Art and Social Change

Essays on the Collection of

La Salle University Art Museum

Edited by
Klare Scarborough and Susan M. Dixon

Copyright © 2016 La Salle University Art Museum, Philadelphia, PA 19141

All rights reserved.

ISBN-10: 098899996X
ISBN-13: 978-0-9889999-6-1
 Contents

Preface v
Brian A. Goldstein, Ph.D.

Foreword ix
Klare Scarborough, Ph.D.
Susan M. Dixon, Ph.D.

Acknowledgements xiii

List of Illustrations xv

1. Bridget’s Vision and Jan Provost’s Nativity 1

Costanza Gislon Dopfel, Ph.D.

2. The Pastoral Landscape: Politics, Poetry and Piety in the 17th Century 17
Sarah Cantor, Ph.D.

3. Black and White to Color: Changes in Portrait Costume in the Dutch Golden Age 35
Robert E. Gerhardt, M.D.

4. Domenico Tiepolo and Women’s Agency in Mid-18th-Century Venice 63

Susan M. Dixon, Ph.D.

5. The Peale Family of Painters: Artists of a New American Republic 77

Rebecca Oviedo, M.A.

6. A Democratic Medium: František Kupka’s Call for Social Change in the Money Issue 93
of L’Assiette au Beurre
Emily Hage, Ph.D.

7. Albert Gleizes in 1920: Towards a New Age of Cathedrals 107

Klare Scarborough, Ph.D.

8. Mask and Husk: Käthe Kollwitz’s Mourning Parents and Self-Portrait in Dialogue 131
Christiane Hertel, Ph.D.

9. Space, Place, and Gender in the Art of Dorothea Tanning 161

Mey-Yen Moriuchi, Ph.D.

10. Theodoros Stamos’ Sea Forms: A Timeless Product of Its Time 177
Thomas Blum, Ph.D.

Contributors 199

La Salle University Art Museum 201

 The Pastoral Landscape: Politics, Poetry, and Piety in the 17th Century
Arcadian Landscape, a painting dating to the late 17th
century by the Dutch artist Jacob de Heusch (1656–1701),
now in the collection of the La  Salle University Art
Museum, is a splendid example of the pastoral landscape
in 17th-century European art [ig. 2.1]. Likely executed
in the last decades of the century, the work illustrates not
only the culmination of the development of the genre
of landscape painting, but also several themes relating
to social ideas and philosophies that began in ancient
Greece and spread throughout Western Europe. Based
on an understanding of the representation of the natural
world popularized in 16th-century Italy, the painting
contains conventional elements necessary for a pastoral
theme in the 17th century, including herdsmen and other
igures in classical dress, an elegiac quality reinforced by
the presence of a tomb, crumbling ruins paired with both
medieval and contemporary buildings, and a variety of
natural features establishing the landscape as a locus
amoenus, or “pleasant place,” where the dificulties of the
world could be forgotten.1 Most importantly, de Heusch’s
painting embodies the dialectic, contrasting relationship
between civilization and nature, city and country,
represented by the pastoral.
This essay traces the perception of the idealized pastoral
landscape from the 16th to the 17th centuries in Italy
using de Heusch’s painting as the primary example of the
various themes that form the basis of the genre, including
poetics and politics. More than just simple and charming
images of the countryside, pastoral paintings of the
Roman Campagna managed to serve the agendas of the
artists’ noble patrons. As described by Denis Cosgrove,
“landscape is . . . an ideological concept” and, as a genