundamental blend of support facilities; r a t h e r it
m e a n s good u r b a n design, with attractive public o p e n spaces, good
amenities, and m a k i n g the best use of r e d u n d a n t buildings, and derelict and
vacant sites. T h e p r e s u m p t i o n must b e in favour of u r b a n regeneration
r a t h e r t h a n out of town development.
T h e r e is a n e e d to get away from sterile arguments about densification
and focus on the interplay b e t w e e n b e t t e r living environments, and sustain-
able p a t t e r n s of m o v e m e n t . E x p l o r e new a p p r o a c h e s to living which m o v e
from car-orientated s u b u r b a n stereotypes to forms which are compact and
attractive, reflecting the diversity of residents in cosmopolitan areas. M a n y
sites in towns are within walking distance of central facilities and public
transport, allowing a m o r e u r b a n and higher-density dwelling mix and
significantly r e d u c e d car parking provision. T h e o u t c o m e will be an all-
r o u n d gain by increasing the d e v e l o p m e n t values of such sites, so p r o m o t -
ing their use; creating new types of housing attractive to small households,
adding vitality and viability to town centres, and reducing car pollution
while stimulating environmentally friendly transport. Such policies would
increase housing provision by 50,000 h o m e s in the G r e a t e r L o n d o n area
alone (Llewelyn Davies, 1997).
T h e planning system is still very mechanistic, yet planning can b e a
powerful force for r e g e n e r a t i o n if the tools available are used to enable
high-quality mixed-use d e v e l o p m e n t s and sustainable forms of living. T o o
often, local plans are d o m i n a t e d by o u t d a t e d notions of land use zones,
u r b a n density, car parking, highway standards. Stronger regional planning
has a crucial role t o play in tying opportunities for d e v e l o p m e n t into integ-
r a t e d t r a n s p o r t and economic planning. Walkable n e i g h b o u r h o o d s n e e d to
be well served by public transport in ways that can concentrate develop-
m e n t along and a r o u n d rail and bus corridors r a t h e r t h a n new roads. It is
equally i m p o r t a n t to target economic d e v e l o p m e n t activity at and a r o u n d
residential settlements in ways which minimise the n e e d for m o t o r cars.
Social Integration
T h e t e r m social exclusion is relatively new t o the housing d e b a t e in the U K .

H o w e v e r , it is widely accepted that housing circumstances relate to, and
contribute to, p r o b l e m s of social disadvantage generally. P o o r housing
16 2 Bill Edgar and John Taylor
contributes to the difficulties facing households and affects social integra-

tion R a t h e r than assisting people to participate fully in society and increas-
ing their chances of access to opportunities, housing and housing policies
are increasingly regarded as contributing to the process of disadvantage
(Lee and Murie, 1997). However, the links b e t w e e n housing t e n u r e and
disadvantage d o vary across the country. T h e most deprived areas are not
exclusively areas of council housing and relatively large proportions of
ethnic minority groups live in the private r e n t e d sector.
M o s t cities h a v e b e c o m e p r e d o m i n a n t l y a housing m a r k e t for t h e p o o r
in social housing, low-value owner-occupied, and privately r e n t e d
a c c o m m o d a t i o n . T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of m i d d l e - a n d u p p e r - i n c o m e housing
into such areas could bring benefits t h a t reinforce t h e m o m e n t u m of
r e g e n e r a t i o n . A p a r t from t h e e c o n o m i c impact, t h e s e n e w residents will
h a v e g r e a t e r political awareness a n d g o o d n e t w o r k s t h a t c o n n e c t t h e m t o
t h o s e influencing local policies. M o s t housing schemes n o w aspire t o
mixed t e n u r e and m a n y local authorities m a k e a p r o p o r t i o n of affordable
housing a condition of new planning consent for private sector
developments.
Ownership and Community Participation
T h e lessons of the past must not b e forgotten. W h e t h e r we have built u p or

out, m u c h of the housing development since 1945 is now considered ripe
for demolition while large n u m b e r s of terraced houses which escaped the
bulldozers are now sought after and, with i m p r o v e m e n t , will have m a n y
years of life left in them. It was thought that citizens in u r b a n areas would
want to m o v e away from city centres to huge complexes built on greenfield
sites. It was to b e a brave new world w h e n new kitchens and new b a t h -
r o o m s would themselves m a k e p e o p l e happy. So acres and acres of high-
rise flats were built, with n o w h e r e to go and n o o n e to k n o w ( G u m m e r ,
1997).
It is now accepted that a fundamental precondition of sustainability in
regeneration is to establish closer community involvement ( F o r d h a m
1995). T h e local authority planning process needs to b e organised as a
genuinely corporate process, one which emerges from a wide-ranging di-
alogue about needs and wants, long before any consultation draft is p r o -
duced. Local communities n e e d to b e involved at every stage r a t h e r t h a n as
afterthoughts.
Finance a n d H o u s i n g Construction
T w o key factors that exert considerable influence over the availability of

housing are finance and the performance of the construction industry.
Housing 163
Finance
H o u s i n g investment in t h e U K is t o o low to satisfy the n e e d s g e n e r a t e d by

t h e current backlog, additional household formation and the replacement
of dwellings b e y o n d economic repair. T h e r e is a vicious circle of low invest-
m e n t and high prices which is eroding post-war gains in housing provision,
leading to severe housing shortages, and it is t h e lower income households
which b e a r t h e consequences.
H o u s i n g investment during the 1980s and 1990s has fluctuated in line
with t h e financial conditions as a whole. Prior to the early 1970s, housing
investment was not directly related to the national fortunes and actually
helped to stabilise t h e economy. W i t h o u t sustained investment and the
consequently r e d u c e d construction workforce, house-building during the
b o o m periods is crowded out by commercial building activity. It is fre-
quently believed that housing investment diverts resources away from
growth-creating investment, but historical evidence in industrialised coun-
tries suggests otherwise: in the m e d i u m term, housing investment may
actually increase national income through higher and m o r e sustained em-
p l o y m e n t within t h e sector. Housing investment therefore contributes to
economic growth and stability (Ball, 1996).
T h e introduction of private finance into housing associations since the
late 1980s has b e e n most successful, and commercial interest rates at which
funds are being invested suggest that associations are as good a risk as
m a n y large well-diversified manufacturing firms. H o w e v e r , the longer-term
position could b e different. M a n y associations assume that rents will rise
faster t h a n inflation, which may well b e optimistic in some parts of the
country. M o r e significantly, in terms of t h e security of rental income, it is
unlikely that t h e g o v e r n m e n t will be willing to underwrite these increases
and b a d d e b t could therefore b e c o m e m o r e of a p r o b l e m . F u r t h e r m o r e , a
greater p r o p o r t i o n of available housing association resources will have to
b e allocated to repairs in o r d e r to maintain standards and the asset value of
t h e housing. T h e longer-term viability of private investment in social hous-
ing is therefore fundamentally d e p e n d e n t on wider g o v e r n m e n t fiscal pol-
icy and t h e regulatory framework.
Raising private finance for local authority estates has not b e e n a p r o b l e m
for housing associations, but valuations of properties on these estates tend
to fall below t h e costs of d e v e l o p m e n t to a greater extent t h a n elsewhere in
the social housing m a r k e t . This m e a n s that associations have to use re-
serves to maintain standards and to k e e p rents down. Associations' in-
volvement therefore n e e d s to b e tied in to wider r e g e n e r a t i o n initiatives, in
o r d e r t o buttress their own investment. Conversely, associations often do
not have a local m a n a g e m e n t presence, in the sense of staffed area offices,
and s o m e local authorities are critical of associations' lack of involvement
in wider issues affecting the estate. Partnership a r r a n g e m e n t s should t h e r e -
fore b e structured to secure the long-term m a n a g e m e n t of estates and thus
also help to maintain the value of the asset base n e e d e d to provide the
collateral required for continued support of financial institutions (Crook,

Disson and D a r k , 1996).
Housing a n d the Construction Industry
Historically, housing investment in the U K has b e e n cyclical in n a t u r e .

B o o m periods have b e e n related to technological and general economic
circumstances. T h e major swings in d e m a n d experienced by the con-
struction industry reduce its ability to build the required n u m b e r of houses,
to innovate and to reduce costs. Supply factors probably explain why
house-builders respond slowly to upturns in d e m a n d and help to explain
why prices rise so sharply during m a r k e t b o o m s . A greater degree of cer-
tainty in the application of planning policy coupled with government m e a -
sures to p r o m o t e long-term investment in housing will help to provide the
stable conditions necessary for the housing industry to respond efficiently
to the scale of the projected needs.
New Housing
Most new housing looks to the past r a t h e r than the future. T h e detached
and semi-detached house are still the standard products of the v o l u m e
house-builders, but these do not cater for the needs of the single person
family, or older people living on their own. T h e p r o b l e m in the U K is not so
m u c h an explosion of population, for overall this is modest, r a t h e r the
m u c h larger n u m b e r of smaller households required to reflect d e m o g r a p h i c
and social trends, and these are well suited to mixed-use developments.
T h e r e are a n u m b e r of barriers to innovation, b u t m o r e radical
a p p r o a c h e s to housing design have b e e n e x p l o r e d t h r o u g h d e m o n s t r a t i o n
projects, such as t h e J o s e p h R o w n t r e e C A S P A R project, City
A p a r t m e n t s for Single P e o p l e at Affordable R e n t s , a n d in t h e design
criteria set for t h e new Millennium Village on t h e G r e e n w i c h Peninsula.
It is clear that housing construction can b e rationalised to r e d u c e costs
while maintaining quality a n d individuality, and designs can b e a d o p t e d
which minimise t h e impact on t h e e n v i r o n m e n t and p r o d u c e m o r e flexible
interior layouts which can b e a d a p t e d over time, w i t h o u t major structural
alterations, to provide a h o m e for life r a t h e r t h a n o n e step on t h e housing
ladder.
T h e private sector has a crucial role in adapting to these changes. It will
b e the innovation and imagination of the e n t r e p r e n e u r that will find the
way to use brownfield land most effectively. O n c e they k n o w that t h e r e will
not b e an easy way out - that release of greenfield sites is a thing of the past
- then they will concentrate their formidable skills in discovering the most
profitable ways of reusing land ( G u m m e r , 1997).
T h e private sector has proved very successful in working in partnership
with local authorities and housing associations in bringing forward very
large housing and regeneration projects in very difficult areas. In the
Housing 165
T h a m e s G a t e w a y at Barking, 5,000 h o m e s , with e m p l o y m e n t space, local

training opportunities, and school and community facilities are being built
by a major u r b a n house-builder on a site with a high degree of con-
tamination in places. H e r e m u c h of the investment and t h e risk is t a k e n up
by the private sector. A t H u l m e in Manchester, the private sector has also
played a leading role in this widely acclaimed housing-led regeneration
project. T h e lesson is that, given the right conditions, and genuine working
partnerships, which local authorities can greatly facilitate, the private
sector is perfectly capable of delivering innovative, high-quality housing
solutions which benefit from recent experience of mixed-use and mixed-
t e n u r e d e v e l o p m e n t s , and at costs to the exchequer m u c h less t h a n that of
m a n y less successful schemes in the past.
Rehabilitation Policy
T h e a s s u m p t i o n underlying this analysis accepts t h e a r g u m e n t t h a t ' t h e
c o n c e p t u a l , evaluative a n d organisational f r a m e w o r k s for " d o i n g - u p "
h o u s e s w e r e n o t a d e q u a t e to t h e task of r e s h a p i n g a r e a s , n o r w e r e
" r e m o d e l l i n g " f r a m e w o r k s a p p r o p r i a t e for t h e strategic questions n o w
confronting u r b a n policy' ( M c G r e g o r a n d M a c L e n n a n , 1992, p . 4). This
implies t h a t t h e strategic f r a m e w o r k for housing i n v e s t m e n t in u r b a n
r e n e w a l has n o t b e e n well d e v e l o p e d in t h e past. It further suggests t h a t
t h e r e has b e e n limited effective evaluation of p r e v i o u s housing r e n e w a l
initiatives.
T h e evolution of housing rehabilitation strategy (a n a r r o w e r concept
t h a n u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n ) is now well d o c u m e n t e d ( T h o m a s , 1986). This
shows that while policies m o v e d from a focus on r e d e v e l o p m e n t to
rehabilitation and t h e n to regeneration, distinct phases of policy
d e v e l o p m e n t can b e identified from housing provision and upgrading of
dwellings, to n e i g h b o u r h o o d regeneration and thence to community
regeneration. Broadly speaking, the concerns of u r b a n policy reflected in
each of these phases have evolved from: housing shortage (1960s), dwelling
conditions (1970s), n e i g h b o u r h o o d regeneration (1980s), and t e n u r e
diversification and community regeneration (1990s).
T h e changing emphasis to housing renewal can best b e described by
reference to the 1974 and the 1988 Housing Acts. T h e s e legislative
expressions of policy indicate b o t h the main a p p r o a c h e s to housing
r e g e n e r a t i o n which have b e e n p u r s u e d and the changing emphasis of policy
in relation to housing regeneration. T h e main a p p r o a c h e s can b e described
as t h e use of administrative mechanisms, the area-based focus and the
p a r t n e r s h i p approach:
• administrative focus: increasing the powers and funding of the Housing

C o r p o r a t i o n ; creation of new bodies such as Scottish H o m e s ; use of
voluntary housing associations as t h e vehicle for housing renewal r a t h e r
t h a n local authorities;
• area-based focus: use of area-based initiatives initially in the inner cities

and latterly in peripheral and inner city local authority estates;
• partnership focus: t h e increasing emphasis on private finance.
T h e changing emphasis of policy during this period can b e described as:

• rehabilitation: inner city (private r e n t e d ) housing (after t h e 1974 A c t ) ;
• modernisation: of large municipal housing estates (after the 1988 A c t ) ;
• t e n u r e : diversification, creation of m a r k e t - o r i e n t a t e d i n d e p e n d e n t
r e n t e d sector and transfer of ownership of municipal housing estates.
It is evident from this overview that housing rehabilitation initiatives have

changed since the 1974 Housing Act. T h e introduction of Housing A c t i o n
A r e a s ( H A A s ) , together with the increased role for housing associations,
led to relatively small-scale single-purpose initiatives targeted at the
rehabilitation of the areas of worst 'housing stress' with a five-year time-
scale for implementation. During the 1980s larger-scale multifunctional
approaches were a t t e m p t e d which recognised the n e e d for longer time
horizons. T h e partnership initiatives introduced by ' N e w Life for U r b a n
Scotland' exemplify this approach. T h u s while older housing regeneration
initiatives had single-purpose objectives, short planning horizons and were
not set within the strategic planning context of the u r b a n system, later
initiatives have t e n d e d to be multifunctional, larger, with longer time
horizons and to recognise the ramifications for the wider u r b a n system in
which they are set.
P r o g r a m m e s during the 1990s have therefore t e n d e d to b e based m o r e
on partnership, to involve community-based associations and co-
operatives, to involve a mix of renovation and new build, to involve t e n u r e
diversification as an explicit strategy and to b e u n d e r t a k e n over a longer
time-scale than hitherto. It is axiomatic that such investment has involved a
large and increasing level of private finance. H o w e v e r , these p r o g r a m m e s
have also involved a competitive bidding element using top-sliced funds (at
least in England and Wales). In this context the impact of housing
regeneration on less attractive residential areas b e c o m e s m o r e of an issue
than hitherto. M c G r e g o r and M a c L e n n a n (1992, p . 13) asserts that for
initiatives developing in the late 1980s, especially in run d o w n social
housing areas, 'it has b e c o m e increasingly important to assess an area's
residential competitiveness in the context of likely demographic change'.
F r a m e w o r k for H o u s i n g R e g e n e r a t i o n
Changes in housing renewal policy during this time have t e n d e d to reflect

changes in the decision-making environment which can be summarised as:
• centralisation: changing role of local government;

• privatisation: private finance and non-governmental agencies;
Housing 167
• c o n s u m e r sovereignty: growth of h o m e ownership.
T h e s e t r e n d s can b e identified in key elements to the a p p r o a c h to housing

regeneration, for example:
• emphasis on area-based and local initiatives;

• labour m a r k e t interaction of housing investment;
• p a r t n e r s h i p b e t w e e n local g o v e r n m e n t and key agencies;
• growing involvement of private investment;
• c o m m u n i t y involvement.
It is arguable that our understanding of the factors that influence housing

obsolescence has not b e e n u n d e r p i n n e d by rigorous empirical research
during this period. E m p h a s i s has b e e n given to the physical factors of
obsolescence and t o the economic predicates. M u c h less attention has b e e n
given to social factors and to housing m a r k e t factors such as t e n u r e shift
and residential or n e i g h b o u r h o o d restructuring. While our knowledge of
individual factors affecting housing obsolescence is b e t t e r developed in
s o m e areas t h a n in others, our understanding of the interaction of these
factors is still in its infancy.
It is also arguable that the lack of a d e q u a t e monitoring of initiatives, at
least until very recently, has left an absence of information for the purposes
of research and evaluation. T h u s the ability to predict trends and to
develop strategic plans for housing regeneration continues to b e limited.
D e s p i t e this lack of understanding, the changes in the decision-making
e n v i r o n m e n t described above have resulted in significant changes in
p e r c e p t i o n in relation to i m p o r t a n t issues affecting housing renewal. T h r e e
examples m a y b e cited.
First, t h e growth of h o m e ownership and c o n s u m e r aspirations has led to
change in the socially acceptable standards of dwelling condition and
quality, even if these have not yet led to changes in the statutory definition
of m i n i m u m dwelling standards. Such changes have b e e n to include factors
which affect the quality of life (such as central heating and double glazing).
Second, t h e shift in t h e role of local authorities from l a n d l o r d s to
e n a b l e r s has b e e n reflected in a growth of public e x p e n d i t u r e on housing
m a i n t e n a n c e a n d r e n o v a t i o n . A l t h o u g h local a u t h o r i t i e s r e m a i n
l a n d l o r d s for existing h o m e s , t h e restriction on their ability to build new
h o m e s t o g e t h e r with p r e s s u r e s such as t e n a n t s ' rights and p e r f o r m a n c e
m e a s u r e s has led t h e m t o focus their efforts on m a i n t e n a n c e of their
r e m a i n i n g stock. T h u s issues of dwelling m a i n t e n a n c e b e c o m e m o r e
significant in t e r m s of public e x p e n d i t u r e r a t h e r t h a n issues of housing
rehabilitation.
Third, the growth of private sector investment in housing association
provision has led to the growing i m p o r t a n c e of life-cycle costing in dwelling
provision. T h u s t h e renewal and major repair of dwellings b e c o m e s a
finance issue which is designed into the provision of new dwellings r a t h e r
t h a n remaining a liability for future generations. This does not imply that
the current balance b e t w e e n building costs, subsidies, rents and design

standards has b e e n optimised.
T h e brief review of housing regeneration in Britain p r e s e n t e d above
highlights the b r o a d shifts in approach and policy. It also serves to identify
i m p o r t a n t elements of the framework within which housing regeneration
occurs.
Strategic Planning Framework
T h e strategic context for housing investment has not b e e n well developed

in the past. Initiatives have not generally b e e n set in the context of multi-
functional, multilevel plans. M c G r e g o r and M a c L e n n a n (1992, p . 11), in a
study of Scottish housing regeneration initiatives, found n o instance w h e r e
' n e i g h b o u r h o o d plans or initiatives were linked into a wider area initiative
which t h e n m e s h e d into District Housing Plans and Regional Structure
Plans in any detailed way'.
Similarly, the H I P process and development of local housing strategies
only b e c a m e effective in England and Wales in the 1980s, driven by the
D o E and t h e Welsh Office. Initially they focused purely on housing issues
(need, d e m a n d , supply, finance, etc.). It was only as t h e 1980s progressed
that the wider relationships with other strategies such as economic de-
velopment, planning, anti-poverty and community care have b e g u n to b e
identified and interlinked with housing (Audit Commission, 1992).
Labour Market Framework
While t h e general history of u r b a n regeneration and renewal is that it has

b e e n housing led, there is widespread acceptance that area renewal cannot
simply b e housing focused. T h e 1988 'Action for Cities' regeneration initia-
tive in E n g l a n d was m a t c h e d in Scotland by the ' N e w Life for U r b a n
Scotland' White Paper, which identified four partnership areas in which a
locally co-ordinated approach to housing-led u r b a n regeneration would b e
applied (Scottish Office Central R e s e a r c h Unit, 1996). T h e emphasis in
Scotland after 1988 was on a m o r e integrated a p p r o a c h to the economic,
social and physical regeneration of (municipal) housing areas (McCarthy,
1995). T h e continuing n e e d for m o r e co-ordinated, integrated and particip-
ative approaches to housing regeneration in E n g l a n d was underlined by t h e
introduction of the Single R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget in 1994.
Despite this recognition, housing regeneration initiatives have b e e n
singularly unsuccessful to date in linking housing investment and local
economic development (McConnachie, Fitzpatrick and M c G r e g o r , 1995).
Initiatives have b e e n m o r e successful in achieving housing and environ-
m e n t a l change t h a n economic and social change. T h u s t h e r e is the danger
Housing 169
that, in areas receiving housing and e n v i r o n m e n t a l investment, p r o b l e m s

will simply re-create themselves because underlying economic and social
conditions r e m a i n unimproved.
Community Regeneration Framework
H o u s i n g r e g e n e r a t i o n can not b e u n d e r t a k e n without changing the c o m m u -

nities in t h e areas w h e r e the investment occurs. H o w e v e r , the social objec-
tives of housing r e g e n e r a t i o n have not always b e e n clear or even explicitly
stated. In this context housing regeneration m a y b e an end in itself or a
m e a n s t o a greater goal of community regeneration.
It is evident that t h e r e has b e e n a t r e n d towards greater public involve-
m e n t in housing r e g e n e r a t i o n initiatives ( M c G r e g o r and M a c L e n n a n ,
1992). This has r a n g e d from consultation and community involvement in
the design and planning of housing r e g e n e r a t i o n p r o g r a m m e s , to a formal
role in t h e p a r t n e r s h i p initiatives. T h e s e a p p r o a c h e s may, however, not
always b e consistent with the strategic objectives involved.
In s o m e instances community r e g e n e r a t i o n objectives are m o r e to the
fore, w h e r e the emphasis is on retaining, e m p o w e r i n g a n d improving the
economic competitiveness of the existing communities. T h e creation of
housing co-operatives in the Scottish Partnership A r e a s exemplifies this
a p p r o a c h (Scottish Office Central R e s e a r c h Unit, 1996).
In o t h e r circumstances, the objective may b e to achieve sustainable
housing r e g e n e r a t i o n by creating balanced communities. In this situation
t e n u r e diversification is as i m p o r t a n t as c o m m u n i t y participation and co-
ordinating e m p l o y m e n t initiatives.
Just as c o h e r e n t strategies for housing i m p r o v e m e n t have b e e n found to
b e necessary, so m o r e conscious area or estate strategies are n e e d e d in
public sector housing m a n a g e m e n t . N e w a p p r o a c h e s to housing m a n a g e -
m e n t have formed a crucial element in the modernisation and refurbish-
m e n t of large municipal estates. T h e most p r o m i n e n t experiments, in
E n g l a n d , have formed the Priority Estates Project. T h e a p p r o a c h a d o p t e d
emphasised estate-based, local m a n a g e m e n t , p e r m a n e n t local offices, local
lettings and a local repairs t e a m , resident caretakers, b e a t policing, flexible
small-scale m a n a g e m e n t , and estate budget, t e n a n t participation, training
and continual upgrading of the estate and e n v i r o n m e n t ( G l e n n e r s t e r and
T u r n e r , 1993; Power, 1987)
Organisational Framework
H o u s i n g r e g e n e r a t i o n has t a k e n place within t h e context of a range of very

different organisational structures and processes. T h e s e are reflected in the
t h r e e a p p r o a c h e s described above - t h e use of administrative mechanisms,
the area-based focus and the partnership approach.
It has b e e n a policy of successive governments to implement housing

renewal by changing the administrative and organisational structures of
housing agencies. This, of course, includes the extension of the role, powers
and resources of the Housing Corporation following the 1974 Housing Act.
It also includes the creation of new agencies such as Scottish H o m e s and
Tai C y m r u following the 1988 legislation. T h e changing role of housing
associations as the main providers of social r e n t e d housing, and the conse-
q u e n t change in the role of local housing authorities from landlords to
enablers, is now well known. T h e emergence of housing companies reflects
a continuation with this t h e m e of policy which affects b o t h the planning
and implementation of housing regeneration. Local housing companies
have b e e n developed as a specific m o d e l to seek to tackle serious and
extensive disrepair in the local authority stock by using private finance,
whilst retaining a minority local authority interest.
Housing regeneration initiatives have t a k e n a variety of forms and thus
the organisational structures and the organisational issues involved have
also varied. It would b e possible to identify a typology of housing regenera-
tion initiatives based on factors such as:
• developer: housing association led, local authority led, partnership;

• agency: single agency, multi-agency;
• ownership: single t e n u r e , multi-tenure, t e n u r e change;
• location: inner city, peripheral estate, small town;
• size: defined units (e.g. H A A ) , single estate, neighbourhood;
• regeneration objectives: housing, multi-sectoral;
• housing objectives: rehabilitation (e.g. H A A ) , modernisation (e.g.
peripheral estate), mixed redevelopment, t e n u r e diversification.
T h e administrative and organisational issues vary depending on the type of

initiative involved. F o r initiatives w h e r e single agencies are involved, or
w h e r e a range of agencies work separately in the same area, the organisa-
tional issues include: area designation (e.g. the definition and b o u n d a r i e s of
the Housing Action A r e a ) , staff structure, type and scale of staffing. In
partnership initiatives the organisational issues will also include issues of
co-ordination, targets, p r o g r a m m e m a n a g e m e n t , monitoring and contrac-
tual liabilities.
The Implementation of Strategy
C h a p t e r 2 identified that successful u r b a n regeneration requires a strate-

gically designed approach with a longer t e r m p u r p o s e in mind. It e m p h a -
sised that it is locally based, 'to recognise and accept the uniqueness of
place' ( R o b s o n , 1988, p . 102). It should reflect t h e wider circumstances of
the city or region in which it is located and will, by implication, involve a
Housing 171
multi-sector and multi-agency a p p r o a c h ( H a u s n e r , 1993). It should seek to

r e d u c e social exclusion by addressing t h e n e e d s of social and economically
disadvantaged areas ( M c G r e g o r and M c C o n n a c h i e , 1995).
T h e s e b r o a d principles indicate t h e key elements involved in area-based
housing regeneration:
• balanced and self-sustaining communities;

• integration to t h e wider context of t h e u r b a n economy and the labour
market;
• p a r t n e r s h i p b e t w e e n agencies, local government, private sector and
communities;
• c o m m u n i t y involvement;
• private investment.
Box 8.1 Upper Dens Project J 984
The Upper Dens was essentially a housing development, in a mixed

commercial and residential area, on a site which had been designated until
1980 for light industrial use. The site contained redundant jute mills and a
(largely subterranean) burn. Private developers who were approached were
unconvinced of the market for housing in converted mill buildings. The site
would require expensive environmental works and there were no grants for
private sector housing development. Eventual partners in the project were
three housing associations, Dundee City Council, the Housing Corporation,
the Scottish Development Agency and the Historic Buildings Council.
The site provided 53 new build family houses, 72 flats in the mill
conversion; 36 sheltered housing units; and 53 new build flats for vulnerable
single people and 27 supported accommodation units for mentally ill and
handicapped people.
The main objectives of the programme were to meet housing need and
environmental improvement. There was no community involvement and no
community on or near the site. There was no private sector involvement. All
the housing provided was for rent.
Subsequently there has been new housing, shopping and commercial
development in the adjoining area and seven redundant jute mills have been
converted to housing for both sale and rent by public and private sector
agencies. The impact of bringing these sites back into active use has been
significant in Dundee's urban regeneration and in bringing people back to
the centre to live.
T h e case studies p r e s e n t e d in this section (Boxes 8.1, 8.2 and 8.3) are
i n t e n d e d to b e illustrative of a t t e m p t s to i m p l e m e n t these approaches to
housing regeneration. By focusing on one medium-sized city, D u n d e e , they
also illustrate the d e v e l o p m e n t of strategy during the last fifteen years.
Box 8.2 Mid-Craigie, 1992

This large 1930 Housing Act slum clearance estate was, almost from its incep-
tion, a 'problem estate'. Though substantially sound houses with relatively
good space standards, the estate had been subject to several unsuccessful at-
tempts at environmental and housing improvement and modernisation during
the 1970s and 1980s, which had been undertaken following extensive tenant
consultation. In 1989 the council established an Area Renewal Strategy in
response to problems of high turnover and steady population decline. The
strategy aimed to: promote stability; improve housing which had a long-term
future; and encourage other forms of housing on sites cleared by demolition of
surplus properties. The strategy adopted a partnership approach with local
community groups, voluntary groups, Scottish Homes and private sector
agencies.
Since 1990 almost 800 properties have been demolished. Since 1993 in a joint
venture with Wimpey Homes 255 new houses for sale have been started.
Tenants have established a housing co-operative which aims to build 180
houses for rent. Capital receipts to the council are being reinvested in improve-
ments to those houses which have a long-term future (102 properties have
benefited from new windows and central heating).
Mid-Craigie has been agreed as one of the key areas for the Dundee Part-
nership's Community Regeneration Strategy and for which Priority Part-
nership Area status (equivalent to the SRB in England) is being sought.
Mid-Craigie Community Business provided environmental improvements
and it is hoped that Scottish Enterprise Tayside will contribute significant
funding for recreation areas and environmental improvements.
Box 8.3 Camperdown Works, 1994

This 32-acre site is located to the north-west of the city in an area which
consisted of over 80 per cent local authority housing. The site, which is adjacent
to a second-tier declining shopping centre (Lochee), formerly contained the
world's largest jute works on which production ceased in 1981. It was the
largest single site available for redevelopment in the city for many years and
was bought by a local developer in 1990. The project had two main compo-
nents: a complex of leisure and retail facilities with associated parking and an
integrated housing development around the axis of the main mill building.
The Camperdown Partnership was established involving the private owner
of the site, the Council, Scottish Homes and two local housing associations.
The redeveloped site, completed in 1994, includes a leisure park, retailing,
parkland and housing, and has involved new building, conservation of listed
buildings, mill conversions and environmental improvements. The leisure park
includes a multi-screen cinema, megabowl, nightclub and bingo hall. A Grade
Β listed building now houses a 38,000 sq. ft superstore. Parkland and children's
play areas have been provided around the Cox's Stack built in
1861 in the Campanile style. The housing is in six main phases, four developed
by housing associations. Site 1 provides 53 sheltered housing units for rent; Site
2 includes 64 low-rise family dwellings for rent; Site 3 provides 36 three and
four person flats for sale in the converted former railway sidings; Site 4A
provides 51 two-storey dwellings for shared ownership; Site 4B provides 42
low-cost home ownership dwellings built by Woolwich Homes; Site 5 is the
High Mill converted to 74 flatted dwellings for sale, carried out by the de-
veloper, continued over
Housing 173
The total cost of the development was around £51 million of which £39
million was provided by the private sector. All the housing projects were grant
aided by Scottish Homes at a total cost of £11.2 million for 350 houses and flats.
The project has involved new employment in an area of high unemployment,
together with new recreational facilities. The housing has led to greater tenure
balance in a formerly mono-tenurial area. Additional private sector housing
development is taking place in an adjacent area.
Conclusion
A s we have seen, the quality of housing, and its surrounding environment,

has major social and cost implications. It is also self-evident that housing is,
or should b e , a long-lasting and durable commodity. A n a d e q u a t e supply of
housing, to acceptable m o d e r n standards and at a p p r o p r i a t e access costs is
p e r h a p s the most cost-effective form of infrastructure that can b e provided.
H o u s i n g standards have d e m o n s t r a b l e implications for health standards,
levels of criminal activity and degrees of educational attainment. If the
supply or quality of housing is i n a d e q u a t e t h e r e are inevitably heavy cost
implications for the providers of social services, often in the form of irra-
tionally expensive emergency solutions such as b e d and breakfast accom-
m o d a t i o n . T h e private sector has proved very successful in working in
p a r t n e r s h i p with local authorities and housing associations to bring forward
very large housing and regeneration projects in very difficult areas. A
greater degree of certainty in the application of planning policy coupled
with g o v e r n m e n t m e a s u r e s t o p r o m o t e long-term investment in housing
will help to provide the stable conditions necessary for the housing industry
to r e s p o n d efficiently to the scale of the projected needs.
• Housing can be a driver of urban regeneration and it is an essential

element of most schemes.
• Clear knowledge of the housing market is an essential pre-condition for
good policy.
• Housing needs are difficult to calculate with any accuracy, but a working
estimate is essential in order to allow for sites to be identified.
• Good housing helps to improve health, reduce crime and enhance
quality of life.
• Social integration can be assisted through housing provision.
• Joint finance and partnership are fundamental to the provision of much
urban housing.
References
A u d i t Commission (1992) Developing Local Authority Housing Strategies, HMSO, London.

Ball, M. (1996) Investing in New Housing, T h e Policy Press, Bristol.
Best, R. (1997) City delights, Town Planning Review, Vol. 62, pp. 4 6 - 7 .
Champion, Α . , Atkins, D . , C o o m b e s , M. and Fotheringham, S. (1998) Urban Exodus - a
Report for CPRE, D e p a r t m e n t of Geography, University of Newcastle upon Tyne.
Crook, A . D . H . , D i s s o n , J.S. and Dark R . A . (1996) A New Lease of Life: Housing
Association Investment on Local Authority Estates, The Policy Press, Bristol.
Fordham, G. (1995) Made to Last, Joseph R o w n t r e e Foundation, York.
Glennerster, H. and Turner, T. (1993) Estate Based Housing Management: An Evaluation,
D e p a r t m e n t of the Environment, London.
G u m m e r , J. (1997) N e w deal n e e d e d , Town Planning Review, V o l . 62, Winter, pp. 2 4 - 5 .
Gwilliam, M. (1997) Housing and Regeneration - How a Green Shield Levy Can Help, The
Civic Trust, L o n d o n .
Hall, P. (1998) The Great Housing Land D e b a t e , Town Planning Review, Vol. 62, Winter,
pp. 4 2 - 3 .
Hausner, V . A . (1993) T h e future of urban d e v e l o p m e n t , Royal Society of Arts Journal, Vol.
141, no. 5441, pp. 5 2 3 - 3 3 .
Jones, H.R. (1990) Population Geography, Paul Chapman, L o n d o n .
King, D . (1993) D e m o g r a p h y and house-building needs, in T. Champion (ed.) Population
Matters, Paul Chapman, L o n d o n .
L e e , P. and Murie, A . (1997) Poverty, Housing Tenure and Social Exclusion, T h e Policy
Press, Bristol.
Lever, W.F. (1994) The Future Structure of Scottish Cities, Scottish H o m e s , Edinburgh.
Llewelyn D a v i e s (1997) Sustainable Residential Living, LPAC, London.
L o n d o n Planning Advisory Committee (1998) New Face of City Living, LPAC, London.
McCarthy, J. (1995) Sustainable housing regeneration, Housing Review, V o l . 44, no. 6, pp.
122-4.
McConnachie, M., Fitzpatrick, I. and McGregor, A . (1995) Building Futures, Glasgow
University, Glasgow.
M c C r o n e , G. and Stephens, M. (1995) Housing Policy in Britain and Europe, U C L Press,
London.
McGregor, A . and MacLennan, D . (1992) A Review and Critical Evaluation of Strategic
Approaches to Urban Regeneration, Scottish H o m e s , Edinburgh.
McGregor, A . and McConnachie, M. (1995) Social exclusion, urban regeneration and
e c o n o m i c reintegration, Urban Studies, Vol. 32, no. 10, pp. 1587-600.
Power, A . (1987) The Priority Estates Project Experience, D e p a r t m e n t of the Environment,
London.
R e y n o l d s , F. (1998) Urban Exodus, CPRE, London.
R o b s o n , B.T. (1988) Those Inner Cities, Clarendon Press, Oxford.
R o b s o n , Β. T. (1994) Assessing the Impact of Urban Policy, H M S O , London.
Scottish Office Central Research Unit (1996) Partnership in the Regeneration of Urban
Scotland, H M S O , Edinburgh.
Taylor, J. (1997) City strategy, Town Planning Review, Vol. 62, Winter, pp. 1 7 - 1 8 .
T h o m a s , A . (1986) Housing and Urban Renewal Residential Decay and Revitalization in the
Private Sector, A l l e n & U n w i n , L o n d o n .
Housing 175
V a n n , P. (1996) N e w H o u s e h o l d Projections Taken with a Pinch of Salt, Planning, Vol.

1146, 24 N o v e m b e r , pp. 2 4 - 5 .
Watt, K. and Summers, Y. (1995) Housing in Scotland, Scottish H o m e s , Edinburgh.
Wilcox, S. (ed.) (1994) Housing Finance Review 1994/95, Joseph R o w n t r e e Foundation,
York.
PART 3
KEY ISSUES IN M A N A G I N G U R B A N
REGENERATION
9 Regeneration by Land
Development: the Legal
Issues*
Amanda Beresford, Richard Fleetwood and Mark
Gaffney
Introduction
T h e legal aspects of a property regeneration project are diverse, involving

n u m e r o u s statutory (embodied in written laws passed by Parliament) and
c o m m o n (unwritten laws evolved from principles established t h r o u g h deci-
sions issued by the courts) law provisions. Specialist legal advice will usu-
ally b e n e e d e d on the topics of commercial property, environment and
planning. It may also b e required in other areas such as tax and con-
struction. T h e early identification of the relevant r e q u i r e m e n t s and im-
plications of the law will usually enable a project to p r o c e e d in the most
efficient m a n n e r .
This chapter can d o n o m o r e t h a n highlight some of the main legal issues
which a particular p r o p e r t y regeneration project may have to address.
W h a t follows, therefore, is not a comprehensive consideration of each
relevant area of law, b u t an introduction to some of the main areas that will
n e e d to b e considered. Additional reading is suggested in the F u r t h e r
R e a d i n g section at the end of the chapter.
This chapter examines the key issues and the main relevant provisions of
the following specialist legal practice areas:
• legal structures for delivery;
• commercial p r o p e r t y law;
• environmental law;
• planning law.
Legal Structures for U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n
T h e vehicle or organisation for regeneration will need to b e considered.

Often regeneration, particularly in the case of a smaller project, may b e
carried out by an existing private development company. However, it may
*The Legal Issues in this chapter are as relevant to England and Wales only.
180 Amanda Beresford, Richard Fleetwood and Mark Gaffney
b e necessary to set u p a new vehicle or to utilise one or m o r e of the existing

organisations charged with regeneration responsibilities.
This section examines the different legal structures and approaches that
can b e used to pull together an u r b a n regeneration scheme and considers
some of the public sector parties w h o may need to b e involved. It is b r o k e n
down into the following subsections:
• Legal structures:
- a limited company (limited by shares or by g u a r a n t e e ) ;
- other joint ventures or partnership a r r a n g e m e n t s w h e r e the parties
agree, contractually - for example, through a development agree-
m e n t - to u n d e r t a k e a particular scheme;
- a charitable trust.
• Existing or proposed organisations:
- English Partnerships;
- Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies;
- local authorities.
• T h e Private Finance Initiative.
T h e appropriate vehicle will depend, to a large extent, on the views and

competences of the key parties w h o will n e e d to be involved in the project
and may include a consideration of the role of landowners or planning
authorities. T h e majority of u r b a n regeneration schemes involve a n u m b e r
of key parties and this chapter assumes that t h e r e will b e at least two
parties involved (for example, a private sector and a public sector party). If
the project only involves one company or entity then, in all likelihood, that
party will own the site being r e g e n e r a t e d and will contract with third par-
ties for any work required on the scheme, including construction or site
clearance works.
Legal Structures
Using a Limited Company

Limited companies are of two main types - limited by shares or by guaran-
tee. C o m p a n i e s limited by shares are by far the most c o m m o n . Share-
holders take shares in return for providing assets or paying m o n e y to the
company for those shares. T h e r e is n o limit to the n u m b e r of shareholders
w h o can be involved. Shareholders can agree b e t w e e n themselves through
the company's articles of association and/or through a shareholders' agree-
m e n t how the company is to be run (for example, by majority decisions at
the b o a r d or shareholder level except for a reserved list of ' v e t o ' key
matters) and how any profits are to b e shared, which n e e d not follow the
voting rights of the shareholders.
Limited liability companies give the shareholders the comfort of limited
liability in relation to third parties dealing with the company. This m e a n s
that if the company were to b e c o m e insolvent then, except in limited
Regeneration by Land Development: Legal Issues 181
circumstances, neither the shareholders nor the directors of the company

would b e liable to third parties for the debts of the company.
O n the o t h e r h a n d , g u a r a n t e e companies do not have shares or share-
holders - they have m e m b e r s . T h e rights of persons to b e c o m e m e m b e r s
are set out in t h e c o m p a n y ' s articles of association. G u a r a n t e e companies
are often favoured in relation to grant financed or assisted projects as a
g u a r a n t e e c o m p a n y cannot distribute profits to its m e m b e r s . E v e n on t h e
winding u p of a g u a r a n t e e company, any surplus assets (after the p a y m e n t
of creditors, etc.) would, in the n o r m a l course, b e reapplied to a n o t h e r
g u a r a n t e e company, charity or trust with the same or similar objects to the
original g u a r a n t e e company.
In t h e r e m a i n d e r of this chapter companies set u p specially for a particu-
lar project ( w h e t h e r limited by shares or g u a r a n t e e ) are, adopting the
jargon, referred to as special p u r p o s e vehicles or SPVs.
Joint Venture or Partnership Arrangements

T h e cost (both in t e r m s of the initial set-up and the ongoing running costs)
of setting u p a c o m p a n y or using an existing c o m p a n y for a project will not
always b e justified. F u r t h e r m o r e , a company is not always n e e d e d as a
vehicle t h r o u g h which to u n d e r t a k e a regeneration scheme. T h e main alter-
native is a joint v e n t u r e or contractual a r r a n g e m e n t w h e r e b y the various
parties to t h e project agree - without setting u p a new c o m p a n y - how they
are to u n d e r t a k e the project, what contributions (in m o n e y or in kind) each
party is to m a k e and what the financial entitlement of each of the parties is
to b e .
If the scheme is to b e t a k e n forward on a p a r t n e r s h i p approach, then the
p u r p o s e of the p a r t n e r s h i p will n e e d to b e clearly identified as will the roles
and responsibilities of those involved. Particular care needs to be t a k e n on
financial m a t t e r s in t e r m s of obligations to fund the scheme and the rights
of the participants to share in any profits or surplus at the conclusion of the
scheme.
Box 9.1 summarises some of the main differences b e t w e e n c o r p o r a t e and
n o n - c o r p o r a t e structures. A s a general rule, a c o r p o r a t e SPV should only
b e used w h e r e the complexity of the project justifies the time and cost that
is entailed.
Charitable Trusts
T h e r e m a y b e advantages in setting up a charitable trust to u n d e r t a k e a
particular scheme, although the m o r e limited commercial freedom enjoyed
by a charitable trust n e e d s to be weighed against the benefits (principally
tax related) of charitable status. It is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that, in o r d e r to
obtain charitable status, it is necessary to d e m o n s t r a t e that the trust is
established for charitable purposes, which include the relief of poverty,
p u r p o s e s beneficial to the community, the a d v a n c e m e n t of education, and
public recreational purposes.
Box 9.1 Key differences between corporate and non-corporate structures
Corporate SPV Non-corporate

Members of the company are Those involved will have to contract
insulated from liability to third parties direct with third parties in their own
(but consider the public relations names and will be exposed to
implications of being involved with a liabilities accordingly
company which becomes insolvent). It
is important to note, however, that
unless the SPV has a strong balance
sheet, third parties are unlikely to
deal with it without direct guarantees
from members/shareholders
Can own assets/land in its own name Parties will have to keep ownership of
(this can be a particular advantage in assets. This may give rise to
ring-fencing assets from members/ operational difficulties or interference
shareholders and third parties and from the parties
minimising interference from
members/shareholders); this also
assists in land/site assembly
Will be subject to corporation tax Each party will be subject to tax in its
regime (this includes flexibility for own right. Arrangement could
surrender of losses by the SPV to constitute a partnership in which case
shareholders or vice versa which may it will be necessary to consider:
be advantageous) - tax regime for partnerships
- joint and several liability of partners
Provides a familiar legal entity into Third parties will need to contract
which third parties can invest directly with all of the parties
involved
Provides a forum for decision-making No forum - parties need to agree
and management (through the SPV's between themselves how the venture
board of directors) is to operate
SPV will be a separate legal entity No entity to hold assets or profits
with statutory obligations to keep generated. These will have to be dealt
accounts, etc (this is an advantage in with contractually
terms of providing certainty; but a
disadvantage in terms of cost)
Enables the 'branding' of a specific
development proposition to the
outside world
Partnership approach may be
favoured in the context of competing
for some sources of grant funding
(e.g. Single Regeneration Budget
funding). Allows for a wider
'community' involvement
Existing Organisations Involved with Urban Regeneration
English Partnerships
English Partnerships or, t o give it its statutory title, t h e U r b a n R e g e n e r a -
tion Agency, was set up u n d e r the provisions of Part III of the Leasehold
Reform, H o u s i n g and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t A c t 1993 (the 1993 A c t ) . It
c a m e into full operational effect on 1 April 1994, taking over the functions
of English Estates, City G r a n t and Derelict L a n d G r a n t . T h e 1993 Act sets
out t h e objects of E P which, in outline, include the securing of regeneration
of land in E n g l a n d which is u n u s e d or ineffectively used, or which is con-
t a m i n a t e d , derelict or unsightly. In o r d e r to achieve these objects, E P has
wide-ranging p o w e r s (see Section 160 of the 1993 A c t ) . T h e h e a d office is
in L o n d o n , and the organisation has a n e t w o r k of regional offices a r o u n d
the country, including two c o r p o r a t e offices at H a y d o c k a n d G a t e s h e a d .
In t h e m a i n E P pursues its objects t h r o u g h grant funding projects which
are b r o u g h t to it by b o t h the public and private sectors. T h e most c o m m o n
m e a n s of funding is t h r o u g h the provision of gap funding for d e v e l o p m e n t
a g r e e m e n t s , w h e r e b y E P will bridge the ' g a p ' b e t w e e n the costs of a p r o -
ject - for example, constructing a building on reclaimed land - and what
t h e finished building is w o r t h on the o p e n m a r k e t assuming the finished
building is w o r t h less t h a n the cost of the works (hence the ' g a p ' ) . A
s t a n d a r d approval process exists, which must b e followed by applicants, on
the basis of which E P will decide (having regard to the outputs generated,
including land reclaimed, or jobs created or secured) w h e t h e r grant fund-
ing should b e provided and, if so, on what terms. In addition to gap fund-
ing, E P is also able to provide loans and guarantees. In some cases E P will
participate in joint ventures. English Partnerships has b e e n an i m p o r t a n t
agent for change during recent years and it is expected that m u c h of E P ' s
accumulated experience and expertise will b e transferred to the new R e -
gional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies.
Regional Development Agencies

Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies are a creation of t h e current L a b o u r
g o v e r n m e n t with their main p r o m o t e r being the D e p u t y P r i m e Minister,
J o h n Prescott. T h e n a t u r e , role, and p r o p o s e d powers of R D A s w e r e the
subject of consultation soon after the general election of May 1997. T h e
R D A s will incorporate t h e roles of English Partnerships and t h e R u r a l
D e v e l o p m e n t Commission in the regions and will also co-ordinate the
activities of a range of o t h e r organisations. Nine ' s h a d o w ' R D A s came into
o p e r a t i o n in the a u t u m n of 1998, with the fully-fledged R D A s being oper-
ational from April 1999. F u r t h e r details of how R D A s are to o p e r a t e , how
they will b e staffed and what their drivers are likely to b e , will b e c o m e
a p p a r e n t during the r e m a i n d e r of 1998. H o w e v e r , the key objective of
R D A s will b e to tackle regeneration by providing effective and properly
co-ordinated regional development. It is also anticipated that R D A s will
co-ordinate land assembly, physical and economic regeneration, support

for small businesses and the p r o m o t i o n of inward investment.
Local Authorities
Local authorities usually have a key role to play in u r b a n regeneration
schemes, sometimes as a landowner, sometimes as the relevant planning
authority and sometimes as both.
A key point to consider at an early stage in any regeneration scheme
involving a local authority is how the transaction or scheme will b e t r e a t e d
by t h e local authority in terms of the local authority's accounting require-
ments. In outline, legislation was introduced during the 1980s aimed at
curtailing overspending by local authorities at the expense of local tax-
payers (through rates, the community charge or council tax) or t h e national
purse (through p a y m e n t s financed by tax or g o v e r n m e n t borrowings). T h e
relevant legislation introduced an extremely complex w e b of r e q u i r e m e n t s
and restrictions relating to b o t h capital and r e v e n u e expenditure and the
receipts of local authorities. In the late 1990s t h e r e have b e e n some relaxa-
tions to the various rules (some are linked with the Private Finance Initia-
tive for which details are provided below).
A t the heart of the local government 'capital finance regime' is Part V of
t h e Local G o v e r n m e n t and Housing A c t 1989 (the 1989 A c t ) . This specifies
w h e n a local authority will b e d e e m e d to control a company so that, in
effect, t h e finances of the company (whether assets or liabilities, b u t par-
ticularly liabilities) must be treated as part of the overall financial position
of the local authority.
In addition to the 1989 Act, regard must also be had to the Local Govern-
ment (Companies) O r d e r 1995 (the 1995 O r d e r ) , which brings a range of
interests of local authorities in companies at below control level into the
regulated company net for capital finance purposes. It is the 1995 O r d e r
which gives rise to the situation in which local authorities often restrict their
shareholdings in companies to less than 20 per cent. T h e key point to be
considered at the outset in the structuring of any transactions in which a local
authority is involved, is that, through careful planning, a local authority may
b e able to secure favourable treatment for its involvement in the project for
capital finance purposes. For example, if a local authority transfers land to a
non-regulated SPV in return for shares or loan stock in the SPV, then no
capital receipt will arise for the local authority. O n the other hand, if the land
were to b e transferred by the local authority in return for cash, the local
authority would be obliged, under the capital finance regime, to 'set aside'
(in normal circumstances) 50 per cent of the receipts to reduce its borrowings
(75 per cent of the proceeds in the case of housing asset sales).
T h e r e have b e e n a n u m b e r of recent changes to the legal regime relating
to local authorities. Key points to n o t e are:
• t h e p r o p o s e d release by the government of capital receipts of u p to £5

billion over a five-year period for use towards housing and housing-
related r e g e n e r a t i o n (see t h e Local G o v e r n m e n t Finance (Supplemen-

tary Credit) A c t 1997);
• incentives to local authorities to u n d e r t a k e 'Design, Build, Finance and
O p e r a t e ' type contracts (see the Local G o v e r n m e n t (Capital Finance)
Regulations 1997);
• a new self-certification scheme for local g o v e r n m e n t P F I schemes which
g u a r a n t e e s private sector p a r t n e r s (including banks) that they will b e
c o m p e n s a t e d if a contract is ruled unlawful (see t h e Local G o v e r n m e n t
(Contracts) A c t 1997);
• from S e p t e m b e r 1998, extensive relaxations to t h e capital finance re-
gime so that, in m a n y cases, local authorities will b e able t o dispose of
certain surplus assets without any r e q u i r e m e n t to 'set aside' part of the
monies received.
In addition to taking account of the capital finance rules relating to a local
authority, a private sector party should take steps to satisfy itself that:
• t h e local authority has an express statutory p o w e r t o b e c o m e involved

in t h e scheme in t h e m a n n e r envisaged (the key general p o w e r relied
u p o n by local authorities is contained in Sections 33 to 35 of t h e 1989
A c t relating to the p r o m o t i o n of economic d e v e l o p m e n t of a local
authority's area in accordance with an approved annual plan);
• t h e express p o w e r has b e e n properly exercised (in t e r m s of t h e local
authority considering the scheme at a p p r o p r i a t e officer and m e m b e r
level);
• t h e relevant legal a g r e e m e n t s have b e e n properly executed in accord-
ance with any m i n u t e d authorities and/or standing orders.
Obviously, t h e Local G o v e r n m e n t (Contracts) A c t 1997 will provide sig-

nificant comfort to private sector partners.
The Private Finance Initiative
T h e Private Finance Initiative was launched in 1992 with the aims of im-
proving t h e quality and quantity of public sector capital projects, and of
delivering high-quality and m o r e cost-effective public services. It attempts
t o d o this t h r o u g h encouraging partnerships and by involving the private
sector m o r e directly in asset provision and operation.
T h e p r e s e n t g o v e r n m e n t has confirmed its support for P F I and believes it
should b e t h e r o u t e of choice for all public sector p r o c u r e m e n t w h e r e it can
deliver superior value for m o n e y . A wide range of P F I schemes have b e e n
agreed to date with m a n y m o r e u n d e r negotiation. H o w e v e r , P F I requires,
as a key ingredient, the existence of an asset (for example, a school, a road,
a hospital or a prison) which the private sector can design, build, fund and
o p e r a t e . Consequently, P F I will not have a role in u r b a n regeneration
unless t h e r e g e n e r a t i o n scheme involves the construction of new facilities
of a type capable of being funded through P F I . This is an area w h e r e t h e r e
is significant overlap b e t w e e n the overall P F I regime and the capital fi-

nance regime applicable to local authorities. A detailed review of the way
P F I o p e r a t e s (particularly in the context of local authorities) is outside t h e
scope of the basic introduction provided by this part of t h e chapter. Should
you require further information in this area you should r e a d the D e p a r t -
m e n t of the E n v i r o n m e n t , Transport and the Regions publication Local
Government and The Private Finance Initiative - An Eplanatory Note on
PFI and Public/Private Partnerships in Local Government was published in
F e b r u a r y 1997 and u p d a t e d in S e p t e m b e r 1998.
Property L a w
T h e p r o p e r t y aspects of any regeneration scheme can b e generally divided

into two parts: first, the site and how to assemble the same and, second, the
influence that any third party rights over the site will have on the p r o p o s e d
development. These issues are m a d e m o r e complex in t h e case of u r b a n
regeneration, as opposed to the development of a greenfield site, in that a
site in an u r b a n area is m o r e likely to b e in the ownership of a n u m b e r of
parties and to b e subject to a greater n u m b e r of third party rights.
This section of the chapter examines two major issues: first, the assembly
of a site and how a developer may gain control of a site and, second, the
impact of third party rights on the p r o p o s e d development and what can be
d o n e to r e m o v e such encumbrances.
Site Assembly
T h e developer, which may be a SPV as previously mentioned, will first

have to establish how many and what freehold and leasehold interests n e e d
to be acquired t o assemble a site, and w h o owns those interests. A search at
the L a n d Registry will identify the freehold and leasehold interests which
are registered and will also give t h e n a m e and address of t h e owners of such
interests. However, the search will not reveal interests which have not yet
b e e n registered (for example, because t h e r e have b e e n n o dealings in
relation to the land since compulsory registration was introduced) n o r will
it give details of leasehold interests for a t e r m of less t h a n 25 years as these
are not registrable. T h e proposed developer will have to rely on making
enquiries of any occupiers of the land to try and establish the ownership of
t h e freehold and any leasehold interests.
T h e r e may well b e parts of a p r o p o s e d site for which the developer is
unable to establish w h o has the p a p e r title to the land and n o o n e can
establish title by way of adverse possession (by exclusive possession for 12
years or m o r e ) . A c o m m o n example of this in u r b a n regeneration is
provided by access roads at t h e rear of properties which have never b e e n

a d o p t e d . T o protect against a l a n d o w n e r subsequently claiming the title to
t h e land after the d e v e l o p m e n t has c o m m e n c e d and bringing an action in
trespass for d a m a g e s and/or an injunction to p r e v e n t the d e v e l o p m e n t
proceeding, t h e d e v e l o p e r has t h e following options:
• to seek to design t h e scheme so that the piece of land in question does

not form an i m p o r t a n t part of the scheme;
• t o obtain effective title indemnity insurance against such a claim;
• to seek t h e co-operation of the local authority to use its compulsory
purchase p o w e r s to acquire the land in question.
Having identified the interests in the site which the developer needs to
acquire, consideration should be given to how the developer can secure those
interests. There are a number of different forms of agreement which can, to a
g r e a t e r or lesser extent, give the developer control of the site as follows:
• an unconditional contract;
• a conditional contract;
• an option a g r e e m e n t ;
• a p r e - e m p t i o n agreement.
A developer is unlikely to want to p r o c e e d on the basis of an uncondi-

tional contract to purchase the land, unless the land to b e sold comprises
the entire site and either has outline planning permission for the p r o p o s e d
d e v e l o p m e n t or the developer is confident that he can obtain the necessary
planning permission.
A conditional contract will allow the developer the comfort of having the
ability not to purchase the p r o p e r t y if certain conditions are not satisfied
such as planning and pre-lets being secured and the environmental condi-
tion of t h e land being satisfactory. T h e greater the n u m b e r of uncertainties
in respect of the d e v e l o p m e n t proposals, the greater the flexibility a de-
veloper requires and is, therefore, m o r e likely to seek an option which, in
effect, gives t h e developer total discretion as to w h e t h e r or not to p r o c e e d
with the acquisition.
Of course, w h e t h e r the developer can negotiate a conditional contract or
option a g r e e m e n t will d e p e n d u p o n the attitude of t h e seller, and w h e t h e r
t h e seller believes its interest would b e b e t t e r e d by selling the site immedi-
ately. T h e l a n d o w n e r is probably m o r e likely to agree to enter into a
conditional contract or option a g r e e m e n t if the period within which any
condition has to b e satisfied, or option exercised, is reasonable and the
seller receives s o m e financial r e c o m p e n s e for entering into the a g r e e m e n t
which, if the sale proceeds, will form part of the purchase price but if it does
not will b e retained by the land owner.
W i t h a c o n d i t i o n a l c o n t r a c t or an o p t i o n a g r e e m e n t t h e seller may, in
r e t u r n for t h e u n c e r t a i n t y o n t h e sale of his site, e i t h e r consider a higher
price or consider s o m e i n v o l v e m e n t in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e simplest
form of i n v o l v e m e n t is by way of a profit s h a r e . T h e d e v e l o p e r n e e d s to
b e careful as to h o w t h e rights to future profits are secured as they m a y in

t u r n impact u p o n t h e d e v e l o p e r ' s ability t o finance t h e d e v e l o p m e n t .
T h e final form of agreement referred to is a p r e - e m p t i o n agreement.
This merely gives the developer a right of first refusal should the seller
decide to dispose of his interest. This is unlikely to b e attractive to a
developer, especially in relation to an important element of the site.
H o w e v e r , the developer may use a p r e - e m p t i o n a g r e e m e n t in relation to
any area of land which, for example, could b e used in the future for t h e
expansion of a p r o p o s e d scheme.
In respect of all the above agreements, in o r d e r to protect the de-
veloper's rights u n d e r the same they n e e d to b e registered on the seller's
title. Failure to register the agreements m e a n s that the land could b e sold
to a third party and, whilst the developer would have a claim in damages
against the landowner, the agreement could not b e enforced against the
third party purchaser.
If t h e d e v e l o p e r is having difficulties in agreeing a deal with a
l a n d o w n e r then, especially in t h e cases of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n , t h e
d e v e l o p e r m a y seek the assistance of a local a u t h o r i t y to use, or at least
t h r e a t e n t o use, its compulsory p u r c h a s e p o w e r s t o assist in t h e
negotiations with t h e u n c o o p e r a t i v e l a n d o w n e r s . It should also b e
remembered that English P a r t n e r s h i p s h a v e t h e p o w e r upon
a u t h o r i s a t i o n from the Secretary of State t o compulsorily acquire land
u n d e r t h e provisions of Section 162 of t h e L e a s e h o l d R e f o r m H o u s i n g
a n d U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t s A c t 1993. If compulsory p u r c h a s e p o w e r s a r e
used to assemble a site, this can cause delays in t h e d e v e l o p e r ' s
p r o g r a m m e . T h e d e v e l o p e r m a y also n e e d to r e c o m p e n s e t h e local
a u t h o r i t y or English P a r t n e r s h i p s for t h e costs i n c u r r e d in exercising
t h e s e p o w e r s , which may cause t h e d e v e l o p e r p r o b l e m s with cash flow.
In any d o c u m e n t a t i o n providing for the local authority to assist the
developer in assembling a site, the relevant provisions to b e enforceable
must b e w o r d e d so as not to fetter any statutory rights or obligations of the
local authority.
Third Party Rights
T h e development of a site has the potential to interfere with third party

rights. If the p r o p o s e d development interferes with the rights enjoyed by
third parties, this can give rise to an injunction to stop the d e v e l o p m e n t or
may result in a claim in damages. It is important that the title to a site is
investigated as early as possible. In t h e case of a title which is registered,
this can, in part, be carried out without the need for any co-operation from
the landowner as details of the title are available at the various District
L a n d Registries. However, in the case of a title which is unregistered, the
developer will b e unable to examine the title deeds and d o c u m e n t s without
the co-operation of the landowner.
Easements
E a s e m e n t s are rights benefiting o n e p r o p e r t y over another. E a s e m e n t s
m a y b e created by statute, expressly, impliedly or by p r e s u m e d grant or
prescription (for example, by reason of the fact of previous long use of a
right). Therefore, merely examining the title d o c u m e n t s will not necessarily
reveal all third party rights. A n inspection of t h e site will also n e e d to b e
u n d e r t a k e n to see if any such rights are a p p a r e n t and enquiries will have to
b e m a d e of the seller to establish w h e t h e r any such rights exist.
A site subject to easements (for example, rights of way or for service
media) may in effect be sterilised in respect of those parts of the site so
affected, and will m a k e the development extremely difficult unless the de-
veloper is able to plan the development 'round' them. If an easement is
identified, the developer's solicitors first need to consider if the easement is,
in fact, enforceable. If the easement is enforceable, it may be necessary to:
• negotiate a release with the owner of the right;

• obtain effective title indemnity insurance;
• seek t h e co-operation of the local authority to exercise its compulsory
p u r c h a s e powers in respect of the easement;
• a p p r o p r i a t i o n - that is, if part of the site is affected by a covenant, is, or
has b e e n , in the ownership of the local authority and has b e e n appropri-
ated for planning purposes, t h e n the right may b e converted into a
claim for c o m p e n s a t i o n r a t h e r than entitling the p e r s o n with the benefit
to seek an injunction; indemnity insurance will b e r e q u i r e d to cover the
cost of the compensation, but the developer has the comfort that an
injunction cannot be obtained.
Restrictive Covenants
These are restrictions on a title which limit what can be done on a site. It may
be necessary to consider the rules governing the enforceability of covenants
to see whether a covenant is enforceable and if so by whom. It is not always
clear w h o has the benefit of a restrictive covenant. Unlike the b u r d e n of a
covenant, the right is not usually registered on the title of the land having the
benefit of it, and, especially with older covenants, the developer may take a
view that a covenant will not be enforced. T h e developer should bear in
mind that it will b e necessary to convince prospective tenants, fund providers
and purchasers that a covenant is unenforceable.
Again, if a covenant is enforceable and the developer is unable to design
the scheme ' r o u n d ' the restriction, t h e r e are a n u m b e r of options o p e n to a
developer as follows:
• seek to negotiate a release with the party having the benefit of the
covenant;
• obtain defective title indemnity insurance;
• apply to the L a n d s Tribunal for a release or modification of the
covenant;
190 Amanda Beresford, Richard Fleetwood and Mark Gafiney
• appropriation as described above;

• seek the co-operation of the local authority in o r d e r to use its com-
pulsory purchase powers to acquire the benefit of the covenant.
Public Rights
It is not u n c o m m o n in u r b a n regeneration projects for t h e r e to b e a n e e d to
either close or divert a public highway. T h e r e are two p r o c e d u r e s for
closing or diverting a public highway:
• an application to t h e Magistrates C o u r t u n d e r t h e Highways A c t 1980;

this can only b e d o n e with t h e c o - o p e r a t i o n of t h e local a u t h o r i t y a n d
t h e magistrates m a y b e reluctant t o grant an o r d e r w h e r e an
application can b e m a d e u n d e r t h e T o w n a n d C o u n t r y Planning A c t
(see b e l o w ) ;
• w h e r e there is an existing planning permission in the case of develop-
m e n t which would require the closure or diversion of a public highway,
t h e n an application can be m a d e to the Secretary of State for the
necessary closure or diversion u n d e r the T o w n and C o u n t r y Planning
Act; the p r o b l e m with this p r o c e d u r e is that in the event an objection is
received, an inquiry has to be held which can delay a scheme.
It should b e r e m e m b e r e d that the closure or diversion of a public highway

will not extinguish any private rights which existed. T h e s e will have to b e
dealt with separately.
Environmental Law
A p r o p e r t y regeneration project will often give rise to the n e e d to deal with

a n u m b e r of issues governed by environmental law. T h e main issues relate
to:
• waste m a n a g e m e n t ;
• contaminated land.
Waste Management
A p r o p e r t y development u r b a n regeneration project frequently p r o d u c e s

waste in the form of old construction material, excess earth, etc. If the area
to be redeveloped has previously b e e n in industrial use, the waste m a y
contain a degree of contamination. T h e m a n a g e m e n t of such waste, even
the t e m p o r a r y disposal of such waste within the site or m o v e m e n t from o n e
part of the site to another, requires compliance with a n u m b e r of environ-
m e n t a l laws. Of particular relevance are laws relating to:
• the definition of waste;

• waste m a n a g e m e n t licensing r e q u i r e m e n t s ;
• the statutory duty of care in relation to waste;
• Landfill Tax.
C a r e should also always b e t a k e n to ensure that the d e v e l o p m e n t does

not result in waste being kept, t r e a t e d or disposed of in a m a n n e r likely to
cause pollution of the e n v i r o n m e n t or h a r m t o h u m a n health. Breach of
this r e q u i r e m e n t would result in the commission of an offence u n d e r the
provisions of t h e E n v i r o n m e n t a l Protection A c t 1990.
D e p e n d i n g u p o n t h e circumstances, liability for b r e a c h of t h e laws
relating t o w a s t e can a t t a c h t o a l a n d o w n e r , d e v e l o p e r , c o n t r a c t o r or
o t h e r p a r t i e s involved in t h e project. It is, t h e r e f o r e , usually in t h e best
interest of all p a r t i e s to e n s u r e t h a t any waste is p r o p e r l y dealt with and
t h a t responsibilities relating t o it are clearly set out in any c o n t r a c t u a l
arrangements.
The Legal Definition of Waste

It is i m p o r t a n t to establish w h e t h e r or not what is being dealt with is legally
defined as waste. T h e definition of waste is a complex area of the law.
Particular areas of difficulty arise w h e r e waste is sold or given to s o m e o n e
else to reuse, or is temporarily stored on the site for reuse elsewhere later
in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t project or is t r e a t e d on site. Failure to correctly recog-
nise that what is being dealt with is waste may result in t h e commission of
an offence. F u r t h e r , subsequently complying with t h e law may jeopardise
t h e project's completion time and b u d g e t d u e to unexpected licence fees
and t h e time t a k e n to obtain the necessary permissions, licences and/or
consents to deal with t h e waste. Consideration of this aspect of any p r o -
p o s e d d e v e l o p m e n t is essential at an early stage.
Waste Management Licensing

If waste is p r o d u c e d , kept, treated, disposed of, or is subject to some
recovery operation, t h e n authorisation will be r e q u i r e d in the form of a
W a s t e M a n a g e m e n t Licence granted by the waste regulatory authority,
which in E n g l a n d and Wales is the E n v i r o n m e n t Agency. Applications can
t a k e s o m e time to process, may require a significant a m o u n t of supporting
information, and a fee is payable.
T h e r e are a n u m b e r of exceptions to this general rule that are a conse-
q u e n c e of the W a s t e M a n a g e m e n t Licensing Regulations 1994. T h e s e regu-
lations contain a lengthy list of activities involving waste which expressly do
not require a waste m a n a g e m e n t licence. Of particular relevance in this
context m a y b e e x e m p t i o n n u m b e r 19, which exempts the storage, or use
on site, of certain construction wastes for specified construction works, and
e x e m p t i o n n u m b e r 9, which provides that the spreading of certain con-
struction or demolition wastes on land in connection with specified re-
clamation or i m p r o v e m e n t is exempt. B o t h of these exemptions may need
to b e considered in detail. Some of these e x e m p t e d activities still require

registration with the waste regulatory authority.
Duty of Care
T h e E n v i r o n m e n t a l Protection A c t 1990 imposes on everybody w h o p r o -
duces or deals with most wastes a legal duty of care. Basically, this involves
a duty to prevent waste:
• causing pollution of the environment or h a r m to h u m a n health;

• escaping;
• being transferred to another person w h o is not authorised or without a
p r o p e r written description of the waste.
Breach of this duty of care is an offence. Discharging the duty of care

requires attention to such things as storing and packing waste properly,
describing clearly what it consists of, dealing only with an authorised car-
rier, providing the carrier with an accurate transfer n o t e and taking steps to
ensure that the waste is ultimately disposed of correctly. Waste arising
from a project should, therefore, always be dealt with in accordance with
this statutory duty of care.
Landfill Tax
T h e disposal of wastes to landfill attracts a p a y m e n t of Landfill Tax.
H o w e v e r , t h e r e is an exemption (currently u n d e r review) relevant to p r o p -
erty d e v e l o p m e n t regeneration projects dealing with previously contami-
n a t e d land - the historic contaminated land exemption. If the exemption
does not apply, the cost of the development will have to t a k e account of t h e
tax. If t h e exemption does apply, it is important to claim the exemption
from the Inland R e v e n u e at least 30 days before the disposal of the waste
takes place. F o r the exemption to apply t h e r e are a n u m b e r of require-
m e n t s and these should b e considered in detail. H M Customs and Excise
publish a relevant information n o t e (1/97 although a revision of this has
b e e n indicated). Briefly, the requirements include:
• t h e r e must b e reclamation of contaminated land which is, or is to b e ,

carried out with the object of facilitating development, conservation,
the provision of a public p a r k or other amenity, or the use of the land
for agriculture or forestry, or, if n o n e of these is to b e carried out, with
the object of reducing or removing the potential of pollutants to cause
harm;
• reclamation must involve clearing the land of pollutants that are caus-
ing h a r m or have the potential to cause harm;
• the cause of pollution must have ceased;
• the land is not subject to a remediation notice;
• t h e reclamation constitutes or includes clearing the land of pollutants
which would (unless cleared) prevent the land being put to the i n t e n d e d
use.
Contaminated Land
Inevitably in m a n y u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n p r o p e r t y d e v e l o p m e n t projects, it
m a y b e t h a t all or p a r t of t h e site will b e c o n t a m i n a t e d by a p r e v i o u s use.
H o w e v e r , it should b e b o r n e in m i n d t h a t dereliction a n d evidence of
p r e v i o u s use are not, in t h e m s e l v e s , evidence of c o n t a m i n a t i o n . S o m e
derelict a n d previously used sites (often k n o w n as 'brownfield' sites) are
n o t c o n t a m i n a t e d a n d m a n y w o u l d not fall within t h e s t a t u t o r y definition
of c o n t a m i n a t i o n r e l e v a n t to r e m e d i a t i o n notices. I n d e e d t h e p r e s e n t
g o v e r n m e n t is k e e n t o p r o m o t e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of 'brownfield' sites a n d
has p r o p o s e d t h a t a tax m a y b e applied o n 'greenfield' sites in future in
o r d e r t o e n c o u r a g e t h e r e u s e of 'brownfield' sites. T h e legislative
provisions relating t o c o n t a m i n a t e d land m e a n t h a t it is essential t h a t any
p r o s p e c t i v e p u r c h a s e r or d e v e l o p e r of land investigates w h e t h e r or n o t it
is c o n t a m i n a t e d , as in certain cases, as will b e a p p r e c i a t e d from t h e
i n f o r m a t i o n below, liability can pass with t h e land. This m a y involve t h e
a p p o i n t m e n t of e n v i r o n m e n t a l consultants t o carry out an e n v i r o n m e n t a l
investigation a n d it is i m p o r t a n t t o seek advice as t o t h e a p p r o p r i a t e
t e r m s a n d c o n d i t i o n s of their a p p o i n t m e n t . If a site is c o n t a m i n a t e d , t h e n
t h e principal m e c h a n i s m for dealing with t h e c o n t a m i n a t i o n as p a r t of a
r e d e v e l o p m e n t project is t h e p l a n n i n g process. T h e assessment of t h e
existence of c o n t a m i n a t i o n , a n d t h e r e q u i r e m e n t t o deal with it, should b e
dealt with by t h e local p l a n n i n g a u t h o r i t y in t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of any
application for p l a n n i n g permission a n d t h e imposition of any conditions
a t t a c h e d t o a permission. This is discussed in further detail in t h e
p l a n n i n g section of this c h a p t e r . N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g this, a n y o n e involved in
land which m a y b e c o n t a m i n a t e d n e e d s t o b e a w a r e of t h e implications of
t h e v a r i o u s legislative provisions designed t o deal with that
c o n t a m i n a t i o n . T h e m a i n provisions are:
• statutory nuisance;
• r e m e d i a t i o n notices;
• works notices;
• civil claims for d a m a g e s or compensation.
Statutory Nuisance
Certain specified circumstances are held to b e a statutory nuisance in re-
spect of which a local authority can require rectification t h r o u g h the service
of an a b a t e m e n t notice. Failure to comply with an a b a t e m e n t notice is a
criminal offence. T h e specified circumstances include such things as:
• premises in a state prejudicial to health or a nuisance;

• any accumulation or deposit which is prejudicial to health or a
nuisance;
• noise;
• dust.
Such circumstances could potentially arise during a regeneration project,

either as a direct result of the actual activities during development, or
because the activities disclose u n k n o w n contamination.
Compliance with an a b a t e m e n t notice can b e required of the p e r s o n
responsible for the nuisance or, if that p e r s o n cannot b e found, t h e owner
or occupier of the premises. T h e implication for an u r b a n regeneration
project is that the owner or occupier of the site potentially falls liable u n d e r
these proceedings to r e m e d y any statutory nuisance caused by a previous
owner or occupier (for example, land contamination) w h o can n o longer b e
found. Also, if the development works themselves cause a statutory nui-
sance, liability will arise. T h e intention is that in respect of c o n t a m i n a t e d
land, the relevant statutory nuisance provisions will largely b e superseded
by the p r o p o s e d regimes relating to R e m e d i a t i o n Notices and W o r k s
Notices referred to below.
Remediation Notices
N e w statutory provisions will require the regulatory authority t o identify
land which is contaminated and needs attention, and t h e n to serve a notice
on t h e person liable to clean it up; non-compliance would b e a criminal
offence.
T h o s e involved in property developments will n e e d to assess w h e t h e r or
not a remediation notice is likely to b e served in respect of t h e site in
question. T h e relevant regulations are currently in draft form and the
following account is of the situation that would result if they w e r e a d o p t e d
in their present form. T h e provisions will b e retrospective.
T h e statutory definition of contaminated land introduced by the E n -
vironment A c t 1995 is relevant. T h e result of this appears to b e that if t h e r e
is n o h a r m or significant possibility of h a r m , land is not c o n t a m i n a t e d
within t h e meaning of the relevant statute, despite the presence of harmful
matter. L a n d is contaminated only if the h a r m , or risk of h a r m , to the non-
aquatic environment is significant, or if there is any risk of w a t e r pollution.
T h e result is that, probably, the provisions will only affect the most severely
contaminated sites.
W h e r e the regulatory authority does identify such contaminated land, a
remediation notice can be served requiring remediation works. Failure to
comply is a criminal offence. T h e principal person u p o n which t h e notice
must b e served is the person w h o caused, or knowingly permitted, t h e
contaminating substance to b e in, on, or u n d e r the land in question.
H o w e v e r , if that p e r s o n cannot b e found, t h e n the notice can b e served on
the owner or occupier for the time being of the c o n t a m i n a t e d land. T h e
t e r m 'knowingly p e r m i t t e d ' m e a n s care has to b e t a k e n in any contractual
arrangements. It is possible that a funding institution could b e held liable as
s o m e o n e responsible for causing or knowingly permitting t h e presence of
t h e contamination in certain circumstances. Dealing with the concerns of a
funding institution in relation to this m a t t e r can b e an important part of a
regeneration project.
T h e r e are a n u m b e r of complex rules that provide exclusions to the

general regulations governing liability. T h e s e serve to exclude a particular
p e r s o n w h o would otherwise b e liable but only o p e r a t e w h e n t h e r e is m o r e
t h a n o n e p e r s o n in t h e particular category, that is, the causing or knowingly
permitting category, or the owner/occupier category. T h e most relevant
issues in a p r o p e r t y d e v e l o p m e n t situation include:
• land sold with information;

• p a y m e n t s for r e m e d i a t i o n works to a n o t h e r party;
• rack r e n t leases.
T h e i m p o r t a n c e to a regeneration project is that a p r o p e r assessment of

w h e t h e r or n o t t h e land is c o n t a m i n a t e d must b e m a d e early in t h e project
so that u n e x p e c t e d risks or costs are avoided. A t t e n t i o n to t h e details of the
a p p o i n t m e n t of environmental consultants will b e required. A n y remedia-
tion works should b e to a standard which will satisfy the regulatory author-
ities, and liability for any residual risk should b e addressed in the
contractual a r r a n g e m e n t s b e t w e e n the parties.
Works Notices
If a r e g e n e r a t i o n project causes, or is likely t o cause, pollution of water, as
a result p e r h a p s of disturbing contamination on the land, then regulations,
yet to c o m e into force, will enable the E n v i r o n m e n t Agency to serve a
w o r k s notice on the p e r s o n w h o caused or knowingly p e r m i t t e d the pollu-
tion. This notice requires the pollution to b e cleaned u p . Failure to respond
to a notice is a criminal offence.
Like r e m e d i a t i o n notices, works notices m e a n that knowledge, a d e q u a t e
remediation, attention to the details in appointing environmental
consultants, a n d a r r a n g e m e n t s to deal with residual liability, m a y all b e
i m p o r t a n t m a t t e r s to b e dealt with in a r e g e n e r a t i o n project.
Civil Claims for Damages or Compensation

If land is c o n t a m i n a t e d and the contamination escapes and causes h a r m to
a third party this m a y give rise to claims from the third party for damages
and/or compensation. It is possible for those w h o have b e e n involved with
ownership or d e v e l o p m e n t of the land to be implicated in such claims. It is
therefore i m p o r t a n t for this reason also to identify at an early stage
w h e t h e r or not contamination is an issue.
Planning
Generally speaking, planning law requires planning permission to be

g r a n t e d before most forms of d e v e l o p m e n t can t a k e place. R e g e n e r a t i o n
will involve a significant a m o u n t of development, which will usually require
planning permission and may also require o t h e r permissions, for example,
listed building consent. It is important at the outset to identify the parts of a

p r o p o s e d regeneration project which require planning or other permis-
sions, and then to obtain all the permissions in an acceptable form. This
may involve the completion of planning agreements or pursuing appeals,
which will involve a public inquiry. This section, therefore, looks at the
following:
• planning permission;
• some other permissions;
• special planning areas.
Planning Permission
Inevitably, any u r b a n regeneration project that involves p r o p e r t y develop-

m e n t will require planning permission as it will usually involve building,
engineering, mining or other operations or/and the making of a material
change in the use of any buildings or land. Some forms of (generally minor)
development are, in effect, granted planning permission automatically
u n d e r the provisions of the G e n e r a l Permitted D e v e l o p m e n t O r d e r 1995.
These are k n o w n as permitted developments. If t h e r e is an existing use or
development which is not authorised by a grant of planning permission,
provided it has existed for the appropriate time (4 or 10 years depending on
the type of development) it can b e said to have b e c o m e lawful and a
certificate of lawfulness of existing use or development can be obtained
from the local planning authority. A similar certificate can b e obtained in
relation to a p r o p o s e d use or development if there is d o u b t as to w h e t h e r a
p r o p o s e d use complies with what is the legitimate planning use of t h e site.
Applications for either certificate may require detailed evidence as to the
past history of the site, and such evidence should usually b e compiled in
collaboration with a specialist planning lawyer. Overall, the main planning
concerns at the beginning of a project will be to identify all of the aspects of
the d e v e l o p m e n t which require planning permission and to decide w h e t h e r
planning permission is likely to b e granted.
Planning law requires the local planning authority to t a k e into account
material considerations in determining planning permissions. Material con-
siderations include, among other things, the development plan and plan-
ning policy guidance notes. It is particularly important to consider w h e t h e r
a p r o p o s e d development is consistent with the provisions of the develop-
m e n t plan.
Development Plans
Local p l a n n i n g authorities are r e q u i r e d t o p r e p a r e d e v e l o p m e n t plans for
their area. T h e s e m a y b e structure plans, covering strategic m a t t e r s , local
plans, translating t h e strategic policies into specific policies a n d p r o p o s a l s
and, in G r e a t e r L o n d o n and t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n areas, unitary plans, which
are i n t e n d e d t o p e r f o r m t h e functions of b o t h s t r u c t u r e a n d local plans in

t h e s e a r e a s . I n d e t e r m i n i n g w h e t h e r or n o t p l a n n i n g permission is likely
to b e g r a n t e d , t h e d e v e l o p m e n t plan provisions are particularly i m p o r t a n t
b e c a u s e Section 5 4 A of t h e T o w n a n d C o u n t r y P l a n n i n g A c t 1990
r e q u i r e s t h a t t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of p l a n n i n g applications m u s t b e m a d e in
a c c o r d a n c e with t h e d e v e l o p m e n t p l a n unless m a t e r i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s
indicate o t h e r w i s e . L a n d o w n e r s a n d d e v e l o p e r s h a v e an o p p o r t u n i t y t o
influence t h e provisions c o n t a i n e d within d e v e l o p m e n t plans t h r o u g h t h e
p l a n p r e p a r a t i o n p r o c e d u r e . This p r o c e d u r e r e q u i r e s local p l a n n i n g
a u t h o r i t i e s to u n d e r t a k e a consultation exercise during t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of
p l a n s a n d also e n a b l e s objections to b e m a d e to a p r o p o s e d plan (called
t h e deposit draft) which, if not m e t by a m e n d m e n t s t o t h e p r o p o s e d plan,
can b e aired at a public inquiry b e f o r e an inspector a p p o i n t e d by t h e
Secretary of S t a t e . T h e inspector will t h e n r e c o m m e n d to t h e local
p l a n n i n g a u t h o r i t y w h e t h e r or n o t any objections should b e m e t t h r o u g h
a m e n d m e n t s t o t h e plan before it is a d o p t e d . Influencing d e v e l o p m e n t
p l a n s in this w a y r e q u i r e s a d e g r e e of l o n g - t e r m p l a n n i n g o n t h e p a r t of
any l a n d o w n e r or d e v e l o p e r , since t h e plans frequently t a k e m a n y years
from c o n c e p t i o n t o a d o p t i o n .
A local planning authority is not b o u n d to comply with the Secretary of
State's r e c o m m e n d a t i o n in this respect. H o w e v e r , failure to do so runs the
risk of the local authority being unable successfully to defend an appeal
against a subsequent refusal of an application for planning permission
which is consistent with the Secretary of State's r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s . T h e
i m p o r t a n c e of any provision in an emerging d e v e l o p m e n t plan in relation
to the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of any applications for planning permission, increases
the n e a r e r the plan is to adoption.
Planning Policy Guidance

C e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t ' s policies on planning are contained in Circulars and
Planning Policy G u i d a n c e N o t e s ( P P G s ) and local planning authorities will
have regard to these in determining any application for planning permis-
sion. Box 9.2 identifies s o m e of the most i m p o r t a n t P P G s .
In mid-1998 the D e p a r t m e n t of E n v i r o n m e n t , T r a n s p o r t and the R e -
gions a n n o u n c e d that a fundamental review was to b e u n d e r t a k e n of plan-
ning policy, law and regulation. It is anticipated that the results of this
review will b e m a d e k n o w n during the first half of 1999.
A s well as national planning policy guidance, the g o v e r n m e n t also issues
Regional Planning G u i d a n c e , which it p r e p a r e s after consultation with
local planning authorities and which takes account of national planning
policies. R e g i o n a l Planning G u i d a n c e provides t h e strategic framework
within which structure, unitary and other d e v e l o p m e n t plans are p r e p a r e d .
Planning Applications
A n outline planning application will usually b e the most a p p r o p r i a t e first
step in the case of a complex scheme involving a change of use as it will
Box 9.2 Some Important PPGs
PPG 1 - General Policy and This sets out the general principles
Principles for the operation of the planning
system, including the determination
of planning applications.
PPG 2 National planning policy in the green
belts.
PPG3 - Housing General policies in relation to
housing, affordable housing, housing
land availability and new settlements.
PPG4 - Industrial and Commercial The role of the planning system in
Developments and Small Firms relation to industrial and commercial
development.
PPG5 - Simplified Planning Zones The general nature and role of SPZs.
PPG6 - Town Centres and Retail Including the sequential approach to
Developments selecting sites for development for
retail employment leisure and other
key town centre uses.
PPG12 - Development Plans and Government policy in relation to the
Regional Planning Guidance Development Plan process.
PPG15 - Planning and the Historic Comprehensive advice on controls for
Environment the protection of historic buildings
and conservation areas.
PPG 16 - Archaeology and Planning Policy on archaeological remains on
land.
PPG23 - Planning and Pollution Including advice on issues relating to
Control contaminated land and waste.
Note: There are other PPGs and circulars which may be relevant to particular projects.
establish the principles of that form of d e v e l o p m e n t without incurring t h e

cost of working out the final details of the scheme, some or all of which can
remain outstanding as reserved matters. A n outline permission cannot b e
i m p l e m e n t e d until full permission for the reserved matters has b e e n
granted.
Usually, the local planning authority has eight weeks within which to
d e t e r m i n e an application for planning permission. H o w e v e r , it will t a k e
longer if complex issues are involved and often the eight weeks is regarded
only as a target. If the local planning authority refuses to grant planning
permission, grants it with unacceptable conditions or fails to d e t e r m i n e it
within eight weeks, an appeal can b e lodged. T h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the
appeal m a y involve a public inquiry. Decisions resulting from an appeal
can t a k e m a n y m o n t h s to obtain. It is, therefore, important at the outset to
obtain a realistic planning appraisal of the p r o p o s e d project.
S o m e types of d e v e l o p m e n t have to b e referred to the Secretary of State

before they can b e g r a n t e d permission by the local planning authority. A n
example would b e a d e v e l o p m e n t which is inconsistent with the provisions
of the d e v e l o p m e n t plan. T h e Secretary of State can call the application in
for his d e t e r m i n a t i o n and as this may involve a public inquiry, this can
significantly delay t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of t h e planning application. It is
therefore i m p o r t a n t to identify at an early stage any application which will
have to b e referred to the Secretary of State.
A planning application n e e d not b e in t h e n a m e of a landowner, b u t if it
is not, t h e n a certificate must b e served on the landowner. Only an applic-
ant can lodge an appeal against a planning permission. If a Section 106
A g r e e m e n t or obligation is r e q u i r e d (see below) it will b e necessary for t h e
l a n d o w n e r to e n t e r into such an agreement. It is, therefore, i m p o r t a n t that
if t h e application is m a d e in the n a m e of the developer, a r r a n g e m e n t s for
c o - o p e r a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e l a n d o w n e r and any developer in progressing t h e
planning application are addressed in the contractual a r r a n g e m e n t s .
Section 106 obligations are frequently e n t e r e d into to facilitate a grant of
planning permission. T h e s e are a g r e e m e n t s or unilateral undertakings by
the developer to carry out what is k n o w n as planning gain which may, for
example, include a restriction on the use or d e v e l o p m e n t of the land, the
carrying out of specified operations or t h e p a y m e n t of a sum of m o n e y .
Such an obligation is binding on subsequent land owners. A typical ex-
ample of an obligation in such an a g r e e m e n t is an a g r e e m e n t to pay for the
cost of r o a d i m p r o v e m e n t s r e q u i r e d in o r d e r t o a c c o m m o d a t e t h e traffic
likely to b e g e n e r a t e d by a development.
S o m e planning permissions for major developments will require an en-
v i r o n m e n t a l impact assessment t o b e carried out prior t o t h e granting of
planning permission. A guide to the types of d e v e l o p m e n t s affected can b e
o b t a i n e d from the D e p a r t m e n t of the E n v i r o n m e n t ' s Circular 15/88 T o w n
and C o u n t r y Planning (Assessment of E n v i r o n m e n t a l Effects). S o m e very
significant d e v e l o p m e n t s will always require environmental assessment.
T h e s e are k n o w n as Schedule 1 Projects and include such things as m o t o r -
ways, major airports, chemical installations, heavy industry and t h e r m a l
p o w e r stations. O t h e r developments, k n o w n as Schedule 2 Projects,
r e q u i r e e n v i r o n m e n t a l assessment w h e n they are likely to give rise to sig-
nificant e n v i r o n m e n t a l effects and annex A of Circular 15/88 contains s o m e
indicative criteria and thresholds for identification of such projects
requiring e n v i r o n m e n t a l assessment. F o r example, an industrial estate de-
v e l o p m e n t m a y r e q u i r e e n v i r o n m e n t a l assessment if t h e area is in excess of
20 hectares. T h e p r e p a r a t i o n and submission of an environmental impact
assessment will usually involve consideration of a wide variety of impacts
which t h e p r o p o s e d d e v e l o p m e n t might have on t h e environment, con-
sultation with a n u m b e r of statutory bodies and o t h e r organisations,
compliance with publicity r e q u i r e m e n t s and, ultimately, producing a writ-
t e n d o c u m e n t r e p o r t i n g environmental impact in t h e form of an environ-
m e n t a l statement. Inevitably, the production of the environmental
s t a t e m e n t is time-consuming and if environmental assessment is required,

t h e n the time allowed for compliance should b e considered in preparing a
timetable for the p r o p o s e d project.
Other Permissions
A n u m b e r of other permissions m a y be required in connection with t h e

d e v e l o p m e n t of an u r b a n regeneration scheme or project.
Listed Buildings Consent

If the development involves works which will affect the character or setting
of a listed building, then in addition to a grant of planning permission, it will
be necessary to obtain listed building consent. Details of whether or not a
building is listed can b e obtained from the local authority through a search;
however, it should be noted that a search in relation to the immediate site
may be insufficient in this respect as the development may affect the setting
of listed buildings which are on the edge of but outside of the site itself. In
this case, listed building consent may still be required. It is important to
m a k e an early assessment of whether listed building consent will be required,
because the procedure for obtaining listed building consent is very similar to
the procedure for obtaining planning permission and the two often run hand
in hand, and are subject to similar time frames and rights of appeal.
Tree Preservation Order Consent

T r e e s may b e protected by a T r e e Preservation O r d e r . Such an o r d e r will
b e revealed by a local authority search. If it is intended to cut d o w n or
otherwise d a m a g e trees protected by a T r e e Preservation O r d e r the con-
sent of t h e local planning authority must be obtained.
Conservation Area Consent

A local authority search will reveal whether or not a site lies within a conser-
vation area. If it does, then conservation area consent may b e required for
some aspects of the development. Again, the procedure is very similar to the
planning application procedure. In any event, any application for planning
permission will be considered m o r e stringently in terms of the proposed
design of the scheme or project if the site lies within a conservation area.
Trees in a conservation area are also subject to special protection.
Designated Areas of Archaeological Importance

If any part of a site is designated as an area of archaeological i m p o r t a n c e ,
compulsory archaeological research facilities will have to b e provided to
archaeologists prior to r e d e v e l o p m e n t of the site. This can have implica-
tions in terms of the time within which a regeneration scheme can b e
completed, because there must b e a m a n d a t o r y delay of four m o n t h s and a
period of two weeks for archaeological research before any operations are
carried out which disturb the ground or w h e r e flooding or tipping oper-

ations are p r o p o s e d . E v e n w h e r e a site is not so designated, a local plan-
ning authority is entitled to attach conditions to any grant of planning
permission requiring archaeological investigations to b e carried out if t h e r e
is any evidence that t h e r e d e v e l o p m e n t may affect archaeological remains.
Some Special Areas
In certain designated areas, special conditions and circumstances are in

force that alter t h e n o r m a l operation of planning law. T h e s e include E n -
terprise Z o n e s and Simplified Planning Z o n e s .
Enterprise Zones
A n enterprise z o n e is an area designated by t h e Secretary of State with the
object of stimulating industrial and commercial activity by giving substan-
tial financial advantages to developers within t h e zone. Planning controls in
an enterprise z o n e are simplified. T h e reduction of planning controls in the
z o n e areas d e p e n d s primarily on the contents of t h e d o c u m e n t k n o w n as
t h e ' E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e S c h e m e ' which is p r e p a r e d by a zone authority in
advance of t h e designation by the Secretary of State. F r o m this it will b e
possible to d e d u c e which planning permissions are automatically granted in
t h e z o n e and which conditions or limitations (if any) apply.
Simplified Planning Zones

T h e p u r p o s e of a S P Z is to allow a local planning authority to grant a
general planning permission for some p a r t of its area. Within such an area,
t h e S P Z developers are able to u n d e r t a k e d e v e l o p m e n t s as of right, u p to
t h e tolerances specified by the S P Z scheme, and without requiring further
planning permission. Simplified Planning Z o n e s are an extension of the
E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e concept, although without the fiscal advantages of E Z s .
Schemes for S P Z s are p r e p a r e d by a local planning authority, following
publicity a n d consultations. T h e r e is a right to object to a draft scheme,
and, a public inquiry must b e held to consider any objections which are not
m e t by t h e local planning authority. O n c e an S P Z is a d o p t e d , a copy of the
scheme can b e o b t a i n e d from the local planning authority in o r d e r to
ascertain the types of d e v e l o p m e n t which can b e carried out within it,
without the n e e d for a further grant of planning permission.
Conclusions
This c h a p t e r has provided on overview of s o m e of the major areas of law

that are relevant to t h e p r e p a r a t i o n and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of an u r b a n re-
g e n e r a t i o n scheme or project. A s can be g a t h e r e d from the text, t h e r e are
m a n y individual circumstances and situations in which special conditions or
Key Issues and Action
• Consider structure at the outset - is a 'special purpose company'

appropriate?
• Involve relevant agencies (e.g. new Regional Development Agencies).
• Consider regeneration schemes with local authorities and central
government encouragement for PFI schemes and public/private
partnerships.
• Note continued relaxations to capital finance regime relating to disposal
of asset by local authorities.
• Identify the interests that need to be acquired to assemble the site.
• Identify the rights and covenants on the site which may impact on the
proposed development.
• Work out a strategy for securing the necessary interests in the site
without committing the developer to purchase the site before he is ready
to proceed with the development.
• Carry out an environmental investigation of the site and take account of
the results in determining the strategy for purchase, development and
sale on.
• Identify what planning and other permissions are required for the
development, the likelihood of obtaining them and the relevant
procedure for application.
• Identify any possibilities for delay in the planning process, e.g. referrals
to the Secretary of State, and ensure they are taken account of in the
development strategy.
• Ensure compliance with waste management laws during the
development phase.
aspects of the law apply. However, in general, the key message of this
chapter is that it is essential to obtain good legal advice at the outset of an
u r b a n regeneration scheme. By adopting this approach, m a n y potential
difficulties and obstacles can b e identified in advance, and the a p p r o p r i a t e
permissions or agreements can b e obtained or achieved in good time,
thereby avoiding any unnecessary delays or excessive costs. Anticipation
and early action can prevent difficulties from becoming problems.
T h e r e are m a n y aspects of the law that have not b e e n discussed in this
chapter; the material that has b e e n p r e s e n t e d is considered to b e relevant
to most u r b a n regeneration activities: in particular it is essential to agree
and implement appropriate structures that will enable the regeneration
scheme to proceed in an effective and efficient m a n n e r .
Further R e a d i n g
DETR: (1997, 1998) Local Government and The Private Finance Initiative - an Explana-
tory Note on PFI and Public/Private Partnerships in Local Government, DETR,
London.
Grant, M. (1882) Urban Planning Law (supplemented 1990), Sweet and Maxwell,
London.
Hellawell, T. ( 1995) The Law Society's Environmental Law Handbook, The Law Society,
London.
Megarry, R. and Wade, W. (1997) The Law of Real Property, Sweet and Maxwell,
London.
10 Monitoring and Evaluation
Barry Moore and Rod Spires
Introduction
Measuring, monitoring and evaluating u r b a n regeneration is a vital task.

I n d e e d , the availability of financial and other forms of support for projects
and p r o g r a m m e s is normally tied to the provision of an acceptable frame-
work for monitoring and evaluation. In addition, given the wide range of
actors and organisations involved in u r b a n regeneration, it is important to
b e able to d e m o n s t r a t e t h e o u t p u t s of initiatives and t o b e able t o point t o
the origins and consequences of any difficulties that have b e e n e n c o u n t e r e d
during the process of implementation. In b r o a d terms, monitoring and
evaluation a t t e m p t t o identify what actions have t a k e n place and what the
consequences of such actions have been.
This chapter presents a n u m b e r of issues:
• the general principles of monitoring and evaluation;

• t h e i m p o r t a n c e of designing strategies in order to allow for the incor-
p o r a t i o n of monitoring and evaluation;
• the m e a s u r e m e n t and monitoring of progress; and
• the evaluation of u r b a n regeneration strategies.
A t the outset is it i m p o r t a n t to recognise that the task of monitoring and
evaluation is closely linked with policy d e v e l o p m e n t b o t h at a strategic
level and w h e n specific projects are being designed and implemented. A s
such it forms part of the policy process and is related to policy choices and
the establishment of aims and objectives. T h e s e choices can b e influenced
by political aims which in t u r n set the context for monitoring and evalua-
tion activities. H e n c e the approach to evaluation, the choice of what is
m e a s u r e d , and t h e j u d g e m e n t as to what has b e e n achieved cannot b e
divorced from the wider political or cultural context.
A related issue is the desirability for the evaluation task to b e seen as
reasonably objective in that it does not rely solely on the views, and judge-
ments, of those directly involved in policy formulation and implementa-
tion. In this sense impartial advice usually forms part of the evaluation
process.
T h e n a t u r e of evaluation is also influenced, a m o n g other things, by re-
source availability in terms of skills, personnel (in-house or external) and
capacity to collect, organise and analyse information, including data.
204 Barry Moore and Rod Spires
R e s o u r c e availability will determine t h e b r e a d t h and d e p t h of t h e evalua-

tion task.
Timing is also a critical issue. A t t h e early stages of policy implementa-
tion t h e emphasis is m o r e likely t o b e on monitoring actions. A s initiatives
m a t u r e the focus will b e on outputs, outcomes and a d d e d value either as
part of interim or final evaluations. A t this stage issues of effectiveness and
efficiency b e c o m e m o r e important.
Principles o f M o n i t o r i n g a n d E v a l u a t i o n
M e a s u r e m e n t , monitoring and evaluation can b e considered as an integral

part of t h e cycle of u r b a n regeneration. T h e cycle starts with t h e identifica-
tion of t h e challenges to b e addressed; it continues through t h e various
processes of planning and strategy; it t h e n progresses to t h e point of imple-
mentation; and, eventually, t o completion. A t all of these stages in t h e cycle
it is important t o b e able to:
• draw u p o n the experiences of previous projects and p r o g r a m m e s in

o r d e r to help t o identify and avoid problems and the potential waste of
resources;
• to identify targets and to incorporate t h e m within an agreed schedule of
action and implementation;
• to m e a s u r e and monitor specific aspects of implementation;
• to evaluate the overall performance of a project or p r o g r a m m e , that is,
effectiveness and efficiency.
It is helpful t o address the question of how best t o establish m e t h o d s of

m e a s u r e m e n t , monitoring and evaluation at the start of t h e u r b a n r e -
generation cycle, and to incorporate t h e necessary measures and m e a s u r e -
m e n t p r o c e d u r e s within the plan or strategy. M a n y of these p r o c e d u r e s and
practices associated with monitoring and evaluation are familiar to u r b a n
regeneration practitioners. Individuals and organisations in b o t h t h e public
and private sectors are expected t o monitor and evaluate actions as part of
their routine activities, whilst community and voluntary groups are nor-
mally k e e n to ensure that the best use is m a d e of their limited resources.
Initially it is important to attempt to clarify two aspects of m e a s u r e m e n t ,
monitoring and evaluation:
• t h e purposes of the exercise;

• the terminology used, especially by E u r o p e a n U n i o n and central gov-
e r n m e n t policy-makers.
The Purposes of Monitoring and Evaluation
T h e purposes of m e a s u r e m e n t , monitoring and evaluation have already

b e e n hinted at in the preceding paragraphs. Evaluation is a key tool in
Monitoring and Evaluation 205
gauging the extent to which policies and initiatives are effective and effi-
cient in t e r m s of meeting aims. Evaluation provides a basis for judging
w h e t h e r t h e r e is still a rationale for policy intervention (or policy n e e d s to
b e adjusted) and w h e t h e r implementation is resulting in the designed out-
comes in t h e r e q u i r e d time-scale. T h e specific aims are: to check the p r o -
gress of a project or p r o g r a m m e against specified targets in a systematic
and t r a n s p a r e n t m a n n e r , to inform the review or revision of the original
targets and actions, and to arrive at a j u d g e m e n t overall of the outputs of
the scheme and the a d d e d value (or additionality) it brings. E a c h of these
p u r p o s e s is outlined and explained in the following sections. A m o r e exten-
sive discussion of monitoring and evaluation is provided in the later
sections.
Progress
A n y u r b a n regeneration project or p r o g r a m m e is designed with the intention
of achieving a n u m b e r of specific requirements and targets. These require-
ments and targets, normally used in order to help design a project or pro-
gramme, are usually incorporated in the development and business plans,
and are also presented as part of the case which is put forward for funding. A
typical set of targets will cover a variety of initiatives and will identify the
expected outputs and units of measurement (or indicators) that are appropri-
ate to the activity in question. Having specified and agreed the targets it is
then necessary to put into place procedures to check and report progress
sometimes against a baseline position; these procedures may include collect-
ing m a n a g e m e n t information, land-use surveys, other direct surveys (of, for
example, firms or occupants) and the requirement that the recipients of
funding should report their achievements. Indirect monitoring of other
sources of information such as employment creation and the local level of
unemployment may also be undertaken. By setting targets and then mea-
suring and monitoring progress, it is possible at a given point in time to assess
the extent to which the initial objectives have b e e n achieved. A n example is
provided in Table 10.1 of the level of achievement of the Trafford Park
Development. T h e level of achievement reached by March 1995 is compared
with the level of performance specified in the Corporate Plan.
Revision
A n additional p u r p o s e of measuring and monitoring progress is to assist in
the review and revision of a plan or strategy and the identification of any
new challenges which may e m e r g e . F o r example, in the case of the example
provided in Table 10.1, if an unexpected industrial closure occurred, then
the Trafford P a r k D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n would find it necessary to
revise its expected targets and, in such circumstances, the corporation may
wish to introduce additional measures in o r d e r to attract additional com-
panies to locate in the park, to encourage existing companies to expand
their activities, or it may n e e d to revise the entire strategy. Such review and
revision is n o r m a l and should not be interpreted as indicating the failure of
Table 10.1 Progress achieved by Trafford Park Development

Corporation
Achievement by
T a r g e t level M a r c h 1995
Land reclaimed 170 h a 142 h a
H i g h w a y s built or u p g r a d e d 40km 31km
Commercial development 600,000m 2

496,000m 2
T r a i n i n g places assisted 3,500 2,420
Gross j o b s c r e a t e d 19,000 16,200
Companies attracted 800 720
Private sector i n v e s t m e n t £ 1 , 2 0 0 million £ 9 1 5 million
Trees a n d shrubs p l a n t e d 800,000 759,000
Source: Trafford Park D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n (1995).
either the original strategy, or the process of implementation. H o w e v e r , it

m a y b e the case that the original target was unrealistic or that unexpected
p r o b l e m s have e m e r g e d which could have b e e n anticipated at t h e outset.
H e n c e t h e evaluation process can b e used as an input to policy adjustment
or to k e e p policy on track.
Judgement Overall
A t t h e end of an u r b a n regeneration project or p r o g r a m m e it is essential t o
evaluate t h e overall level of performance and t h e causes and consequences
of any significant shortfalls or overshoots c o m p a r e d with the targets and
goals specified at the outset. Identifying the causes and consequences of
any variations is important because t h e examination of unexpected suc-
cesses or failures may help to reveal or d e m o n s t r a t e :
• ways of working to b e avoided or encouraged in future;

• t h e best way of addressing a given problem;
• the ever-present influence of external events;
• the likelihood that the unexpected will occur.
Terminology
T h e terminology that is employed in discussions of m e a s u r e m e n t , monitor-

ing and evaluation can b e o p e n to interpretation. In most cases t h e ideas
and p r o c e d u r e s that are associated with monitoring and evaluation are
relatively straightforward and can b e explained and applied without gener-
ating any u n d u e uncertainty. H o w e v e r , the excessive use of jargon and
terminology can detract from these aims and can reduce the value of the
outputs of evaluation for practitioners and policy-makers.
Notwithstanding the observations m a d e in the preceding p a r a g r a p h s , it is
essential to agree the basic terminology and definitions that are in general
use. A l t h o u g h specific t e r m s are frequently employed by individual initia-

tives o r organisations, t h e most commonly used t e r m s include those listed
in t h e Glossary at t h e e n d of this chapter. T h e s e definitions have b e e n
d r a w n from a n u m b e r of U K G o v e r n m e n t a n d E u r o p e a n U n i o n docu-
m e n t s including Single Regeneration Budget Bidding Guidance ( D e p a r t -
m e n t of t h e E n v i r o n m e n t , 1995) a n d Policy Evaluation: Λ Guide for
Managers ( H M Treasury, 1988). A knowledge of these t e r m s will b e help-
ful in reading t h e r e m a i n d e r of this chapter.
Developing the Regeneration Strategy
M e a s u r e m e n t , monitoring a n d evaluation c o m m e n c e early in t h e process

of u r b a n regeneration. T h e very act of defining t h e p r o b l e m requires exist-
ing, or baseline, conditions in an area to b e m e a s u r e d a n d to b e c o m p a r e d
with t h e local, regional or national coverage. Initially attention is devoted
to defining t h e criteria used t o d e t e r m i n e t h e eligibility of an area or
activity t o receive support, a n d an equal or greater a m o u n t of time a n d
m o n e y is spent by sponsors in seeking t o d e m o n s t r a t e that their project or
p r o g r a m m e m e e t s t h e eligibility criteria.
This section of t h e c h a p t e r sets out some of t h e key stages in developing
an u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n strategy. A l t h o u g h t h e topic of strategy has b e e n
discussed in m o r e detail in C h a p t e r 3, t h e p u r p o s e of including this discus-
sion h e r e is t o d e m o n s t r a t e that t h e process of strategy formulation cannot
b e s e p a r a t e d from t h e m e a s u r e m e n t , monitoring a n d evaluation of p r o -
g r a m m e s a n d projects. T h e strategy d e v e l o p m e n t process b r e a k s d o w n into
several well-defined stages:
• identifying t h e scale, n a t u r e a n d causes of u r b a n problems;

• reviewing current policies a n d p r o g r a m m e s ;
• setting strategy objectives;
• appraising strengths, weaknesses, opportunities a n d threats.
E a c h of these stages is n o w considered below in turn, although in practice

they m a y overlap.
Identifying the Scale, Nature a n d Causes of Urban Problems
T h e current framework of analysis within which u r b a n regeneration strat-

egy d e v e l o p m e n t occurs, a n d in particular t h e diagnosis of t h e p r o b l e m s to
b e addressed a n d their causes, places great emphasis on t h e p r o p e r func-
tioning of competitive m a r k e t s as t h e m e a n s by which resources such as
u n e m p l o y e d labour or vacant and derelict land can b e efficiently utilised.
A key argument for promoting economic regeneration is that markets are not
working properly. This may be because of institutional constraints that prevent
markets from working freely (or adjusting quickly), or an external effect that is
Box 10.1 An example of market failure: the urban land market
Failure in the market for land occurs when developers' profits are eliminated as
a result of excessive asking prices for sites, leading to an undersupply of land at
prices that can be supported by an assessment of residual value. The source of
the problem lies in information costs and the landowner's perception of risk.
Thus developers have to be prepared to invest time and money in researching
the current value of a site and successful projects carry the abortive work on
projects not secured or that do not go ahead. By contrast the landowner is
unlikely to devote similar resources in establishing the current value of the site
and neither will an agent acting on behalf of the landowner. The costs to the
landowner of making the wrong decision either to hold or to sell are asym-
metric. A wrong decision to hold loses the value of that offer and the land-
owner will continue to bear the holding costs. However, these costs are likely
to be very small by comparison with the costs of not holding on to land which
subsequently increases in value because of, say, a change in planning permis-
sion. Thus the average expected value of sites to a landowner is likely to exceed
the average current offer and the supply of land is restricted. The raison d'être
for public policy intervention is that it provides a mechanism for the sharing of
risk and information with the landowner, thereby facilitating the decision as to
which land to hold and which to sell and improving the efficiency of the land
market.
not properly reflected in market prices. Correcting market failures improves the
supply side and increases the productive potential of the economy as a whole,
either in the short term (by promoting flexibility and more rapid adjustment of
the economy to external shocks) or in the longer term (by increasing productive
capacity). (HM Treasury, 1995, p. 4)
Within this traditional m o d e l the economic case for g o v e r n m e n t and o t h e r

intervention is based primarily on evidence that m a r k e t s are failing to w o r k
properly and the role of policy is to correct such m a r k e t failure or c o m p e n -
sate for it. T h e causes of m a r k e t failure may b e a consequence of b o t h
public and private sector decision-making and this should b e recognised in
approaching this first stage in developing a strategy. A l t h o u g h the above
discussion focuses on the u r b a n regeneration p r o b l e m from an economic
efficiency perspective, it is of course the case that m a n y of the p r o b l e m s
associated with cities are social p r o b l e m s in which the issues are essentially
distributional and political. A n example of m a r k e t failure - the case of the
u r b a n land m a r k e t - is illustrated in Box 10.1.
T h e u r b a n p r o b l e m is also a complex p r o b l e m and generally is the out-
c o m e of a set of interrelated p r o b l e m s which combine to r e d u c e the com-
petitiveness of firms in a town or city, the competitiveness of individuals in
the labour m a r k e t and the competitiveness of the area in attracting inward
investment of physical, financial and h u m a n capital. A n inner city area for
example, may b e suffering from m a r k e t failure in several m a r k e t s - the
labour m a r k e t , the financial and capital markets, the p r o p e r t y m a r k e t and
in the upgrading and provision of infrastructure - with m a r k e t failure in
o n e area interacting with and potentially reinforcing m a r k e t failure in an-
o t h e r area. T h u s m a r k e t failure in the commercial p r o p e r t y m a r k e t may

give rise to a d e a r t h of suitable a c c o m m o d a t i o n for inward investment or
new firms. This in t u r n may r e d u c e t h e prospects of the local u n e m p l o y e d
finding e m p l o y m e n t , t h e r e b y exacerbating m a r k e t failure in t h e local la-
b o u r m a r k e t as the duration of u n e m p l o y m e n t increases and the skills of
t h e u n e m p l o y e d labour force wither. In these circumstances, the strategy
must recognise the n e e d for an interrelated p r o g r a m m e of initiatives, ad-
dressing a range of p r o b l e m s and with policy priorities being d e t e r m i n e d by
the perceived relative i m p o r t a n c e of different problems.
N o t only is t h e p r o b l e m to b e targeted complex, it is also an evolving
p r o b l e m , and a difficult issue to b e faced in designing a strategy is that of
identifying t h e scale and n a t u r e of t h e p r o b l e m and its likely future trajec-
tory. F o r example, although the current rate of inner city registered u n e m -
p l o y m e n t m a y at first sight a p p e a r to provide a useful indicator of the
extent of m a r k e t failure in t h e local labour m a r k e t , it provides only limited
guidance for t h e policy-maker, because:
• it provides n o information on the n a t u r e of inner city u n e m p l o y m e n t

such as the average duration of u n e m p l o y m e n t , the age and skill struc-
t u r e of the u n e m p l o y e d and its geographical density;
• it will not include those w h o are seeking w o r k b u t not registered; it
provides n o indication of w h e t h e r the p r o b l e m is likely to worsen sig-
nificantly in the future.
A n i m p o r t a n t aspect of p r o b l e m definition is that of specifying target

groups a n d target geographical areas. F o r policy to maximise cost-
effectiveness it is essential that t h e outputs of policy reach those groups for
which it is designed. F o r example, a policy targeted on creating jobs for
inner city u n e m p l o y e d residents may fall short of achieving its objectives if
c o m m u t e r s from outside t h e inner city area successfully c o m p e t e for any
j o b s c r e a t e d in t h e inner city and if any jobs thus m a d e available elsewhere
are inaccessible to inner city residents. A n o t h e r example is that of subsidies
paid to firms, which may partly e n d u p in profits with p e r h a p s only limited
benefits to the local u r b a n economy and its residents. T h e s e examples
illustrate t h e dangers of policy missing the target if t h e r e is no impact
m o d e l guiding those responsible for developing policy.
C o n s i d e r a t i o n s of cost-effectiveness also raise q u e s t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e
r e s p o n s i v e n e s s of different g r o u p s to policy i n t e r v e n t i o n . A training
p r o g r a m m e t o i m p r o v e t h e competitiveness of different g r o u p s in t h e
local l a b o u r m a r k e t m a y b e m u c h m o r e effective for t h o s e only recently
m a d e u n e m p l o y e d by c o m p a r i s o n with t h e impact on t h e long-term
unemployed.
A l t h o u g h a policy p r o g r a m m e may b e well targeted, participation by
potential beneficiaries m a y not b e m a n d a t o r y and how a p r o g r a m m e is
p r e s e n t e d , organised and delivered will affect the t a k e - u p of the policy. In
this respect the o u t p u t s of the policy m a y d e p e n d critically on the policy
delivery system.
Review of Current Policies, Programmes and Partnerships
A n essential stage in the development of an u r b a n regeneration strategy is

a review of current p r o g r a m m e s and projects, including the identification
of the main organisations/partners involved and the mechanisms and in-
stitutions established to deliver the policy and secure the strategic objec-
tives currently in place. It is also important to establish what is not being
d o n e and w h e r e t h e r e might b e a n e e d to refocus the strategy. A n import-
ant part of the review will also b e concerned with auditing the levels and
sources of funding and its allocation across p r o g r a m m e s and projects.
Setting Strategy Objectives
T h e objectives chosen for the strategy should relate explicitly to the p r o b -

lems identified and to their underlying causes and, most importantly, to t h e
agreed priorities of the strategy. They should also b e realistic and achiev-
able, and recognise the constraints within which t h e strategy is formulated.
This suggests that there is no simple definition of the objectives of policy
intervention aimed at regenerating u r b a n areas, but r a t h e r a hierarchy of
objectives at t h e t o p of which is an agreed overall aim of policy followed by
the strategic objectives of a particular p r o g r a m m e or project. Having de-
fined the specific objectives of a p r o g r a m m e or project it is possible t o
identify specific operational objectives and objectives associated with indi-
vidual targets and milestones.
F o r example, in the T n n e r Cities Initiative Fact Sheet' t h e r e was a state-
m e n t on the ministerially agreed overall aim of the project, followed by a
list of four strategic objectives and a further list of six secondary objectives.
T h u s the overall aim of the Initiative was 'to improve the targeting and
e n h a n c e the benefit to local people of the m o n e y channelled through exist-
ing central p r o g r a m m e s ' .
T h e four main strategic objectives were:
(1) T o provide m o r e jobs for local people by removing impediments t o

their recruitment by local firms and encouraging local enterprise
development.
(2) T o facilitate enterprise by local people through enterprise training
and financial and managerial assistance.
(3) T o improve t h e employability of local people, including those newly
entering the labour m a r k e t , by training p r o g r a m m e s aimed at specific
e m p l o y m e n t opportunities or gaps in the labour m a r k e t .
(4) T o support projects designed to improve the environment, and the
provision of community services and to reduce the level of crime
w h e r e these can b e linked to t h e re-integration of local p e o p l e into
local economic activity.
In addition, t h e r e w e r e six secondary objectives:

Monitoring and Evaluation 21 1
(1) T o stimulate economic activity and e m p l o y m e n t by using task force

m o n e y to p u m p - p r i m e private sector involvement and investment in
the area, to lead to a firmer basis for further economic development.
(2) T o improve the co-ordination b e t w e e n different g o v e r n m e n t p r o -
g r a m m e s and with the activities of o t h e r local bodies such as local
authorities, t h e voluntary sector and private industry.
(3) T o sensitise g o v e r n m e n t d e p a r t m e n t s to e m p l o y m e n t and enterprise
issues in inner cities, to identify i m p e d i m e n t s to the o p e r a t i o n of
d e p a r t m e n t a l p r o g r a m m e s and, w h e r e possible, to adapt p r o g r a m m e s
to m a k e t h e m m o r e accessible to local p e o p l e and m o r e relevant to
their needs.
(4) T o strengthen t h e capability of local organisations to u n d e r t a k e long-
t e r m economic enterprise development.
(5) T o target t h e e m p l o y m e n t n e e d s of specific disadvantaged groups
especially ethnic minorities.
(6) T o develop innovative a p p r o a c h e s to p r o b l e m s which are capable of
application in o t h e r inner city areas
T h e current S R B p r o g r a m m e also has a very wide-ranging set of objec-
tives and the Bidding Guidance indicates seven key areas covering econ-
omic, physical a n d social conditions. T h e s e include the i m p r o v e m e n t of
e m p l o y m e n t opportunities for local p e o p l e t h r o u g h training, improved
competitiveness of local firms, physical and environmental i m p r o v e m e n t ,
b e t t e r housing for local disadvantaged groups, a b e t t e r quality of life for
local residents, reductions in crime and improved community cohesion and
i m p r o v e d access for ethnic minorities.
Appraising Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats
Figure 10.1 provides a framework within which the S W O T analysis may b e

carried out. Five main external drivers of change are identified - economic,
d e m o g r a p h i c , social, technological and public policy. T h e s e drivers of
change give rise to threats and opportunities which affect the competitive
position of the city, including its economic performance, labour m a r k e t
p e r f o r m a n c e , cohesiveness and sustainability. F o r example, public policy
changes e m a n a t i n g from t h e E u r o p e a n U n i o n or the U K g o v e r n m e n t will
influence the competitive position of different firms and sectors operating
in a city and its subregion, the effectiveness of the labour m a r k e t and the
sustainability of u r b a n development. E u r o p e a n and global economic t r e n d s
will also impact on the city's socio-economic d e v e l o p m e n t as different
sectors a d a p t to t h e changing competitive environment within which they
operate.
T h e effectiveness, speed and capacity for adaptation to the changing
external e n v i r o n m e n t , including competition from o t h e r cities and regions,
reflect t h e city's strengths and weaknesses and these are captured in the
b o t t o m half of Figure 10.1. T h e y range from the inherited structure of
Figure 10.1. A Framework for Undertaking a SWOT Analysis
Economic
Demographic
THREATS Technological OPPORTUNITIES
Social
Public Policy
Competitive
Urban Policy
Position of the City
Options
{ i
Industrial Structure
Institutional
Context/Planning
System
STRENGTHS Environment WEAKNESSES
Inputs
(Land, Labour,
Capital)
Social Cohesion
and Exclusion
Infrastructure
Source: P A C E C (1999)
industry and economic activity, the institutional and policy structure, the
availability, quality and cost of productive inputs, the business and social
infrastructure and the degree of social cohesion and exclusion. These inher-
ent strengths and weaknesses condition the extent to which threats are effec-
tively resisted or overcome and opportunities exploited. Policy acts to
mediate and influence this interaction in a n u m b e r of ways; by correcting
market failure; supporting the development and enhancement of the in-
frastructure; ensuring that outcomes are sustainable and environmentally
acceptable; and by securing an acceptable social (and spatial) distribution of

benefits and opportunities. T h e right-hand side of Figure 10.1 shows the
b r o a d outcomes of these interactions for the development of the city and its
subregion which, although shown separately, interact in a variety of ways.
Measuring a n d Monitoring Progress
This section of the chapter is concerned with the m e a s u r e m e n t and

monitoring of u r b a n regeneration policies, p r o g r a m m e s and projects.
T h r e e different roles are generally associated with the monitoring of p r o -
g r a m m e s and projects:
• monitoring of the conduct of a p r o g r a m m e or project including issues of

eligibility, compliance, p r o g r a m m e or project coverage and the identi-
fication of recipients of expenditure grants and other forms of support
t o ensure that the p r o g r a m m e or project is being properly conducted
within t h e agreed institutional and legislative framework;
• monitoring of progress in achieving intermediate objectives relating to
p r o g r a m m e or project co-ordination, the bending of public expenditure
in support of r e g e n e r a t i o n objectives, responses of the private/
voluntary sector, the leverage exerted and m a t t e r s concerning the p r o -
g r a m m e or project;
• monitoring indicators which relate to the key objectives; these derive
directly from the p r o b l e m s or issues faced by an area and w h e r e im-
p r o v e m e n t s are sought.
Area Targeting
Because m a n y aspects of u r b a n regeneration p r o g r a m m e s are highly tar-

geted on specific small geographical areas and on particular disadvantaged
groups, establishing p r o g r a m m e or project coverage is a critically import-
ant task for monitoring activities. It is primarily concerned with estimating
t h e extent to which t h e p r o g r a m m e reaches its intended target population.
Closely linked to this is the monitoring of p r o g r a m m e or project delivery.
This assesses the extent to which p l a n n e d activities and targets correspond
to the actual way intervention occurs and how the delivery may be
improved.
Monitoring and Management
T h e monitoring of p r o g r a m m e s and policies is driven very much by the

information n e e d s of m a n a g e r s and is often a c o m p o n e n t of m a n a g e m e n t
information systems. H o w e v e r , evaluations also m a k e substantial use of
monitoring information and, indeed, the dividing line b e t w e e n monitoring
and evaluation is often somewhat blurred although the former is m o r e

concerned with actions and take-up r a t h e r than impact. In addition, policy-
m a k e r s and other stakeholders in t h e policy process have information
n e e d s to b e met. F r o m the evaluator's perspective monitoring is i m p o r t a n t
for understanding and interpreting evaluation findings. Monitoring infor-
mation is also very helpful w h e r e the evaluation requires a sample survey
to b e u n d e r t a k e n , by providing a useful sampling frame for t h e sample
selection. Monitoring information may also b e helpful in establishing suit-
able control or comparison groups. Evaluators also n e e d information on
the extent and ways in which individual p r o g r a m m e elements are delivered
and this is particularly important where, as in S R B or E u r o p e a n Structural
F u n d p r o g r a m m e s , partnership is a central part of the policy process.
Monitoring information is also critical from the perspective of those w h o
fund and support p r o g r a m m e s and projects by providing information on
the activities u n d e r t a k e n , the extent of implementation, the t a k e - u p of
p r o g r a m m e s , and w h e t h e r eligibility criteria are being properly a d h e r e d to.
T h e provision of reliable financial information is a n o t h e r valuable input
into the evaluation process that results from the monitoring process.
Participation and Take-up
Measuring and monitoring the extent to which a p r o g r a m m e or project

reaches its intended target is essential particularly in economic and social
p r o g r a m m e s in which participation is voluntary, such as in some u r b a n
community p r o g r a m m e s or business support initiatives. Managing a project
or p r o g r a m m e efficiently requires accurate and timely information on tar-
get participation and this is particularly so with innovative schemes w h e r e
adjustments may b e necessary if take-up falls seriously below target. A bias
in participation and coverage may occur partly as a consequence of self-
selection, differences in information access by different groups and because
of rejection or reluctance to participate in the p r o g r a m m e .
Effective Delivery of Programmes and Projects
The final area for monitoring concerns the delivery of an intervention or

action, for often the failure to show real impacts may be a failure to deliver the
appropriate type of service or support and this is a charge often levelled at
educational and training programmes targeted on disadvantaged groups. D e -
livery systems may also fail because of inadequate structural and organisa-
tional arrangements which impede access to a policy, programme or project.
T h e emergence of interim evaluations, which are u n d e r t a k e n relatively
early on after the start of a programme or project, reflects the increasing
importance attached to the development of intermediate output. Such in-
dicators or monitoring measures include indicators of, for example, the
physical progress m a d e with respect to environmental improvement or land
reclamation, throughput of trainees on training programmes, n u m b e r of

businesses supported, inward investment projects attracted, n u m b e r of
dwellings improved, n u m b e r of community schemes introduced or recrea-
tional facilities provided. These and many other indicators of intermediate
outputs are of value not only in providing invaluable monitoring information
on the progress of a project or p r o g r a m m e but also as the starting-point for
the evaluation exercise itself. Those indicated at the early stages may be both
quantitative (management information) and qualitative (soft information).
Evaluation of U r b a n Regeneration Strategies
T h e evaluation of u r b a n regeneration strategies is a complex business and

differs from m e a s u r e m e n t and monitoring in a n u m b e r of i m p o r t a n t
respects:
• T h e r e are obvious technical and conceptual difficulties relating to the

theoretical framework to b e used for understanding how different pol-
icy initiatives influence private and public sector decision-making and
the cause-effect relationships that n e e d to b e articulated if the policy
effects are to b e satisfactorily disentangled. Evaluations usually n e e d to
recognise that t h e institutional framework within which policy is deliv-
e r e d will influence b o t h how policy works and with what effect, suggest-
ing that similar policies may differ considerably in their impact across
different cities and local areas.
• Evaluation is concerned with the a d d e d value of initiatives and the net
additional o u t c o m e s which contribute towards aims and objectives, and
help to correct m a r k e t failure. Effectiveness and efficiency are interre-
lated issues in evaluation.
• T h e r e are practical difficulties, and choices, concerning the choice of
suitable indicators for measuring the effects of policy, t h e collection of
d a t a necessary for constructing indicators, the timing of policy evalua-
tions, the relevant spatial unit of analysis.
• T h e r e are analytical and statistical difficulties of how best to disen-
tangle the impact of projects and p r o g r a m m e s .
W h a t is clear is that t h e r e is n o agreed consensus as to how these difficulties

might best b e m e t and the research that would b e required for this p u r p o s e .
T o a very significant extent evaluation research is being driven by political
pressures designed to ensure a degree of accountability, comparability be-
t w e e n projects and p r o g r a m m e s in t e r m s of their achievements, and a
realisation of the potential for transferability of policies and good practice
b e t w e e n u r b a n areas in different regions and countries. Arguably it is in
the context of t h e latter that an accepted evaluation framework has emer-
ged during the 1980s and 1990s and such a framework is p e r h a p s best
c a p t u r e d in H M Treasury's guidance d o c u m e n t published in 1995.
N u m e r o u s applications of this evaluation framework m a y b e found in a

wide variety of studies commissioned by various g o v e r n m e n t d e p a r t m e n t s ,
the E u r o p e a n Commission and economic d e v e l o p m e n t agencies. This sec-
tion aims to provide an overview of what is h e r e t e r m e d t h e T r e a s u r y
Evaluation F r a m e w o r k ' ( T E F ) although it is accepted that in certain re-
spects it m a y depart from the guidelines and framework set down by t h e
Treasury in 1995.
Within the T E F the primary p u r p o s e of evaluation is to assess the degree
to which policy, p r o g r a m m e and project objectives are being secured, and
h o w effectively, efficiently and economically they are being achieved.
Efficiency
T h e efficiency of a policy, p r o g r a m m e or project relates outputs to resource

inputs and establishes what might b e called a m e a s u r e of value for m o n e y
( V F M ) . Such a m e a s u r e of performance may b e carried out with respect to
the strategic objectives of the policy, the p r o g r a m m e as a whole or with
respect to specific projects.
Developing this performance m e a s u r e clearly raises a n u m b e r of concep-
tual and m e a s u r e m e n t problems:
• N o t all costs and outputs (benefits) associated with u r b a n regeneration

can b e expressed in m o n e t a r y terms in o r d e r to permit t h e d e v e l o p m e n t
of a simple efficiency indicator relating inputs t o outputs, e.g. improved
confidence, reduced fear of crime, improved community spirit, in-
creased local c o m m i t m e n t and capacity-building.
• I n t e r m e d i a t e outputs associated with particular projects or activities
such as training throughput, n u m b e r of hectares of land reclaimed,
factory floor-space provided, small businesses assisted, m a y b e mislead-
ing in establishing the final outputs or benefits of policy which typically
relate to e m p l o y m e n t and value added.
• Assigning final outputs to specific activities such as training, business
advice or p r o p e r t y provision m a y not b e possible because each m a y
contribute jointly to employment or value-added benefits.
• Typically the operation of an u r b a n regeneration scheme is associated
with a wide range of outputs some of which may b e m e a s u r e d only
qualitatively and this may preclude t h e possibility of developing a single
comprehensive m e a s u r e of a policy's outputs. F o r example the S R B is
concerned with securing a mix of economic, social and physical objec-
tives and, whilst some of the benefits of this p r o g r a m m e will b e quanti-
fiable, a n u m b e r will inevitably b e qualitative in character.
• O u t p u t s and inputs accrue through time and this raises the question of
w h e n to m e a s u r e the different inputs and outputs, w h e t h e r t h e policy
outputs associated with a particular input have fully m a t u r e d and
w h e t h e r to discount public expenditure flows and o u t p u t flows.
M o r e o v e r some policy outputs will remain after policy has b e e n
withdrawn, whilst in o t h e r cases outputs require a persistent policy

injection if they are to b e maintained.
• S o m e policies such as local planning or zoning controls have limited
cost associated with t h e m in t e r m s of public expenditure but m a y give
rise to significant opportunity costs if the productivity of business is
adversely affected, a n d this may b e very difficult if not impossible to
measure.
• W h e r e incremental changes are being m a d e to a p r o g r a m m e , marginal
n o t average costs and benefits should b e used in deciding on t h e policy
adjustment.
Effectiveness
A second policy p e r f o r m a n c e m e a s u r e is that of effectiveness. This mea-

sure c o m p a r e s t h e o u t p u t s of policy with t h e o u t p u t objectives of policy.
H o w e v e r , as discussed above, t h e objectives of u r b a n policies and re-
g e n e r a t i o n strategies are rarely unambiguously set down or stated in a
quantitative form. M o r e o v e r , given that the p a r a m o u n t rationale for policy
intervention within the T E F is m a r k e t failure, central to the m e a s u r e m e n t
of effectiveness must b e an assessment of the extent to which m a r k e t
failure has b e e n corrected, m o d e r a t e d or, indeed, worsened.
Economy
E c o n o m y is a m e a s u r e of the actual resource inputs or costs of a policy

relative to t h e p l a n n e d or b u d g e t e d costs. This is i m p o r t a n t w h e n the t a k e -
u p or participation in a policy, p r o g r a m m e or project is uncertain and it
m a y also b e a helpful indicator of possible inefficiencies and wasteful
expenditures.
Other Indicators
In addition to t h e t h r e e core policy performance m e a s u r e s - efficiency,

effectiveness and e c o n o m y - a n u m b e r of o t h e r indicators have b e e n de-
veloped by those concerned with evaluating policy. T h e y relate to issues
such as targeting of policy, sufficiency of policy to m e e t the scale of the
p r o b l e m and t h e acceptability of policy on the part of policy consumers.
T h e following summarises some of these additional performance measures:
• L e v e r a g e is a m e a s u r e of the extent to which public expenditure on a

particular p r o g r a m m e or policy attracts financial support and o t h e r
resource inputs from the private sector. It is becoming an increasingly
i m p o r t a n t indicator as pressures on public spending persist and grow,
and as new partnerships b e t w e e n public and private sector
organisations develop. A commonly used m e a s u r e of leverage is the
ratio of total inputs to policy inputs.
• Targeting is a m e a s u r e of the extent to which the outputs (or benefits)

of policy are secured or enjoyed by the intended beneficiaries and may
b e m e a s u r e d by the p r o p o r t i o n of policy outputs enjoyed by the target
group. W h e r e the incidence of a policy input may b e shifted the concept
may also b e used on the cost as well as the benefit side of the policy
balance sheet.
• Sufficiency assesses the extent to which the outputs of policy resolve the
underlying cause of the problem, b e it one of m a r k e t failure or
distribution.
• Acceptability compares the policy, p r o g r a m m e or project being deliv-
ered with the policy that consumers prefer.
T h e performance measures identified above refer primarily to outputs and

benefits relating to specific urban or geographic areas, but it is important to
realise that there are circumstances whereby national benefits may arise. In
the absence of these types of impact urban regeneration policies serve
mainly to displace economic activity and secure distributional benefits.
A Framework for Evaluation
In o r d e r to assess the performance of policy using the different indicators

set out above, it is necessary to evaluate the different benefits arising as a
consequence of policy, the beneficiaries of the policy and the financial and
o t h e r costs associated with the policy. A methodological framework for
achieving this is set out diagrammatically in Figure 10.2. T h e framework
reflects current Treasury guidelines and current u r b a n policy evaluation
practices. It distinguishes:
• strategic objectives;
• inputs and expenditures;
• activity measures;
• o u t p u t and o u t c o m e measures;
• gross impact measures
• net impacts.
T h e t o p of Figure 10.2 identifies the b r o a d strategic objectives of u r b a n

regeneration p r o g r a m m e s including S R B , and embraces economic, physi-
cal and social objectives. E a c h of these b r o a d areas will b e associated with
a particular set of strategic objectives m a d e u p of activities reflecting the
priorities and needs of the local area. T h e activities will b e m e a s u r e d in
different ways and examples are provided in the 'Activity M e a s u r e s ' boxes.
T h e activities will in t u r n generate outputs and o u t c o m e s that can b e mea-
sured net and gross, which give rise to the ultimate impacts on t h e local
economy, for example, jobs, wealth, capacity-building. T h e r e is a causal
relationship b e t w e e n these elements. T h e entries in the boxes of the Figure
10.2 flow diagram are illustrative only.
Figure 10.2: Ex post Evaluation Framework for Urban Regeneration

Policies
Strategic Objectives of the P r o g r a m m e s
ECONOMIC PHYSICAL SOCIAL

Employment, value-added Environment Housing, education,
wealth Infrastructure quality of life, community
r TT ΤΓ J l J I
Inputs (expenditure)
Other public
Structural funds Private sector
sector
I
Activity Measures
Businesses Training places Land renewed, School, health New/improved
assisted provided floor-space, units [community projects! houses
Synergy
Output and Outcome Measures

Increased sales Training Land and property No. of users, No. and quality of
Start-up rates outcomes take-up participation dwellings
Gross Impacts
Wealth Productivity
Jobs Value added
T h e counterfactual
Central to the evaluation framework and the empirical w o r k designed to

evaluate policy is the n e e d to distinguish gross and net outputs and this is
indicated in the b o t t o m half of Figure 10.2.
A t issue here is the vexed problem of identifying and measuring what
otherwise would have happened if a policy or p r o g r a m m e had not b e e n
pursued i.e. the counterfactual. Establishing effectiveness amounts to
establishing cause and effect, and additionality arises when there is a depar-
ture from what otherwise would have h a p p e n e d had the policy intervention
not occurred, that is, there is a departure from the counter-factual. Thus
additionality exists when the outputs or benefits of the policy would not have
b e e n generated in the absence of the policy. T h e question of additionality
can arise both with intermediate outputs and with final outputs of policy.
T h e starting-point for establishing additionality is to distinguish gross out-
puts from gross additional outputs of policy. Gross outputs consist of all
observed changes in the output indicator over the period when policy is
being evaluated. Thus the gross output of policy measure designed to create
m o r e jobs in a particular city might be the change in the n u m b e r of jobs in
the city in the period of policy intervention. T h e gross output of a project
concerned with providing new factory floor-space in a locality might b e the
change in new factory floorspace associated with the policy project con-
cerned. In both of the above cases it could, however, be argued that, in
principle, all or part of the change in jobs or factory floor-space might have
arisen in the absence of the policy intervention. In the case of the property
market it is conceivable that the policy could discourage some provision by
the private sector that might otherwise have occurred. Equally there may
have been adjustments in the labour market in the absence of policy. T h e
measure of what otherwise would have h a p p e n e d to the selected output
indicator in the absence of policy intervention is termed the dead-weight.
T o establish the net additional impact of policy gross additional outputs
must take account of substitution, displacement and any indirect impacts
such as input/output linkages and multiplier effects. Substitution occurs on
the supply side and arises w h e n policy-targeted resource inputs take the
place of other inputs, for example, labour trained as a result of a local
training initiative takes the place of labour that would have b e e n employed
but has not b e e n through the policy initiative. Displacement occurs w h e n
the extra output from a policy-supported activity leads to less output from
firms not directly participating in the policy initiative - for example, a
subsidy paid to a particular firm in an industry improves the competitive-
ness of that firm such that other firms in the same industry lose m a r k e t
share and reduce their output and e m p l o y m e n t in the local area. Finally
indirect effects arise as a result of the additional economic activity in t h e
local area. T h u s increased output by a firm may give rise to an increased
d e m a n d for locally p r o d u c e d inputs. Increased e m p l o y m e n t gives rise to
increased wage and profit income, part of which will b e spent in the local
economy thereby generating further output, income and employment.
T h e s e concepts are illustrated in Figure 10.3.
Figure 10.3 Distinguishing Gross and Net Policy Impacts
Gross Dead-weight
Substitution
Multipliers Net
Additional
Displacement
Gross Linkages equals
Additional Gross
Β Additional
equals
Gross
Gross Additional less less
Displacement
less Displacement
plus
Dead-weight
Linkages
less
plus
Substitution
Multipliers
Direct Direct + Indirect

T h e strength of this evaluation framework is that p r o g r a m m e impacts

are clearly linked back to its objectives and inputs and key intervention
categories are identified. A t the same time it recognises the i m p o r t a n c e of
measuring and distinguishing activity and o u t p u t m e a s u r e s in the achieve-
m e n t of ultimate impacts. It also focuses on the n e e d to distinguish gross
from net effects at each stage in the evaluation process - ex ante, inter-
m e d i a t e and ex post.
Programme or Project Costs and Inputs
Identifying and measuring the costs associated with an u r b a n regeneration

strategy is an i m p o r t a n t step in developing performance indicators for
judging w h e t h e r the p r o g r a m m e or project is worthwhile, w h e t h e r m o r e
resources should b e devoted to it and how resources allocated to different
projects within t h e p r o g r a m m e might b e modified to improve overall effec-
tiveness. Policy-makers, m a n a g e r s and funders are therefore inevitably
faced with the p r o b l e m of how best to allocate scarce resources to achieve
t h e objectives of the regeneration strategy.
W h e n estimating the costs of a p r o g r a m m e b o t h public and private sec-
tor costs can b e included. In the case of the public sector, b o t h directly
associated p r o g r a m m e costs as well as any o t h e r public expenditure necess-
ary to secure t h e i n t e n d e d o u t c o m e s of the p r o g r a m m e should be included.
T h u s in the case of the E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e evaluation (Public & C o r p o r a t e
E c o n o m i c Consultants, P A C E C , 1996), b o t h directly related public expen-
ditures on E Z s such as tax r e v e n u e foregone from capital allowances, as
well as public spending on infrastructure and land reclamation on the E Z s
u n d e r t a k e n u n d e r the auspices of different public spending p r o g r a m m e s ,
w e r e included. O n e difficult p r o b l e m h e r e is that of ascertaining how much
of the e x p e n d i t u r e u n d e r these o t h e r p r o g r a m m e heads would have b e e n
incurred anyway even in the absence of the E Z initiative. P r o b l e m s of

identifying and measuring costs w h e n p r o g r a m m e bending is a significant
aspect of a policy also arose with the evaluation of the I n n e r Cities Initia-
tive ( P A C E C , 1991).
O n e o t h e r contentious area relates t o r e v e n u e derived from sales of
assets associated with a regeneration strategy such as reclaimed land or
buildings owned by the public sector. Increased d e v e l o p m e n t values have
also b e e n used as a measure of the economic benefit from u r b a n regenera-
tion. Arguably such revenues should b e regarded as a negative cost to b e
deducted from public expenditure; however, Treasury guidelines preclude
this and suggest that revenue from asset sales b e t r e a t e d as a windfall gain
r a t h e r t h a n a deduction from public expenditure. T h e main arguments for
this t r e a t m e n t of enhanced asset values are that: t h e r e is a risk of double-
counting if the benefits are included elsewhere, say in time savings from
improved transport facilities; displacement may occur if land value gains in
one area are offset by losses in a n o t h e r area; and e n h a n c e d asset values
m a y b e e m b o d i e d in the asset price in anticipation of the impact of policy.
Comparing Benefits and Costs
T h e above discussion has pointed to the n u m e r o u s p r o b l e m s that must b e

addressed in establishing the outputs and benefits from u r b a n regeneration
strategies and the costs associated with such strategies. It is now appropri-
ate to consider the options for comparing the costs and benefits of different
p r o g r a m m e s and initiatives. A major distinction to b e m a d e is that b e t w e e n
cost-benefit indicators of performance and cost-effective indicators, as b o t h
find use in evaluation research. T h e former aims to express the o u t c o m e s of
a p r o g r a m m e or project in m o n e t a r y terms suitably discounted over the
project or p r o g r a m m e lifetime. By contrast, in cost-effectiveness analysis
outputs of a p r o g r a m m e or project are expressed in t e r m s of the expendi-
t u r e necessary to generate a particular ultimate or intermediate output, e.g.
cost p e r net additional j o b created, cost p e r unit of floor-space, cost p e r
hectare of land reclaimed. In the 1990s cost-effectiveness analysis has b e e n
widely used to evaluate and c o m p a r e different u r b a n policies and regenera-
tion p r o g r a m m e s . In this type of analysis a particular focus has b e e n on the
cost p e r j o b performance measure. This methodology is not designed to
c o m p a r e resource costs with economic benefits but r a t h e r to c o m p a r e dif-
ferent geographically targeted p r o g r a m m e s and initiatives with respect to
their capacity to divert jobs from o n e area to another. H o w e v e r , even
w h e r e the cost-effectiveness methodology is deployed t h e r e are difficulties
w h e n initiatives are concerned with improving the access to jobs for specific
target groups, such as ethnic minorities or long-term unemployed, r a t h e r
t h a n merely creating new jobs in a particular geographical area. In these
circumstances the evaluation must aim to assess the specific benefits to
particular target groups within an area.
Given that most regeneration schemes aim to secure a complex 'basket' of

economic, social and physical objectives where assigning monetary values to
outputs is often difficult if not impossible, the conventional cost-benefit ap-
proach is generally of limited applicability. O n e approach is that of develop-
ing a cost-effectiveness 'balance sheet' incorporating b o t h quantitative and
qualitative output or benefit measures for different components of the re-
generation strategy against the costs incurred which may be at current or
constant discounted prices. Table 10.2 illustrates this approach with ex-
amples of outputs and impacts for the different p r o g r a m m e components.
Table 10.2 Cost-effectiveness balance sheet for evaluating urban

strategy
N e t a d d i t i o n a l costs N e t a d d i t i o n a l benefits
1. N e w e n t e r p r i s e f o r m a t i o n O u t p u t s - Starts/survival rates
Public e x p e n d i t u r e o n t h e p r o g r a m m e Impacts - Jobs
Expenditure by other partners GDP
2. I n w a r d i n v e s t m e n t O u t p u t s - I n v e s t m e n t b y f i r m s / n e w projects
Public e x p e n d i t u r e Impacts - Jobs
3. B u s i n e s s a d v i c e O u t p u t s - P e r c e n t a g e of firms failing
Expenditure b y other partners GDP
4. I m p r o v i n g s k i l l s a n d k n o w l e d g e O u t p u t s - Qualifications s e c u r e d
5. I m p r o v i n g a c c e s s t o o p p o r t u n i t y O u t p u t s - Positive o u t c o m e s o n t a r g e t
groups
Public e x p e n d i t u r e / e x p e n d i t u r e b y o t h e r
partners
6. Q u a l i t y o f life a n d s o c i a l i m p r o v e m e n t s O u t p u t s - N u m b e r of users, h o u s i n g
improvement, e d u c a t i o n / h e a l t h gains, crime
reduction
Public e x p e n d i t u r e / e x p e n d i t u r e b y o t h e r
partners
7. I m p r o v i n g t h e p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t O u t p u t s - l a n d t a k e n u p for d e v e l o p m e n t ,
floor-space c r e a t e d / r e f u r b i s h e d ,
environmental improvement
Total s p e n d i n g Total outputs/impacts
A n alternative way of presenting the information in Table 10.2 is to show

t h e combination of outputs or benefits that can be secured for a given
a m o u n t of total spending (public plus o t h e r ) . Table 10.3 gives an example
from the evaluation of Inner City Task Forces.
Table 10.3 Package of benefits/outputs per £10,000 expenditure

U n i t of cost Outputs/benefits
E v e r y £ 1 0 , 0 0 0 of n e t e x p e n d i t u r e 1 j o b (2 j o b years)
2 t r a i n i n g places (1.3 t r a i n i n g p l a c e years)
4 0 . 6 small firms assisted
12 residents r e c e i v i n g c o m m u n i t y benefits
0.75 sites i m p r o v e d e n v i r o n m e n t a l l y
£3.8k s p e n d o n i m p r o v i n g t h e physical
environment
In addition to the outputs indicated in Tables 10.2 and 10.3 t h e r e will b e

o t h e r achievements flowing from an effective u r b a n regeneration strategy
which might usefully b e d o c u m e n t e d including, importantly, the develop-
m e n t of appropriate institutional structures within policy can b e delivered.
A n Overview
T h e detailed discussions in this chapter have introduced a n u m b e r of con-

cepts, procedures and m e t h o d s for the m e a s u r e m e n t , monitoring and eval-
uation of u r b a n regeneration. Irrespective of the p u r p o s e of u r b a n
regeneration, and despite the m a n y changes that have occurred in t e r m s of
t h e detailed form and structure of policy, one thing is certain, and that is
that t h e participants in u r b a n regeneration will always b e required to dem-
onstrate that they are aware of what they intend to do, how they intend to
set and achieve their objectives, and how they will m e a s u r e , m o n i t o r and
evaluate the actions which they have taken.
It should also now be clear that the basic rules, regulations and p r o -
cedures used in relation to m e a s u r e m e n t , monitoring and evaluation d o not
change significantly over time. T h e Treasury, the E u r o p e a n Commission
and private funding institutions may use various terminology, but the
principles remain the same. T h e key issues and actions in connection with
m e a s u r e m e n t , monitoring and evaluation are summarised below.
However, it should be noted that all evaluation exercises n e e d to b e cus-
tomised to reflect the n a t u r e and scope of regeneration p r o g r a m m e s and
initiatives and the opportunities and circumstances in each location.
• Develop an understanding of the requirements of funding bodies and

learn the terminology.
• In developing a strategy incorporate a framework of measurement,
monitoring and evaluation.
• Make sure that you require all participants to maintain records in
accordance with specified requirements.
• Define the milestones and set strict dates for interim reports.
• Develop appropriate procedures for measurement, monitoring and
evaluation, and make sure that participants understand these
procedures.
• Collect all the direct survey information that is required at regular
intervals.
• Continue to collect all indirect information from external sources that
help to demonstrate the progress of a programme or project.
• Do not leave evaluation to the end of a programme or project, start this
process at an early stage.
• Use the information collected to review and revise a programme or
project.
Glossary
T h e t e r m s used in monitoring and evaluation are listed below:
additionality - the extent of change resulting directly from an action com-

p a r e d with what would have occurred without the action (in E u r o p e a n
U n i o n p r o g r a m m e s this t e r m also has a very specific legal meaning in t e r m s
of the regulations governing the Structural F u n d s ) .
appraisal - the process of defining objectives, examining options weighing
up the costs a n d benefits, and anticipating the likely o u t c o m e s of a project
or p r o g r a m m e (sometimes called ex ante evaluation).
assessment - a general t e r m for a process of evaluation or estimation.
baseline - the starting-point for a project or p r o g r a m m e against which
change is m e a s u r e d .
benefits - the o u t p u t s of an activity, these can be direct or side-effects.
costs - t h e inputs t o an activity, normally expressed in financial terms, but
can include o t h e r inputs (for example, contributions in kind).
counter-factual - a s t a t e m e n t of what would have t a k e n place anyway
without policy intervention.
dead-weight - o u t p u t s that would have occurred anyway, without any pol-
icy intervention or action.
deliverables - the o u t p u t s which a plan or project or p r o g r a m m e intends to
achieve.
delivery plan - a plan setting out what a project or p r o g r a m m e intends to
achieve, when, w h e r e and at what cost (see also milestones).
displacement - the extent to which an additional desirable output reduces

or prevents outputs elsewhere.
effectiveness - the extent to which the objectives or goals of a policy,
project or p r o g r a m m e are achieved.
efficiency - the ratio of an output to the resources used to p r o d u c e the
output.
efficiency testing - the examination of alternative ways of achieving t h e
same effect with fewer resources.
evaluation - the process of checking (after implementation) to see how far
objectives have b e e n achieved, what resources have b e e n used and what
outputs have b e e n produced; it is also helpful to identify good and p o o r
practice and to isolate what lessons can b e learnt for t h e future (also called
ex post evaluation or ex post review).
ex ante - an initial view (see appraisal)
ex post - a retrospective view (see evaluation).
externality - a benefit or cost that is not generally (or fully) reflected in
m a r k e t prices such as pollution or congestion.
gearing - the matching of inputs from o n e source by inputs from o t h e r
sources.
grossing up - estimating the full impact of a p r o g r a m m e by weighting a
sample of initiatives by all initiatives.
impact - the net additional effects of a project or p r o g r a m m e .
induced effect - the indirect benefits arising from income or expenditure in
an area.
intermediate output - an early output p r o d u c e d as a result of an interven-
tion, t h e value of which is not always quantified therefore t h e r e is usually a
n e e d to m e a s u r e final output (see outputs).
leverage - the additional non-public sector input that is induced as the
direct result of policy intervention; normally applied to private sector
activity.
market failure - anything that prevents m a r k e t s from operating freely on
the d e m a n d or supply sides, such as institutional restraints or restricted
competition.
milestones - key events, targets and other indicators, often dates are at-
tached to milestones.
multiplier and linkage effects - the second r o u n d effects or the level of
economic activity resulting from an initial injection of expenditure.
objective - a statement of what it is planned to achieve and by when, for
example, intermediate objectives are staging points in the achievement of
final objectives.
outcomes - the wider effects or impacts on an area or sector of a project or
programme.
outputs - the early results of a project or p r o g r a m m e (sometimes called
final outputs).
outturn - the actual as against the estimated level of input to a project or
programme.
participation or take-up - the n u m b e r of individuals or firms that use an

initiative or service.
policy - an objective (or set of objectives) together with a general specifica-
tion of h o w it is to b e achieved.
programme - a g r o u p of interventions often linked t o g e t h e r over time and
encompassing m o r e t h a n o n e project.
project - a single intervention or discrete, one off, form of activity.
side-effect - effects, beneficial or otherwise, which d o not contribute to the
final objective of a policy, p r o g r a m m e or project.
substitution - this occurs w h e n subsidised resource inputs t a k e the place of
unsubsidised resource outputs (see also displacements).
sustainability - t h e extent to which an achievement can b e maintained, this
t e r m is sometimes used in place of the t e r m environmental sustainability;
this usage has a different interpretation from that employed in evaluation
terminology.
synergy - the process by which p r o g r a m m e s , p a r t n e r s or activities interact,
often achieving m o r e t h a n the individual elements would.
target - a quantified objective.
weighting - a technique used to combine a n u m b e r of outputs into a single
m e a s u r e of o u t p u t even though they cannot b e valued in m o n e y terms.
References
Department of the Environment (1995) Single Regeneration Budget Bidding Guidance, De-
partment of the Environment, London.
Department of the Environment (1989, 1996) Interim and Final Enterprise Zone Evaluations,
P A C E C , Cambridge.
Department of Trade and Industry (1991) Evaluation of the Task Force Initiative, PACEC,
Cambridge.
Department of Trade and Industry (1992) Inner Cities Initiative Fact Sheet, Department of
Trade and Industry, London.
H M Treasury (1988) Policy Evaluation: Λ Guide for Managers, H M S O , London.
Trafford Park D e v e l o p m e n t Corporation (1995) Strategy, Trafford Park D e v e l o p m e n t Corp-
oration, Manchester.
11 Organisation and
Management
Dalia Lichfield
Introduction
T h e purpose of this chapter is to identify the ways in which u r b a n regenera-

tion may come about and to d e m o n s t r a t e how good organisation and m a n -
agement may increase the likelihood of a successful outcome. It is
therefore written with an eye on the roles of the project initiator or m a n -
ager and the project team. T h e chapter has particular regard to the Single
R e g e n e r a t i o n Budget, whose Bidding Guidance ( D e p a r t m e n t of the E n -
vironment, 1995) had a profound effect on the approach to u r b a n regenera-
tion, but it is not simply an exponent of S R B and goes b e y o n d it in several
respects. Despite the fact that many of the examples are drawn from the
experience of S R B , the approach a d o p t e d in this chapter should remain
relevant irrespective of changes in policy.
M a n y of the issues discussed in this chapter overlap with the m o r e spe-
cific material developed in the thematic chapters. But whilst previous chap-
ters have b e e n concerned with a variety of individual topics and themes,
this chapter is structured essentially a r o u n d the process of u r b a n change,
w h e r e these various themes interact. T h e understanding of that process
provides the basis for a step-by-step consideration of the m a n a g e m e n t of
u r b a n regeneration. T h e chapter has three underlying themes:
• the need for the many participants in u r b a n regeneration to share
knowledge (facts and concepts) as well as action;
• the importance of identifying w h o experiences existing conditions and
w h o will benefit from the proposed changes;
• the importance of an integrated strategy and of resources as a key
ingredient.
The methods and procedures advocated in this chapter are designed to
increase the awareness of these themes among project management and part-
nership teams. Attention is given to the common dilemmas faced by initiators
and managers, the relevant forces to be reckoned with, and the extent to which
obstructions may be removed and positive action encouraged.
A good idea for urban regeneration will not implement itself. T h e path-
way from good intentions to concrete action is often paved with obstacles
Organisation and Management 229
and difficulties, m a n y of which can best b e overcome t h r o u g h a combina-

tion of d e t e r m i n a t i o n to progress a scheme coupled with clear and decisive
m a n a g e m e n t . It is therefore essential to ensure that m a n a g e m e n t and asso-
ciated issues are:
• considered as a central concern;

• built into t h e design of a p r o g r a m m e o r project from t h e outset.
T h e p r i m a r y goal of m a n a g e m e n t is to create an organisation that will

e n a b l e t h e sharing of knowledge b e t w e e n participants and facilitate agree-
m e n t on strategic vision. T h e m a n a g e m e n t structure should reflect t h e
a p p r o a c h to planning p r e - and post-approval and to i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of
regeneration.
T h e planning process (and t h e organisation) is envisaged in t h r e e cycles:
(1) A preliminary or provisional scoping of p r o b l e m s , potential objec-

tives, and 'actors' on the u r b a n scene - this allows the project initia-
tors to set u p the core organisation a n d also t o identify additional
p a r t n e r s and key issues that require m o r e detailed study or c o m m u n i -
cation efforts.
(2) A strategic planning phase in which all t h e ' s t a k e h o l d e r s ' are b r o u g h t
together, the various impressions and assumptions m a d e in the first
p h a s e are verified, and a specific strategy is forged in a g r e e m e n t b e -
t w e e n t h e p a r t n e r s , for submission to t h e authorities w h o control the
b u d g e t ( G o v e r n m e n t Offices for t h e R e g i o n s in t h e S R B regime);
(3) A detailed planning p h a s e following approval by the authorities.
T h e following sections of this chapter deal with eight major topics.
• P h a s e 1: Scoping
- initiating u r b a n regeneration;
- developing an initial view of the u r b a n regeneration p r o g r a m m e .
• P h a s e 2: Finalising t h e organisation and preparing the strategy
- identifying actors and constructing a partnership;
- p r e p a r i n g an u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n strategy;
- p r e p a r i n g t h e formal bid or proposal.
• P h a s e 3: I n t o action
- office administration;
- accountability and responsibility;
- p r e p a r i n g detailed project plans.
Phase 1 : Scoping
Initiating Urban Regeneration
T w o issues are of particular significance in the pre-approval stages of u r b a n

regeneration:
230 Dalia Lichfield
• identifying t h e basis for an u r b a n regeneration p r o g r a m m e or project

and gaining local support for t h e proposal;
• appointing a project m a n a g e r a n d setting u p t h e partnership.
T h e first of these issues has b e e n discussed in a n u m b e r of earlier chapters

(especially Chapters 1 and 2) a n d only certain aspects of it are raised h e r e ,
linking into t h e discussion of t h e second issue in greater depth.
Identifying the Basis for Regeneration

A s was n o t e d in C h a p t e r 1, t h e factors that stimulate t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a n d
application of u r b a n regeneration p r o g r a m m e s and projects vary from
place t o place. However, in general, t h e primary reason for u r b a n r e -
generation is to respond to u r b a n changes that have detrimental effects -
either traumatic such as an industrial closure, or gradual such as t h e econ-
omic a n d physical decay of an area. T h e u r b a n scene (economic, physical
and t h e h u m a n scene) is constantly evolving a n d adapting through m a r k e t
forces within t h e existing framework of public policies. Additional public
intervention, dedicated to u r b a n regeneration, is called for w h e r e m a r k e t
forces d o not effect regeneration or, while regenerating some aspects, leave
certain groups in t h e community poorly off.
It is therefore not sufficient to note t h e indicators of deprivation at a
single point in time but to view t h e process of u r b a n change and assess its
likely outcomes, if additional public intervention w e r e not provided.
O n c e t h e process of decline/regeneration in a given area is understood,
the regeneration t e a m should also b e able to identify t h e forces at work a n d
which of t h e m could b e influenced or c o u n t e r e d by t h e regeneration strat-
egy. A t t h e same time it is possible to select those that should b e party t o
the project.
Against this background t h e n a t u r e of t h e project, a n d its organisation,
can b e formed.
O n to a Sound Start: Appointing A Project Manager
T h e initiators of an u r b a n regeneration p r o g r a m m e or scheme (local auth-

ority, T E C or other organisation) face their first dilemma with t h e appoint-
m e n t of a 'project manager'. Most initiators realise that, ideally, t h e
m a n a g e r should have:
• t h e intellectual a n d professional ability to grasp t h e complex issues of

decline a n d regeneration in a holistic or integrative way;
• t h e creative ability to innovate a n d b r e a k traditional moulds;
• t h e interpersonal skills to inspire a n d t o facilitate collaboration a m o n g
different individuals and organisations;
• t h e track record, rank and status to c o m m a n d resources a n d action;
• professional skills related t o t h e main thrust of t h e p r o g r a m m e (econ-
omic, housing, social, etc.)
T h e role of this p e r s o n is to build u p the organisation and m a n a g e the

u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n p r o g r a m m e or scheme, creating consensus and a useful
vision, and taking t h e activity forward to the point of funding and imple-
m e n t a t i o n . Developing an u r b a n regeneration p r o g r a m m e is a major p r o -
ject in itself and in an ideal situation requires b o t h the support of a
c h a m p i o n (or champions) and the skills of an experienced manager. It is
essential at t h e outset to appoint b o t h a c o m p e t e n t chair and chief execu-
tive. T h e s e key p e o p l e must b e able to work together and with other
partners.
H o w e v e r , in m a n y cases t h e initiators cannot afford to allocate a p e r s o n
of such quality to the task of project m a n a g e m e n t before funding has b e e n
secured. This d i l e m m a is c o m m o n in the S R B funding regime, w h e r e n o
assistance is given for t h e pre-bid p h a s e , while at the same time t h e bidding
proposal is expected to provide sufficiently solid information to allow for
t h e j u d g e m e n t of t h e 'value for m o n e y ' of t h e proposal. In practice, t h e r e -
fore, initiators c o m m o n l y choose o n e of two solutions:
• a highly capable director of an existing unit or d e p a r t m e n t (usually in

local g o v e r n m e n t ) takes on the regeneration project as an additional
task, and it is t h e n liable to receive only limited attention, being of a
secondary priority;
• alternatively, a lower-level p e r s o n is appointed to deal with the project
on a full-time basis, but their capabilities and status result in an un-
satisfactory product.
In such circumstances the search for a suitable m a n a g e r starts later, after

funds have b e e n allocated, but by t h e n the initiator is b o u n d by the pack-
age which secured t h e funds and potentially superior solutions may well
have b e e n lost.
T h e r e is n o easy answer to this dilemma and circumstances clearly vary.
S o m e changes in practice may also b e w o r t h considering:
• Central g o v e r n m e n t might find that taking u p a relatively small part of

the capital p r o g r a m m e b u d g e t for pre-bid funding is w o r t h while (en-
suring that it is spent on project m a n a g e m e n t and planning r a t h e r than
on packaging).
• A local authority may consider it worth while appointing a suitable
m a n a g e r regardless of central g o v e r n m e n t funding, bearing in mind
that t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of the project may bring benefits even if a specific
bid for funding is not successful. F o r example, if local g o v e r n m e n t
h e a d s share 'new knowledge and a p p r o a c h ' this m a y influence their
action in their capacity as city-wide officers. This in t u r n can affect the
area of decline (for example, by transportation, affordable housing,
location of business).
O n c e t h e decision to recruit has b e e n taken, u r b a n regeneration m a n -

agers m a y b e recruited from various sectors - b o t h public and private - so
long as they possess the five qualities m e n t i o n e d above. T h e first four
232 Dalia Lichfield
(integrative grasp, creativity, interpersonal skills, status) are t o a large

degree a m a t t e r of personality. T h e fifth m a y require 'horses for courses',
subject t o qualifications. B u t a word of caution: persons with highly spe-
cialised professional skills m a y also b e n a r r o w in outlook and, if so, would
b e m o r e suitable as t e a m m e m b e r s t h a n as project managers.
A n Initial V i e w of the Urban Regeneration Strategy
Formal Requirements
Most regeneration p r o g r a m m e s will b e initiated with an eye on particular
sources of finance. T h e finance providers will have their own r e q u i r e m e n t s
regarding t h e focus, a n d scope of regeneration, as well as accountability
procedures. Specific requirements m a y b e specified by, for example, by t h e
S R B , English Partnerships, t h e E u r o p e a n Partnerships, a local authority,
private developer or charitable organisation. Central government, in-
creasingly through its regional offices, plays a major part in setting t h e
rules.
A l t h o u g h t h e precise definition a n d focus of regeneration policy has
b e e n subject t o change in t h e past (Lichfield, 1984; 1992), a n u m b e r of basic
principles have evolved from City Challenge, S R B and, m o r e recently, t h e
policies of t h e present L a b o u r government, that u n d e r p i n t h e m a n a g e m e n t
of an u r b a n regeneration p r o g r a m m e or scheme:
• A n integrated approach that brings together t h e m a n y aspects of u r b a n
life has replaced t h e earlier single focus (property-led; training-led,
etc.) approach. This integrated approach has b e e n p r o m o t e d by S R B
guidance a n d later by t h e present L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t ' s general plan-
ning policy guidance.
• Partnerships should b e set u p b e t w e e n several of t h e public a n d private
sector bodies involved, of which t h e local authority must b e o n e a n d
preferably t h e leading force, since it is normally t h e single largest m a n -
ager and spender in any area through its various d e p a r t m e n t s .
• Schemes should d e m o n s t r a t e that they provide value for money.
• Objectives should b e clearly stated and progress a n d outputs clearly
monitored.
• Proposals should conform with an existing strategy for a wider area or
should help t o shape a m o r e local strategy.
• Whilst S R B guidance indicates t h e general structure of partnerships
and a checklist of objectives a n d outputs, it indicates that regeneration
areas should exercise discretion and d e t e r m i n e what suits its particular
circumstances.
The Trigger to Success

T h e s e r e q u i r e m e n t s a r e essentially s o u n d a n d d e s e r v e t o b e m a i n t a i n e d
even if o t h e r aspects of S R B a r e a b a n d o n e d . H o w e v e r , their effectiveness
d e p e n d s o n t h e proficiency of t h e detailed application. If p r o p e r l y
h a n d l e d , this a p p r o a c h t o r e g e n e r a t i o n could i m p r o v e t h e way t h a t

o n g o i n g local p l a n n i n g a n d d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e a r e a a n d t h e city at large
is c a r r i e d out. It could b r e a k d o w n t h e b a r r i e r s b e t w e e n land-use
p l a n n i n g , t h e p l a n n i n g of e d u c a t i o n a n d social services, e c o n o m i c
p l a n n i n g a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l m a n a g e m e n t . It could b e c o m e a m o r e
a d v a n c e d a n d d e m o c r a t i c version of c o r p o r a t e planning, reflecting o p e n
g o v e r n m e n t a n d consultation. In addition, it could e n h a n c e t h e g e n e r a l
p e r f o r m a n c e of local g o v e r n m e n t as t h e m a n a g e r s of t h e local scene,
w o r k i n g t o g e t h e r with t h e m u l t i t u d e of local actors a n d s t a k e h o l d e r s ,
m a n y of w h o m will b e in t h e p r i v a t e sector.
H o w e v e r , in o r d e r for t h e s e activities to p r o c e e d a n d t h e s e benefits
occur, all those involved must speak the same language, share an under-
standing of facts and processes, and possess t h e resources and delivery
mechanisms. This is the trigger to success.
This trigger is, in m a n y places, still lacking. T h e challenges for the project
m a n a g e r in this situation are:
• t o grasp t h e scope of the issues in t h e widest possible way;

• to identify t h e variety of actors involved in p r o m o t i n g change and those
that will experience its results, and to appreciate the extent of c o m m o n
g r o u n d and of any differences;
• to set u p an organisation, process and m a n a g e m e n t style which max-
imises t h e necessary sharing of knowledge and action.
T h e challenge is best m e t t h r o u g h an iterative process: a provisional

'scoping' is p r e p a r e d by t h e m a n a g e r on the basis of early briefings, before
proposing the outline of the project and the selection of the key actors for
the p a r t n e r s h i p of planning and implementation. T h e provisional findings
are later e x t e n d e d or a m e n d e d in collaboration b e t w e e n t h e actors and by
further study. In this way t h e r e will not b e t h e n e e d to amass information
that m a y b e of n o use. R a t h e r , in trying to clarify specific questions raised
during the scoping, the project m a n a g e r will appreciate what information is
truly necessary for credible answers.
T h e m a i n elements of the provisional 'scoping' and the p r e p a r a t o r y in-
vestigation are:
• stating a n d defining the p r o b l e m ;

• u n d e r s t a n d i n g the process of change and identifying actors;
• developing an a p p r o a c h to regeneration;
• producing an initial proposal.
Stating and Defining the Problem

T h e r e are various definitions of decline and several systems of m e a s u r e -
m e n t of local deprivation. T h e majority of t h e m , including the D e p a r t m e n t
of the E n v i r o n m e n t Index of Local Conditions, are global indices based on
general statistical data. T h e s e are useful in providing general guidance on
the state of o n e area as c o m p a r e d to another, but are less helpful w h e n
234 Dalia Lichfield
attempting to identify the specific conditions and variations within a given

area. Indeed, ' n e e d ' and a high index score are not prerequisites for S R B
applications. T h e p r o b l e m of decline is often in t h e eye of the beholder,
and p e o p l e ' s initial perception of the p r o b l e m is rarely identical. Broadly
speaking, perception is influenced, first, by personal experience of the
situation (for an outsider it may b e physical neglect, for an elderly resident
there may b e a safety problem, for a n o t h e r an u n e m p l o y m e n t p r o b l e m )
and, second, the perception of problems is affected by knowledge and
interpretation (appreciating the range of p r o b l e m s experienced by others,
understanding interrelations as, for example, b e t w e e n juvenile crime, pol-
icing and social and economic conditions).
Therefore, although individual impressions or those of an interested few
may provide a starting-point, it is essential to b e aware of the limitations of
such perceptions and consciously seek to expand (in discussion with other
observers and interest groups) the understanding of decline in that particu-
lar area: what is the process leading to it, what are the ensuing p r o b l e m s
and - most important - w h o are the p e o p l e that experience these problems,
w h e t h e r within the area or outside it.
S o m e p e o p l e m a y define ' p r o b l e m s ' as t h e causes of the current diffi-
culties (for example, the decline of an industry, causing u n e m p l o y m e n t ) ,
but ultimately the p r o b l e m is an impact as experienced by p e o p l e (that is,
u n e m p l o y m e n t or absence of services). Table 11.1 provides an example of
different individuals and organisations affected by industrial decline in a
given area.
Table 11.1 Groups of people affected by problems

Congested high
Group Unemployment P e r s o n a l safety street
Local black males 105 u n e m p l o y e d
Local elderly 15 m u g g e d , 3 5 0
fearful
S h o p keepers R e d u c t i o n in t r a d e
a n d poor image
Local s h o p p e r s L o w a n d falling Pollution, d a n g e r ,

(including o t h e r disposable i n c o m e r u n d o w n shops
groups)
T o w n - w i d e car a n d M a n y attacks o n b u s 10,000 p e o p l e daily

bus users users at n i g h t
Understanding the Process of Change and the Participating 'Actors'

U n d e r s t a n d i n g the process of change that leads to decline (as o p p o s e d to a
'snapshot' of the existing situation) is crucial for a successful a t t e m p t to
reverse that process and to create a realistic strategy. W h e n exploring the
process it is necessary to focus on:
• t h e place of t h e area in the city's economic and social, as well as its

physical, fabric and w h e t h e r it plays a positive role, for example, in
a c c o m m o d a t i n g low-income p e o p l e and marginal businesses (Lichfield,
1994a);
• why t h e area attracts its current activities and what chain reactions
contribute to t h e current state of affairs;
• t h e extent to which t h e area d e m o n s t r a t e s a stable state of poverty or
progressive decline and deprivation;
• how m u c h of that process is d u e to change through local actions and
h o w m u c h is t h e result of national or o t h e r forces outside the control of
t h e local p a r t n e r s h i p ?
Such insights will p r o v e essential w h e n considering the desired regenera-

tion strategy.
U n d e r s t a n d i n g the process of change will bring to light the full range of
'actors' or 'stakeholders'. It includes those involved in creating the change
(from b o t h public and private sectors) and others affected by t h e o u t c o m e s
(individuals and organisations w h o experience either p r o b l e m s or
benefits).
Developing an Approach to Regeneration

O n t h e face of it, it is possible to suggest that regeneration simply con-
stitutes the reversal of the p r o b l e m s as perceived by the relevant groups in
Table 11.1, but t h e r e is m o r e to it. T h e S R B Bidding Guidance suggests
that r e g e n e r a t i o n can b e seen as a s h o r t h a n d t e r m for sustainable regenera-
tion, economic d e v e l o p m e n t and for industrial competitiveness.
It is generally accepted that regeneration ought to b e sustainable r a t h e r
t h a n t e m p o r a r y , that is, an i m p r o v e m e n t that will lay the foundations for
t h e long-term life of an area r a t h e r than a t e m p o r a r y i m p r o v e m e n t related
t o injection of m o n e y or a public relations hype. Sustainable regeneration,
if it does not t a k e place spontaneously, requires intervention to induce a
change in processes, especially a reversal of the process of decline. Such
intervention can t a k e various forms (including physical m e a n s of change,
such as a r o a d that changes the accessibility of an area and thus its econ-
omic prospects, or economic initiatives which start investment interest roll-
ing, or social m e a n s such as education).
T h e function of g o v e r n m e n t in relation to the private m a r k e t is a familiar
dilemma w h e n suggesting interventions. T h e ongoing policies and activities
of central and local g o v e r n m e n t can be r e g a r d e d as interventions affecting
the s p o n t a n e o u s m a r k e t processes. Several are already likely to be in place
and to affect an individual area. T h e project m a n a g e r will have to b e
familiar with all of these interventions, since the u r b a n regeneration initia-
tive will b e most effective if it can c o m p l e m e n t t h e m and, m o r e am-
bitiously, co-ordinate t h e m .
W h a t processes can o n e control? U n d e r s t a n d i n g the forces of action
helps to differentiate b e t w e e n external forces that are outside the control
236 Dalia Lichfield
of t h e organisation, intrinsic factors in the area which may not b e given to a

change (for example, location, w h e r e it is difficult to change the relative
accessibility of an area) and controllable factors which can b e m a n a g e d by
t h e organisation.
T h e above process of assessment and project development will enable
the project m a n a g e r to confront a n u m b e r of crucial questions:
• W h a t is really aimed at - is overall h u m a n suffering the main concern?

• W h o is the activity intended to assist - which groups are inside the
target area and which outside it, and what weight is p u t on the d e p t h of
impact or on the n u m b e r s involved?
• Is it possible to identify the current and potential roles of the area in the
social and economic fabric of the town and will it maintain its positive
functions (for example, supplying low-cost a c c o m m o d a t i o n for low-
income p e o p l e and marginal businesses that do have a place in
society)?
• Is the area simply p o o r or is it descending d o w n the spiral of decline?
• H a s the analysis, and the actions proposed, b r o u g h t together all those
w h o experience the problems of the area and those w h o can help to
bring about change?
• H o w can a baseline of the real p r o b l e m s be established, against which
realistic improvements can b e anticipated and t h e n m o n i t o r e d and
measured?
Recording Provisional Proposals

It is likely that several of those involved in an u r b a n regeneration initiative,
w h e t h e r a m o n g local communities or official agencies, will already have
developed proposals for improvement. These proposals will b e based on
varying degrees of local knowledge, which it is important to capture, but
may or not provide the best solutions. Proposals may comprise an overall
strategy or may simply be a collection of fragmented projects which will
have to be tested later against an integrated regeneration strategy. W h e n
recording and assessing these proposals it is useful to record their origins,
any particular interest groups that will benefit from t h e m and w h e t h e r any
others will b e disadvantaged.
Since the first challenge for a project m a n a g e r is to p r o m o t e c o m m o n
ground b e t w e e n participants, it is essential that differences of view are
clearly recorded. It is also useful to trace their origins, as differences of
views on 'what is the p r o b l e m ' or on 'the best solution' may be d u e to
difference in knowledge of facts or processes, or d u e to self-interest. P r o -
posals m a y enjoy general or only partial support from o t h e r groups or
agencies. Wide support is a good o m e n , though not necessarily a proof of
the soundness of a proposal!
T h e preliminary review in Phase 1, conducted by the project m a n a g e r on
the basis of readily available information, is a valuable starting-point but is
likely to d e m o n s t r a t e that a p r o p e r understanding of the issues and
a g r e e m e n t on possible solutions will require a m u c h greater and m o r e

methodical effort in Phase 2, in particular:
• bringing t o g e t h e r the relevant actors (stakeholders);

• collecting essential information to verify impressions and assumptions;
• creating an agreed and credible strategy.
Phase 2: F o r g i n g the O r g a n i s a t i o n a n d Preparing the

Strategy
This is t h e strategic planning phase in which all the 'stakeholders' are

b r o u g h t together, the various impressions and assumptions m a d e in the
first p h a s e are verified, and a specific strategy is forged in a g r e e m e n t b e -
t w e e n the p a r t n e r s , for submission to the authorities w h o control the bud-
get ( G o v e r n m e n t Offices for the Regions in the S R B regime).
Managing the Actors a n d the Partnership
The Range of Organisations and Actors

A n essential task for t h e project m a n a g e r is t o ensure that all a p p r o p r i a t e
actors are involved in the process. In P h a s e 1 the m a n a g e r will have gained
an impression of all actors and stakeholders; and this can assist in the
selection of those that should participate in the planning and i m p l e m e n t a -
tion efforts.
T h e list of actors or participants in an u r b a n regeneration initiative
should include all those whose regular activities and policies affect the
fortunes of an area (including the local authority, voluntary organisations,
local businesses and local consumers); those w h o provide resources or
budgets for a special initiative (for example, central g o v e r n m e n t agencies
and major investors) and all the groups (both within and outwith the area)
that will experience the impacts and therefore support or object to the
initiative. This section of the chapter expands on the relevant community
groups, whilst o t h e r chapters discuss economic and financial actors ( C h a p -
ter 4) and e m p l o y m e n t and training ( C h a p t e r 7) organisations.
Establishing a list of actors may be assisted by the use of the matrix
which is p r e s e n t e d at Figure 11.1. This diagram identifies actors w h o are
directly involved in interventions (such as developers, service providers,
major employers and also g o v e r n m e n t ) and actors w h o experience the
change and whose personal behaviour may t h e n reinforce the change (for
example, local youths w h o will have new challenges and so commit fewer
offences, s h o p p e r s w h o r e s p o n d t o improved e n v i r o n m e n t and m a k e m o r e
use of local facilities); and (on the vertical axis) actors w h o are active inside
the area (such as local employers involved in a direct intervention or local
youth experiencing its results) and actors from elsewhere (including
238 Dalia Lichfield
g o v e r n m e n t changing a general policy or employees outside w h o lose their

jobs because their employer has transferred t h e business from its old loca-
tion into the regeneration area). This latter set of actors are normally not
considered to b e involved in the process of regeneration, but n o n e the less
experience its external effects, or externalities.
Figure 11.1 Identifying and Selecting Actors
ACTORS INTERVENING EXPERIENCING EFFECTS
WITHIN AREA
OUTWITH AREA
In considering the list of actors it will b e c o m e evident that some experi-

ence b o t h effects (for example, retailers experiencing t h e results of traffic
interventions) and also intervene (when in consequence they close d o w n or
invest in new shops). This form of analysis helps to expose t h e chain-effects
that form part of the process of regeneration.
In selecting the actors w h o can affect change, it is wise to differentiate
b e t w e e n changes that are within the initiator's powers to implement,
changes which other forces and groups could implement if collaboration
was established, and changes which are outside t h e control of either (for
example, national and international economic policies). Selecting actors
often raises the issue of accountability in u r b a n regeneration, and two
questions must b e answered:
• Is the person n o m i n a t e d by a body that is truly representative of t h e full

range of interests (particularly in relation to local groups with unelected
representatives or with a majority representation only)?
• D o e s the representative have sufficient authority t o commit his or her
organisation to a specific cause of action (this is particularly t r u e of
official bodies)?
It is likely that the n u m b e r of people w h o should participate will b e

larger t h a n may b e convenient for groupwork on planning and m a n a g e -
ment. T h e organisational structure should cater for this, allocating p e o p l e
different roles while also ensuring the provision of platforms for dialogue
and for a general exchange of views.
A s the p r o g r a m m e boundaries and its strategy are re-examined during
the next iteration of the planning process, it may b e necessary to re-
examine and adjust the list of actors.
Preparing the Strategy
Having conducted an initial review of the problems and opportunities evi-

dent in an area requiring regeneration, and having developed a provisional
p r o g r a m m e and partnership, the next step in the m a n a g e m e n t of an u r b a n
r e g e n e r a t i o n initiative is t o p r e p a r e a detailed strategy. T h e r e are five main

stages in this process:
• developing an integrated a p p r o a c h to t h e definition of the key objec-

tives and t h e strategy;
• generating a g r e e m e n t o n integration;
• agreeing t h e principles of a strategy;
• identifying potential resources and o t h e r r e q u i r e m e n t s ;
• defining t h e b o u n d a r i e s of t h e initiative.
Whilst in an ideal world t h e p r e p a r a t o r y w o r k as outlined in this chapter

provides a logical a n d economical pathway to the m a n a g e m e n t of t h e
d e v e l o p m e n t of a strategy and t h e bid, in reality t h e m a n a g e m e n t and
planning process is sometimes disjointed or disrupted, a n d the stages d o
not follow each o t h e r in a logical sequence. Sometimes it is necessary, for
example, t o identify t h e actors and form the partnership before attempting
to define t h e p r o b l e m . Nevertheless, if a cyclical a p p r o a c h is a d o p t e d (a
provisional P h a s e 1 a n d an actual second r o u n d as Phase 2), t h e n t h e r e is
scope t o modify provisional structures and ideas as the knowledge
increases.
T h e i m p o r t a n c e of sound p r e p a r a t o r y work has b e e n emphasised in
m a n y official d o c u m e n t s such as S R B Bidding Guidance. U n d e r t h e S R B
bidding regime m a n y proposals did not go b e y o n d t h e p r e p a r a t o r y level of
w o r k and t h e initial views a n d ideas in fact b e c a m e t h e 'bid p a c k a g e ' . T h e
reason was that t h e initiators of regeneration often felt unable t o invest
substantial resources in p r o p e r planning in advance of their bids being
accepted. T h u s while S R B Bidding Guidance calls for value for m o n e y ,
m a n y proposals fail to fully explore or c o m p a r e alternative strategies and,
therefore, have n o t necessarily a d o p t e d t h e strategy which provides t h e
higher value for m o n e y . O n c e t h e bid has b e e n approved, detailed planning
tends to p r o c e e d on t h e basis of the package which w o n t h e bid. A l t e r n a -
tive strategies thus d o not see the light of day. This anomaly might b e
avoided if funds w e r e provided for pre-bidding planning or if competitive
bidding w e r e a b a n d o n e d .
B u t credible planning can also b e facilitated w h e r e local authorities are
p r e p a r e d to find t h e resources themselves or in partnership. T h e work
p r o g r a m m e advocated in this chapter assumes that this is the case. T h e
resources r e q u i r e d can b e quite modest: t h e r e is n o n e e d to farm out t h e
entire exercise as an expensive consultancy project, since an experienced
consultant can act in a 'hand-holding' capacity to t h e local authority and
t h e p a r t n e r s h i p staff. S o m e would d o so at a r e d u c e d fee scale, provided
that t h e p a r t n e r s h i p u n d e r t a k e s to employ t h e m if and w h e n funding is
available for detailed planning.
An Integrated Approach
Having p u t t o g e t h e r a t e a m , the project m a n a g e r will have t h e ongoing
challenge of developing t h e c o m m o n g r o u n d b e t w e e n t h e m . T h e y should
240 Dalia Lichfield
therefore share in a discussion or d e b a t e , as was introduced in Phase 1

above, about t h e n a t u r e of decline a n d t h e meaning of regeneration in t h e
area. Before embarking on t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of t h e regeneration strategy
p r o p e r it would also b e wise for t h e t e a m t o explore t h e b o u n d a r i e s of their
area a n d p r o g r a m m e as well as t h e concepts of 'strategic planning' a n d of
'integrated planning', since a degree of shared approach to these issues is
essential for their collaboration. This discussion of t h e basic principles of
u r b a n regeneration and m e t h o d s of a p p r o a c h should also b e e x t e n d e d to
other key actors, in t h e first instance, a n d t h e wider community (residen-
tial, business and institutional) in an area at a later stage.
T h e importance of an integrated a p p r o a c h t o defining objectives a n d t h e
strategy can b e seen to b e evident from t h e earlier sections of this chapter
(Lichfield, 1994a) and reflects two issues:
• t h e complexity of t h e p h e n o m e n a o n e is dealing with requires of itself

an integrative or holistic outlook on t h e world in o r d e r that processes of
decline or regeneration can b e properly understood;
• regeneration involves a much wider variety of organisations as well as
of informal groups of people and other powers, all with their different
cultures a n d objectives; bringing t h e m together u n d e r t h e umbrella of
regeneration requires special skills a n d efforts.
Generating Agreement on Integration

T h e relevance of this d e b a t e to project m a n a g e m e n t is clear: integrated
analysis a n d understanding of t h e u r b a n scene a n d an integrated evaluation
of t h e options will bring to t h e surface diverse interests. A well-managed
discourse will enable each of t h e m to appreciate t h e presence a n d concerns
of t h e others. T h e r e are also negotiating techniques that e n h a n c e u n d e r -
standing, such as 'role playing' a n d t h e Lichfield B u d g e t Line (Lichfield,
1994a).
T h e practical expression of an integrated approach revolves a r o u n d eight
types of integration:
• geographic integration - addressing an area as part of a larger city a n d

region, since b o t h t h e problems of t h e area a n d t h e desired improve-
m e n t s result, t o some extent, from conditions in other parts of t h e city;
• integrated data - collating data from different sources, including t h e
education, health and social services d e p a r t m e n t s a n d t h e police to
create a unified information system which will provide a comprehensive
picture available t o all concerned;
• integrated interpretation of t h e scene - understanding t h e interactions
b e t w e e n education, income, housing a n d other factors a n d t h e import-
ance of chains, for example, t h e n e e d for training a n d information
a b o u t jobs and child care facilities a n d a d e q u a t e transport a n d suppor-
tive family (to bring a young m o t h e r into t h e workforce);
• integrated planning t e a m - t e a m w o r k , involving t h e various actors a n d
professional disciplines;
• integrated plan-making and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n - incorporating consider-

ations of feasibility and delivery mechanisms, using plan-making itself
as an agent of change in attitude and action of t h e actors on the scene;
• integrated funding regimes - using funding from different sources, for
example, S R B and Objective 2, in a c o m p l e m e n t a r y way;
• integrated policies - consistency b e t w e e n t h e policies of different gov-
e r n m e n t d e p a r t m e n t s and d o w n the hierarchy from central to local
g o v e r n m e n t and area administration;
• integrated action - collaboration b e t w e e n all those involved in
implementation.
City Challenge and S R B o p e n e d the d o o r to an integrated approach, but

d o u b t s r e m a i n as to the full adoption of this a p p r o a c h and to the avail-
ability of expertise and support for its i m p l e m e n t a t i o n in the field. T h e
desirable m o d e of operation, however, transcends particular g o v e r n m e n t
programmes.
The Principle of a Strategy

Strategy is an overall framework for action which indicates, in general terms,
how one's aims might be advanced. A good strategy is one in which creative
ideas are allowed to develop within that framework on the basis of:
• an u n d e r s t a n d i n g the powers and processes which affect the area;

• an ability to co-ordinate the available resources and intervene in these
processes.
A strategy consists of a package of five key elements:
• aims and objectives, clearly stated;

• u n d e r s t a n d i n g of processes and of O u r ' and 'the e n e m y ' s ' strengths and
weaknesses;
• appraisal of resources (not only financial) available;
• creative ideas which go b e y o n d the t r o d d e n path;
• selection of a realistic course of action in outline terms, allowing 'field
actors' local discretion and providing value for money.
A c o m b i n a t i o n of all five elements provides a strategy, as o p p o s e d to a

set of long-term objectives. But a strategy should not b e cast in stone and
m a y evolve with experience. I n d e e d , part of a strategy is constant reassess-
m e n t and a d a p t a t i o n to t h e evolving scene (see Box 11.1 on strategic
decisions). Clearly a well-informed decision will b e t t e r serve the all-round
public interest in regeneration.
V a l u e for m o n e y m e a n s that for a given a m o u n t of m o n e y the selected
strategy provides higher-value o u t c o m e s t h a n the next option; or that it
provides the same o u t c o m e s for lesser cost. V a l u e is not only m e a s u r e d in
financial terms, but also in social, economic and environmental terms. This
principle, p r o m o t e d by S R B , is strongly e n d o r s e d by the 1999 U K govern-
m e n t . V a l u e for m o n e y in strategic planning therefore requires the p r e -
p a r a t i o n and comparison of options.
242 Dalia Lichfield
Box 11.1 Strategic decisions
A strategic decision is not simply about large quantities, but has the following
attributes:
• It can result in a changed strategy - changed objectives, strengths and
resources or the adoption of a course of action.
• It is a complex decision.
• It is not a routine decision.
For example, visualise a strategy aiming at full employment, relying on the
private market. After a while we observe that the market does not have the
resources to deliver. Now we can change the component of resources in the
strategy and inject public finance; but understanding the processes indicates
that this would lead to inflation, an undesirable outcome. So we can try revising
our strength instead and put more effort into education and training to increase
our relative advantage over competing countries. But are we fully aware of the
strengths of the enemy and the routes of competition? If we have miscalcu-
lated, we may need to revise the strategy again and perhaps modify our aims/
objectives. Such decisions will only take place once in a while and be taken by
the full board of the organisation.
Identifying Potential and Resources

Almost every u r b a n area - from the richest to the poorest - has s o m e
potential for improvement in the quality of life and activity of its residents,
or in the contribution it makes to the wider urban or regional public. Such
potential exists in physical, economic and h u m a n terms. It m a y b e ex-
pressed in underutilised property or neglected environment, in unrealised
economic advantage, or in jobs, workers and training that never c o m e
together. O n occasion it is present even as unused financial resources. T h e
potential may dwell in local organisations and authorities that are ineffi-
cient or unco-ordinated and, above all, in people w h o , by being u n e m -
ployed, u n d e r e m p l o y e d or uncreative, do not use to the full their h u m a n
potential.
T h e u r b a n scene, with its underutilised resources, involves a very high
turnover of financial and other resources year on year. Put together they
a m o u n t to m a n y times the value of dedicated u r b a n regeneration budgets.
E v e n a small degree of i m p r o v e m e n t in the effectiveness of the overall
budget with regards to urban regeneration objectives would have the out-
put equivalent of a significance comparable with the dedicated u r b a n re-
generation budget (see Box 11.2). A strategy that aims to improve the
m a n a g e m e n t of available resources requires a considerable degree of care-
ful thinking and investment in the people whose plans, decisions and imple-
m e n t a t i o n are capable of producing that improved m a n a g e m e n t .
Defining the Boundaries

T h e word ' b o u n d a r y ' is used h e r e to m e a n b o t h the 'remit' of activities and
the physical boundaries. T h e boundaries of a regeneration project may
Box 11.2 The Ashkelon experience
In 1980 a major part of the town of Ashkelon, Israel, was at the bottom of the
list of areas of decline, beset by general despair, lack of confidence and apathy.
The urban regeneration strategy for the area was to restore confidence and
initiative by assisting the local authority, local community organisations and
people as individuals to improve all manner of underutilised resources, to
manage them wisely, and to undertake preventative measures against decline
so that more costly remedial measures will not be necessary in the future.
The strategic planning process, with wide public participation, performed an
educational role for both officials and other actors in making methodical links
between problems, processes, the evaluation of solutions and the management
of resources. These officials developed new outlooks and techniques which
they applied to their regular work. The place has been gradually transformed
and managed to sustain and advance the good work despite the exit, after ten
years, of the special regeneration fund. This project was selected by the Israeli
Ministry of Interior as an example of good practice.
Source: Lichfield (1986)
have b e e n clearly given from the outset, or m a y have r e m a i n e d controver-

sial during the scoping exercise. E v e n if apparently 'given', it would be
useful t o consider the variety of b o u n d a r i e s which will in fact c o m e into
play in t h e process of regeneration.
B o u n d a r i e s m a y b e defined for the range of activities which the p r o -
g r a m m e should e n c o m p a s s (for example, housing and training only, or also
health and public t r a n s p o r t ) . T h e implication of an integrated strategy for
r e g e n e r a t i o n is that a fairly b r o a d b o u n d a r y should b e adopted. This
b o u n d a r y should e m e r g e from the initial scoping of p r o b l e m s and
solutions.
B o u n d a r i e s which define the physical area may not b e uniform. A variety
of physical b o u n d a r i e s is related to the following aspects of regeneration:
• C o m m u n i t y b o u n d a r i e s could b e for a community of n e i g h b o u r h o o d or

for c o m m u n i t y of interests. Most regeneration p r o g r a m m e s relate to a
local c o m m u n i t y which may exist to varying degrees on the basis of
neighbourliness; at the same time these p e o p l e p a r t a k e also in c o m m u -
nities of interest (that is p e o p l e with w h o m they share interests, often
over a wider geographical area).
• O p e r a t i o n a l b o u n d a r i e s will also vary. Most regeneration p r o g r a m m e s
are composite and involve several economic activities and services,
each having different catchment areas or administrative boundaries.
T h u s any change in t h e existing p a t t e r n of activities, services or rules
regulating t h e m has to t a k e account of the b o u n d a r i e s within which this
change will t a k e effect. A dilemma may arise w h e n an i m p r o v e m e n t
r e q u i r e d for the r e g e n e r a t i o n target area would introduce b e t t e r ser-
vices within a wider b o u n d a r y which was not designated to benefit from
that budget. If this is not acceptable, the answer may b e to change the
service b o u n d a r y .
244 Dalia Lichfield
T h e s e considerations are particularly relevant if one wishes to:
• develop a realistic view of t h e sense of community;

• address regeneration in the context of city-wide planning and
management;
• create a shared data base for several of t h e actors involved in
regeneration.
In most regeneration areas it is possible to distinguish b e t w e e n the target

area p r o p e r and surrounding areas which contribute to the p r o b l e m s and
possibly to the solutions. T h e r e may also be areas outside which will b e
affected by the area-based p r o g r a m m e . T h u s o n e may differentiate b e -
tween the:
• 'target a r e a ' in which most benefits should b e concentrated;

• 'study a r e a ' which includes t h e wider context, possibly city wide;
• 'action a r e a ' where intervention will affect the target area, and may
take place in or outside the target area.
F o r example, a wider study may show that there is scope for e m p l o y m e n t

or a superstore elsewhere with a good bus service, and residents of a
deprived target area would benefit from it.
Preparing the Formal Bid or Proposal
A provisional view of issues and potential strategies should have b e e n

gained during Phase 1. N o w is the time to share the knowledge and extend
it, develop new ideas, confirm provisional views or modify them, and gain
wider support for the project. T h e r e are eight general stages in this process,
each of which needs to be carefully m a n a g e d and to b e the subject of
a g r e e m e n t by all involved in t h e process. T h e s e stages are:
• collecting additional data and generating the evidence necessary to

support the bid;
• confirming the aims and potential processes of regeneration;
• setting the context for the proposal;
• identifying the resource requirements;
• preparing the strategy options;
• evaluating the options and selecting the strategy;
• identifying the exit strategy;
• setting the basis for monitoring and final evaluation.
Data Collection and Analysis

G e n e r a l information and precise data which is available should be shared
by all the actors so that their j u d g e m e n t s are all equally informed. A m o n g
the considerations for the project t e a m is the r e q u i r e m e n t for additional
data. Is there sufficient knowledge, and is that which is available effectively
assimilated by all involved in planning, deciding and acting?
In the p r e p a r a t o r y work t h e project t e a m will have collected available

data on the issues m e n t i o n e d , but the m o v e towards generation of fresh
data must b e carefully considered since it normally involves higher expen-
diture. D a t a is only w o r t h collecting if it clarifies specific questions which
the t e a m faces w h e n interpreting the current situation or deciding their
choices for the future. T h e tendency to collect and g e n e r a t e masses of data
in advance can b e very wasteful. O n the o t h e r h a n d , those involved are not
always aware that they should be seeking information and it is the project
m a n a g e r ' s role t o raise consciousness of the main issues and the informa-
tion n e e d e d to clarify t h e m and to assess alternative solutions.
Ideally data g a t h e r e d from various sources would be organised as a
geographical information system which includes physical, social and econ-
omic data, and would b e available for all t o use. This is a big u n d e r t a k i n g
and may not b e possible within the project. Forward-looking local author-
ities may, however, have city-wide data on a geographical information
system ( G I S ) basis and the possibility of linking into such a system is worth
examining.
In addition, the t e a m should revisit the initial assessment of the n a t u r e of
decline in t h e area, t h e p r o b l e m s identified and the p e o p l e w h o experience
t h e m and it may require m o r e information for that p u r p o s e .
Confirming the Aims and Potential Processes of Regeneration
T h e m e a n i n g of r e g e n e r a t i o n and its aims should b e discussed and con-

firmed, b o t h a m o n g the t e a m and with the partners. Potential processes of
change should b e considered, bearing in mind what changes could be
b r o u g h t a b o u t by the activities of the organisation. This m a y lead to the
adjustment of the matrix of actors and should result in greater m u t u a l
awareness a m o n g the t e a m .
T h e aims of the initiative should b e expressed in general terms, as dis-
tinct from objectives (which are m o r e specific targets for a project or ac-
tivity and will b e set later with consideration of their feasibility). T h e range
of existing project ideas could also be introduced to the t e a m early on,
although it would b e p r e m a t u r e to decide u p o n t h e m before an analysis is
m a d e of costs and available resources.
Setting the Boundaries in Context

T h e t e a m will consider w h e t h e r it wishes to restrict itself to preset b o u n d -
aries in t e r m s of activities and in terms of geography, or w h e t h e r it will
tackle m a t t e r s as and w h e n necessary. In setting the b o u n d a r i e s the t e a m
should consider adopting different b o u n d a r i e s for the target area, the study
area and the action area.
It is also vital to ensure that the potential links b e t w e e n the 'regeneration
a r e a ' and city-wide conditions and policies have b e e n highlighted. In prac-
tical terms, the future of the area may be affected by u r b a n strategies
246 Dalia Lichfield
devised independently by local authority d e p a r t m e n t s of town planning,

transportation, housing, economic development and education, as well as
by strategies of major private sector bodies. Analysis of such strategies and
liaison with t h e m are at least a necessary precaution and potentially a way
of reinforcing the regeneration strategy.
Resources for Regeneration

R e s o u r c e s include not simply financial resources b u t also other economic
resources (for example, the potential for tourism) and h u m a n resources
(including the capability of local p e o p l e to invest their time in m a i n t e n a n c e
or in folk groups and the potential of local authority officers to function
m o r e effectively). Resources are normally of t h r e e kinds:
• external resources - these comprise b o t h special funding from official

or charitable bodies (for example, from S R B or the P e a b o d y Trust) and
commercial investments by the private market;
• redistributed resources - these could b e sought w h e r e a change in
funding priorities within local agencies (for example, the local auth-
ority) can bring greater benefits to t h e target communities, or w h e r e the
transfer of an activity from o n e area t o a n o t h e r can bring greater b e n e -
fit (but always bringing into the equation those w h o will lose out in the
other area);
• underutilised resources - in most areas t h e r e are some underutilised
resources, for example: partly used or derelict sites and buildings; rivers
or fields inaccessible to the public; a local university whose potential
advantage in conjunction with local employers has n o t b e e n exploited;
local p e o p l e with unproductive hours on their hands.
A m o n g these t h r e e kinds of resource, the improved utilisation of local

resources deserves special attention and could b e an important plank in the
strategy, for it is likely to sustain a long-term change r a t h e r b e t t e r than a
reliance on a single external injection of capital. F o r example, a local
authority, which in most cities is the largest single business and controls
considerable spending, may b e able to continue its level of spending but
improve its product. If such i m p r o v e m e n t has an equivalent p r o d u c t value
of just 2 p e r cent, in an authority whose total annual budget is £200 million,
it would b e producing over a decade m o r e t h a n an S R B project budget.
Preparing the Strategy

T h e creation of the strategy a m o u n t s t o a blend of:
• information and knowledge (processes leading to p r o b l e m s and oppor-

tunities; w h o is involved, resources and other factors);
• creative thinking and a b r o a d range of examples (new t h e m e s a n d n e w
ways of doing what has failed in the old ways; knowledge of good
practice elsewhere);
• good j u d g e m e n t (in the selection of actors, of project b o u n d a r i e s and of

the strategy) and sound evaluation (assessing proposals by way of all
their impacts, not p r e d o m i n a n t l y by financial returns);
• leadership and organisation (inspiring confidence and excitement; m a n -
a g e m e n t which will deliver).
A creative idea or a clear overall t h e m e , on a sound basis, should b e

easier t o c o m m u n i c a t e and would gain m o r e support than a package of
bland or u n r e l a t e d projects. This idea or t h e m e is also m o r e likely to
provide a unifying framework for all to relate to. But one should not
confuse the imaginative with t h e imaginary - an attractive vision which is
not b a s e d on an understanding of the process of change, the range of issues
and the availability of resources, could fail or be counter-productive.
Evaluating the Proposed Strategy

E x ante evaluation assesses proposals before implementation, usually by
comparison with alternative or 'do nothing' options. It aims to predict the
o u t c o m e s of t h e p r o p o s e d strategy options and assist in the selection of the
most desirable strategy. T h e criteria for such assessment vary (see also
C h a p t e r 10) but ought always to reflect, in the final account, the impacts on
p e o p l e , including all those affected by the p r o p o s e d changes (Lichfield,
1997). E x ante evaluation is part of sound strategic planning, particularly
w h e n different interest groups favour different options and their diverse
preferences should b e tested against a comprehensive picture. A com-
munity impact evaluation ( C I E ) (Lichfield and Lichfield, 1992) takes ac-
count of all those groups in the community w h o are likely to experience
beneficial - or adverse - changes as a result of the strategy. This includes
the residential as well as the business community; the local as well as the
city-wide community; present-day as well as future generations (Lichfield,
1994b) and it indicates w h o wins and w h o loses u n d e r each option, and
m a k e s it possible to cater for the entire community r a t h e r t h a n for single
issue and vocal interests. Such an evaluation provides a m e a s u r e of the
extent of public appreciation and support. T h e C I E technique also encour-
ages transparency and accountability
W h e r e ex ante evaluation is performed, the evaluation criteria should
also b e used for appraisal after the project has b e e n implemented.
Setting an Exit Strategy

U r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n agencies u n d e r the U r b a n P r o g r a m m e , S R B or the
E u r o p e a n Structural F u n d s are established to o p e r a t e within a limited time
and budget. Winding down at the end of the period could cause the loss of
facilities and activities which p e o p l e have b e c o m e used to, resulting in an
even greater sense of deprivation t h a n before the project.
T o minimise such d a m a g e an exit strategy should, ideally, b e considered
as part of the general strategy and its efficacy would b e assessed by the ex
ante evaluation of the proposals: will a p r o p o s e d intervention lead to self-
248 Dalia Lichfield
sustained i m p r o v e m e n t after the funding is withdrawn and how long does

the p r o p o s e d intervention have to b e supported before it produces a self
sustained i m p r o v e m e n t ?
F o r example, the A s h k e l o n project (see Box 11.2) h a d as o n e of its main
strategic objectives the generation of confidence and initiative. A l t h o u g h
the project p r o d u c e d a sustained i m p r o v e m e n t after the project w o u n d
down, it did require some ten years to have that effect.
T h e exit strategy has to be considered m o r e tangibly nearer the end of the
operation. In addition to the overarching change, the exit strategy will be
concerned with the continuation or cessation of discrete project activities.
Essentially it is important to examine the past delivery mechanism, costs and
outcomes of each project activity and then address the following questions:
• H o w successful has the activity b e e n so far and is it worth continuing,

modifying or ceasing?
• If wishing to continue, what resources and budget will be n e e d e d in
future?
• C a n the discontinued p r o g r a m m e funding b e replaced from o t h e r p u b -
lic sources, from charitable sources, or from self-financing activities
including charging for a service?
• Is the current delivery mechanism of this activity capable of continued
existence, with full responsibility and accountability, without t h e um-
brella of the regeneration agency?
• If the current mechanism cannot continue, is t h e r e an established and
accountable body which could take on the activity and, if it did, would
the character of the activity b e adversely affected, for example, would
local authority control be t o o rigid, or would a business p u t profit
before people?
Having addressed these issues a project m a n a g e r can suggest the future

p r o g r a m m e of an urban regeneration initiative and the phasing-out
arrangements.
Laying the Foundations for Monitoring and Evaluation of Outcomes

Monitoring of the project and its evaluation will b e u n d e r t a k e n , during and
following implementation, for several purposes including:
• informing the project t e a m about the success or otherwise of their

plans, so that the course of action can be corrected or the strategy
revised; for this purpose monitoring and evaluation should b e r e g a r d e d
as part of the planning process;
• accounting to the authorities and to the public about the operation.
H o w e v e r , the foundations for such evaluation have to b e laid during t h e

planning phases, for two reasons:
• so that the criteria used would b e related to the criteria ex ante, w h e n
predicting the outcomes of the p r o p o s e d strategies;
• t o ensure the availability of baseline data against which to m e a s u r e the

d e g r e e of change.
T h e m e t h o d s of such monitoring and evaluation are discussed in detail in

C h a p t e r 10 of this b o o k .
Negotiations with the Funding Bodies

This c h a p t e r has already referred to funding bodies having specific require-
m e n t s and the n e e d to ascertain these from the outset. O n c e proposals are
beginning to form it is wise to consult again with these bodies to build u p a
m u t u a l u n d e r s t a n d i n g with t h e m and avoid the risk of t h e m rejecting the
final proposals. T h e project m a n a g e m e n t and planning t e a m thus has two
sets of clients: those authorising the development, and the communities
involved in t h e area. T h e right time for negotiations will vary according to
t h e bodies, p r o c e d u r e s and t h e progress in strategic planning, b u t t h e r e is a
n e e d for contact before t h e strategy is finalised in P h a s e 2.
Phase 3: M o v i n g into Action
This p h a s e follows from acceptance of the strategy as outlined in Phase 2.

T h e project office and p r o c e d u r e s are set u p and the strategy is translated
into detailed projects for implementation.
Setting up Office
This section does not go into detail on these matters, but highlights t h r e e
aspects which t h e project m a n a g e r should consider.
T h e m a n a g e m e n t and planning t e a m should:
• identify necessary skills. In addition to the administrative staff, the

following skills normally have a useful input: economics, social studies,
police, engineering and transport; planning and u r b a n design, develop-
m e n t appraisal, legal. Particular circumstances may require housing
m a n a g e r s , educationalists, youth workers, etc.;
• consider t h e use of in-house or external professionals, and w h e r e to find
them;
• define t h e roles of t h e core t e a m , additional professionals, and lay
participants;
• assess the n e e d for continuing professional d e v e l o p m e n t - what is
n e e d e d , different m o d e s of improving skills, and how to organise
training.
O p e r a t i n g premises will b e required and the following issues are

important:
250 Dalia Lichfield
• t h e choice of an office location (on-site/off-site; access and parking;

image, etc.). If the project is area based, consider the value of an on-site
office to maintain good contact with local people and provide a first-
h a n d link with the area. Space for the display of plans and ideas and for
group meetings is valuable;
• the office functions and space r e q u i r e m e n t s (for example, workstations,
exhibition, meetings, public facilities; storage);
• e q u i p m e n t and standards (high or low standard and the image and cost
implications).
Budgeting for the m a n a g e m e n t office should be considered at the outset,

including:
• capital costs (for establishing t h e office and purchasing e q u i p m e n t ) ,

overheads, and operating costs;
• book-keeping and accounting procedures.
Setting Accountability Procedures and Responsibilities
Accountability can b e considered in two contexts: accountability to a re-

cognised authority and accountability to the public. T h e essential c o m p o -
nents of a good and accountable m a n a g e m e n t system include the definition
of responsibilities; planning and budgeting; financial control and reporting;
tendering and contracting; staff hiring and attendance. T h e regeneration
agency is likely to b e working to r e q u i r e m e n t s set by its main financing
body, such as the S R B , the E u r o p e a n C o m m u n i t y or a charity. Unfor-
tunately, accountability requirements vary b e t w e e n organisations, and p r o -
jects which have joint funding may find themselves duplicating effort. It is
advisable to study the requirements in advance and negotiate a unified
system with the funding agencies. A p a r t from official r e q u i r e m e n t s , t h e
regeneration agency may wish to establish its own high standards of oper-
ation and accountability such as Total Quality M a n a g e m e n t or other m a n -
a g e m e n t practices.
T h e s e technical accountability systems apply equally to any public or
private agency. However, the regeneration agency must look also to an-
other client - the public in the target area. Public accountability takes on a
different meaning h e r e and would use different techniques.
T h e overall responsibility for the standard of operation of an u r b a n
regeneration scheme and for its accountability rests with the project m a n -
ager, but experts will have to be hired from the outset t o establish the
finance and m a n a g e m e n t accounting systems and to help p r e p a r e annual
reports.
Monitoring the progress of an initiative for purposes of administrative
accountability is discussed in C h a p t e r 10. In addition to the technical and
p r o c e d u r a l matters involved in establishing a system of monitoring, it is
also essential to ensure that the project t e a m and all the participants
involved in an initiative are provided with a d e q u a t e training in the collec-

tion and analysis of monitoring information.
Preparing Detailed Project Plans
U r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n projects are derived from the overall strategy and the

m e t h o d for their p r e p a r a t i o n repeats m a n y of the essentials of regeneration
planning, but with a sharper focus on:
• objectives and options;

• feasibility and implementation;
• impact assessment and comparison of options.
From Aims to Operational Objectives and Impacts

A project is normally associated with o n e of the key aims or objectives of
t h e p r o g r a m m e ( e m p l o y m e n t , housing, etc.) and t h e r e are formal require-
m e n t s to specify m e a s u r a b l e objectives and milestones towards its achieve-
m e n t . H o w e v e r , similar results can sometimes b e achieved via different
routes, which m a k e u p the options to b e considered. T h e r e may b e substan-
tial differences in costs, achievements and side-effects b e t w e e n options and
it is therefore i m p o r t a n t to set t h e m out and assess t h e m clearly and
transparently.
Feasibility and Implementation

Feasibility analysis aims to establish for each of the options p r o p o s e d
w h e t h e r it is capable of being i m p l e m e n t e d or is likely to come to a halt d u e
to various i m p e d i m e n t s . Feasibility has several dimensions:
• Financial viability is the best k n o w n - it requires accounting for finan-
cial resources and the returns they may b e expected to p r o d u c e , and it
m a y involve external sources and the p a r t n e r s to the project, although
t h e p a r t n e r s m a y have different ways of measuring acceptable returns
(Lichfield, 1998).
• E c o n o m i c feasibility analysis has regard to the presence of sufficient
d e m a n d to support the planned activities (for example, sufficient inter-
est in certain cultural activities to sustain the new hall or commercial
d e m a n d for the new e m p l o y m e n t floor space).
• D e v e l o p m e n t feasibility analysis considers physical aspects - w h e t h e r
decent access, drainage, utilities, etc. can b e provided, and it assesses
the likelihood of obtaining planning consent and the likely co-operation
of the owners of p r o p e r t y (title) and o t h e r legal constraints.
• Public feasibility analysis considers the social and the political response,
and a t t e m p t s to anticipate w h e r e opposition m a y c o m e from; such op-
position can be r e d u c e d if the project m a n a g e m e n t ensure public parti-
cipation from the outset.
252 Dalia Lichfield
A n y o t h e r impediments may b e anticipated by tracing the process of

implementation and the daily operations that follow. This a p p r o a c h also
enables the project planners to identify the bodies that need to t a k e part in
the process. T o the extent that these are not already within the partnership,
contacts can be m a d e to ensure understanding and collaboration.
I m p l e m e n t a t i o n will normally t a k e place in stages. E a c h stage will incur
costs and some may bring in revenues. Planning the stages can therefore b e
crucial for the viability of the project and advice should b e sought from an
expert in financial or development appraisal (subject t o the contents of t h e
project).
Impact Assessment and Comparison of Options

A l t h o u g h detailed project options are proposed with the intention of
achieving the desirable objectives, the action is likely to have additional
effects (traffic, demographic, environmental, etc.) which were not 'objec-
tives' in themselves and may b e beneficial or adverse to different groups of
p e o p l e (for example, a rise in house values is good for house owners but
b a d for tenants and purchasers).
T h e o p t i o n s should therefore b e c o m p a r e d on g r o u n d s of impacts on all
g r o u p s of t h e wider c o m m u n i t y , as well as o n g r o u n d s of feasibility.
M o r e o v e r , t h e n o t i o n of value for m o n e y is widely u n d e r s t o o d to m e a n
not only financial and wider e c o n o m i c value b u t also social a n d
e n v i r o n m e n t a l values. This is e n d o r s e d by t h e p r e s e n t administration,
which advocates a holistic a p p r o a c h to r e g e n e r a t i o n , aiming to secure not
only e n v i r o n m e n t a l sustainability b u t also a socially a n d economically
sustainable society. By its n a t u r e this a p p r o a c h r e q u i r e s t h e coming
t o g e t h e r of minds a n d h e a r t s of p e o p l e from different b a c k g r o u n d s a n d
concerns.
Conclusion
This takes the discussion back to the opening premises of this chapter: the
trigger to success rests with the ability of the project m a n a g e r to create a
• Address the questions of organisation and management at the outset of

an urban regeneration scheme or project.
• Follow a clear defined pathway of organisation and management.
• Ensure that all actors and partners are aware of the arrangements.
• Keep good records.
• Manage, monitor and modify the strategy.
• Be willing to move to greater detail, but do not lose the strategic
perspective.
w o r k e n v i r o n m e n t in which information, knowledge, concepts and senti-

m e n t s are shared b e t w e e n all concerned. A l t h o u g h not all of those in-
volved can sit on the partnership board, organisational structures and
p r o c e d u r e s can ensure their participation (in workshops, focus groups,
committees, etc.) a r o u n d particular issues in Phase 2, and a r o u n d specific
projects in Phase 3. This will enrich the project planner's understanding,
contribute fresh ideas and mitigate potential opposition. T h u s good man-
a g e m e n t and good planning are intertwined.
References
Department of the Environment (1995) Single Regeneration Budget Bidding Guidance, De-
partment of the Environment, London.
Lichfield, D . (1984) Alternative strategies for redistribution: changing approaches to renewal
since the 1950s, Habitat International, Vol. 8, pp. 3 - 4 .
Lichfield, D . (1986) Ashkelon's clean streets - face lift or body and soul treatment, The
Planner, Vol. 72, p. 1.
Lichfield, D . (1992) Urban Regeneration for the 1990s, L P A C , London.
Lichfield, D . (1994a) Integrated regeneration strategies: looking behind the words, paper
presented at a conference held at University College London, July.
Lichfield, D . (1994b) Assessing project impacts as though people mattered, Planning, 4
March.
Lichfield, D . (1997) Evaluation of urban regeneration projects - critique and proposals, paper
presented at the U K Evaluation Society Conference, December.
Lichfield, D . (1998) Measuring the success of partnership endeavours, in Public Private Part-
nerships for Local Economic Development, Praeger.
Lichfield, D . and Lichfield, N. (1992) The integration of environmental assessment and de-
velopment planning, Project Appraisal, September.
PART 4
EXPERIENCES E L S E W H E R E AND A
V I E W O F THE FUTURE
12 Lessons from America in the
1990s
John Shutt
Introduction
While the great battles of the decades ahead are likely to be economic, the
greatest challenge to our economic strength is certainly not competition from the
Pacific Rim or Europe. No; the greatest challenge to our economic strength is
here at home - where the decaying cores of too many inner-cities and the
poverty-stricken heartlands of rural America threaten to erode our dynamic
regional economies from within. That is what we intend to change. I believe we
can do it.
(Vice-President Al Gore, 6 December 1993, Boston, Massachusetts)
It is difficult to generalise about the U n i t e d States and u r b a n regeneration.

T h e diversity and community enterprise which characterise its cities and
regions are not always appreciated from a West E u r o p e a n perspective. T h e
U S A and the U n i t e d K i n g d o m have a long experience of transatlantic
policy exchange ( H a m b l e t o n and Taylor, 1993) and political parties, aca-
demics and policy-makers have regularly discussed policies for reviving
u r b a n economies with similar policy initiatives i m p l e m e n t e d b o t h sides of
the Atlantic (Clark, 1997b; Wiewel, Bennington and G e d d e s , 1992). E n -
terprise Z o n e s , C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations, Business Im-
p r o v e m e n t Districts, U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations, public-private
sector partnerships and coalitions for regeneration arouse similar concerns
b o t h sides of the Atlantic, but o p e r a t e in wholly different contexts. B e -
n e a t h the need for the interchange of ideas and best practice, it is the scale
of the u r b a n crisis in A m e r i c a which appears formidable to the E u r o p e a n .
T h e r e is little evidence of a strong coherent integrated federal state and
local g o v e r n m e n t approach to u r b a n regeneration, which tackles the un-
derlying structural issues forcing A m e r i c a n cities into decline. T h e Clinton
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e Policy for cities appears a weak tool w h e n c o m p a r e d
with the structural forces at work in A m e r i c a n cities. It is perhaps, true to
say that u r b a n policy delivery and implementation in the U n i t e d Kingdom
is m o r e coherent, centralised, planned and directed, whereas in the U n i t e d
States the scope for decentralised initiatives and community development
and community capacity building is far greater.
This chapter considers:
258 John Shutt
• the major structural forces at work in u r b a n A m e r i c a and the n e e d for

local government reform if the cities are to have an effective base;
• the Clinton approach to u r b a n policy and the new ' E m p o w e r m e n t and
Enterprising Communities Initiative' of the 1990s modelled on City
Challenge;
• community economic development and C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t
Corporations, utilising a Washington case study;
• the development of public-private partnerships in cities, utilising case
studies in New Orleans and Fort W o r t h ;
• the likely future evolution of inner city economies in the U S A .
O v e r v i e w : R e v i e w i n g t h e U S A U r b a n Crisis
Migration and Cities
Mass immigration is continuing to transform America. In the twenty-first

century m a n y U n i t e d States cities will b e non-white and black; Latinos and
Asians will b e half of the population. In 2015 whites will b e in the minority
in states like California, Arizona, N e w Y o r k , Nevada, N e w Jersey and
Maryland (Mahindge, 1996). M u c h of t h e post-war period has b e e n domi-
n a t e d by the m o v e m e n t of A m e r i c a n whites out of u r b a n America. Cities
are already predominantly inhabited by black America, segregation is high
and the turmoil and turbulence of city life is something for whites to avoid.
T h e crisis of cities is widely perceived on b o t h sides of the Atlantic as
heading for chaos. In the U n i t e d Kingdom and elsewhere in E u r o p e , t h e
n e e d for Britain and E u r o p e to develop new u r b a n policies and avoid
following the A m e r i c a n u r b a n ' n i g h t m a r e ' is a recurrent t h e m e . This can
b e seen, for example, in the 2020 City Campaign m o u n t e d by the L a b o u r
Opposition Spokesperson for Local G o v e r n m e n t (Vaz, 1996).
The Economist (15 F e b r u a r y 1997) reports in typical style:
For many Americans the idea of California as the future is terrifying. Calamities
such as the Los Angeles riots and the Ο J Simpson verdict have projected an
image of a racially riven society, shivering on the edge of disintegration. Califor-
nians are increasingly living in ethnic enclaves, with whites retreating behind
walls and Latinos recreating in their native barrios north of the border. A third of
new housing developments in Los Angeles in 1990-1995 had locked gates.
In the same week, the L o n d o n Evening Standard r e p o r t e d on the night-
m a r e of Washington u r b a n life {Evening Standard, IS F e b r u a r y 1997) con-
firming t h e 'British' view that the A m e r i c a n inner cities are places to avoid
if at all possible. M a n y urbanists, however, are aware that policy transfer
b e t w e e n the U S A and Britain is increasing and that L a b o u r ' s intention of
introducing a mayoral competition into t h e U K (Blair, 1998) is indicative
of the strong policy interchange developing b e t w e e n the British L a b o u r
Party and the U S Democratic Party. This policy exchange extends to inter-
est in ' z o n e ' p r o g r a m m e s .
Lessons from America in the J 990s 259
Industrial Restructuring and E d g e Cities
Industrial restructuring in the U n i t e d States, the changing competitive en-

v i r o n m e n t and new technologies and the globalisation of t h e U S e c o n o m y
have transformed A m e r i c a n cities and regions in the 1990s. W h i t e flight has
created G a r r e a u ' s ' E d g e Cities' ( G a r r e a u , 1997) and the new 'CitiStates'
(Pierce, J o h n s o n and Hall, 1993) - suburbs with n o single u r b a n centre.
E d g e cities are ' i n d e p e n d e n t ' of the old central cities. Whites and aspiring
ethnic minorities can function within the new edge cities without reference
to t h e old central cities. In some u r b a n systems the central business district
m a y still b e a functioning economic reality - in others it is having to find a
new role - frequently a major tourist role, as economic and social activities
have relocated outside cities. Outside the central business cores, the 'inner
cities' are reserved for p o o r immigrants and p o o r whites. I n n e r cities can be
full of e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p and community vitality but they can also b e lo-
calities of despair, especially in a society w h e r e welfare benefits and local
state expenditures are dwindling and subject to declining resource avail-
ability and radical restructuring of delivery systems.
Community Development
C o m m u n i t y organisation and community d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e U n i t e d States

is the positive side of retreating local, state and federal g o v e r n m e n t and
centre u r b a n distress. Dustin (1995) argues that
community based organisations, more so than local government, symbolise

something valuable worth taking into the 21st Century for many citizens and
policy-makers. In retreat federal and state policy-makers proclaim the victory of
free people, free-enterprise, civic responsibility and self reliance. In defeat they
honor hallowed heroes - volunteers and bootstrap capitalists. The words truly
inspire and strike a chord deep in the American soul. Empower citizens, build
community, maximise local control, let the people decide, help people help them-
selves, count community assets, increase individual capacity, the elocution of
these words evokes a feeling of doing the right thing. The vision seems to be this
- sometime in the future, somehow and somewhere one person - one block - one
city - at a time an alternative urban economy and governance will emerge which
will be as productive as the industrial city and as inventive as the corporate city
government once were.
(Dustin, 1995, p. 2)
A t n e i g h b o u r h o o d level community d e v e l o p m e n t in the U n i t e d States is

s p e a r h e a d i n g the drive to decentralisation and the nation excels in its
community-building capacity and its tradition of community organising.
C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations focusing on economic re-
generation and revitalisation exist in their h u n d r e d s , providing inner city
residents with a range of services that g o v e r n m e n t s d o not provide. T h e
strength of c o m m u n i t y achievement against the b a c k d r o p of massive
260 John Shutt
structural change and federal and state withdrawal is regularly what im-
presses most visiting academics and policy-makers. N e i g h b o u r h o o d vision
and community involvement is impressive, but w h e t h e r or not fragmented
communities can combat the structural disparities b e t w e e n central cities
and suburbs without a stronger federal u r b a n policy is the central issue for
m a n y u r b a n policy-makers. A m e r i c a n s have b e e n preoccupied with reduc-
ing taxes and the role of federal government for much of the last decade
and it is the cities which have suffered.
Federal Urban Policy
U r b a n policies in the U n i t e d States w e r e not the main concerns of the

R e a g a n and Bush administrations in the 1980s. Reducing the influence of
federal government was the preoccupation and B a r n e s (1990, p . 564) re-
cords how the federal government 'simply stopped or decreased doing
certain things'. Federal government t u r n e d its back on the large U S A cities
with the Republicans preferring to support state governments r a t h e r t h a n
city governments. President Bush, addressing the National U r b a n L e a g u e
in A u g u s t 1989, summarised the state of U r b a n A m e r i c a at the end of the
1980s thus: 'In many respects - let's face it - u r b a n A m e r i c a offers a bleak
picture - an inner city in crisis. A n d there is t o o much crime, t o o m u c h
crack. T o o m a n y dropouts, t o o m u c h despair, t o o little economic growth,
too little a d v a n c e m e n t - and the b o t t o m line, t o o little h o p e ' ( T h e W h i t e
H o u s e , 1989: q u o t e d in Barnes, 1990, p p . 562).
T h e nation that had launched the W a r on Poverty and M o d e l Cities
p r o g r a m m e s in the 1960s floundered t h r o u g h o u t the 1980s as economic and
industrial restructuring and federal withdrawal increased poverty and so-
cial deterioration in A m e r i c a n inner cities (Davis, 1995). This deterioration
was symbolised by the 1992 Los Angeles riots. T h e shock of the Los A n -
geles riots, arguably, began to force attention back on to the A m e r i c a n
inner city and the p r o g r a m m e s required for regeneration. Within weeks the
Washington-based U r b a n Institute was arguing for a new integrated ap-
p r o a c h to u r b a n policy, addressing city p r o b l e m s within the context of an
overall domestic policy stressing h u m a n investment, j o b creation and the
breaking down of race and income barriers within the centre city: 'Tradi-
tional opportunity channels in the cities - manufacturing jobs, g o v e r n m e n t
jobs, good schooling - are shutting down. A s a result, the A m e r i c a n city,
seen t h r o u g h o u t much of its history as an engine of social and economic
mobility without parallel in the world, is becoming a machine that rein-
forces inequality' ( U r b a n Institute, 1992, p . 1).
Reinventing Urban Policy: a N e w Blueprint
Enterprise Z o n e s w e r e the d o m i n a n t inner city regeneration idea first p r o -

posed by Jack F. K e m p in 1980 calling for legislation from the R e a g a n
administration. T h e T h a t c h e r g o v e r n m e n t in the U n i t e d K i n g d o m imple-

m e n t e d the E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e idea before K e m p in the U S A . K e m p b e c a m e
Secretary of H o u s i n g and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t u n d e r Bush and following
t h e Los A n g e l e s riots new legislation was b r o u g h t forward by K e m p , but
v e t o e d by Bush, in the run u p to the 1993 U S presidential election
campaign.
D e m o c r a t s w e r e busy developing the E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e idea. D u r i n g 1992
Bill Clinton a n n o u n c e d that he agreed with K e m p a b o u t t h e n e e d for
E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e s , but Τ think it's a very n a r r o w view of what n e e d s to be
d o n e . T h e y will b e of limited impact unless you also have the national
initiatives I've called for on education, health care and the e c o n o m y '
( L e m a n n , 1994, p . 1). After the election, t h e Clinton administration revised
the R e p u b l i c a n s ' a b a n d o n e d enterprise zones bill, transferring it into the
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s and Enterprising C o m m u n i t i e s policy and p r o -
g r a m m e . Vice-President A l G o r e b e c a m e leader of the E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e
and E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e initiative and Housing and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t
( H U D ) Secretary H e n r y Cisneros - San A n t o n i o ' s first Hispanic m a y o r in
the 1980s - b e c a m e responsible for pursuing Clinton's new u r b a n policy
programme.
T h e E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e policy is o n e D e m o c r a t i c policy which has
a r o u s e d recent interest in the U n i t e d Kingdom, together with the role of
U S E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations, and U S elected mayors, C o m -
munity D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n s and Business E m p o w e r m e n t Districts,
but as Clark points out U S u r b a n p r o b l e m s originate from a very different
system of fragmented g o v e r n m e n t and fiscal jurisdictions (Clark, 1997a). In
transferring policy ideas we n e e d to u n d e r s t a n d the very different context
within which A m e r i c a n cities have to o p e r a t e . This different context exerts
considerable influence on the u r b a n regeneration process.
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s a n d Enterprise C o m m u n i t i e s
President Clinton signed t h e O m n i b u s B u d g e t Reconciliation A c t of 1993

( H R 2264) o n 10 A u g u s t 1993. T h e Bill m a d e provisions for the designation
of nine ' E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s ' (six u r b a n designated by the H U D Secre-
tary and t h r e e rural ones u n d e r the Agriculture Secretary). Designation of
t h e zones was to b e m a d e by competition during 1994. In addition t h e r e
w e r e t o b e 95 'Enterprising' communities designated, 65 u r b a n and 30
rural.
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s (see Table 12.1) h a d to b e n o m i n a t e d by b o t h
local g o v e r n m e n t and the state government, and an application for desig-
nation h a d to include a strategic plan co-ordinating activities which
addressed:
• economic d e v e l o p m e n t
• human development
262 John Shutt
• community development
• physical development.
Plans h a d t o bid for funding u n d e r federal p r o g r a m m e s b u t also to

identify t h e extent to which p o o r persons a n d families will b e e m p o w e r e d
to b e c o m e economically self-sufficient. E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s in t h e cities
w e r e t o b e u r b a n areas of less t h a n 200,000 p e o p l e and in rural ones must
have a population of less than 30,000. In any event they w e r e t o b e areas of
'pervasive poverty, u n e m p l o y m e n t and general distress' ( H R 2264).
Table 12.1 Empowerment Zone Partnerships in the USA

F e d e r a l level State level C o m m u n i t y level
• R e m o v e regulatory • Invest state resources a n d • I n v o l v e t h e entire

barriers Federal funds provided to community
t h e state
• Simplify p r o g r a m m e rules • Pass t h r o u g h E Z / E C S S B G • Plan comprehensively

funds
• Co-ordinate programme • Co-ordinate p r o g r a m m e • L e v e r a g e private

a n d agencies resources
• Invest b r o a d resources • A l l o c a t e a p o r t i o n of • S t r e a m l i n e local

private activity b o n d capital government
Source: C o m m u n i t y Enterprise B o a r d (1994).
The N e w Grant Regime
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e status brought extra federal monies of $10 million p e r

year for ten years for:
• Social Services Grants:

- to prevent and r e m e d y child abuse and neglect;
- to achieve self-sufficiency (training and self-employment);
- to achieve and maintain self-support (community and economic
development);
- to provide emergency shelter;
- t o support home-ownership p r o g r a m m e s ;
- t o support child-care institutions;
• E m p l o y m e n t Credits - a tax credit for wages paid t o 'zone e m p l o y e e s '
u p t o t e n years;
• T a x E x e m p t Facility B o n d s - b o n d s states and local governments could
issue w h e r e 95 p e r cent of the net proceeds are used to provide an
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e facility (property, land, infrastructure).
Competition and Urban Policy
Thus the E m p o w e r m e n t Zones idea differs from the enterprise zone concept
in its focus on people rather than the search for inward investment and new
businesses. T h e Clinton administration established the Community E n -

terprise B o a r d ( C E B ) , chaired by Vice-President G o r e , and by the beginning
of 1994 this was ready t o formally launch the E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e ( C E B ,
1994) initiative. American communities had six months to respond to the
strategic guidelines and application process. T h e competitive bidding el-
ement of the p r o g r a m m e and relatively modest resources left some observers
sceptical from the start. Gramlich argued E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s were a
G r a n d Illusion d e p e n d e n t 'entirely on the determination, strength, and good
luck of low income community groups. T h e r e are a few modest opportunities
available but most groups will have to struggle to b e included in the planning
and implementation of zone programmes. Some groups will, rightly, judge
the opportunities insufficient for the effort' (Gramlich, 1993, p . 2)
T h e Clinton administration, however, was clear that the E m p o w e r m e n t
Z o n e legislation built on the anti-poverty p r o g r a m m e s of the 1960s and
m a d e a b e t t e r case for community d e v e l o p m e n t in the context of a new
p a r t n e r s h i p of stakeholders, working together in key designated neigh-
b o u r h o o d s . ' C o m m u n i t i e s that stand together are communities that can
rise together. C o m m u n i t i e s c a n n o t succeed with public resources alone.
Private and non-profit support and involvement are critical to the success
of a c o m m u n i t y seeking revitalisation.' ( C E B , 1994, p . 1).
The W i n n i n g Cities
In D e c e m b e r 1994, the successful E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s w e r e declared in

six cities after a national competition and rigorous evaluation by H U D and
vigorous political lobbying. A t l a n t a , Baltimore, Chicago, Detroit, N e w
Y o r k and P h i l a d e l p h i a / C a m d e n were the winners, and the pressures to
enlarge t h e n u m b e r of areas t o benefit led t o L o s A n g e l e s and Cleveland
being declared S u p p l e m e n t a l E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s (SPZs).
Evaluating Partnership
Gittell (1996a; 1996b) evaluated the progress of the zones t h r o u g h o u t their

first year a n d e x a m i n e d community involvement in t h e bidding process.
She concludes that t h e first stage of the process did little to e n h a n c e the
d e v e l o p m e n t of civic c o m m u n i t y capacity, although the established C o m -
munity D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n s in D e t r o i t and Chicago did play strong
roles in the process. M a y o r s and institutional actors played the key roles
and m a d e sure their favoured projects w e r e designated inside the zones.
She records that business involvement has largely b e e n limited to b a n k s
with a direct interest in t h e E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e n e i g h b o u r h o o d s .
Coca Cola and Turner Broadcasting are involved in Atlanta, Campbell Soup has
a strong presence in Camden, General Motors in Detroit, but all of their roles are
264 John Shutt
historical and traditional as major actors in the city rather than as active and
engaged entrepreneurs seeking new and significant investment in the Zones.
(Gittell, 1996b, p. 40)
M o d a r e s (1996), researching the Los Angeles Supplemental E m p o w e r -

m e n t Z o n e , questions the concentration of the Clinton administration's
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s on the E a s t Coast and argues against an E m p o w e r -
m e n t Z o n e methodology which supports area-based poverty for specific
types of communities and excludes low-density areas like L o s Angeles.
M o r e o v e r , the Supplemental E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s lack t h e social service
grants of the prime six E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s , which m e a n s that t h e focus is
on local business growth industries and attracting businesses r a t h e r t h a n on
community and social development approaches.
Mayor's Prerogative
T h e E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e process itself has focused on the favoured p r o -

jects of mayors w h o often went out of their way to m a k e sure that t h e
b o u n d a r i e s of E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s included key projects and initiatives.
A g a i n Gittell points out that
Atlanta Mayor Cambell made certain that the downtown neighbourhood which
housed the Olympic Stadium was designated as part of the Zone. In Detroit,
General Motors' new plant was a priority for inclusion in the Zone and the
mayor made it happen. In Baltimore, the John Hopkins Complex, a major con-
tributor to the city's economy, received priority from Mayor Schmoke and was
included in the boundaries of the Zone. Republican Rudolph Guiliani saw only
one purpose to the programme, some guarantee that it would provide funds for
Yankee Stadium so that the team would not leave New York City.
(Gittell, 1996b, p. 39)
Second Term
In his second term, President Clinton is concentrating on developing a

second r o u n d of t h e E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e concept. In 1996 it was an-
n o u n c e d that 'home-ownership z o n e s ' modelled after the E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e
concept would also b e a Clinton administration priority alongside ' E m -
p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s ' and that t h e second r o u n d of awarding E n t e r p r i s e and
E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s , r o u n d two, would now b e initiated (National Mort-
gage News, 26 F e b r u a r y 1996). Cisneros also claimed that t h e E m p o w e r -
m e n t Z o n e s were showing signs of success with D e t r o i t attracting $2 billion
of investment into the city as a result of E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e creation.
T h e similarity with the British City Challenge and Single Regeneration
Budget 'competition' has been observed by H a m b l e t o n (1996). W h a t is in-
teresting about the E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e s , however, is the greater focus on
strategic planning, and community participation, and the linking of federal,
Lessons from America in the 1990s 265
state and city actors, and the different basis of the p r o g r a m m e approach
c o m p a r e d with the United Kingdom. Practitioners in the U K need to follow
the progress of the E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e concept and its results with m o r e
interest throughout the 1990s, particularly since a new Blair L a b o u r admin-
istration in the U K is making great use of the zone concept for health,
education and employment zones. Following the designations, little is known
about the impact on the losing cities, although Schulgasser (1995) suggests
that it has forced a city like N e w a r k to start to think about strategic planning
again, and this implies meeting regularly with external groups.
T h e E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e process signalled t h e start of the r e g e n e r a t i o n
of H U D , whose mission 'places it squarely in the center of poverty and
racial realities that d o not lend themselves to simple answers' ( U S D e p a r t -
m e n t of H o u s i n g and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t , 1994). U n d e r Clinton's radical
R e i n v e n t i o n Blueprint, H U D was required to change from being a top-
down, bureaucratic, complex and overly prescriptive d e p a r t m e n t to b e c o m -
ing a t r u e p a r t n e r in communities - acting as a clearing house for innova-
tive solutions. M e y e r (1995, p . 23) praises H U D for raising the level of
discussion a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g on the E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e / E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e
p r o g r a m m e a n d in particular for its attention in t h e new economic develop-
m e n t p r o g r a m m e . H o u s i n g and U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t u n d e r s t a n d s the n e e d
to couple j o b training, j o b placement and linkage and supportive services
with business assistance and related job-generation approaches. B e t t e r jobs
targeting for inner city residents is seen as the real promise of the E m -
p o w e r m e n t Z o n e initiative and H U D is seeking to support the E m p o w e r -
m e n t Z o n e / E n t e r p r i s e C o m m u n i t y initiative by incorporating o t h e r federal
resources and p r o g r a m m e s .
In t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m in 1996, Blunkett, Shadow E d u c a t i o n Secretary,
p r o p o s e d a new set of 'Training and E m p l o y m e n t Z o n e s ' for British inner
cities, designed to achieve a similar focus on jobs targeting and t h e inner
city residents (Blunkett, 1996). This illustrates once again the way in which
U S and U K u r b a n policies a p p e a r to b e moving closer together in similar
directions u n d e r respective political parties. T h e r e is constant interaction
and interchange b e t w e e n politicians, academics and policy-makers leading
to t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of similar initiatives and p r o g r a m m e s in terms of
national u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n policies. Competitive bidding and the zone
mentality have b e c o m e the d o m i n a n t u r b a n policy delivery process, b o t h
sides of t h e Atlantic.
Community Capacity a n d Community Development

Corporations
C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n s 'bridge the gap b e t w e e n capital-

ism and c o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t ' (Harrison and Weiss, 1993). T h e y are
interesting self-help initiatives often delivering services to black and his-
266 John Shutt
panic communities which are of interest to those in the U K w h o would like

to see a new focus on black economic development and community de-
velopment in the late 1990s. Since the 1960s they have b e c o m e a p o t e n t
force in A m e r i c a n u r b a n revitalisation. C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Corpor-
ations ( C D C s ) started with an affordable housing and community develop-
m e n t remit and have gradually extended this role. Non-profit corporations,
C D C s have developed a job-creation and economic d e v e l o p m e n t role a n d
e x t e n d e d their activities into j o b training, placement and counselling ac-
tivities. This extension of the role was encouraged by successive federal
p r o g r a m m e s in the 1980s, like the J o b Training Partnership A c t ( J T P A ) or
the Perkins Vocational Education Act. C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Corpor-
ations like the N e w a r k C o m m u n i t y C o r p o r a t i o n ( N C C ) in N e w a r k b e g a n
to review their own job-training p r o g r a m m e s in the 1990s. Spurred on by
foundations like the U r b a n Poverty P r o g r a m m e of the F o r d F o u n d a t i o n ,
and the Enterprise Institute, nationally k n o w n for its affordable housing
p r o g r a m m e s , C D C s have b e e n assisted in developing e m p l o y m e n t and
training projects (Harrison and Weiss, 1993). Housing and U r b a n D e v e l o p -
m e n t u n d e r Clinton has refocused its efforts on encouraging C o m m u n i t y
D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations and put m o r e of their efforts into economic
d e v e l o p m e n t and enterprise initiatives. A s the C D C s have developed so
they have developed their social service provision a n d elderly service p r o -
vision and into youth services, providing a role for example, in Aids educa-
tion and drug substance abuse prevention. T h e C D C s frequently provide
services now in inner city areas, which in the U n i t e d Kingdom are currently
still provided by central or local government, the National H e a l t h Service,
or other quangos. Increasingly as t h e welfare state is reduced and public
expenditure p r o g r a m m e s are reduced t h r o u g h o u t W e s t e r n E u r o p e , C D C
models are being developed and examined in the U K .
Washington, D C Case Study
C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations have b e e n described in the U K as

'housing associations with knobs on'. In the U K the C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p -
m e n t Trusts Association is p r o m o t i n g the C D C idea and local authorities
like Brighton and Liverpool are examining the policy framework for de-
veloping C D C approaches to n e i g h b o u r h o o d development.
In W a s h i n g t o n t h e Marshall H e i g h t s C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t
O r g a n i s a t i o n ( M H C D O ) provides a case study of g o o d practice in C D C
d e v e l o p m e n t . In t h e mid- 1990s W a s h i n g t o n ' s District Council h a d a
major $300 million structural deficit a n d t h e C o m m i s s i o n of Social
Services r e p o r t e d in 1994 that:
• nearly half of the district's children are on welfare;

• o n e out of every eight residents receives welfare;
• o n e out of every six residents is on food stamps;
• one out of every five residents receives Medicaid.
And the sad truth is that the city has no realistic way of keeping up with these
spending demands. Despite the urban town seen by tourists when they visit the
nation's capital, the city away from the mall has the woes and responsibilities of a
state and the purse of a hamlet.
(The Washington Post, 8 March 1994).
W a s h i n g t o n like o t h e r capital cities has a declining population as affluent

households continued t o m o v e out t h r o u g h t h e 1970s and 1980s leaving t h e
district for t h e suburbs. Businesses followed and inner city n e i g h b o u r h o o d s
like A n a c o s t i a found that they were becoming unviable. T h e M H C D C
b e g a n back in 1979, becoming the co-owner of the E a s t River P a r k Shop-
ping C e n t r e and initiating major renovation, developing housing, a small
industrial p a r k as a business incubator facility and, in the 1990s, developing
its drug rehabilitation and social service p r o g r a m m e s .
Whilst t h e M H C D C o p e r a t e s in a deteriorating Washington environ-
m e n t , and its achievements can b e seen as small-scale, t h e organisation has
p r o v i d e d a positive n e i g h b o u r h o o d driving force for revitalisation. T h e
M H C D O works in W a r d s 7 and 6 East n e i g h b o u r h o o d s which experience
t h e highest levels of d o c u m e n t e d illegal drug use, associated violence and
y o u t h homicides t h a n any other sections of Washington. T h e M H C D O has
evolved into a multifaceted organisation with a $2.5 million b u d g e t (1994).
It has b e e n c o m m e n d e d by the Local Initiatives Support C o r p o r a t i o n
(LISC) as a ' m o d e l for rebuilding troubled cities from t h e grassroots'
( M H C D O , 1994).
T h e M H C D O sees itself
• creating new and diverse economic opportunities;

• mobilising and e m p o w e r i n g residents to b e c o m e involved in the
process;
• encouraging a holistic a p p r o a c h to community development;
• assisting in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of C D C s ;
• assisting community-based groups to develop the four Cs: capacity,
collateral, credit and character.
Local E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t a n d R e g e n e r a t i o n
Partnerships
C o m m u n i t y economic d e v e l o p m e n t initiatives in the U S A are less well

k n o w n t h a n the growth and u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t coalitions which received a
great deal of academic attention in t h e 1980s. Physical d e v e l o p m e n t s
'showy brick and m o r t a r d e v e l o p m e n t s , complete with ribbon cutting cere-
m o n i e s ' (Swanstrom, 1985) w o n the admiration of the T h a t c h e r admin-
istration in cities like Baltimore and B o s t o n and provided a d d e d impetus to
t h e British U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n p r o g r a m m e , especially those
268 John Shutt
Box 12.1 Marshall Heights Community Development Organisation, Inc.

Washington, DC: history and achievements
The Marshall Heights Community Development Organisation, Inc is a not-for-

profit, community-based organisation that was formed in 1979 by a spirited and
insightful group of residents from the Marshall Heights neighbourhood.
Shortly thereafter, the group expanded its membership to include the neigh-
bourhoods of Deanwood and Burrville.
The corporation was created to provide an organised forum for citizens to
express community concerns on housing and community development and to
facilitate citizen interaction with the District of Columbia Government.
Summary of Achievements, 1979-94
• With a $25,000 grant for venture capital from DHCD, MHCDO leveraged
a $3.2 million deal for the purchase and exterior renovations of the East
River Park Shopping Center, located at Minnesota Avenue and Benning
Road, NE. The MHCDO is both an equity owner of the property and a co-
general managing partner. The renovations included a new façade, new
parking lot, major landscaping and additional lighting. Now, the com-
munity is better served and the shopping centre continues to turn a profit
under community leadership.
• The MHCDO, as a participant in the HomeSight Program, a co-operative
effort among local community development corporations, the Local Initia-
tives Support Corporation, Fannie Mae Foundation, the DC government,
and participating lenders, is continuing to develop affordable housing for
sale to buyers who qualify for assistance under the City's Home Purchase
Assistance Program (HPAP). Through its subsidiary, Citizens Housing De-
velopment Corporation, a total of 23 houses have been rehabilitated and
sold to HPAP clients by 1995.
• In an expansion of the HomeSight housing development programme, Cit-
izens Housing Development Corporation (CHDC) began infill develop-
ment of new modular homes in 1990, inaugurating the programme with
four new homes at Drake Place, SE. The street has since been renamed
'Queens Stroll Place' to commemorate the visit by Queen Elizabeth to
these new homes in May of 1991. On 4 August 1993, CHDC broke ground
for the Deanwood Station townhouse style condominiums opposite the
Deanwood Metro Station. The project consists of 12 homes and is the
largest single new construction venture undertaken by CHDC to date.
• Multi-Family Housing also includes Magnolia Gardens, a 13-unit building;
1449 Olive Street, NE, a four-unit building; 3426 and 3421 Minnesota Ave,
and 3001 Nelson Place, SE renovated as condominiums.
• The Kenilworth Industrial Park project features 90,000 square feet of space
for light industrial use on Kenilworth Avenue, a business incubator for
start-up businesses, as well as manufacturing and commercial space. 1235
Kenilworth Avenue, NE, a 13,000 square foot multi-story structure, is oper-
ational as the first Business Incubator facility in Washington, DC, providing
below market rate space to small start-up commercial tenants.
• In March 1990, the Marshall Heights Community Development Organiza-
tion received a grant of $100,000 from the Robert Wood Johnson Founda-
tion (RWJF), in Princeton, New Jersey, to plan a comprehensive drug and
alcohol prevention, reduction and treatment programme within the Ward
7/6 East of the River community. In April of 1992, the RWJF awarded
MHCDO a one-year grant of $599,916 to implement the 'Fighting Back'
Program. The national RWJF initiative, 'Fighting Back', is designed to
create both long-term prevention and treatment that reduces the demand
for drugs and alcohol in carefully targeted neighbourhoods. In February
1993, the MHCDO was awarded an additional 18 months of funding for a
total grant amount of $3 million from RWJ.
• The MHCDO also offers social service programmes under contract to the
Federal Government that include the Michaux Senior Center, which pro-
vides activities and educational programmes for Ward 7 seniors; Employ-
ment Training and Development and Black Male Employment Training
programme which targets black males between 18 and 25 years of age
which utilises classroom training and career assessment in preparation for
participants to successfully compete in the labour market; and a Crisis
Intervention programme that provides emergency food and clothing to
residents in crisis situations.
Source: M H C D O (1994).
faced with p o r t regeneration projects. T h e study of u r b a n growth regimes

has b e e n i m p o r t a n t in the U S A (Logan, and Molotch, 1987; Stone, 1989)
with governing coalitions in cities focusing on mayoral leadership of A m e r -
ican cities alongside local business interests in economic and land develop-
m e n t partnerships. Strong mayoral leadership is seen as critical in
providing a focus for A m e r i c a n economic d e v e l o p m e n t policy ( W o l m a n
and Spitzley, 1996).
T h e Economic Regeneration Partnerships and Economic Development
Corporations have been critical factors in successful economic development
and regeneration strategies. Boston in the 1980s under Mayor Flynn is fre-
quently held up as an example of successful partnership development between
state and local government, business and the philanthropic community, and
with community developers and community organisations. Boston's job policy
and the Boston Compact (training programmes) and Boston's housing policy
have received much attention (Drier, 1997). Boston's experience of economic
growth and a declining poverty rate and strong local government led action is,
however, atypical of most of the major American cities.
N e w Orleans
T h e city of N e w O r l e a n s is m o r e typical of A m e r i c a n cities facing severe

economic difficulties w h e r e Out-migration continues to be one of the
largest obstacles to economic d e v e l o p m e n t ' (Barthélémy, 1992). See Table
12.2 for further details of population change.
T h e N e w O r l e a n s economy was tied to the oil and gas industries and
b o o m e d t h r o u g h o u t the 1970s. In 1975 the S u p e r d o m e was built, h o m e of
the N e w O r l e a n s Saints football team, and in 1985, the city o p e n e d the New
O r l e a n s Convention C e n t r e which m a d e New Orleans one of the t o p
270 John Shutt
convention centres in the United States. In the early 1980s, the city created
the Almonaster-Michoud Industrial District ( A M I D ) , which is said to b e
the largest industrial park within the boundaries of a single city in t h e
United States. T h e A M I D is h o m e t o the Martin Marietta's production
operations for the external fuel tank for the N A S A space shuttle. In the
1990s the city began to redevelop t h e Mississippi Riverfront area down-
town. It constructed the A q u a r i u m of t h e Americas which opened in 1990
and e m b a r k e d upon further riverfront tourism development, which is tak-
ing place throughout the 1990s (see Box 12.2).
Despite a booming service and tourism sector in the Central Business
District and French Q u a r t e r of the city, the city suffers from employment
decline in most sectors of the city's economy (Tables 12.3 and 12.4) and
because the skilled labour pool is depleted by out-migration, critical labour
shortages of trained workers have occurred in key sectors, e.g. in health
care professions. T h e 1992 Economic Development Strategic Plan for N e w
Orleans p u t forward the following major obstacles to economic develop-
ment in t h e city in the 1990s:
• a relatively poorly educated population;

• a poorly funded local public education system;
• a high proportion of its population below the poverty level;
• lack of public funds at local, state and federal levels;
• lost tax revenues to the Louisiana State government caused by the decline
in oil prices and its impact on tax revenue for the city of New Orleans;
• overdependence on business tax and mineral revenues creating a tax
climate viewed as being onerous t o business.
T h e perception that economic development activities h a d not b e e n well
co-ordinated between public and private sectors saw t h e creation of a
regional Metrovision Partnership in 1990 t o create a new economic de-
velopment agenda for the twenty-first century. Metrovision was a process
Table 12.2 Population characteristics of New Orleans

(a) Population in the city of New Orleans and its suburbs 1960-90
1960 1990 % Change
Central city 627,525 496,938 -20.8
S u b u r b a n counties 240,955 741,278 +207.6
N e w Orleans metro 868,480 1,238,216 +42.6
(b) Race and ethnicity in New Orleans 1960-90

1960 1990
White 62.6% 33.1%
Black 37.2% 61.4%
Other 0.2% 2.0%
Hispanic — 3.5%
Source: City of N e w Orleans, 1994. See also Lauria, M., Wheelan, R. and Young, Α . Α.,
(1993)
Table 12.3 Net employment changes in New Orleans Parish, 1980-89

%
Agriculture - 1 1.8
Mining + 12.2
Construction -17.2
Manufacturing -47.6
Transport -33.1
Wholesale trade -40.4
Retail t r a d e - 1 1.7
F i n a n c e / i n s u r a n c e / r e a l estate -9.0
Services + 13.0
Government -7.8
Source: Louisiana D e p a r t m e n t o f E m p l o y m e n t a n d T r a i n i n g A n n u a l .
Table 12.4 Economic impact on New Orleans Parish from tourism,

selected years 1982-92
Jobs Payroll R e v e n u e local taxes
1982 39,584 $539,621,700 $35,137,400
1985 40,048 $512,229,700 $40,121,700
1987 46,196 $580,962,300 $49,065,600
1989 40,840 $498,512,500 $45,931,300
1990 45,320 $524,131,100 $51,664,932
Note: D o l l a r a m o u n t s a d j u s t e d u s i n g 1991 G N P D e f l a t o r
Source: University o f N e w O r l e a n s Office of Business a n d E c o n o m i c R e s e a r c h ; Travel
Impact Model
of bringing t o g e t h e r key public a n d private stakeholders in t h e region t o

develop a strategic plan. 'Making o u r region competitive is the message
and mission of t h e M e t r o vision P a r t n e r s h i p ' ( M e t r o vision, 1990). Follow-
ing t h e Metrovision initiative the city of N e w O r l e a n s developed a n e w
Strategic Planning C o m m i t t e e and completed a n e w E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p -
m e n t Plan for t h e city of N e w O r l e a n s during t h e t e n u r e of M a y o r Sidney
B a r t h é l é m y . Beginning in M a y 1991 action plans were formulated for:
• warehousing, distribution and port regeneration;

• image i m p r o v e m e n t ;
• arts, sports a n d music development;
• technology-based industries;
• d o w n t o w n office/medical centre development;
• j o b training;
• n e i g h b o u r h o o d revitalisation/housing;
• small and minority business development,
(see city of N e w Orleans, 1992)
272 John Shutt
U n d e r the leadership of local business interests and community leaders

the city e m b a r k e d o n a major p r o g r a m m e of tourism d e v e l o p m e n t a n d
marketing, building on the prospects of increased growth in the convention
business, despite the evidence of tourism's seasonality, low pay and trans-
port infrastructure demands.
W h e t h e r or not a tourist development strategy can act as t h e b a c k b o n e
of economic regeneration in a city is a question which is frequently being
asked in the U n i t e d Kingdom. However, N e w Orleans has m o v e d its econ-
omy to the point w h e r e it is one of the most favoured tourist destinations in
the U n i t e d States, although the impact on its inner city localities remains
limited. Success in economic regeneration and physical regeneration in the
central business cores of A m e r i c a n cities does not ensure successful trickle-
down and aid to the inner city residents without sustained efforts to de-
velop linkage p r o g r a m m e s . M a n y of the service jobs which are created are
low wage and low skilled. E v e n with its new sense of public-private part-
nerships and strategic economic development planning, N e w Orleans was
not successful in winning resources t h r o u g h t h e first r o u n d of t h e e m p o w e r -
m e n t zone competition in 1994/95.
Box 12.2 New Orleans Riverfront 2000: Overview
The New Orleans Riverfront 2000 plan is the largest development project in
Louisiana's history, and by the turn of the century will make New Orleans one
of the most exciting riverfront cities in the world.
New Orleans Riverfront 2000 includes the construction of seven separate
facilities along the Mississippi riverfront over the next ten years.
New Orleans Riverfront 2000 calls for the additional expansion of the New
Orleans Convention Center, which would make the facility one of the largest
exhibition halls in the world with over 1 million square feet of contiguous
exhibition space.
New Orleans Riverfront 2000 includes the expansion of the Riverfront Park
from the Moonwalk to the Mandeville Street Wharf with the park acting as the
gateway to the city and the front door to the historic French Quarter.
New Orleans Riverfront 2000 involves the construction of a conservatory,
which will display rare and exotic plants, to be located within the Riverfront
Park expansion and managed by the Audubon Institute. This concept has been
altered to an insectarium which is now under negotiations for placement in the
Custom House, an important historic structure which is owned by the Federal
government, near the riverfront end of Canal Street, the city's main downtown
street.
New Orleans Riverfront 2000 includes the construction of Phase II of the
Aquarium of the Americas adding more than 60,000 square feet for new under-
water exhibits.
New Orleans Riverfront 2000 will also include the construction of a $40
million natural history museum, which would be built next to the conservatory
and would be another living science facility managed by the Audubon
Institute.
Lessons from America in the Î 990s 273
All seven projects in the Riverfront 2000 plan are projected to create more
than 17,000 jobs and will generate more than $725 million a year for the local
economy and raise more than $66 million a year in state and local taxes.
Riverfront 2000 will be funded by a combination of city and state bond issues
and private donations raised by the Audubon Institute.
Riverfront 2000 will attract nearly 1 million new visitors to the Crescent City
each year.
Riverfront 2000 will put New Orleans on the map as one of the fastest
growing family destinations in the country.
New Orleans Riverfront 2000 includes the completion of a new Audubon
Zoo master plan and the construction of the Species Survival Center for endan-
gered animals.
N e w Orleans Riverfront 2000
Project cost Opening
Species Survival Center $10 million 1992
Riverfront Park expansion $15 million 1992
Conservatory (Changed to insectarium $10 million 1993

placed in existing building)
Aquarium of the Americas (Phase II) $20 million 1994
Convention Center (Phase III) $156 million 1995
Natural History M u s e u m (later $40 million (not implemented)

eliminated from plan)
Z o o 2000 Master Plan $17 million 1997
Riverfront 2000 Total $268 million
Source: N e w Orleans Riverfront 2000 'Gateway to the Crescent City', D e c e m b e r 1989.
N e w O r l e a n s is a city struggling t o c o m e t o t e r m s with b o t h t h e restruc-

turing of t h e U S e c o n o m y and the polarised society this has created. O n the
o n e h a n d it is t h e city of crime, violence and u r b a n distress (384 m u r d e r s in
N e w O r l e a n s in 1994). O n the other h a n d it is the city of carnivals, M a r d i
G r a s a n d Jazz Fest and the city of the G a r d e n District with its million-
dollar houses, the F r e n c h Q u a r t e r with its artists and literary eminences,
and the birthplace of Jazz. Thirty p e r cent of the city's entire population
live below the federal poverty level (Washington, 1995). It failed to be
selected for E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e status, but it was chosen to be one of the
Enterprise Communities.
D e s p i t e u r b a n distress one of the features of the A m e r i c a n mayoral
system is the scope for 'municipal e n t e r p r i s e ' (Table 12.5). In o r d e r to
attract hotel and sales taxes to boost city coffers, m a n y U S cities like New
O r l e a n s h a v e b e e n forced t o develop and e x p a n d their convention centres
and are in sharp competition with each other. San Francisco, Los Angeles,
St Louis, K a n s a s City, Dallas, Salt L a k e City, S a c r a m e n t o , Baltimore, San
274 John Shutt
Table 12.5 Top ten employers in Greater New Orleans, 1992-93

Rank Employer Employees Industry
1* U S D e p a r t m e n t of D e f e n s e 18,000 Military
2 O r l e a n s Parish Public S c h o o l s 8,805 Education
3 City of N e w O r l e a n s 7,874 Government
4+ A v o n d a l e Industries 7,100 Shipbuilding/construction
5 T u l a n e University 5,326 Education
6 Energy Corp 4,340 Utilities
7 Ochsner Medical 4,105 Health care
8 S c h w e g m a n n Giant Supermarkets 3,900 G r o c e r y stores
9* S o u t h Central Bell 3,048 Telecommunication
10* M a r t i n Marietta M a n n e d S p a c e Systems 3,000 S p a c e shuttle external

tank
Note: * C o m p a n y n o t h e a d q u a r t e r e d in N e w O r l e a n s .
+ F o r t u n e 5 0 0 C o m p a n y h e a d q u a r t e r e d in N e w O r l e a n s .
Source: N e w O r l e a n s City Business 1 9 9 2 - 9 3 ; O r l e a n s Parish S c h o o l B o a r d ; N e w O r l e a n s
Civil S e r v i c e B o a r d .
Diego, Orlando and Chicago have all b e e n expanding their convention cen-
tre economic development strategies in the 1990s (Nelson, 1996). Competi-
tion on this scale between cities is much greater in the U S A than in the U K .
Fort W o r t h
T h e use of cultural industries strategies to boost tourism and u r b a n re-

generation is very m u c h in evidence in F o r t W o r t h , Texas, (see Box 12.3),
sponsored by the drive of one family - the Bass family - and buttressed by
t h e sponsorship and donations of m a n y influential foundations which in-
clude the Richardson Foundation, the B u r n e t t - T a n d y F o u n d a t i o n and the
Carter F o u n d a t i o n . Their influence can b e c o m p a r e d to the nineteenth-
century role of the U K ' s Victorian e n t r e p r e n e u r s - Cadburys in Bir-
m i n g h a m or Pilkingtons in St H e l e n s - but in a m o d e r n - d a y context and
raising important issues of city ownership, p o w e r and influence in t h e
u r b a n regeneration process. This is a city benefiting the growth of the U S
economy in the late 1990s without t h e levels of u r b a n distress of t h e kind
evident in Washington and N e w Orleans.
Conclusion
In the 1990s competition dominates u r b a n policy and economic develop-

m e n t policy on b o t h sides of the Atlantic. F o r A l G o r e ' e m p o w e r m e n t
zones and enterprising communities are p e r h a p s the most vivid examples
of President Clinton's new approach to rebuilding n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , creat-
ing jobs and changing lives' ( G o r e , 1996).
Box 12.3 Cowboys and culture: the Fort Worth Partnership, Forth Worth City
'We wouldn't be telling it to you straight if we didn't brag about our cowboys.
Our Chisholm Trail. Our historic stockyards, where the steaks came bigger
than the platters. Or our fancy fiddlin' and soft country ballads at Billy Bob's.
That's Fort Worth' (Fort Worth, Catching the World's Attention, 1997).
The renaissance of downtown Fort Worth is one of the USA's central city
success stories of the 1990s. With its historic downtown area based on the
successful urban regeneration of Sundance Square and its Cultural District
boasting world class art museums and the largest science and history museum
in the south-west, it is a city which is utilising the cultural industries and
tourism as the springboard for regeneration. The Kimbell Art Museum has
been described as 'America's best small museum' designed by famed architect
Louis I. Khan. The Stockyards National Historic District which houses the
1904 Livestock Exchange and embodies true Wild West cowboy livestock
legacy is only 2 miles from the downtown centre. Besides the Stockyard Sta-
tion, it incorporates Billy Bob's Texas 'the world's largest western dance hall'.
The stockyard closed in the 1960s and the restructuring of the livestock indus-
try impacted on downtown Fort Worth.
The renaissance of Forth Worth Downtown is dominated by the Bass family
- Nancy Lee, Perry R. Bass and their four sons - who are widely credited with
changing the face of Forth Worth. Their mission has been to bring new housing
and commercial activity into Sundance Square and to ensure citizen safety by
developing their own private security police force to patrol the city streets and
successfully reduce crime. Youthful police on bicycles can be seen at all times
on the city streets providing welcome reassurance to tourists and residents
alike. The Bass family fortune was originally based on oil. Sid Bass as leader of
Bass Brothers Enterprises built the family fortune through the 1960s and 1970s
on property development and the regeneration of Fort Worth. Sid Bass built
the Worthington Hotel and Sundance Square; brother Ed Bass developed the
Caravan of Dreams Jazz Clubs, Sundance West apartments and movie theatre
and has spearheaded the development of the $65 million Nancy Lee and Perry
R. Bass Performance Hall which opened in May 1998 with 2,056 seats. Bob
Bass created Cook Children's Medical Centre and is Chairman of the National
Trust for Historic Preservation. Lee Bass, the youngest son, led the fight to
refurbish the Fort Worth Zoo. Ranked thirty-seventh in the Forbes magazine
list of the world's richest people in 1997, the Bass family worth is estimated at
$6 billion and their contribution to regeneration is supplemented by the Sid
Richardson Foundation, which supports education, health, human services and
the arts in Texas.
'The Basses could have invested and do invest, all over the world. But they
have chosen to invest here in Fort Worth in a very meaningful way, and the
community recognises it and appreciates it' (Forth Worth Mayor Kenneth
Barr, Fort Worth Star-Telegram, 26 April 1998).
The scale of the private sector contribution to economic regeneration sup-
plemented by substantial foundation funding - the Carter Foundation fuels
activity in the Fort Worth Cultural District - is what distinguishes the USA
regeneration process compared to the small-scale foundation funding available
in British cities.
Fort Worth is benefiting from the enormous growth of small metroplex edge
cities in North West Tenant County for example, based on the cities of
Lakeside, Lake Worth, Reno, Riveroaks, Saginaw, Sanctuary, Springtown,
Westworth Village and Azle. This Texan Westplex Alliance of Communities
276 John Shutt
rests on the growth of the Alliance Corridor and Alliance Airport developed
by Ross Perot. Here a new communications and transport centre has been
created based on major inward investment: Fedex, Intel, Motorola, Mitsubishi
and Nokia, Southwestern Bell, Tandy Corporation and the home for corporate
headquarters of IBM and Burlington Northern Santa Fe, bringing with it the
incredible mobility and change which characterises Texas in the late 1990s. All
of this is occurring some 40 miles north of Downtown Fort Worth. It is giving
rise to predictions that Fort Worth will be bigger than the Dallas conurbation
as a major metropolitan growth centre of the twenty-first century.
T h e E m p o w e r m e n t Z o n e p r o g r a m m e has t a k e n t h r e e years to oper-

ationalise and yet the policy itself is operating only in six major cities and
on a smaller scale in the 95 'enterprising communities'. Whilst the E m -
p o w e r m e n t Z o n e policy was being forged and barely implemented, a
D e m o c r a t i c President found his administration circumscribed by a R e -
publican Congress and the progressive agenda for u r b a n policy envisaged
in the early 1990s began to disappear. T h e H U D ' s b u d g e t has b e e n reduced
from $26 billion to $19 billion and this has b e e n accompanied by devolution
to the states, welfare decentralisation and benefits cuts which t h r e a t e n t o
further destabilise the inner cities and the low income p o o r b e y o n d the
deteriorating position of the 1980s. T h r o u g h o u t 1995 and 1996 a Republi-
can Congress and D e m o c r a t i c President have pushed further on to the
states responsibility for policy areas traditionally p r o g r a m m e d and admin-
istered from Washington federal levels. In welfare and Medicaid, transpor-
tation, j o b training, environment, a Republican Congress and now
Republican state governments are pushing costs further d o w n to local
governments. Inevitably the conditions in cities will deteriorate further as
welfare p r o g r a m m e s in particular are reduced. T h e r e are m a n y pessimists
in U S u r b a n policy w h o now believe that the development of federal inter-
vention p r o g r a m m e s is impossible to achieve (Meyer, 1995). In this situa-
tion local and regional initiatives in community economic development and
regeneration b e c o m e m o r e important. H o w e v e r , the task of addressing t h e
major structural issues of local government reform and fiscal reform of
metropolitan areas remains to be achieved. Cisneros as Secretary of H U D
continued to argue for regional reform of the fragmented local g o v e r n m e n t
system, albeit from a weak H U D base. 'People Regionalism', 'Cities with-
out walls', ' W e ' r e all in it together' r e m a i n e d his t h e m e tunes t h r o u g h o u t
the mid-1990s. Typically Cisneros argued that
For those seeking opportunity today, the Mecca must be the entire metropolitan
area - the central city and especially its suburbs. Achieving the American dream
for everyone requires opening up all the metropolitan area's resources and op-
portunities to all its residents. Only with diversity, balance and stability every-
where can the decline of inner cities and aging suburbs be reversed.
(Cisneros, 1995)
Fine words. H o w e v e r , Cisneros has already b e e n r e p l a c e d by A n d r e w

C u o m o . T h e r e is concern a b o u t t h e future of t h e e m p o w e r m e n t zones
Box 12.4 Resources for Community Economic Development: the Center

for Community Change, Washington
The Center for Community Change (CCC) is a national non-profit

organisation that works to revitalise poor communities in three ways:
• It provides free technical assistance and training to community-based
organisations in low-income and minority neighbourhoods across the
nation.
• It helps poor people achieve a voice on public policies that affect them.
• It launches special projects to conduct studies, test new approaches to
community development and broaden support for worthwhile grassroots
efforts.
At the Center for Community Change, staff believe the most effective way
to improve conditions in low-income neighbourhoods is to help the people
who live there empower themselves. To that end they help grassroots groups
in low-income communities develop strong leadership, carry out effective
strategies and create productive solutions to community problems.
The objective is not only to see small businesses established where no jobs
exist, or crumbling tenements replaced with safe housing. The objective is
also to see that grassroots groups develop the capacity to make these things
happen for themselves. This means providing long-term, on-site assistance to
urban and rural grassroots groups that address a daunting range of poverty-
related issues.
The Center for Community Change pioneered this approach over 25 years
ago. It still works. In 1994 CCC provided technical assistance to over 200
community groups comprised of African Americans, Asians, Latinos, whites,
American Indians, farmers and farm workers, factory workers, female heads
of households, immigrant families, street vendors, youth, the unemployed
and others. To each of these groups the CCC provides tools which help them
create the changes they envision in their own community.
The CCC's technical assistance staff includes experts in organisational
development, community organising, action research, housing and economic
development, community reinvestment, and other fields. All the Center's
fieldwork is directed towards building the capacity of grassroots groups.
Headquartered in Washington, the CCC has a San Francisco office and
staff outstationed in several other cities throughout the United States. The
Center draws its support from more than 80 sources, including foundations,
corporations, national churches, individuals, the federal government, and an
endowment.
Source: Center for C o m m u n i t y Change (1996).
p r o g r a m m e initiative a n d b e h i n d this recognition t h a t t h e U S A ' s u r b a n

crisis a n d t h e future of A m e r i c a n cities d e m a n d s a far-reaching
r e o r g a n i s a t i o n of an o u t d a t e d local g o v e r n m e n t system not simply a z o n e
c o m p l e t i o n . T h e local g o v e r n m e n t system isolates p o o r cities within
b o u n d a r i e s which can n o longer p r o v i d e t h e tax b a s e t o d e v e l o p t h e
services n e e d e d t o r e g e n e r a t e c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e rich white s u b u r b a n
c o m m u n i t i e s use cities b u t d o not pay for t h e m . T h e n e e d for local
g o v e r n m e n t r e o r g a n i s a t i o n has n e v e r b e e n g r e a t e r - recognising t h e
reality of m o d e r n c o m p e t i t i v e regional e c o n o m i e s a n d l a b o u r m a r k e t s ,
278 John Shutt
allowing for equalisation of fiscal resources and addressing strategic city-

state policy issues such as t r a n s p o r t planning, environmental
sustainability, pollution control. However, politically such a
reorganisation a p p e a r s impossible to achieve in t h e U n i t e d States t h a t is
emerging into the twenty-first century. T h e r e is little g r o u n d for
confidence t h a t state a n d local g o v e r n m e n t s can w o r k t o g e t h e r t o
transform the structural p r o b l e m s of A m e r i c a n cities. T h e r e is a concern
that Clinton is already now immobilised and his policy initiatives h a v e
failed to m a k e the major impact r e q u i r e d at the city level. A l t h o u g h t h e r e
can b e little d o u b t that the b o o m i n g e c o n o m y has deflected t h e worst
u r b a n stresses from emerging, in t h e late 1990s, it is against this wider
b a c k d r o p that t h e e m p o w e r m e n t initiatives and u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n
p r o g r a m m e s of t h e Clinton years will n e e d t o b e assessed.
Note
I am grateful for the assistance of the U r b a n Affairs Association and the

helpful c o m m e n t s of A n d r e w Mott, C e n t e r for C o m m u n i t y Change, Wash-
ington; J a n e Brooks, University of N e w Orleans and P e t e r Meyer, Univer-
sity of Louisville in preparing this chapter.
References
Barnes, W.R. (1990) Urban policies and urban impacts after Regan, Urban Affairs Quarterly
Vol. 25, no. 562-573.
Barthélémy, S.J. (1989) N e w Orleans Riverfront 2000 'Gateway to the Crescent City', 20
D e c e m b e r , Mayor's briefing paper.
Blair, T. (1998) Leading the Way. A New Vision for Local Government, IPPR, London.
Blunkett, D . (1996) Opportunities to earn, Labour's proposal to tackle long-term unemploy-
ment. Speech to CLES National Conference, November.
Center for Community Change (1996), Annual Report, CCC, Washington.
Cisneros, H.G. (1995) Regionalism: The New Geography of Opportunity, U S Department of
Housing and Urban Development, Washington, D C .
City of N e w Orleans (1992) A blueprint for economic revival. The Economic D e v e l o p m e n t
Strategic Plan for N e w Orleans, Mayor's Strategic Planning Committee.
City of N e w Orleans (1994) A Statistical Chartbook 1960-1990, College of Urban and Public
Affairs, University of N e w Orleans.
Clark, G. (1997a) The Mayor's tool box, Local Economic Policy Unit, Southbank University
paper, 1997.
Clark, G. (1997b) Transatlantic local lessons, Local Government Chronicle, 21 February.
Community Enterprise Board ( C E B ) (1994) Building Communities Together: Empowerment
Zones and Enterprise Communities Application Guide. U S Department of Housing and
Urban Development, Washington, D C .
Davis, M. (1995) W h o killed L A ? A political autopsy, New Left Review.
Drier, P. (1997) The new politics of housing: how to rebuild the constituency for a progressive
federal housing policy. American Planning Association Journal, 5-27.
Dustin, J.L. (1995) Decentralisation in an Interdependent World, Department of Affairs and

Geography, Wright State University, Ohio.
The Economist (1997) 15 February.
Fort Worth Star-Telegram (1998) Unveiling Bass Hall, 26 April.
Garreau, J. (1997) Edge City: Life on the New Frontier, Doubleday, N e w York.
Gittell, M. (1996a) Expanding civic opportunity: the urban Empowerment Zones. Paper to
the Annual Meeting of the Urban Affairs Association, N e w York City, 13-16 March.
Gittell, M. (1996b) Community Empowerment and Empowerment Zones, Community Organ-
isations as Stakeholders, Graduate School, City of N e w York.
Gore, A . (1996) White H o u s e Fact Sheet: Empowerment Z o n e s and Enterprise Communities.
Gramlich, E. (1993) The Enterprise Zone Provisions in HR 2264, Centre for Community
Change, Washington, D C .
Hambleton R. (1996) Empowerment Z o n e s and U K urban policy: competing in the urban
regeneration game. Urban Affairs Association papers, March.
Hambleton, R. and Taylor, M. (eds) (1993) People in Cities. A Transatlantic Policy Exchange.
School for A d v a n c e d Urban Studies, University of Bristol.
Harrison, B. and Weiss, M. (1993) Building bridges: Community D e v e l o p m e n t Corporations
and the world of employment training. Final report submitted to the Urban Poverty Pro-
gramme of the Ford Foundation, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, P A .
Lauria, M., Wheelan, R. and Young, A . A . (1993) Urban Revitalisation Strategies and Plans in
New Orleans 1970-1993, Working Paper 10, College of Urban and Public Affairs, Univer-
sity of N e w Orleans.
Lemann, N. (1994) The myth of community development, New York Times, 9 January.
Logan, J.R. and Molotch, H.L. (1987) Urban Fortunes: the Political Economy of Place, Uni-
versity of California Press, Berkley.
Mahindge (1996)
Marshall Heights Community D e v e l o p m e n t Organisation ( M H C D O ) (1994) Annual Report
and briefing pack: personal interviews with Lloyd P. Smith, Executive Director.
Metrovision (1990) An Economic Development Agenda for the 21st Century, Metrovision
Foundation Partnership, N e w Orleans.
Meyer, N.S. (1995) H U D ' s first 30 years: big steps down a longer road, City scape, Vol. 1, no. 3,
September, Office of Policy D e v e l o p m e n t and Research, H U D .
Modares, A . (1996) Borders to poverty. Empowerment Z o n e s and the politics of develop-
ment. Urban Affairs Association Annual Meeting presentation, California State Univer-
sity, Los A n g e l e s .
National League of Cities ( N L C ) (1993) 'All In It Together' Cities, Suburbs and Local Econ-
omic Regions, a Research Report of the National League of Cities, Washington, D C .
National Mortgage News (1996) Homeownership initiative from Clinton, 26 February.
Nelson, R.R. (1996) Convention Centers as Catalysts for Economic Development: How the
Rules are changing in the 1990s, University of Delaware, Delaware.
Pierce, N.R., Johnson, C.W. and Hall, J.S. (1993) CitiStates: How Urban America can Prosper
in a Competitive World, Seven Locks Press, Washington, D C .
Schulgasser, D . M . (1995) Newark's Experience with the Clinton Administration's Urban Pro-
grammes, City of Newark, Newark, NJ.
Stone, C.N. (1989) R e g i m e Politics: Governing Atlanta 1984-1988, University Press of Kansas,
Kansas.
Swanstrom, T. (1985) The Crisis of Growth Politics: Cleveland, Kunninoch and the Challenge
of Urban Populism, Temple University Press, Philadelphia.
Urban Institute (1992) Confronting the Nation's Urban Crisis from Watts (1965), to South
Central Los Angeles (1992), Urban Institute, Washington, D C .
U S Department of Housing and Urban D e v e l o p m e n t (1994) Reinvention Blueprint, 19 D e -
cember, Washington, D C .
280 John Shutt
Vaz, K. (1996) The Future of Urban Policy, City 2020, H o u s e of Commons, London.
The Washington Post (1994) editorial: It's not about makeup, 8 March.
Washington, R.O. (1995) Revisiting the Concept of 'Citizen Participation' - Implications from
the New Orleans Empowerment Zone Planning Process: a Case Study. College of Urban
and Public Affairs, University of N e w Orleans.
Wiewel, W., Bennington, J. and Geddes, M. (1992) Comparative local economic development:
Britain and the United States, Focus issue of the Economic Development Quarterly, Vol. 6,
no. 4, November.
Wolman, H. and Spitzley, D . (1996) The politics of local economic development, Economic
Quarterly, Vol. 10, no. 2, May.
Key Contacts
Information on urban matters in the USA can be obtained from:
• Urban Affairs Association
University of Delaware
Newark DE 19716
(302) 831-1681
E-mail UAA@MVS.udel.edu
• Economic Development Quarterly
Levin College of Urban Affairs
Cleveland State University
Cleveland, OH 44115
• National League of Cities
1301 Pennsylvania Avenue N.W.
Washington DC 20004
(202) 626-3000
The National League of Cities (NLC) serves as an advocate for its
members in Washington, represents 1,400 cities directly and provides
training, technical assistance and information.
• The Urban Institute
2100 M Street, N.W.
Washington DC 20037
• US Department of Housing and Urban Redevelopment
451 Seventh Street S.W.
Washington DC 20410
Followers of local economic development and urban policy in the United
States need to read the journals Economic Development Quarterly or the
Journal of the Urban Affairs Association. Research institutes like the
Urban Institute in Washington have long played a key role in researching
the urban crisis and policies, whilst the National League of Cities
represents the key players in city governments on Capitol Hill and plays a
strategic role in campaigning for a better deal for American cities (see, for
example, NLC, 1994).
In Washington also, a number of national community organisations play
key roles in community economic development and the Center for
Community Change has been unique in providing a resource to
community organisations in the last 25 years, working recently with the
Anne Casey Foundation to examine sector economic development
strategies for job creation (CCC, 1996).
13 European Experiences
Paul Drewe
Introduction
Because t h e r e are m o r e than 3,500 towns or cities with a population of

m o r e t h a n 10,000 inhabitants in the E u r o p e a n U n i o n , it is impossible to
provide a comprehensive account of E u r o p e a n experience with regard to
u r b a n regeneration. A s an alternative it is possible to draw on existing
comparative studies and, in particular, projects that have received E u r o -
p e a n U n i o n assistance. This can b e considered as a sufficiently large and
fairly representative sample of local regeneration experiences across E u -
r o p e . H o w e v e r , the sample may b e slightly biased in favour of towns and
cities that are either experiencing greater difficulty in coping with u r b a n
p r o b l e m s or are adept at obtaining E u r o p e a n funding. Nevertheless, the
experience of these towns and cities provides a flavour of u r b a n regenera-
tion activities t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e and offers an indication of the benefits of
best practice that may b e capable of adoption elsewhere.
This chapter focuses on:
• the u r b a n scene at the E u r o p e a n level;

• the diversity of responses to u r b a n problems;
• E U activities related to u r b a n regeneration (singling out U r b a n Pilot
Projects and the U r b a n Initiative);
• the search for good or best u r b a n regeneration practice;
• a plea for an active role for British cities in E u r o p e .
T h e intention of the chapter is to provide a flavour of the rich and varied
experience of u r b a n regeneration on the mainland of E u r o p e and to illus-
trate this analysis by reference to case studies.
Setting the Scene
A b o u t t h r e e - q u a r t e r s of the E U population lives in u r b a n areas and m o r e

than half of this u r b a n population lives in cities of m o r e than 200,000. This
includes 32 cities with a population of m o r e than a million, a m o n g t h e m
L o n d o n and Paris, the only extremely large, or world, cities in the E U . T h e
picture would b e incomplete without mentioning the fact that a relatively
282 Paul Drewe
high percentage of the population live in small and medium-sized towns

and cities with 10,000 to 200,000 inhabitants, a fact that tends t o b e under-
estimated by policy-makers.
T h e trend towards urbanisation is evident in all of the m e m b e r states of
the E U , though it is far from uniform. T h e north is m a r k e d by a slower
pace, whereas southern countries are quickly catching up. B u t as Millan
(1994) has pointed out, E u r o p e ' s territorial organisation is becoming m o r e
complex. Concepts such as the centre-periphery dichotomy or the L o n d o n -
Milan axis of growth are no longer a d e q u a t e to describe an increasingly
diversified structure.
E u r o p e a n cities in general experience a growing p r o b l e m of social exclu-
sion, aggravated and p e r p e t u a t e d by spatial segregation, in particular the
spatial concentration of disadvantaged groups: the unemployed, the young,
the unskilled, immigrants and ethnic minorities ( E u r o p e a n Commission,
1994). Social exclusion is m o r e acute in industrial cities in the n o r t h t h a n in
cities in the developing south. However, it is important to realise that not
only does economic decline cause social exclusion, so does economic
growth if certain population groups are unable to share in a rising level of
prosperity. A l t h o u g h the causes of social exclusion are manifold, a com-
m o n underlying factor is a change in economic structures resulting from
global competition and technological innovation.
F o r a detailed analysis of urbanisation, spatial change and the functions
of cities in the E U see for example K u n z m a n n (1993), Parkinson,
Bianchini, Dawson, Evans and Harding, (1992) or Presidenza del Consiglio
dei Ministri (1996).
Diverse Responses to U r b a n Problems
Local policy responses to urban problems differ considerably irrespective

of w h e t h e r the problems faced are c o m m o n to all areas or are specific to a
particular area. National u r b a n policy also varies from explicit to implicit
approaches (Parkinson et ai, 1992) as well as spatial planning systems
( E u r o p e a n Commission, 1994, p p . 146-158).
Local policy responses take several forms:

• strategic adaptation to u r b a n change in t h e 'old core of E u r o p e ' for
example the H a m b u r g Business D e v e l o p m e n t Corporation, a p u b l i c -
private partnership; the R o t t e r d a m D e v e l o p m e n t Board, a think t a n k
on city-region relations; and the D o r t m u n d experience;
• p r o m o t i n g u r b a n growth in the 'new E u r o p e a n core', for example the
Montpellier technopole or Barcelona's fourfold strategy, including the
creation of municipal companies and institutions to attract and co-
ordinate investment; economic development areas, for SMEs; technol-
ogy p a r k s in collaboration with a city's universities; municipal/private
business creation centres;
European Experiences 283
• p r o m o t i n g economic growth in the 'periphery of E u r o p e ' for example,

d e v e l o p m e n t of telecommunications infrastructure in Seville or C O -
D E S P A R ( C o m i t é de D é v e l o p p e m e n t E c o n o m i q u e et Social du Pays
de R e n n e s ) in R e n n e s - an example of consensus building in o r d e r to
develop a future plan for the city.
M o r e specifically, the p r o b l e m of social exclusion has b e e n addressed

most explicitly in north-west E u r o p e including initiatives in F r a n c e and
T h e N e t h e r l a n d s (or City Challenge in the U K for that m a t t e r ) . France has
a d o p t e d t h e contrats de ville a p p r o a c h u n d e r which policy t h e intention is
t o reintegrate mainly peripheral p r o b l e m estates into the life of a city
t h r o u g h the establishment of large u r b a n projects. T h e N e t h e r l a n d s has
o p t e d for small-scale social renewal in major cities such as R o t t e r d a m as a
follow-up t o its social housing-led policy of u r b a n renewal (Stouten, 1995).
T h e a p p r o a c h a d o p t e d in T h e N e t h e r l a n d s for the peripheral estate of the
Bijlmermeer ( A m s t e r d a m ) is less top d o w n t h a n the F r e n c h response
(Blair and Hulsbergen, 1993). M o r e recently, the Council of E u r o p e has
focused on districts of high concentration of immigrants across E u r o p e
(Blair and H u l s b e r g e n , 1995).
A recent comparative study reveals the diverse nature of responses to
urban problems (Commission of the E u r o p e a n Communities, 1992). This
study addresses both national developments and integration schemes within
the specific institutional context of the m e m b e r states of the E U , together
with ten specific cases of revitalisation programmes that have b e e n imple-
m e n t e d in north-west E u r o p e a n cities (Calais, D o r t m u n d , Eindhoven,
Belfast, Brussels, Groningen, Charleroi, Mulhouse, Paisley, B r e m e n ) .
Studies on the Conservation of European Cities
A n o t h e r source of E u r o p e a n experience is provided by studies on the

conservation of E u r o p e a n u r b a n areas ( D r e w e , 1995; E u r o p e a n Commis-
sion, 1995). T h e s e studies d e m o n s t r a t e the diversity of responses to a com-
m o n p r o b l e m . T h e general t h e m e is that t h e r e is a n e e d for an integrated
a p p r o a c h to conservation which is not simply limited to safeguarding the
architectural and historic fabric, but also ensures the integrated revitalisa-
tion or r e g e n e r a t i o n of historic centres or areas. Such a strategy should
include opportunities for new economic and social development.
F r o m 16 c o m p l e t e d case studies, four basic types of u r b a n regeneration
task can b e identified:
• revitalisation of r u n - d o w n historic centres (Charleroi, Cork, Valencia);

• historic centre i m p r o v e m e n t (Utrecht, E d i n b u r g h ) ;
• revitalisation of old industrial and commercial areas of historic interest
( O d e n s e , A t h e n s , Waterford);
• conservation in small a n d m e d i u m towns (Le Puy-en-Velay, Muhlberg,
B a u t z e n , Thiva, T o m a r , Viseu, Guadix, Caernarfon).
284 Paul Drewe
T h e study results enable the identification of a n u m b e r of c o m m o n t h e m e s

and innovatory responses, these t h e m e s and responses are associated with:
approaches, functional integration and project development.
N e w approaches to urban regeneration include new ways of encouraging
active public participation in schemes and projects (such as schemes in
O d e n s e , U t r e c h t and Charleroi) or the use of an impact analysis of tourism
and physical environment investment for conservation purposes
(Edinburgh).
In achieving integration, Charleroi and U t r e c h t have developed special
policy measures and instruments. In a n u m b e r of cases links have b e e n
established b e t w e e n development and the environment, notably related to
the environmental impact of traffic (access and circulation p a t t e r n ) , the
natural environment in and around cities (Guadix) and the o p e r a t i o n of
utility infrastructure networks (Guadix and T o m a r ) .
A variety of conservation projects have b e e n proposed. Historic areas do
not necessarily live by tourism alone, and t h e r e is considerable scope for
innovations in economic approaches and content. Moreover, m a n y new
ideas have b e e n developed that are related to the use of soft approaches
and infrastructures to support the revitalisation process. T h e r e are t h r e e
outstanding cases of public-private partnership or local synergy: Caernar-
fon's Business Plan, Cork's Historic C e n t r e D e v e l o p m e n t Trust and the
partnership b e t w e e n the pre-existing E d i n b u r g h Old T o w n R e n e w a l Trust
and the Lothian and E d i n b u r g h Enterprise Limited. A s far as the phasing
of implementation is concerned, some cities have p r o p o s e d interesting
ways of experimenting with, or testing, conservation projects (including
simulation exercise, pilot projects and integrated demonstration projects).
With regard to impact analysis, E d i n b u r g h ' s economic impact analysis
(even if not yet applied to concrete projects) and U t r e c h t ' s sensitivity
analysis are worth mentioning. Finally, t h e r e are t h r e e outstanding
examples associated with the p r o m o t i o n and marketing of u r b a n
regeneration schemes (Cork, Utrecht, L e Puy-en-Velay).
T h e relationship b e t w e e n conservation and u r b a n economic develop-
m e n t is expressed schematically in Figure 13.1. This relationship suggests
that it is possible to identify a m o d e l for a conservation project (based u p o n
the outputs of the various studies), which places particular emphasis on
investment in buildings and the physical environment (plus their operation
and the support of a range of activities). O n c e implemented, the project is
expected to create a primary cash flow related to individual stand-alone
functions and a derived cash flow resulting from functional synergy or the
combination of different functions (multifunctionality). In addition, the
uniqueness of a project, rooted in its historic or symbolic character, can
cause 'scarcity' or locational synergy. A s is d e m o n s t r a t e d by the case of
E d i n b u r g h , changes in tourist expenditure in the Old T o w n multiply, p r o -
ducing direct, indirect and induced effects on total output, as well as
income and employment. These impacts can b e seen - b o t h in the area and
elsewhere in the city. This economic chain reaction can also b e triggered by
Figure 13.1 The economic impact of a conservation project
Conservation Project
Investment in
buildings and physical
environment
•
Multifunctional uses
Public good
• stand-alone functions benefits and social
• functional strategy cost reduction
• locational synergy
Multiplier effects 1
elsewhere Multiplier effects
• direct
• direct
• indirect
• indirect
• induced
• induced
J ^ H H H H I Image enhancement
Urban economic
development
changes in resident, employee and visitor expenditure, depending u p o n the

content of t h e conservation project.
A b o v e and beyond the economic impacts associated with urban regenera-
tion projects, it is possible to identify social and public-good benefits and
social costs. Benefits may relate to historic-cultural values, including effects
on non-users related to the symbolic value of a public good, whilst an ex-
ample of social costs is the environmental damage done by additional traffic
that is generated by tourism. T h e costs of resolving any problems should be
internalised through their incorporation in a project budget. Finally, there is
another way in which improvements to the physical environment may con-
tribute to urban economic development: this is through the enhancement of
the image of an area which can help to p r o m o t e inward investment.
U r b a n Regeneration a n d the European C o m m u n i t y
T h e E U does not have a specific m a n d a t e in u r b a n policy and, therefore, it

mainly aims to facilitate the exchange of ideas b e t w e e n towns and cities
and b e t w e e n m e m b e r states on how to improve the effectiveness of u r b a n
policy. This includes b o t h the transfer of best practice and the development
of co-operation networks b e t w e e n cities. A l t h o u g h m e m b e r states r e m a i n
responsible for u r b a n policy (this is in line with the principle of sub-
sidiarity) m a n y towns and cities and their institutional representations,
286 Paul Drewe
such as the Council of E u r o p e a n Municipalities and Regions, maintain

regular contacts with the various E U services and often seek support for
their activities.
A s a result, the explicit recognition of an u r b a n dimension in various E U
policies is increasing. T h e D i r e c t o r a t e - G e n e r a l of the E u r o p e a n Commis-
sion primarily in charge of u r b a n matters is D G X V I . It is responsible for
regional policy and cohesion. This explains why it focuses on projects
which are intended t o contribute t o the economic functioning and the well-
being of u r b a n areas, including the contribution t o the development of the
region that an u r b a n area is part of. B u t D G X V I is not the only Commis-
sion service involved in u r b a n issues; a b r o a d range of activities is covered
by various other services.
T w o specific E U activities targeted at u r b a n regeneration can b e singled
out:
• U r b a n Pilot Projects;
• the U r b a n Initiative.
Urban Pilot Projects
D u r i n g the period 1990 to 1996, 33 u r b a n pilot projects w e r e initiated in 11

m e m b e r states. A total of 202 million E C U (the E C U is currently w o r t h
£0.7) was committed to these projects, with half of this financed by the
E u r o p e a n Commission ( E u r o p e a n Commission, 1996). By D e c e m b e r 1995,
nine projects were completed and an interim progress r e p o r t has b e e n
published ( R E C I T E Office, 1995). A year later, 22 projects had completed
their funding periods and had submitted their final activity reports to the
Commission. Following the first r o u n d , a call for proposals for new u r b a n
pilot projects was launched in 1995. It has p r o m p t e d 503 applications from
14 m e m b e r states, 26 of which have b e e n selected for support from t h e
Commission in 1996.
A t the outset, four main principles were developed t o assist in t h e selec-
tion of proposals; these principles required projects to d e m o n s t r a t e :
• a t h e m e of u r b a n planning or regeneration of E u r o p e a n interest;

• the innovatory character or new approach p r o p o s e d by an initiative;
• the demonstration potential of a proposal;
• the contribution to regional development.
In most cases a small part of a city was selected for a pilot project which
could lead to solutions to specific p r o b l e m s other t h a n housing or social
p r o b l e m s as such.
T h e 33 projects selected are oriented towards four main t h e m e s (al-
t h o u g h half t h e projects pertain to m o r e t h a n o n e t h e m e ) :
• economic development in areas with social problems: in peripheral and

some inner city p r o b l e m housing areas w h e r e lack of access to jobs
excludes m a n y from the economic m a i n s t r e a m (Aalborg, A n t w e r p ,

Bilbao, B r e m e n , Brussels, C o p e n h a g e n , D r e s d e n , G r o n i n g e n , Liège,
L o n d o n , Lyon, Marseille, Paisley, R o t t e r d a m ) ;
• e n v i r o n m e n t a l action linked to economic goals ( A t h e n s , Belfast,
Gibraltar, Madrid, N e u n k i r c h e n , Pobla de Lillet, Stoke-on-Trent);
• revitalisation of historic centres: bringing back economic and c o m m e r -
cial life w h e r e for various reasons the inner fabric has b e e n allowed t o
decay (Berlin, Cork, Dublin, G e n o a , Lisbon, P o r t o , Thessaloniki);
• exploitation of technological assets of cities ( B o r d e a u x , Montpellier,
T o u l o u s e , Valladolid, Venice).
W h a t is h a p p e n i n g in these projects can best b e described in terms of their

expected outputs.
• Projects u n d e r t h e m e 1 deal with training facilities and services, em-

p l o y m e n t advice, on the j o b training and the provision of placements,
business s u p p o r t services and facilities, new technology products and
training, u r b a n planning products, opportunities for socially excluded
groups, rehabilitation of buildings, and community services and
facilities;
• Projects u n d e r t h e m e 2 include: landscape i m p r o v e m e n t s , refurbish-
m e n t and t h e reconversion of premises, environmental m a n a g e m e n t
p r o d u c t s and services, and e m p l o y m e n t and business opportunities;
• T h e output of theme 3 projects include: renovation of historic monuments,
environmental improvements, reintegration of urban centres into main-
stream city life, traffic management improvements, promotion of cultural
activities, tourism opportunities and increased local business activity;
• T h e m e 4 projects relate to: d e v e l o p m e n t of technology research, con-
struction of R & D facilities, research institute-industry links, technol-
ogy training facilities, business support services, reconversion and
refurbishment of historic buildings and international networking on
research and d e v e l o p m e n t .
T h e 503 proposals for new u r b a n pilot projects cover a larger variety of

t h e m e s : u n p l a n n e d suburbanisation, advantages of medium-sized cities,
area-based integrated approach, functional obsolescence, social integra-
tion, e n v i r o n m e n t a l i m p r o v e m e n t s , preserving 'disadvantaged' buildings,
access, information technology, institutional constraints and others.
The Urban Initiative
U r b a n , an E U initiative for u r b a n areas introduced in 1994, focuses on

integrated d e v e l o p m e n t p r o g r a m m e s for the deprived areas of cities. T h e
initiative is part of a E u r o p e a n vision of u r b a n areas as part of a m o r e
balanced system in t e r m s of economic development, social integration and
e n v i r o n m e n t ( E u r o p e a n Commission, 1994). Cities or u r b a n conurbations
with a p o p u l a t i o n of m o r e t h a n 100,000 were eligible for support from this
288 Paul Drewe
p r o g r a m m e . Moreover, priority was given to cities located in Objective 1 or

other less-developed regions. T h e total contribution of the Structural
F u n d s to U r b a n during the period 1994-99 is 807 million E C U .
T h e initiative aims to address in an integrated m a n n e r the p r o b l e m s of
densely p o p u l a t e d u r b a n areas which experience high u n e m p l o y m e n t , a
decaying u r b a n structure and infrastructure, p o o r housing and a lack of
social amenities.
Integrated p r o g r a m m e s can include:
• launching new economic activities: including the establishment of

workshops, support for business, the provision of services to S M E s and
the creation of business centres;
• training schemes: language training oriented to the specific needs of
minorities, the teaching of c o m p u t e r skills, the creation of mobile units
to give advice, and work experience schemes for the long-term
unemployed;
• the i m p r o v e m e n t of social, health and security provision, including:
nursery and crèche facilities, drug rehabilitation centres, improved
streetlighting and n e i g h b o u r h o o d watch schemes;
• the i m p r o v e m e n t of infrastructure and the environment through: the
renovation of buildings to a c c o m m o d a t e new social and economic ac-
tivities, the rehabilitation of public spaces including green areas, the
i m p r o v e m e n t of energy efficiency, and the provision of cultural, leisure
and sports amenities.
In o r d e r to increase the problem-solving capacity of the various u r b a n

areas in question, use can also b e m a d e of exchange p r o g r a m m e s and
partnerships.
By J a n u a r y 1997, 85 projects had b e e n selected ( E u r o p e a n Commission,
1997). S u m m a r y sheets on the operational p r o g r a m m e s have b e e n com-
piled, providing information on the strategy a d o p t e d and the results t o b e
obtained, a m o n g others. T h e Brititsh cases cover n e i g h b o u r h o o d s in
Belfast, Birmingham, Derry, Glasgow, L o n d o n , G r e a t e r Manchester, Mer-
seyside, Nottingham, Paisley, Sheffield and Swansea.
I n S e a r c h o f G o o d o r B e s t Practice
Urban revitalisation, whatever it is, has a high positive valence; it is seen to be a

good thing, worthy of pursuit and emulation. But of what does this good thing
consist? Clearer understanding of what people mean by 'urban revitalisation'
might also lead to more critical thinking about which aspects of it are indeed
'good' and which are more problematic.
(Wolman, Cook Ford and Hill, 1994, p. 846)
W h a t can we learn from the E u r o p e a n experiences? T h e case studies n o t e d

above can provide a source of inspiration for practitioners in Britain and
elsewhere. H o w e v e r , it is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that the cases in question n e e d

to b e evaluated, b o t h ongoing and ex post, in their p r o p e r context in o r d e r
to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r they qualify as good or even best practice. E v e n in
those cases p r o v e n to b e successful, it is essential to judge w h e t h e r the
experience can b e transplanted or a d a p t e d to a different context. B a d
practice, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , is also of help in o r d e r to avoid repeating the
same mistakes elsewhere.
G o o d Practice Aspects of Urban Pilot Projects
W h a t works and what does n o t ? A n answer to this question can b e illus-

t r a t e d by the 32 u r b a n pilot projects for which an interim evaluation has
b e e n carried out ( R E C I T E Office, 1995). N o t as yet complete evaluations
of good practice have b e e n conducted for each t h e m e and some of the key
points from these studies are illustrated in Boxes 13.1 to 13.4. T h e ways in
which projects are i m p l e m e n t e d can b e crucial to their success. Several
i m p o r t a n t aspects of the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n process have c o m e to the fore.
D e s p i t e t h e fact that t h e 32 projects cover a variety of political cultures, a
n u m b e r of c o m m o n i m p l e m e n t a t i o n aspects e m e r g e . T h e four most im-
p o r t a n t features are:
• the extent a n d quality of horizontal co-operation (local authorities,
g o v e r n m e n t d e p a r t m e n t s , local agencies, research institutes, profes-
sional bodies a n d various interest groups);
• the desirability of encouraging vertical co-operation b e t w e e n statutory
authorities (central, regional and local);
• t h e i m p o r t a n c e of private sector involvement (taking several forms);
• the n e e d to involve local voluntary or residents groups.
In most cases, existing u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n and d e v e l o p m e n t agencies, new
organisations or specially formed partnerships have b e e n responsible for
the design and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of projects. In a few cases, project m a n a g e -
m e n t and co-ordination work has b e e n delegated to i n d e p e n d e n t organisa-
tions. In addition, it is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that little use has b e e n m a d e of
external evaluations by i n d e p e n d e n t consultants.
T h e i n t e r i m e v a l u a t i o n is generally a positive o n e , a n d t h e r e p o r t gives
priority to t h e constructive aspects of t h e projects. In o r d e r to identify t h e
s h o r t c o m i n g s of projects, or w h a t d o e s n o t w o r k , it is necessary to r e a d
b e t w e e n t h e lines. A major p r o b l e m explicitly m e n t i o n e d by t h e
e v a l u a t o r s , h o w e v e r , is t h e fact t h a t 23 of t h e 32 projects h a v e r e q u e s t e d
additional t i m e to c o m p l e t e their p r o g r a m m e of i m p l e m e n t a t i o n . Such
delays h a v e b e e n caused primarily by t h e time n e e d e d to resolve
u n c e r t a i n t i e s over land o w n e r s h i p , to o b t a i n construction and
r e f u r b i s h m e n t p e r m i t s , a n d to establish n e w organisational structures.
M o r e indirect e v i d e n c e of w h a t d o e s n o t w o r k satisfactorily can b e
inferred from t h e e v a l u a t o r s ' suggestions for future pilot projects. T h e s e
factors include, a m o n g o t h e r s :
290 Paul Drewe
• the need for the clearer definition of responsibilities with regard to co-
operation b e t w e e n central and local authorities;
• the restrictions imposed by a n u m b e r of preconditions: n o overriding
physical or landownership constraints; the absence of effective m a n a g e -
m e n t and control; the presence of existing detailed proposals; the non-
durability of strategic options; the n e e d t o build a b r o a d local consensus
for projects;
• the n e e d for m o r e clearly defined partnership arrangements;
• a clearer t r e a t m e n t of inputs and financial returns to projects.
T h e benefits expected from projects should include social returns especially

if the lack of employment opportunities is considered to b e a root cause of 4
u r b a n p r o b l e m s ' ( R E C I T E Office, 1995, p . 50). T h e state of t h e art of

assessing good or best practice in u r b a n regeneration is still under-
developed.
A n u m b e r of lessons can b e gleaned from award competitions focusing
on, generally speaking, excellence in the u r b a n environment (Langdon,
1990):
• a t h o r o u g h on-site inspection is required;

• it is not sufficient to report only the good news; shortcomings (which
may hold lessons for others) n e e d also to b e acknowledged;
• significant assumptions about what constitutes quality n e e d to b e m a d e
explicit;
• it is essential to examine the artefacts (projects, objects, places - see
Box 13.5), and relevant processes and values; process issues include, for
example, various aspects of the implementation process m e n t i o n e d
above and an assessment of w h e t h e r they work or not; values include,
for example, intentional diversity (projects serving a b r o a d section of
society) or e m p o w e r m e n t (enabling people to exert m o r e control over
their lives);
• the evaluation should tell the full story of the actors involved -
professional, political, social, financial and others - instead of just o n e
type of actor.
A l t h o u g h these lessons are derived from U S experience they can b e ap-

plied to the E u r o p e a n situation. F o r a m o r e academic approach to the
evaluation of some E u r o p e a n experience see Francesca and Nijkamp
(1996).
A P l e a f o r a n A c t i v e R o l e for B r i t i s h Cities i n E u r o p e
E u r o p e a n U n i o n activities in u r b a n matters have a significant and growing

influence on British practice, apart from U r b a n Pilot Projects and the
U r b a n Initiative ( E u r o p e a n Commission, 1977):
Box 13.1 Economic development in areas with social problems
Good practice aspects (in order of frequency) identified from 14 cases:

• physical impact and improved security;
• training and counselling based on precise targeting of beneficiaries;
• cost-effective subsidies for job placement and on the job training;
• on-site business support facilities;
• actions to improve confidence of persons (pre-training, education,
counselling);
• resident-oriented services;
• labour-market oriented training provision and the involvement of
employers;
• involvement of beneficiary groups in project design and implementation;
• demonstration effects and transferability of know-how;
• cost-effective subsidised accommodation for small business and crafts.
Box 13.2 Environmental action linked to economic goals
Good practice aspects (in order of frequency) identified from six cases:
• balancing environmental protection with business development;
• demonstration effects and promotion in relation to increased environmen-
tal awareness and knock-on effects;
• combining leisure facilities with environmental awareness actions;
• conservation work on premises adapted to business needs;
• impact enhanced with use of 'clean' technologies;
• combining environmental protection with on-site environmental training.
Box 13.3 Revitalisation of historic centres
Good practice aspects (in order of frequency) identified from seven cases:
• high-quality refurbishment standards specified for the restoration of areas
and buildings of historic and cultural significance;
• restoration work to adapt a building to new demands;
• traffic improvements to increase public use and improve business
opportunities;
• reintegration of historic centres into mainstream city activity involves the
clear definition of functional requirements;
• improved environmental standards to increase confidence in locality;
• tourism and cultural opportunities aimed at the attraction of business.
292 Paul Drewe
Box 13.4 Exploitation of technological assets of cities
Good practice aspects (in order of frequency) identified from five cases:
• research undertaken corresponds to local industry needs;
• emphasis on high technology transfer to local SMEs and inward
investment;
• strong orientation towards commercialisation of research and development
output;
• dissemination at local to international levels to enhance business
opportunities;
• research in leading-edge technology combined with new qualifications and
training;
• physical impact to improve awareness and facilitate dissemination;
• research activity as means to restore functions of historic monuments.
Box 13.5 Urban excellence in products
• Urban buildings are better when they are sensitive to their surroundings.
• Fanciness and originality are not important values per se; they can be
welcome when they serve a purpose but can be inappropriate or harmful
when they do not.
• Preservation of old buildings is one possible component of urban excel-
lence, in part because old buildings enrich a community's sense of history.
Preservation is not an absolute value, however; sometimes new buildings
are superior.
• Buildings are generally not to be esteemed as objects, but rather as places
that make it easier for people to conduct their activities and fulfil their
needs.
M a n y E U policies, in particular the Structural F u n d s , have a direct or

indirect impact on British cities in Objective 1 and 2 regions. Moreover,
during the 1990s there have b e e n developments at E U level p r o m o t i n g
u r b a n regeneration. These developments include:
• initiatives to support employment (Objectives 3 and 4, E M P L O Y -

MENT, INTEGRA).
• actions for the urban environment ( G r e e n P a p e r on the U r b a n E n -
vironment, the Fifth E n v i r o n m e n t a l Action P r o g r a m m e , G o o d Practice
G u i d e to sustainable development in urban areas, E u r o p e a n Sustain-
able Cities and Towns Campaign, L I F E ) .
• I T applications (Telematics Applications P r o g r a m m e , also focused on
issues of urban development: E u r o p e a n Digital Cities Project).
• policy studies (such as E u r o p e a n 2000+).
• u r b a n networks within the U n i o n (Quartiers en Crise, Eurocities, E u r o -
p e a n U r b a n Observatory and other networks of exchange of experi-
ence and co-operation u n d e r the R E C I T E p r o g r a m m e ) .
• co-operation with Third Countries (Central and E a s t e r n E u r o p e , N e w

I n d e p e n d e n t States of the former Soviet U n i o n , M e d i t e r r a n e a n :
ECOS-OUVERTURE, MED-URBS).
T h e E U is the most important international source of (co-)funding for

u r b a n regeneration in E u r o p e unlike other E u r o p e a n institutions such as
the Council of E u r o p e , Eurocities or the Assembly of E u r o p e a n Regions.
It can have a pump-priming function enabling activities that would not
otherwise have b e e n carried out.
T h e E U like m a n y other E u r o p e a n institutions is also a valuable source
of information. H o w e v e r , a central database of best or good practice in
u r b a n regeneration does not exist (key information on u r b a n pilot projects
is collected at present). Instead of a central database it may b e desirable to
develop a n e t w o r k of member-state databases, with associations such as
B U R A providing the national inputs.
It is important to ensure that Britain plays an active role in existing urban
networks in the E u r o p e a n Union and initiates, if necessary, new networks.
T h e E u r o p e a n experience would hardly be complete without the British
know-how in urban regeneration and there are also lessons to be learned
from diverse responses to urban problems O n the mainland'. T h e r e is also an
urgent need for joint ventures, diffusing E U know-how to cities outside the
E U , including co-operation with Asian, African and Latin American cities.
References
Blair, T.L. and Hulsbergen, E . D . (1993) Designing renewal on Europe's multi-ethnic urban
edge: the case of Bijlmermeer, Cities, Vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 283-98.
Blair, T.L. and Hulsbergen, E . D . (1995) Designing and implementing innovative approaches.
Background discussion paper prepared for the meeting on area-based projects in district of
high concentration of immigrants, Council of Europe, Strasbourg, 16 March.
Commission of the European Communities (1992) Urban social development, Social Europe,
Supplement 1/92, Luxembourg.
D r e w e , P. (1995) Studies Conservation of European Cities: A Synthesis Report, Delft Univer-
sity of Technology, Delft.
European Commission (1994) Europe 2000+: Co-operation for European Territorial Develop-
ment, E C , Brussels and Luxembourg.
European Commission (1995) Studies Conservation of European Cities: Synthesis Report Pre-
pared for the European Parliament, Directorate-General X V I , Brussels.
European Commission (1996) Urban Pilot Projects, Annual Report 1996, E C , Luxembourg.
European Commission (1997) Europe's Cities, Community Measures in Urban Areas, EC,
Luxembourg.
Francesca, B. and Nijkamp, P. (1996) Cultural heritage and urban revitalisation: a meta-
analytic approach to urban sustainability. Paper given at the European Regional Science
Association 36th European Congress, Ε Τ Η Zurich, 2 6 - 3 0 August.
Kunzmann, K. R. (1993) Defending the National Territory: Spatial Development Policies in
Europe in the 1990s, I R P U D , University of Dortmund, Dortmund.
294 Paul Drewe
Key Contacts
Some useful information on EU activities in urban matters can be obtained

from the following sources.
Printed Information
Office for Official Publications of the European Communities

L-2985 Luxembourg
Sales and subscriptions
HMSO Books (Agency section)
HMSO Publications Centre
London
Calls for Tenders
Official Journal of the European Communities

C series 'Notifications and open competitions'
Key Contact Points
European Commission
Directorate-General XVI
Regional Policy and Cohesion
Formulation of regional policies, spatial planning, urban issues, co-ordination
of Article 10 ERDF
Rue de la Loi, B-1049 Brussels
Telephone: +32 2 299 11 11. Fax: +32 2 296 25 68
Internet: http://www.eu.int/comm/dg 16/index_ en.html
RECITE Office (Urban Pilot Projects) managed by

ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd
13b Avenue Tervuren, B-1040 Brussels
Telephone: +32 2 732 78 18. Fax: +32 2 732 71 11
Langdon, P. (1990) Urban Excellence, Van Nostrand Reinhold, N e w York.

Millan, B. (1994) Europe 2000+: territorial aspects of European integration, E U R E G , Euro-
pean Journal of Regional Development, Vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 3 - 8 .
Parkinson, M., Bianchini, F., Dawson, J., Evans, R. and Harding, A . (1992) Urbanisation and
the functions of cities in the European Community. Report to Commission of the European
Communities, European Institute of Urban Affairs, Liverpool John Moores University.
Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri (1996) European spatial planning. Ministerial Meeting
on Regional Policy and Spatial Planning, Venice, May, R o m e .
R E C I T E Office (1995) Urban Pilot Projects: second interim report on the progress of urban
success stories, Urban Studies, Vol. 31, pp. 835-50.
Stouten, P. (1995) Urban Renewal in Transition, Faculteit der Bouwkunde, Technische Uni-
versiteit Delft, Delft.
Wolman, H.L., Cook Ford III, C. and Hill, E. (1994) Evaluating the success of urban success
stories, Urban Studies, Vol. 31, no. 6, pp. 835-50.
14 Current Challenges and
Future Prospects
Key Issues
Previous chapters of this b o o k have provided a variety of insights into the

evolution and current state of u r b a n regeneration in the U K , mainland
E u r o p e and N o r t h America. This chapter provides a synthesis of what has
c o m e before and, building on this, offers a view of the possible future
evolution of u r b a n regeneration.
In offering this s u m m a r y and glimpse of the future, the authors are
aware of the dangers that are inherent in attempting either to distil the vast
range of present-day experience into a single summary of current chal-
lenges, or develop a definitive view of future prospects. Indeed, these
concerns are of such significance that the best that the present authors can
claim is that what follows represents their opinion of what currently exists
and what might develop in the future.
Despite these self-imposed limitations, this chapter attempts to provide a
comprehensive overview and j u d g e m e n t of the present state of u r b a n re-
generation theory and practice. It also considers a range of views regarding
the challenges of the future. In particular, the chapter examines three
issues:
• the major distinguishing features and characteristics of current practice;

• the ways in which u r b a n regeneration adds value, the distinctive contri-
b u t i o n m a d e by u r b a n regeneration, and the strengths and weaknesses
evident in present-day u r b a n regeneration theory and practice;
• the future evolution of the ' u r b a n challenge' and the response of re-
generation policy at both u r b a n and regional levels.
T h e F e a t u r e s a n d C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f C u r r e n t Practice
In this section attention is focused on the key distinguishing characteristics

and features of u r b a n regeneration. Whilst some would claim that u r b a n
regeneration is simply any ad hoc proposal, action or inducement that
brings about change in the circumstances of an u r b a n area, this is not the
definition that has b e e n a d o p t e d in this b o o k and it does not reflect the

inherent qualities evident in the best of u r b a n regeneration practice. A s
was stated in C h a p t e r 2 of the present text, u r b a n regeneration can b e
defined as:
comprehensive and integrated vision and action that leads to the resolution of
urban problems and which seeks to bring about a lasting improvement in the
economic, physical, social and environmental condition of an area that has been,
or is, subject to change.
Whilst this definition casts the net wide, it does help to establish criteria
by which to judge any plan or action that claims to b e involved in u r b a n
regeneration. F o r example, 'patch and m e n d ' policies that tinker with the
provision of social infrastructure, and which take place in isolation from
the mainstream of economic, environmental and social policies in an area,
can hardly b e described as urban regeneration.
This suggests that t h r e e issues should b e considered in any a t t e m p t to
evaluate the adequacy of an individual u r b a n regeneration initiative:
• the n a t u r e of the challenge encompassed by the t e r m 'urban

regeneration';
• the approach a d o p t e d in order to m e e t the challenge;
• the outcomes of the application of the a p p r o a c h adopted.
A useful summary of some of the most important characteristics of u r b a n

regeneration has b e e n provided by Parkinson (1996), w h o argues that,
a m o n g other factors, the search for successful u r b a n regeneration has b e e n
stimulated by the need to address problems associated with:
• a rapidly changing economic environment in which t h e r e has b e e n an

increase in the range of problems facing m a n y cities, but a reduction in
the level of public or private sector control that can b e exercised over
economic decisions;
• the loss of well-paid manufacturing jobs, a growing division b e t w e e n
well-paid and poorly-paid jobs in the service sector labour force; an
increase in part-time employment and a shift in the gender mix of jobs;
• new social trends resulting from demographic change; the b r e a k d o w n
of traditional family structures; the decentralisation of people and jobs;
the m o v e out of the city of the younger and m o r e able population; the
loss of social cohesion and the transformation of traditional c o m m u -
nities; the creation of new communities, including the roles played by
ethnic groups.
A n u m b e r of other problems can be a d d e d to this list, including the

continued deterioration of the physical state of m a n y u r b a n environments;
the n e e d to take urgent action in o r d e r to avoid p e r m a n e n t h a r m to h u m a n
health and the n e e d for costly environmental rectification measures in the
future; the physical decay of towns and cities that results in a serious
Current Challenges and Future Prospects 297
underutilisation of scarce resources and creates pressure for t h e expansion

of u r b a n areas; and the decay or obsolescence of m u c h u r b a n social and
economic infrastructure.
T h e following p a r a g r a p h s of this section examine t h r e e issues:
• t h e features that distinguish u r b a n regeneration from other associated

activities;
• t h e characteristics that define best practice;
• t h e contribution m a d e by u r b a n regeneration t o associated areas of
interest and activity.
Distinguishing Features
U r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n can b e distinguished from o t h e r forms of u r b a n inter-

vention and policy by reference t o a n u m b e r of features. It is:
• essentially a strategic activity;

• focused a r o u n d developing and achieving a clear vision of what action
should t a k e place;
• c o n c e r n e d with t h e totality of the u r b a n scene;
• engaged in t h e search for b o t h short-term solutions to i m m e d i a t e diffi-
culties and long-term approaches that anticipate and avoid potential
problems;
• interventionist in approach, but not dirigiste by n a t u r e ;
• best achieved t h r o u g h a p a r t n e r s h i p approach;
• c o n c e r n e d with setting priorities and allowing for their achievement;
• i n t e n d e d to benefit a range of organisations, agencies and communities;
• s u p p o r t e d by various sources of skill and finance;
• capable of being m e a s u r e d , evaluated and reviewed;
• related to the specific n e e d s and opportunities present in an individual
region, city, town or n e i g h b o u r h o o d ;
• linked t o o t h e r a p p r o p r i a t e policy areas and p r o g r a m m e s .
A l t h o u g h w h e n considered collectively the above-noted features can be

seen t o b e associated with t h e practice of u r b a n regeneration, w h e n t a k e n
individually they are also representative of m a n y o t h e r types of activity.
W h a t is u n i q u e to u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n is t h e combination of these features
and their application t h r o u g h an integrated package of m e a s u r e s to the
resolution of p r o b l e m s in the u r b a n domain. H o w e v e r , this holistic ap-
p r o a c h does not suggest that u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n is a fixed discipline. It is
not, and reminding ourselves of the lessons of the past, it would be unwise
t o consider an individual u r b a n p r o b l e m as an issue that can b e addressed
solely within a particular u r b a n area. A s Hall (1981) argued m a n y years
ago, most individual u r b a n p r o b l e m s should b e considered in the context of
t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n area, region or nation in which they occur, and it is clear
that t h e n a t u r e and impact of such p r o b l e m s can change considerably over
time.
This discussion leads to the consideration of what is the most a p p r o p r i a t e

scale of action for u r b a n regeneration, and here t h e r e is little chance of
providing a straightforward answer. O v e r the last thirty years of the twen-
tieth century the scale considered appropriate for the definition of u r b a n
p r o b l e m s and t h e design of u r b a n policy has shifted from the very local t o
t h e city-region, to the neighbourhood or district, and back again t o t h e
region.
Whilst some governments have favoured a micro-area approach to u r b a n
regeneration, others have applied m o r e broadly based policies. W h a t is
right and wrong is not the issue h e r e , r a t h e r it is important to acknowledge
that u r b a n p r o b l e m s vary in terms of their cause, character and occurrence.
A suitable policy framework is one in which each p r o b l e m can b e ad-
dressed at a suitable spatial scale. Some problems, such as the provision of
links to the international transport system, cannot b e tackled effectively at
a very local level, whilst n e i g h b o u r h o o d concerns are best dealt with lo-
cally. It is clear, however, that local initiatives alone are unlikely to b e
sufficient to overcome major structural difficulties (Pacione, 1997), whilst
broad-brush national solutions may lack the fine cutting edge that is vital
for successful policy design and implementation at regional or local level.
T h e selection of a suitable spatial scale for the development of an u r b a n
regeneration p r o g r a m m e or project is akin to unpacking a Russian doll:
each level of policy must be considered and appropriate acknowledgement
should be given to the other layers of policy b o t h ' a b o v e ' and 'below' t h e
specific activity which is the focus of concern.
The Characteristics of Best Practice
A n important question to consider in any investigation of the performance

of u r b a n regeneration is: how can best practice b e identified and what
lessons can b e obtained from the study of the key characteristics of such
practice? O n e p r o b l e m here is that t h e r e is n o single or precise a g r e e m e n t
as t o what constitutes best practice and, as a consequence, what is con-
sidered to b e excellent in one locality or sector of activity may b e dis-
r e g a r d e d elsewhere. Lawless has argued that this p r o b l e m reflects a lack of
primary research and literature, especially related to t h e practice of u r b a n
policy and the lessons that can b e gleaned from study of international
experience (Lawless, 1995), whilst other observers have n o t e d the difficulty
of drawing early definitive conclusions on the success of what are essen-
tially long-term efforts to encourage regeneration ( G e d d e s and Martin,
1996).
A l t h o u g h u r b a n regeneration as an art and a science is still in its infancy,
and accepting that any definitive assessment of best practice in u r b a n re-
generation will have to b e delayed until an i n d e p e n d e n t assessment has
b e e n conducted, some interim lessons can b e obtained from a study of t h e
British U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n Association's Best Practice A w a r d s . This
award for best practice in u r b a n regeneration has b e e n offered for the past
seven years, and t h e award winning schemes represent a range of different

a p p r o a c h e s t o u r b a n regeneration, d r a w n from various areas of t h e U K .
T h e criteria used t o judge nominations for t h e B U R A Best Practice A w a r d
echo t h e call m a d e by Oatley (1995) for u r b a n regeneration to adopt a
comprehensive a n d integrated view of u r b a n p r o b l e m s and t o bring for-
w a r d solutions that offer a long-term strategic approach. In judging a
s c h e m e o r project that has b e e n n o m i n a t e d for a Best Practice A w a r d , t h e
assessors consider:
• t h e contribution m a d e to t h e economic regeneration of an area a n d the

financial viability of t h e initiative;
• t h e extent t o which a scheme has acted as a catalyst for further r e -
g e n e r a t i o n in an area;
• t h e contribution m a d e to community spirit and social cohesion;
• t h e contribution m a d e to building the capacity of local p e o p l e to plan
and influence t h e future d e v e l o p m e n t of their area;
• t h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l sustainability of a scheme or project;
• evidence that points to t h e success of a scheme in the past, at present
a n d into t h e future;
• t h e range of p a r t n e r s involved in a scheme;
• t h e presence of a concern for the longer-term d e v e l o p m e n t and man-
a g e m e n t of a scheme;
• qualities of imagination, innovation, inspiration and determination.
The Wider Contributions of Urban Regeneration
A s has b e e n suggested above, urban regeneration does not stand alone. Most
schemes and projects either are part of a wider p r o g r a m m e of action con-
cerned with the overall improvement of an urban region, or m a k e a contribu-
tion to adjacent spheres of activity. T h e wider contribution of urban
regeneration can also b e seen as an important element in the process of
national and regional development and regeneration.
Given the wider contribution m a d e by urban regeneration, it is essential to
consider individual schemes in the context of the broader socio-economic and
physical environments within which they operate. This evaluation of the
broader environment and the wider potential contribution of urban regenera-
tion provides a basis for calculating the value which is added by urban re-
generation. A t the heart of any such assessment is an estimate of the costs and
benefits associated with an initiative and the assignment of these costs and
benefits to the various parties and partners who have been involved. This
approach to assessing the contribution of urban regeneration is reflected both
in practice (for example, many major international exhibition and tourism
development schemes make a contribution to regional and national facilities as
well as providing for local needs) and in the various evaluation studies that
have attempted to trace the impact of urban regeneration in general, and of
major projects in particular (Loftman and Nevin, 1995).
A d d e d Value a n d Strengths a n d Weaknesses
A l t h o u g h u r b a n regeneration as a general a p p r o a c h is n o w an established

facet of the u r b a n and regional policy scene, it is also evident that the
n a t u r e and content of regeneration practice has changed considerably dur-
ing the 1980s and 1990s. This constant process of transformation in the
n a t u r e and content of regeneration is nothing new. A s C h a p t e r 2 of this
b o o k argued, u r b a n regeneration, like m a n y o t h e r aspects of spatial and
sectoral policy, is heavily influenced by the events and circumstances which
confront it. A s a consequence, the n a t u r e and content of u r b a n regenera-
tion has h a d to change in order for it to remain relevant and effective.
This suggests that it is important to b e able to define and distinguish
those areas of u r b a n regeneration practice that are of particular import-
ance for local, regional and national development. T h e overall p u r p o s e of
this exercise is to isolate those aspects of u r b a n regeneration that m a y
provide a m o d e l for future policy development and implementation. T h r e e
issues are considered in this section:
• the role of u r b a n regeneration in policy development and

implementation;
• the value a d d e d by u r b a n regeneration;
• the strengths and weaknesses of current theory and practice.
The Role of Urban Regeneration
U r b a n regeneration comes in m a n y guises, performs m a n y roles and can

help to bring about a wide variety of changes. T h e extensive array of roles
and purposes of u r b a n regeneration reflects the wide range of issues that
fall within its scope. In particular, u r b a n regeneration aims to address the
various forces and factors that bring a b o u t u r b a n degeneration and to
p r e p a r e a positive and lasting response that results in a p e r m a n e n t im-
p r o v e m e n t in the quality of u r b a n life. U r b a n regeneration can b e seen to
perform a variety of tasks including:
• the provision of a framework for the analysis of u r b a n problems and the

identification of development potential;
• the generation of an overall strategy for an area and the provision of
detailed schedules of implementation and action;
• the identification of the constraints, opportunities and resource require-
m e n t s associated with a regeneration proposal;
• the establishment of a framework for action, including m a n a g e m e n t
arrangements, the assignment of responsibilities and the identification
of resource inputs;
• the negotiation of a 'contract' for the establishment and operation of a
partnership that has responsibility for the above issues;
• the monitoring, review and roll forward of all the above roles.
Partnership, strategy and sustainability form a troika of approaches that

d e t e r m i n e and drive successful regeneration. They enable u r b a n regenera-
tion to b e m o r e t h a n the sum of its constituent parts and they provide a
basis for comprehensive and integrated action. T h e s e roles and characteris-
tics have figured significantly in this b o o k and they represent the founda-
tion stones u p o n which the wider contribution of u r b a n regeneration has
b e e n built. E a c h of these factors can b e seen to represent a specific role and
to m a k e a particular contribution.
Partnership
U r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n has provided a laboratory for the d e v e l o p m e n t of
p a r t n e r s h i p . T h e m o v e from state provision to private sector-led u r b a n
r e g e n e r a t i o n which t o o k place during the early 1980s initially caused a
considerable degree of conflict, confusion and concern, especially with re-
gard to t h e vexed question of local accountability. A t the same time,
central-local g o v e r n m e n t relations were subject to a series of adjustments,
often with t h e result that the centre increased its control over spending and
policy (Oatley, 1995). F r o m these new policy arrangements, with all their
imperfections and tensions, the partnership m o d e l e m e r g e d ( C h a p m a n ,
1998). O t h e r factors which have influenced or encouraged the emergence
of the p a r t n e r s h i p m o d e l in the U K , include the transmitted experience of
similar organisational structures from the U n i t e d States and elsewhere in
E u r o p e , the gradual d e v e l o p m e n t of grass roots partnerships and the con-
tributions m a d e by voluntary sector organisations, and the general realisa-
tion that p a r t n e r s h i p offers a valid response to a shortage of resources or a
lack of power.
S o m e of the key lessons of partnership in the u r b a n regeneration field
that are relevant and applicable to o t h e r spheres in u r b a n and regional
policy include:
• the i m p o r t a n c e of establishing and maintaining an o p e n and equal part-

nership;
• t h e n e e d to provide effective and accountable leadership;
• the desirability of creating partnerships that have a long-term strategic
p u r p o s e r a t h e r t h a n simply providing an i m p e r m a n e n t alliance that has
b e e n hastily constructed for the p u r p o s e of securing funds;
• the n e e d to develop an overall strategy that can guide and direct part-
nership efforts, b e used to d e t e r m i n e the resource contributions to be
m a d e by t h e p a r t n e r s and to assign responsibilities to individual part-
ners or outside agencies;
• the m a i n t e n a n c e of o p e n and accessible records and the provision of
regular briefings on progress m a d e and future intentions;
• t h e desirability of networking with o t h e r partnerships and o t h e r organ-
isations and authorities - it is all t o o easy to assume that a partnership
encompasses all of t h e essential views and participants;
• t h e n e e d to m a n a g e and direct the dynamics of a partnership - with the
best will in the world enthusiasm will not translate itself into action;
• the n e e d to think about exit strategy or continuity arrangements;

• the desirability of distilling and disseminating good and best practice
from the operation of a partnership.
Strategy
Strategy is the second distinctive role and contribution of urban regeneration
in the wider urban policy arena. Unlike earlier ad hoc attempts to develop and
implement urban policy, urban regeneration is an activity that seeks to provide
an all-embracing, lasting and comprehensive solution to urban problems. This
implies that urban regeneration provides a strategic approach rather than
simply offering a collection of unconnected interventions and actions.
A s was suggested in Chapter 3 of this book, urban regeneration provides a
'spine' for urban policy intervention. This strategic role has also produced a
range of other benefits, including the provision of a framework that can be
used to guide associated programmes of action, the establishment of a basis for
the further definition of the roles and commitments developed within a part-
nership, the introduction of an approach that can help in the planning of
individual projects, and the provision of a method that can help to ensure the
efficient and effective use of resources. This model of strategic urban regenera-
tion offers considerable capability and potential that can be applied in other
policy fields such as regional development and rural regeneration. Strategy is
fundamental to urban regeneration, and clear strategic vision is likely to con-
tinue to be a hallmark of successful regeneration schemes. However, strate-
gic vision also implies the need for strategic resource commitments and this
essential element for successful urban policy frequently still appears to b e
beyond the delivery capabilities of many public and private sector bodies -
the vision can be provided but the commitment is often absent.
Thinking and acting strategically requires both confidence in the intended
purpose and outcomes of a regeneration scheme and the ability to c o m m a n d
and direct resources. These qualities reflect many of the most important
characteristics of urban regeneration and demonstrate the need for urban
regeneration to operate across the boundaries that frequently divide econ-
omic objectives from environmental concerns and social issues. This suggests
that strategy is also a major element in providing the basis for the third role
and contribution of urban regeneration: sustainable development.
Sustainability
T h e third role and contribution of u r b a n regeneration is the d e v e l o p m e n t
and application of an approach to the resolution of u r b a n p r o b l e m s that
places particular emphasis on the n e e d for solutions to b e sustainable. This
b o o k has a d o p t e d the standard definition of sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t
which suggests that urban regeneration should p r o m o t e the balanced de-
velopment and m a n a g e m e n t of the economy, society and t h e environment.
Sustainable development also places particular emphasis on safeguarding
the interests of future generations and u p o n the equitable distribution of
costs and benefits. In addition, sustainable u r b a n regeneration should place
particular emphasis on the p r o m o t i o n of new economic activities and jobs

that e n h a n c e e n v i r o n m e n t a l quality. This can b e achieved t h r o u g h the
a d o p t i o n of an ecological modernisation a p p r o a c h ( R o b e r t s , 1997a).
In o r d e r t o ensure that u r b a n regeneration is sustainable, it is essential
that all of t h e c o m p o n e n t activities should b e subject to rigorous screening
and evaluation. H o w e v e r , given its p a r t n e r s h i p base and strategic ap-
proach, it is equally evident that u r b a n regeneration can perform an e n a b -
ling role in ensuring t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of sustainability. A n u m b e r of the
policy priorities that the O E C D (1990) has defined in relation to the p r o -
m o t i o n of sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t in u r b a n areas are fully coincident with
t h e priorities of u r b a n regeneration. F u r t h e r m o r e , in m a n y areas u r b a n
r e g e n e r a t i o n has b e c o m e either a c h a m p i o n of sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t or
an i m p o r t a n t m e a n s for the generation and implementation of sus-
tainability policies. T h e s e are i m p o r t a n t m a t t e r s because, as the B r u n d t -
land R e p o r t argued: T h e future will b e predominately urban, and t h e most
i m m e d i a t e e n v i r o n m e n t a l concerns of most p e o p l e will b e u r b a n o n e s '
(World Commission on E n v i r o n m e n t and D e v e l o p m e n t , 1987, p . 255).
The Value A d d e d by Urban Regeneration
A b o v e and b e y o n d t h e individual roles and contributions that are associ-

ated with u r b a n regeneration, it is also i m p o r t a n t to identify the overall
value which is a d d e d t h r o u g h the adoption of an u r b a n regeneration ap-
p r o a c h to t h e resolution of u r b a n problems.
A s was d e m o n s t r a t e d in C h a p t e r 10, a n u m b e r of a t t e m p t s have b e e n
m a d e to identify and m e a s u r e those elements of u r b a n regeneration policy
that m a k e a particular contribution to the quantity or quality of u r b a n
activity. H o w e v e r , m a n y of the techniques and m e t h o d s that have b e e n
e m p l o y e d to evaluate u r b a n regeneration policy exhibit a tendency to em-
phasise t h e contribution of directly m e a s u r a b l e outputs. This has resulted
in two weaknesses becoming increasingly evident in m a n y evaluation ex-
ercises: a tendency to confuse effectiveness with efficiency, and an absence
of any real a t t e m p t to gauge the overall consequences or results that flow
from r e g e n e r a t i o n efforts. A s in judging ice skating, yes it is i m p o r t a n t to
assess 'technical merit', but it is equally i m p o r t a n t to b e able to evaluate
and j u d g e the overall lasting 'artistic impression', or value for m o n e y , of
u r b a n regeneration. T h e latter quality is likely to represent the true and
lasting value of r e g e n e r a t i o n effort. T h e real role and contribution of u r b a n
r e g e n e r a t i o n is far m o r e t h a n can be expressed simply in t e r m s of the input
of finance or the o u t p u t of Treasury-approved deliverables.
A n u m b e r of observers have provided insights into the overall value
which is a d d e d by u r b a n regeneration. Brian R o b s o n , for example, has
argued that 'the " e a s y " tasks of improving the environment - of building
new buildings and refurbishing the old, of installing new infrastructure or
cleaning u p the physical e n v i r o n m e n t - have b e e n b e t t e r m e t than have the
m o r e difficult tasks of creating jobs and strengthening local e c o n o m i e s '

(Robson, 1995, p . 48), whilst other wider successes - engaging the local
community and tackling social, environmental and economic p r o b l e m s -
have b e e n r e p o r t e d by others (Beecham, 1993). Studies that offer evidence
of the successful and lasting comprehensive t r e a t m e n t of the p r o b l e m s
e n c o u n t e r e d across a large area of a British town or city are m u c h r a r e r
beasts. Little victories have b e e n recorded - the Eldonians Village in Liver-
pool offers one example, whilst a n o t h e r is the regeneration of previously
unloved peripheral estates such as Whitfield in D u n d e e - but t h e r e are, as
yet, n o fully evaluated longitudinal studies of integrated action across an
entire conurbation. Research in other countries, such as that r e p o r t e d in
C h a p t e r s 12 and 13, provide a n u m b e r of clues that can b e used t o guide
further work in Britain, but at present the precise calculation of the long-
t e r m overall added value of u r b a n regeneration remains a m a t t e r of
speculation.
So how will we b e able to recognise successful u r b a n regeneration w h e n
it emerges and will the effort involved b e m a t c h e d by the results? T h e
answer to this question can b e constructed in several ways: first, as a state-
m e n t of aims and aspirations, second, as a projection forward of current
achievements or, third, as a view of the likely future condition of u r b a n
areas and u r b a n policy. T h e first of these issues has already b e e n con-
sidered in this and previous chapters, whilst the third issue forms the basis
for the final section of this chapter. T h e second issue - the projection
forward of current achievements - can b e seen as a reflection of the
strengths and weaknesses evident in present u r b a n regeneration practice.
Strengths and Weaknesses of Current Practice
A s n o t e d above, an assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of current

practice can help t o provide a foundation for the future progress of u r b a n
regeneration. It can also help in determining if it has provided a lasting
solution to the problems associated with u r b a n degeneration.
T a k e n overall, and having regard to the m a n y individual positive and
negative variations from the average situation, the strengths and weak-
nesses of current u r b a n regeneration theory and practice can b e identified
b o t h from the general literature and from the personal experiences of the
authors w h o have contributed to this book. T h e following sections offer a
brief summary of some of the main elements of b o t h topics.
Strengths
Based on the assessments provided by authors such as Oatley (1995), Shaw
and R o b i n s o n (1998), Parkinson (1996) and B u r t o n (1997), and o n t h e
experience of the present authors, the strengths of the u r b a n regeneration
approach encapsulate many of the features of best practice discussed
above, including:
• the provision of a comprehensive and robust long-term integrated strat-

egy for t h e r e g e n e r a t i o n of a n e i g h b o u r h o o d , quarter, district, town,
city or m e t r o p o l i t a n region;
• t h e incorporation of the economic, social, environmental and physical
aspects of r e g e n e r a t i o n in an overarching strategy and detailed p r o -
g r a m m e s of action;
• t h e d e v e l o p m e n t and implementation of a strategy and p r o g r a m m e
t h r o u g h a p a r t n e r s h i p a p p r o a c h that involves organisations and individ-
uals from b o t h within and outwith an individual area;
• t h e a g r e e m e n t of a basis for the provision of t h e necessary leadership,
m a n a g e m e n t a n d participation a r r a n g e m e n t s that are essential for a
p a r t n e r s h i p to b e effective;
• t h e definition of priorities and targets within an overall framework that
also sets a timetable, provides budgets and assigns responsibilities;
• t h e provision of an agreed m e a n s of monitoring, reviewing, evaluating
and revising t h e strategy and p r o g r a m m e of action in o r d e r to t a k e
account of t h e changing internal situation and t h e evolution of external
circumstances;
• t h e specification, either at the outset or during the course of a regenera-
tion p r o g r a m m e , of either exit a r r a n g e m e n t s (where appropriate) or an
a g r e e m e n t on future local/community ownership and control;
• t h e identification, evaluation and dissemination of best practice from a
scheme or project.
T a b l e 14.1 BURA Best Practice Awards 1992 - 1998

Type Q u a r t e r or Reclamation
County^ Community neighbour- or refurbish- T o w n centre Commercial
or R e g i o n initiative hood ment programme a n d industrial Total
N. Ireland 1 — — 1 — 2
Scotland 2 2 1 1 — 6
Wales — 1 1 — — 2
North — — 1 — — 1
Northwest 2 2 2 — 1 7
Yorkshire 1 2 2 1 1 7
West
Midlands 1 1 2 2 2 8
East Midlands 1 — — — — 1
Southwest 1 — — — 1 2
South East 1 1 1 — — 3
East Anglia — — — — — 0
TOTAL 10 9 10 5 5 39
E v e n though this summary of the strengths of u r b a n regeneration pres-

ents a generalised picture, it reflects m a n y of the characteristics and fea-
tures of practice that have b e e n identified in the schemes n o m i n a t e d for the
B U R A Best Practice A w a r d . These schemes can b e seen as representative
of the wider base of u r b a n regeneration practice which is in evidence in
m a n y areas of the U K . In addition, t h e schemes also reflect t h e m a n y
different forms of u r b a n regeneration action that exist and t h e various
organisational mechanisms that are used to p r o m o t e and progress re-
generation p r o g r a m m e s . A s u m m a r y of the locations a n d types of u r b a n
regeneration scheme that have b e e n successful in gaining B U R A Best
Practice A w a r d s is provided in Table 14.1.
Weaknesses
M a n y of the features and qualities n o t e d above can b e reversed and con-
sidered as weaknesses - for example, the absence of a strategy or genuine
p a r t n e r s h i p arrangements is likely t o u n d e r m i n e and d a m a g e most u r b a n
regeneration efforts - or as matters that require attention in o r d e r to
prevent t h e m from becoming weaknesses. In addition, a n u m b e r of o t h e r
weakness or flaws in the theory and practice of u r b a n regeneration can b e
identified, including:
• the absence of an a d e q u a t e or complete definition, understanding and

policy position with regard to the origin, occurrence and likely out-
comes of an 'urban p r o b l e m ' ;
• the lack of a clear or consistent position regarding the role, structure
and operation of regeneration policy at national, regional, metropolitan
or local level;
• the imposition of unrealistic or inflexible planning and o t h e r policies
that may restrict the potential development of an area;
• the fragmentation of responsibilities and a lack of co-ordination in the
design and discharge of policy and implementation;
• an overemphasis or overreliance on a single activity, sector or policy
instrument;
• the unnecessary exclusion of a key group or organisation from a
partnership;
• the p r o b l e m of bureaucratisation and the danger of requiring/adopting
overelaborate and complex m a n a g e m e n t and organisational structures;
• the lack of a strategy or a commitment to long-term action;
• the absence of an open, transparent and accurate m e a n s for recording
and evaluating the outcomes associated with a scheme or project;
• the operation of a scheme or project in isolation from other aspects and
examples of u r b a n regeneration - this will prevent t h e input of prior
experience from elsewhere and will limit the contribution of new best
practice to the overall store of knowledge.
A l t h o u g h the presence of an individual weakness m a y not prove to b e
fatal to an u r b a n regeneration scheme, the cumulative effects of a
concentration of these weaknesses can u n d e r m i n e the process of regenera-

tion. This is not to suggest that small or limited projects that are short-term,
topic-specific a n d within t h e c o m p e t e n c e of an individual organisation
should not p r o c e e d , r a t h e r t h e key message is that most u r b a n regeneration
schemes and projects are likely to b e m o r e successful if they can avoid the
weaknesses that have b e e n identified above. A particular r e q u i r e m e n t is
that r e g e n e r a t i o n efforts should b e comprehensive, integrated and directed
by strategy (Carley and Kirk, 1998).
W h a t is most i m p o r t a n t in considering the future of u r b a n regeneration
is that t h e weaknesses of current practice should be addressed and that the
lessons of best practice should b e recognised and accepted. Building u p o n
t h e basis of best practice will hopefully help to resolve difficulties before
they b e c o m e p r o b l e m s .
Such expertise can also help to identify and provide concrete examples
of t h e application of u r b a n regeneration theory and practice that are of
great value in the education and training of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n specialists.
T h e quality of u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n m a n a g e m e n t is variable and the n e e d for
specialist training and retraining p r o g r a m m e s is clear. Universities have an
i m p o r t a n t role to play in supporting this aspect of u r b a n regeneration
t h r o u g h the provision b o t h of initial training and of continuing professional
d e v e l o p m e n t . In addition, it may b e w o r t h while to m o v e towards the
establishment of a c o m m o n professional qualification in local and regional
regeneration.
The Future of U r b a n Regeneration
In considering the future of u r b a n regeneration in the U K , it is essential

b o t h to t a k e account of the likely evolution of the ' u r b a n p r o b l e m ' and to
anticipate t h e possible future d e v e l o p m e n t of policy instruments and struc-
tures. Whilst the former issue represents the challenges to which u r b a n
r e g e n e r a t i o n will have to respond, the latter point reflects the priorities and
field of action across which regeneration policies will o p e r a t e .
This final section considers two major issues:
• t h e future challenges and choices that will confront u r b a n regeneration;

• the likely future evolution of u r b a n regeneration policies, structures
and approaches.
Future Challenges a n d Choices
A s was n o t e d in C h a p t e r 2, towns and cities are the subject of constant

change. E v e n the most r e m o t e or ' p r o t e c t e d ' u r b a n region is not i m m u n e
from t h e forces that bring a b o u t change, and the o u t c o m e of an initial
r o u n d of adjustment usually acts as the trigger for further change. T h e r e is
n o reason to suppose that the future will differ from the past in this respect.
Indeed, it is likely that the pace of change will quicken, especially as a
consequence of further rounds of technical innovation and the search for
new styles and m o d e s of urban m a n a g e m e n t , governance and living
(Brotchie et al, 1995).
F u r t h e r m o r e , it is important to appreciate that the p r o b l e m s confronting
British towns and cities, and those elsewhere in E u r o p e , are relatively
insignificant w h e n c o m p a r e d with the current and likely future state of
cities in many parts of the Third World. H o w e v e r , cities in b o t h the de-
veloped and developing world are changing rapidly and, according to
Michael C o h e n (1996), they are converging at least in terms of the p r o b -
lems which confront t h e m and the policy instruments that are deployed in
response to such problems. It is argued that cities are becoming m o r e alike,
despite the continual search for competitive advantage and new ways of
responding to the challenge of change, and this growing similarity b e t w e e n
cities boosts the n e e d for the widest possible exchange of knowledge and
experience.
H o w e v e r , despite this tendency towards convergence at the macro-level,
towns and cities also continue to display considerable internal diversity.
Indeed, it has b e e n argued that in recent years economic change and social
polarisation have extended internal diversity, including the creation of
extensive social exclusion which threatens 'the legitimacy of t h e political
system' (Jewson and MacGregor, 1997, p . 9). A s a consequence, it is b o t h
unrealistic and undesirable to consider the u r b a n future as a single uniform
scenario.
Within the urban regions of Britain it is likely that these processes of
change will bring about a n u m b e r of adjustments in the rank o r d e r of 'good
places' and their constituent neighbourhoods. O n c e prosperous, pleasant
or popular places can slip into degeneration, whilst o t h e r towns and cities
may experience regeneration and revival. Such changes can have as m u c h
to do with image and p r o m o t i o n as with physical regeneration (Shaw and
Robinson, 1998), whilst the stimulation of regeneration through the intro-
duction of new sectors and activities that were previously u n d e r r e p r e -
sented in a city can help to bring about the required transformation
(Landry et ai, 1996).
T h e current diversity b e t w e e n cities that distinguishes 'good' from ' b a d '
places is also reflected within cities. Distinctions b e t w e e n n e i g h b o u r h o o d s
and quarters are as significant as the differences b e t w e e n towns and cities;
the most acute manifestations of these internal differences can b e seen in
the social polarisation evident in, especially, certain peripheral estates and
inner city neighbourhoods. Despite the move at macro-level towards a
greater degree of convergence, within the city divergence still dominates
and the u r b a n spatial mosaic becomes m o r e complex. T h e real danger is
the emergence of the 'doughnut city' and, in o r d e r to avoid this, every
e n c o u r a g e m e n t should be given to the reuse of brownfield land within
u r b a n areas.
T h e r e have b e e n few a t t e m p t s m a d e in t h e U K to project t h e p r e s e n t

situation forward at a level of disaggregation t h a t allows for detailed
strategy t o b e established. A l t h o u g h such a t t e m p t s as d o exist are
s o m e w h a t d a t e d , they d e m o n s t r a t e t h e i m p o r t a n c e of considering t h e
future of a t o w n or city t h r o u g h t h e construction of small-scale district or
n e i g h b o u r h o o d scenarios (see, for e x a m p l e a n d g r e a t e r detail, T h e w ,
H o l l i d a y a n d R o b e r t s , 1982; Schnaars, 1987). Typically, such studies
consider alternative p a t h w a y s of e c o n o m i c growth, socio-political
a t t i t u d e s , physical c h a n g e a n d i n t e r v e n t i o n , e x t e r n a l policy constraints,
etc., a n d from t h e s e exercises they construct alternative scenarios that can
t h e n b e applied to t h e constituent a r e a s of a t o w n or city. T h e s e multi-
p a t h w a y scenario m o d e l s are far m o r e helpful t h a n unidirectional or
single c o n d i t i o n m o d e l s t h a t classify a n d depict entire u r b a n systems as a
single entity. T h e r e is little t h a t is novel in such m o d e l s , all t h a t they
really offer is a projection forward of t h e p r e s e n t realities of
n e i g h b o u r h o o d differences a n d spatial s e g m e n t a t i o n .
So w h a t challenges will confront u r b a n regeneration in the future? T h r e e
issues a r e likely to d o m i n a t e t h e agenda:
• the n e e d to tackle questions of economic d e v e l o p m e n t and social jus-

tice t h r o u g h the design and implementation of a comprehensive ap-
p r o a c h that maximises and secures economic progress and reduces the
incidence of social exclusion - this emphasises the n e e d to work with
a n d alongside communities to d e t e r m i n e the future, r a t h e r than impos-
ing solutions from outside;
• t h e n e e d to ensure that a long-term and integrated strategic perspective
is established in relation to the d e v e l o p m e n t of u r b a n regeneration
policy and the introduction of p r o c e d u r e s and processes for the imple-
m e n t a t i o n of strategy;
• the a d o p t i o n of the goals and aspirations of sustainable development, in
general, and of environmental sustainability, in particular.
In addition to the above issues, t h e r e are a n u m b e r of o t h e r aspects of

policy that will b e rolled forward, albeit in new guises or with new em-
phases; they include:
• the desirability of providing a m o r e satisfactory spatial and social con-

text for u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n in o r d e r to provide a m o r e complete basis
for t h e generation of individual schemes and projects, and in o r d e r to
ensure that the benefits of urban regeneration are distributed to the
i n t e n d e d recipients;
• the refinement of m e t h o d s and p r o c e d u r e s for brokering and managing
partnerships and for ensuring the involvement of local communities;
• the introduction of improved p r o c e d u r e s for determining resource re-
q u i r e m e n t s , availability and shortfalls, and for ensuring that any
shortfalls are addressed a n d resolved prior to the c o m m e n c e m e n t of an
u r b a n regeneration scheme or project;
• the i m p r o v e m e n t of existing m e t h o d s and techniques for physical re-

generation, t h e provision of transport, utility infrastructure and o t h e r
' h a r d ' elements of regeneration;
• the provision of e n h a n c e d m e t h o d s of monitoring, review, evaluation
and accountability;
• the establishment of a m o r e precise m a n d a t e for any organisation or
agency involved in u r b a n regeneration - this should b e set within t h e
context of enhanced u r b a n governance.
T h e challenges that confront u r b a n regeneration will, of course, vary
from place to place and over time, and in different places, different pri-
orities will b e agreed and implemented. W h a t works in one town or city
will reflect such choices and the opportunities that are available. H o w e v e r ,
t h e r e are a n u m b e r of c o m m o n p r o b l e m s that are likely t o a p p e a r in most
localities, and these c o m m o n elements will remain as the core issues that
u r b a n regeneration will have to address. Providing jobs, h o m e s and quality
of life in safe and environmentally sound u r b a n areas are universal tasks,
and they represent the constant elements that are at the core of regenera-
tion. A b o v e all else, towns and cities must confront the real issues and
m a k e difficult choices - it may b e necessary, for example, to facilitate car
access in the first instance in o r d e r t o help to revive a declining commercial
centre, and then to m o v e to a m o r e environmentally sound form of trans-
port w h e n resources permit. W h a t is n e e d e d is a long-term vision within
which specific pathways can b e identified and followed.
Policies, Structures a n d Approaches
A s has b e e n discussed in many places elsewhere in this book, urban re-

generation has evolved from old-style urban reconstruction and renewal - a
process that tended to follow a standard pattern of extensive clearance,
rehousing (often on peripheral estates) and town centre development - to
the practice of the present day. E v e n when compared with the average
practice of the mid-1980s, current urban regeneration reflects the incorpora-
tion of new ideas that have resulted in the refocusing of effort on a wider
range of social and environmental concerns and the greater direction of
attention to the provision of long-term strategic solutions. T h e final subsec-
tion of this b o o k considers the future form and structure of urban regenera-
tion and speculates on what urban regeneration practice may look like in
2010.
T h r e e characteristics can b e identified that will b e of particular import-
ance in the future practice of u r b a n regeneration:
• the t h r e e key issues referred to in the previous section - the n e e d for a

comprehensive approach that deals with economic and social issues, t h e
provision of a long-term integrated strategic perspective and the a d o p -
Current Challenges and Future Prospects 31 1
tion of the goals of sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t - will define the n a t u r e ,

c o n t e n t a n d form of u r b a n regeneration theory and practice;
• t h e field of action within which u r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n o p e r a t e s will b e
d e t e r m i n e d at a regional or sub-regional level - this will allow u r b a n
r e g e n e r a t i o n to b e t t e r m a n a g e m a n y issues such as the transmission of
benefits t o t h e i n t e n d e d recipients, t h e establishment of a 'balanced
portfolio' a p p r o a c h t o regeneration and t h e integrated t r e a t m e n t of
u r b a n and n o n - u r b a n issues;
• partnership will continue to be refined both as a concept and as a means of
extended urban governance: particular emphasis will be placed on the de-
velopment of institutional mechanisms for the incorporation of com-
munity-based inputs, for the introduction of greater accountability, and for
the continuation of joint funding through financial mechanisms such as PFI
and community-based schemes such as credit unions and LETs.
T a k e n together, these issues represent a new agenda for u r b a n regenera-

tion based u p o n the major lessons from the past. Some of the most import-
ant lessons have b e e n summarised by Shaw and R o b i n s o n (1998) in the
following terms:
• physical transformation is only part of t h e r e g e n e r a t i o n process;

• everything is interrelated;
• t h e trickle-down effect does not always work;
• r e g e n e r a t i o n is t o o i m p o r t a n t t o be left to non-elected quangos;
• partnerships are vital b u t n e e d to b e sustainable;
• resources are never sufficient;
• it is i m p o r t a n t to have clear aims and realistic objectives;
• image matters;
• regenerating people, r a t h e r than places, is difficult to achieve;
• sustainability is t h e key.
M u c h of w h a t has b e e n p r e s e n t e d in this chapter encapsulates the key

lessons from past experience and this will help t o inform future practice. In
addition, before the 'Postscript' and 'Finale', two of the t h r e e aspects of
future practice that were p r e s e n t e d above require further discussion: the
question of spatial scale a n d the role of partnership.
Spatial Scale: from Urban to Regional Regeneration
U r b a n r e g e n e r a t i o n in the past has generally b e e n s o m e w h a t restricted in
t e r m s of its spatial m a n d a t e a n d field of action. A criticism m a d e of m a n y
of the initiatives that have b e e n introduced during the last t h r e e decades of
the twentieth century is that they have covered t o o small an area and t o o
restricted a list of subjects to have a real impact on the p r o b l e m s of u r b a n
degeneration. In addition, it has b e e n argued that having a 'national' u r b a n
policy for E n g l a n d has created a situation in which a standard, nationally
d e t e r m i n e d , solution has b e e n imposed on localities and regions, irrespec-
tive of w h e t h e r this standard a p p r o a c h m e e t s the needs of individual areas
or represents t h e best use of resources. In future, t h e establishment of an
integrated strategic initiative for regeneration at regional level would

a p p e a r to offer the prospect of b e t t e r relating individual u r b a n regenera-
tion schemes to a wider regional context, and of providing a basis for
bringing together all the necessary aspects of policy and implementation in
a single portfolio. A n integrated regional strategic a p p r o a c h will also allow
u r b a n regeneration to m a k e a m o r e effective contribution to b o t h overall
regional regeneration and the comprehensive t r e a t m e n t of individual p r o b -
lem areas ( R o b e r t s , 1997b).
T h e Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies, together with a n u m b e r of o t h e r
new organisational structures at b o t h regional level and within local com-
munities, offer the promise of extending what Parkinson (1996, p . 17) has
described as 'a m o r e strategic approach in Scotland' to the English regions.
H o w e v e r , in addition to these new inter- and intra-regional structures and
initiatives in England, it is also clear that u r b a n policy and regeneration is
becoming m o r e important as an item on the agenda of the E u r o p e a n
U n i o n . Action at E u r o p e a n and U K levels to reinforce and support a wider
context and framework for u r b a n regeneration in the regions of England,
Wales, Scotland and N o r t h e r n Ireland offers the prospect of m o r e consis-
tent financial planning in the future and the p r o m o t i o n of greater diversity
in terms of regeneration policy and instruments. These new potentials
provide a basis for the provision of m o r e appropriate policy and action that
is b e t t e r tailored to the needs of individual towns and regions. This oppor-
tunity will b e m o r e likely to succeed if it can b e directed t h r o u g h an
overarching single regional p r o g r a m m e ( R o b e r t s , 1998).
F u r t h e r m o r e , and reflecting the wider d e b a t e on the desirability of meet-
ing the predicted land requirement that is considered necessary in o r d e r t o
a c c o m m o d a t e future residential and non-residential growth, the establish-
m e n t of greater regional a u t o n o m y and competence will enable u r b a n
regeneration schemes to either encompass, or b e directly linked to, t h e
creation of 'balanced portfolios' of land at regional and local levels. Such
portfolios will include b o t h previously used and greenfield sites, and will b e
aimed at meeting the likely d e m a n d for sites for residential, industrial,
commercial and other uses. T h e key to the development and implementa-
tion of a 'balanced portfolio' will b e a carefully designed regeneration
strategy.
T h e above observations reflect the view that the resolution of u r b a n
p r o b l e m s is a m a t t e r of concern for everyone. It is not a m a t t e r of choice,
an individual cannot opt to b e isolated from u r b a n problems, t h e only real
decision to b e m a d e is how best t o address the problems. By setting u r b a n
regeneration policy and action within a regional context, greater benefits
can b e derived, b o t h for the intended recipients of an individual regenera-
tion scheme and for the region as a whole.
Partnership as a Permanent Feature

Finally, t h e r e is the question of the future development of partnership.
Partnership has come a long way in recent years. M o r e partnerships are
n o w p e r m a n e n t and genuinely representative, and m a n y participants have

accepted the n e e d for greater openness and accountability. In future, it is
likely that further moves will b e m a d e t o ensure t h e fuller participation of
local communities in partnerships and to relate the o p e r a t i o n of part-
nerships to t h e new mechanisms for g o v e r n m e n t and governance that have
now b e e n established in N o r t h e r n Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and which
are emerging in t h e English regions. In addition, and most importantly, it is
essential that partnerships continue to absorb the lessons of best practice
from elsewhere. This 'on the j o b ' learning is a m a t t e r of urgency if the
quality and d e p t h of p a r t n e r s h i p is to b e further improved.
Postscript
A s this b o o k goes to press, a n u m b e r of i m p o r t a n t new initiatives relevant

to u r b a n and regional regeneration are taking place. Chief of these are the
establishment of t h e Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies, the work of t h e
U r b a n Task F o r c e and the Scottish ' e x p e r i m e n t ' in C o m m u n i t y Planning.
E a c h of these initiatives contains elements of t h e wider c o m m i t m e n t s an-
n o u n c e d by the p r e s e n t g o v e r n m e n t in relation to social and community
r e g e n e r a t i o n (especially in the N e w D e a l for C o m m u n i t i e s ) , the increased
emphasis placed on sustainable d e v e l o p m e n t (especially the environmental
and social dimensions) and the revitalisation of local and regional
democracy.
Particular aspects of these new areas of activity that are of importance
include:
• the emphasis placed on the creation of m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e policies that

reflect the difficulties and opportunities e n c o u n t e r e d in individual re-
gions and localities, including t h e incorporation of the Single
R e g e n e r a t i o n B u d g e t within the portfolios of the Regional D e v e l o p -
m e n t Agencies and the greater emphasis now placed on area-based
r e g e n e r a t i o n policy ( R o b e r t s and Lloyd, 1998);
• t h e realisation that t h e r e is a n e e d to examine the p r o b l e m s of u r b a n
(and rural) areas in the round, r a t h e r t h a n attempting to deal with
individual issues in isolation; this is reflected in the a p p o i n t m e n t of t h e
U r b a n T a s k F o r c e , led by L o r d R o g e r s of Riverside, that has a mission
to identify the causes of u r b a n decline and to support ways of establish-
ing a n d realising a new a p p r o a c h to u r b a n regeneration;
• the acceptance of the desirability of bringing together all relevant areas
of activity and funding into a single territorial p r o g r a m m e ; this is what
the Scottish C o m m u n i t y Planning initiative is now introducing in the
h o p e that such an a p p r o a c h will allow for t h e introduction of a process
that will ' p r o m o t e the well-being of communities' ( C O S L A and the
Scottish Office, 1998, p . 5).
T h e above examples are illustrative of some of the new initiatives that have
b e e n introduced since the bulk of the work on this b o o k was completed.
They also illustrate the n e e d for the continual renewal of thinking about
the causes and consequences of u r b a n and regional change, and for the
adoption of an ' o p e n ' approach to the n e e d to review and revise policy.
H o w e v e r , whilst immediate 'facts' and procedures may change, m a n y of
the problems and opportunities e n c o u n t e r e d in the practice of regenera-
tion are as enduring as the basic theories and m e t h o d s that have b e e n
presented herein.
By the time that the second edition of this b o o k is available, it is likely
that u r b a n and regional regeneration will have advanced further. A n y ideas
or suggestions for the content of the second edition will b e welcomed by
the editors.
Finale
Whilst this chapter may represent the end of this b o o k , it also represents a
contribution to the beginning of a new era for u r b a n regeneration. Whilst
much of what has b e e n discussed in this b o o k may b e a m a t t e r of familiarity
to m a n y readers, it is h o p e d that the bringing together of theory and
practice from m a n y diverse sources will have a d d e d something to our
collective knowledge and understanding. A s to the future, p e r h a p s the
most appropriate final words for this text are those of M o n i k a Wulf-
Mathies in her introduction to Europe's Cities: 'our cities are a sea of
potential which has not yet b e e n t a p p e d ' (Commission of the E u r o p e a n
Communities, 1997).
Mobilising this potential in a sustainable and responsible m a n n e r is the
future challenge for urban regeneration.
References
Beecham, J. (1993) Urban change: the local perspective, Royal Society of Arts Journal, Vol.
141, no. 5441, pp. 5 3 4 ^ 8 .
Brotchie, J., Batty, M., Blakeley, E., Hall, P. and N e w t o n , P. (1995) Cities in Competition,
Longman, Melbourne.
Burton, P. (1997) Urban policy and the myth of progress, Policy and Politics, Vol. 25, no.4, pp.
421-36.
Carley, M. and Kirk, K. (1998) Sustainable by 2020Ί Policy Press, Bristol.
Chapman, M. (1998) Effective Partnership Working, Scottish Office, Edinburgh.
Cohen, M. (1996) The hypothesis of urban convergence, in M. Cohen, B. Ruble, J. Tulchin
and A . Garland (eds.) Urban Future, W o o d r o w Wilson Center Press, Washington.
Commission of the European Communities (1997) Europe's Cities: Community Measures in
Urban Areas, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, Luxembourg.
Convention of Scottish Local Authorities and the Scottish Office (1998) Report of the Com-
munity Planning Working Group, H M S O , Edinburgh.
G e d d e s , M. and Martin, S. (1996) Local Partnership for Economic and Social Regeneration,
Local Government Management Board, London.
Hall, P. (ed.) (1981) The Inner City in Context, Heinemann, London.
Jewson, N. and MacGregor, S. (eds.) (1997) Transforming Cities, Routledge, London.
Landry, C., Bianchini, F., Ebert, R., Gnad, F. and Kunzmann, K. (1996) The Creative City in
Britain and Germany, Anglo-German Foundation, London.
Lawless, P. (1995) Recent urban policy literature: a review, Planning Practice and Research,
Vol. 10, no. 3 - 4 , pp. 413-18.
Loftman, P. and Nevin, P. (1995) Prestige projects and urban regeneration in the 1980s and
1990s: a review of benefits and limitations, Planning Practice and Research, Vol. 10, no.
pp. 299-318.
Oatley, N. (1995) Urban regeneration, Planning Practice and Research, Vol. 10, no. 3—4, pp.
261-70.
Organisation for E c o n o m i c Co-operation and D e v e l o p m e n t ( O E C D ) (1990) Environmental
Policies for Cities in the 1990s, O E C D , Paris.
Pacione, M. (ed.) (1997) Britain's Cities, Routledge, London.
Parkinson, M. (1996) Strategic Approaches to Area Regeneration, European Institute for
Urban Affairs, Liverpool.
Roberts, P. (1997a) Sustainable development strategies for regional planning and develop-
ment in Europe: an ecological modernisation approach, Regional Contact, Vol. 11, no. 12,
pp. 76-87.
Roberts, P. (1997b) Territoriality, sustainability and spatial competence, in M. D a n s o n , M.G.
Lloyd and S. Hill (eds.) Regional Governance and Economic Development, Pion, London.
Roberts, P. (1998) Regional D e v e l o p m e n t Agencies: progress, prospects and future chal-
lenges. Paper presented at the Regional Science Association Annual Conference, York,
September.
Roberts, P. and Lloyd, M.G. (1998) Developing Regional Potential, British Urban Regenera-
tion Association, London.
R o b s o n , B. (1995) Paying for it, Journal of Planning and Environmental Law, Special Issue on
Politics and Planning.
Schnaars, S.P. (1987) H o w to develop and use scenarios, Long Range Planning, Vol. 20, no. 1,
pp. 105-14.
Shaw, K. and Robinson, F. (1998) Learning from experience? Town Planning Review, Vol. 69,
no. l , p p . 4 9 - 6 3 .
Thew, D . , Holliday, J. and Roberts, P. (1982) West Midlands Futures Study, West Midlands
County Council, Birmingham.
World Commission on Environment and D e v e l o p m e n t (Brundtland Report) (1987) Our
Common Future, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Index
acceptability 218 capacity-building 118, 123,124, 265-7

accountability 250-1 capital, securing 77-8
Action for Cities 67, 69, 148 capital finance regime 184
Action for Cities programme 31, 75, 79, 168 cash economy, informal 141
actors Center for Community Change (CCC) 277
local labour market 144-7 Challenge Fund 75, 97, 110
urban regeneration 235, 237-8 change
added value 52, 300-7, 303-^ causes and consequences 23-5
additionality 220, 225 process of 11, 234-5
agencies, local labour markets see also demographic change; socio-
144-7 economic change
aims, confirming 245 charitable trusts 181
Albert Dock 94, 96 Charities Board 76
America, lessons from 255-80 Chester Action Partnership 50
appraisal, defined 225 cities
archaeological importance 200-1 conservation of European 283-5
area loyalty 80 European influence on British 290-3
area targeting 213 image of 27
area-based housing regeneration 170 living in 158-9
Arts Council 76 US urban crisis 258, 259
Ashkelon project 243, 248 CitiStates 259
Assessing the Impact of Urban Policy 79 City Action Teams (CATs) 31, 66, 70-1
assessment City Challenge 31, 44, 67, 71-2, 75, 81, 97, 100,
defined 225 110, 121-2
physical stock 89 City Grant 31,32,183
urban policy 79-83 City Pride 32
see also impact assessment civil claims 195
attractions, arts/cultural/tourism 78 Clinton, President 264-5
co-operatives, housing 169
balanced portfolios 312 co-ordination 81,100
baseline, defined 225 Coalisland Regeneration Project 67, 95-6
Bede Island Community Association (BICA) collaboration 241
97 community
benefits 222-4, 225 capacity building 118, 265-7
best practice 288-90, 298-9 case studies
Better Homes and Attractive Cities 148 social and health issues 118-20
bidding, competitive 71-3, 75 Tipton Challenge Partnership 121-6
Bidding Guidance 32, 44, 45, 211, 228, 235, 239 defining 110-11
Bird's Custard Factory 68 empowerment 115
Birmingham 68, 76, 77, 93, 102 housing regeneration 168-9
Birmingham Symphony Hall and Convention needs and provisions 111-13
Centre 94 partnerships 67, 115-18
Black Country Development Corporation representativeness 114-15
(BCDC) 92, 123 shared vision 114
Black Country New Road 93 socio-demographic trends 25-7
Bolton City Challenge 119, 120 special needs 113
boundaries 2A2-A, 245-6 community boundaries 243
Bradford City Challenge 148 community development, US 259-60
Bristol 2000 76 Community Development Corporations 259,
British Urban Development (BUD) 75 265-7
British Urban Regeneration Conference (1996) Community Development Projects (CDPs) 30,
118-19 66, 135
British Waterways 95, 101 compensation 195
broad-based organisations (BBOs) 117-18 competitive bidding 71-3, 75
brownfield sites 102, 103, 193 Competitiveness: Creating the Enterprise Centre
budget enlargement model 45 of Europe 62-3
B U R A Best Practice Award 305t, 306 Comprehensive Development Areas 29
Business in the Community (BITC) 116 conditional contracts 187
conflict, avoiding 99-100
Camperdown Works 172 conservation, European cities 283-5
Canary Wharf 94, 97 conservation area consent 200
Index 317
constraints, to regeneration 92-4 Environmental Protection Act (1990) 192

construction industry, housing 164 environmental quality 28-9, 88
containment, urban growth 13 Estate Action 31
contaminated, land 92, 193 ethnic minorities 113, 149
corporate structures 182 Europe 2000+ 40
cost-effectiveness 209, 222 European Commission 40, 76, 97-8, 99-100,
costs 221-2, 222^1, 225 119
counter-factual, defined 225 European experiences 281-94
covenants, restrictive 189-90 European Network Eleven 119
Coventry and Warwickshire Partnerships Ltd evaluation
39, 83 glossary 225-7
crime, housing 159-60 of outcomes 248-9
culture of poverty thesis 64-6 principles of 204-7
of strategies 215-24, 247
damages 195 ex ante, defined 226
data, collection and analysis 240, 244-5 ex post, defined 226
dead-weight 138-9, 225 exit strategies 247-8
Dean Chough 65 external resources 246
decisions, strategic 242 externality, defined 226
deliverables 225
delivery 209, 214-15, 225 feasibility 251-2
demand side, economic regeneration 62 financial viability 251
demographic change 25-6, 156 flagship projects 66-7, 76, 94, 96
Derelict Land Grant (DLG) 31, 32, 66, 68, 81, formal bids 244
183 formal requirements 232
design 160 Fort Worth 274, 275-6
Design Build Finance Operate (DBFO) 78 funding
designated areas 200-1 housing 163^1
Developing Cities 148 labour market strategy 147
development feasibility analysis 251 urban regeneration 73-8
development plans 196-7 funding bodies, negotiation 249
displacement 100, 138-9, 226
Duty of Care 192 Garden City Movement 13
Gas Street Basin 102
easements 189 General Permitted Development Order (1995)
economic development 196
sustainability 104-6 geographic information systems 245
US 267-74 geographic integration 240
economic feasibility analysis 251 Glasgow, economic regeneration 65
economic impact, urban regeneration 78-83 Glasgow Eastern Area Renewal (GEAR) 30
economic progress 12-13 global environmental concerns 102
economic regeneration glossary, monitoring and evaluation 225-7
components of 61-3 goods-handling places 25
future of 83^4 Government Offices for the Regions (GORs)
market failures 207-9 32, 67, 72, 83, 149
programmes 64-73 green belts 15
economic transition 24-5 grossing up 226
economy, strategy evaluation 217 Guidance for Programme Managers 105-6
Edge Cities, US 259
education 141-3, 160 health
Educational Priority Areas scheme 29, 30 community 111-13
effectiveness 217, 220, 226 housing 159
efficiency 216-17, 226 social response 12
efficiency testing 226 Tipton Challenge Partnership 123-6
employers, urban policy 81 urban regeneration 118-19
Employment: The Challenge for the Nation 135 Helping Business Succeed 148
employment Heseltine, Michael 73, 74
problems, urban areas 129-31 horizontal integration 50
through environmental improvement 106 housing
see also labour markets associations 169
Employment Service 145-6 companies 169-70
empowerment 115 finance and construction 78, 162-6
Empowerment Zones, US 119, 261-5, 276 framework for regeneration 166-70
English Estates 32, 183 importance of 153
English Partnerships 32, 33, 70, 72, 75, 90, 93, key issues 159-62
183, 188 needs 156-9
Enterprise Communities, US 119, 261-5 social response 12
Enterprise Zones (EZs) 30-1, 66, 69-70, 100, stock 154-6
201, 221-2, 260-1 strategy implementation 170-2
Environment Act (1995) 194 sustainable development 102-4
Environment Index of Local Conditions 233 Housing Act (1974) 30, 165, 169
environmental improvement 78, 101-6 Housing Act (1988) 165
environmental law 190-5 Housing Action Areas (HAAs) 30, 166, 170
318 Urban Regeneration
Housing Action Trusts (HATs) 75, 99,110 limited companies 180-1

Housing Corporation 169 linkage effects 226
Housing Investment Programme (HIP) 155, listed buildings consent 200
168 Liverpool 94, 96
Housing and Urban Development ( H U D ) 261, Liverpool Central Business District Action
265 Plan 91
Howard, Ebenezer 13 local authorities 184-5
Hulme Homes 95,165 Local Government Act (1966) 29
Local Government Act (1980) 31
impact, defined 226 Local Government (Companies) Order (1995)
impact assessment 252 184
implementation 249-52 Local Government Grants (Social Need) Act
independence, partnerships 52 (1969) 30
Industrial Improvement Areas 66 Local Government and Housing Act (1989) 184
industrial restructuring, US 259 Local Government Management Board
informal economy 141 (LGMB) 110
information, monitoring 214 Local Government Planning and Land Act
information economy 106 (1980) 30, 70
Inner Area Studies (IASs) 30, 66,135 Local Government and The Private Finance
inner cities 15, 259 Initiative 186
Inner Cities Research Programme 79 London Docklands' Development Corporation
Inner City Enterprises 31 (LDDC) 74, 87, 94, 96-7
Inner City Partnerships 43 Lowell, economic regeneration 65
inner ring, Birmingham 93 lowest common denominator approach 54
Inner Urban Areas Act (1978) 30, 43 Lowry Centre 76
innovation, in housing 164-5
inputs 221-2 maintenance 77-8
Integrated Regional Offices (IROs) 75 managed workspace 148
integration management 213-14, 228-53
partnerships 50 Manchester 95, 96,165
policies and initiatives 70-1,149 Mansfield Diamond Partnership 53
urban regeneration 22, 239-41 market
intermediate output, defined 226 failure 207-9, 226
International Centre for Life 76 introduction of 30-1
interpretation, integrated 240 working with 99-100
interventionist activity 21 Marshall Heights Community Development
inward looking policies 39 Organisation 266-7, 268-9
mayors, US empowerment zones 264
job creation 130,137-8,141 Merseyside Development Corporation 94
Job Seeker's Agreement 146 Merseyside Task Force 70
jobs, loss of 130, 132-3
Mid-Craigie 171
joint venture 181
migration, US 258
judgement, monitoring 206
Miles Platting 95
milestones 226
knowingly permitted 194
Millennium Commission 76, 77, 78
labour markets Millennium Point 76
developments in 131^4 model villages 12
future evolution 149-51 models, partnership 44-5, 47
housing 156, 168 monitoring
implementation of strategy 147-9 glossary 225-7
policy 134-6 laying foundations for 248-9
strategies 137^47 principles of 204-7
see also employment progress 213-15
land strategy development 207-13
availability, for housing 158 multiplier effects 1 3 9 ^ 0 , 226
contaminated 92,193
development, emphasis on 66 National Council for Voluntary Organisations
grants 68 (NCVO) 116,117
use, housing 161 National Heritage Memorial Fund 76
Landfill Tax 192 National Lottery 76
landscaping 78 National Rivers Authority (NRA) 92
leadership, partnerships 51 National Targets, education 142
Learning to succeed 145 negotiation, funding bodies 249
Leasehold Reform, Housing and Urban Neptune Health Park 125
Development Act (1993) 70,183,188 networks, partnerships 51
legal structures, urban regeneration 177-86 New Deal 136
Leicester 97 New Life for Urban Scotland 41,168
leverage 217, 226 new localism 32
leverage planning 66, 74 New Orleans 269-74
liability, limited companies 180-1 Newcastle 76,100
licensing, waste management 191-2 non-corporate structures 182
Lifting the burden 135 non-profit organisations 116
Index 319
objectives 210-11, 226, 251-2 Priority Estates Project 31,169

Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act (1993) 261 Private Finance Initiative (PFI) 32, 78, 185-6
operational boundaries 243 private investment, housing 163,167
operational objectives 251-2 private sector organisations, partnerships 116
option agreements 187-8 processes, urban regeneration 20f, 22-3, 245
options, comparison of 252 programmatic partnerships 45
organisation 228-53 programme, defined 227
organisations progress 205, 213-15
housing regeneration 169-70 project, defined 227
partnerships 116-18 project managers 230-2
urban regeneration 183, 237-8 project plans 251
outcomes property law 186-90
defined 226 property-led solutions 22, 82
evaluation 248-9 proposals 236-7, 244
outputs, defined 226 public feasibility analysis 251
outturn, defined 226 public organisations, partnerships 116
outward-looking policies 39t public rights 190
ownership 162
qualitative evaluation 80-1
part-time jobs 140 quantitative evaluation 80
participation
community 162 race 26
defined 227 R E C H A R 76
monitoring 214 reconstruction, post-war 15
partnership recording, provisional proposals 236-7
benefits 54-5 Regional Development Agencies ( R D A s ) 33,
challenge of 52^4 100, 136, 183-4, 312
community regeneration 115-18 Regional Selective Assistance (RSA) 33
economic regeneration 66 regulation school 21
future development of 312-13 rehabilitation policy 165-6
key lessons 301-2 Reinvention Blueprint 265
legal structure 181 remediation notices 194-5
models 44-5, 47 representativeness, communities 114-15
need for 37 requirements, changing 27-8
policy principles 56 resources
principles of 47-52 identifying 242
reasons for 43—1· partnerships 51
success 81 for regeneration 246
TECs 146 securing 77-8
types of 45-7 responsibilities, setting 250-1
US 263-1, 267-74 restrictive covenants 189-90
People, Jobs and Opportunity 135 reviews, policies and programmes 210
performance measures 216-17 revision, monitoring 205-6
permitted developments 196 road systems 93-4
physical conditions 10-12 Robson Report 82
physical obsolescence 27-8 Roundshaw Estate 97, 98
physical regeneration 86, 90-9 Royal Quays 100
physical stock Rural Development Commission 33
building on opportunities 95-6
components of 87-9 Salford Quays 96
socio-economic change 89-90 scoping 229-37
SWOT analyses 90 Scottish Development Agency 30
planning 195-201 services 87
applications 197-200 shareholders, limited companies 180-1
European dimension 40 Shelter Neighbourhood Action Project (SNAP)
housing 161 25,30
integrated 240 Shirebrook and District Development Trust 97,
permission 196, 200-1 98
policy guidance 197 Simplified Planning Zones (SPZs) 201
Planning for the Communities of the Future 103 Single Programming Documents 100, 105-6
Planning Policy Guidance 88, 197 Single Regeneration Budget (SRB) 32, 44, 67,
planning system, influence of 28 72-3, 75,110, 149, 168, 228
policies, integrated 241 site assembly 186-8
policy, defined 227 skills, need for new 106-7
Policy for the Inner Cities 135 small sites 92
policy instruments, focusing 100 Social Action Programme (EC) 119
population change 131-2 social exclusion 136
Positive Action Consortium 149 social integration 161-2
post-compulsory education 142-3 social issues 25-7
post-war reconstruction 15 social regeneration 78
potential, identifying 242 social response 10-12
pre-emption agreements 188 social welfare 12-13
Preparing for Work 148 socio-demographic change 25-7, 156
320 Urban Regeneration
socio-economic change, and stock 89-90 Tree Preservation Orders 200

solutions 22, 82, 99-100 Tyne and Wear Development Corporation 74
special needs, community groups 113
Sports Council 76 unconditional contracts 187
staff, partnerships 52 underutilised resources 246
stakeholders, partnerships 50-1 unemployment 130,133^4
statutory nuisance 1 9 3 ^ Upper Dens Project 171
strategic approach 302 U R B A N 76
developing 207-13 urban areas 9
elements of 40-1 employment problems 129-31
housing 168, 170-2 evolution of 10-17
implementation 249-52 new visions 106-7
need for 37, 38^t0 reasons for regeneration 23-9
preparing 237^49 urban crisis, U S A 258-61
principles 42-3 urban decline, theory of 63-4
Strategic Development Sites 99-100 Urban Development Corporations (UDCs)
strategic process 22-3 30-1, 32, 66, 70, 72, 74, 81, 93,100
Structural Funds 33, 41, 76, 97, 100,105-6 Urban Development Grant ( U D G ) 31, 66, 69,
substitution 138-9, 227 74
suburban growth 13 Urban Initiative 287-8
success Urban Pilot Projects (UPP) 97-8, 286-7, 289-90
partnerships 52, 81 urban policy
triggers to 232-3 assessment 79-83
sufficiency 218 changing 15-16
supply side, economic regeneration 62 origins and development 29-33
supply-side investments 96-7 US 260
sustainability Urban Priority Areas (UPAs) 79, 80
defined 227 urban problems
economic development 104-6 European responses 282-5
urban regeneration 302-3 identifying 24, 207-9
sustainable development stating and defining 233-5
environmental quality 28-9 Urban Programme 29, 30, 31, 32, 69, 73, 79, 135
recognition of need for 16 urban regeneration 9
urban regeneration 102-4, 107 added value, strengths and weaknesses
Sutton Harbour Regeneration Scheme 97 300-7
SWOT analyses 90, 211-13 current practice 295-9
synergy, defined 227 defined 17-19
synergy model, partnership 44 economic impact 78-83
systematic partnership 45 environment 101-6
European Community 285-8
take-up 214, 227 evaluation of strategies 215-24
target, defined 227 financing 73-8
target groups 209 future of 307-13
targeting 81, 218 good practice 288-90
Task Forces 66, 70, 71, 103-4,110 legal structures 177-86
technical partnerships 47 monitoring and evaluation 203-27
technology transfer 143 organisation and management 228-53
telecommunications 87, 96 role of physical regeneration 90-9
temporary jobs 140 strategy development 207-13
terminology, monitoring 206-7 Urban Regeneration Agency see English
Thames Gateway London Partnership 49 Partnerships
theories, urban regeneration 20-3 Urban Regeneration Grant (URG) 31, 69
third party rights 188 Urban Task Force 1 0 3 ^
Tipton Challenge Partnership 109,121-6 utilities 87
town centre management 101
Town and Country Planning Act (1947) 29 value for money (VFM) 216
Town and Country Planning Act (1990) 197 Vauxhall Urban Village 94
Town Improvement Zones (TIZs) 101 vertical integration 50
Trafford Development Park Corporation 206t Victorian slums 11-12
training 141-2 vision, strategic 42-3, 55, 56
Training and Employment Zones 265 voluntary organisations 117
Training and Enterprise Councils (TECs) 32,
135, 145,146-7 Washington D C 266-7, 268-9
transformational model 45 waste management 190-2
transport weighting, defined 227
infrastructure 88, 96-7 Welfare to Work 33
projects 78 Wigan Borough Partnership 150
sustainable 104 Wise Group 98
Treasury Evaluation Framework (TEF) 216 works notices 195

Peter Roberts, Hugh Sykes - Urban Regeneration - A Handbook-SAGE Publications LTD (2000)

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Peter Roberts, Hugh Sykes - Urban Regeneration - A Handbook-SAGE Publications LTD (2000)

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Peter Roberts, Hugh Sykes - Urban Regeneration - A Handbook-SAGE Publications LTD (2000)

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Urban Regeneration

SAGE Publications Ltd

SAGE Publications Inc

SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd

SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd

Typeset by Dorwyn Ltd., Rowlands Castle, Hampshire

Figures, Tables and Boxes vii

2.1 T h e u r b a n regeneration process 20

2.1 T h e evolution of u r b a n regeneration 14

3.1 Coventry and Warwickshire Partnerships Ltd 39

9.2 Some important PPGs 198

Peter Roberts is Professor of E u r o p e a n Strategic Planning at the Univer-

Sir Hugh Sykes D L was C h a i r m a n of the Sheffield D e v e l o p m e n t Corpora-

Amanda Beresford is a solicitor and a qualified planner. She is head of

Coordinator of the European Observatory on Homelessness for

Richard Fleetwood is a p a r t n e r in A d d l e s h a w B o o t h & Co., specialising in

Mark Gaffhey is a solicitor at A d d l e s h a w B o o t h & Co., specialising in

Trevor Hart is a Lecturer in town planning a n d housing at L e e d s M e t r o -

Brian Jacobs is R e a d e r in Public Policy in t h e School of H e a l t h at

Paul Jeffrey is a Director of E C O T E C R e s e a r c h a n d Consulting. H e h a s

Ian Johnston is Principal and Vice-Chancellor at Glasgow Caledonian U n i -

Dalia Lichfield is a p a r t n e r in Dalia a n d Nathaniel Lichfield Associates, a

Barry Moore is Assistant Director of R e s e a r c h at t h e D e p a r t m e n t of L a n d

John Pounder is a research m a n a g e r at E C O T E C R e s e a r c h a n d Consul-

James Smith-Canham is a consultant with K P M G , Birmingham. F o r m e r l y

R o d Spires is t h e D i r e c t o r of Public a n d C o r p o r a t e E c o n o m i c Consultants.

John Taylor was Chief Executive of B U R A from 1994 to 1998. H e chaired

T h e r e has b e e n a sea change in the U K in the last two years. Increasingly,

Practice C o m m i t t e e a n d t h e Chairmanship of t h e T o w n and C o u n t r y Plan-

R e g e n e r a t i o n involves the public, private and community and voluntary

AMID A l m o n a s t e r - M i c h o u d Industrial District

THE CONTEXT FOR U R B A N

U r b a n regeneration is a widely experienced b u t little u n d e r s t o o d p h e n o m -

T h e material contained within this b o o k is organised in a way that allows

A l t h o u g h each part and chapter is self-contained to the extent that it deals

• economic and financial issues;

Cutting across all attempts to stimulate u r b a n regeneration are a n u m b e r of

• the legal and institutional basis for regeneration by land development;

In o r d e r t o provide lessons from best practice a n d offer examples of h o w to

Whilst it is apparent that a b o o k of this nature can only ever expect to

p r e p a r a t i o n . W e have c o m e to realise how daunting the task of u r b a n

It is evident at a late stage in the publication of this b o o k that s o m e of t h e

represents good or best practice irrespective of t h e specific detail of an

• in relation t o t h e future d e v e l o p m e n t of r e g e n e r a t i o n strategy, t h e

W e wish t o t h a n k all those w h o have helped in the p r e p a r a t i o n of this

U r b a n areas are complex and dynamic systems. T h e y reflect the m a n y

• provides a brief history of the origins of u r b a n problems and policy

T h e p u r p o s e of this section is to trace t h e origins of attempts to identify and

• t h e relationship b e t w e e n the physical conditions evident in u r b a n areas

Physical Conditions and Social Response

U r b a n areas have always performed a wide range of functions. Shelter,

functions of living, working and recreation, t h e physical structures of towns

t h e present-day practice of u r b a n regeneration: this is t h e relationship

Following the recognition and acceptance of the link b e t w e e n p o o r

Social Welfare and Economic Progress

Whilst it was n o t always the case t h a t physical r e n e w a l alone could

e n h a n c e m e n t of e c o n o m i c p r o s p e r i t y - could b e m o r e closely allied t o

Table 2.1 The evolution of urban regeneration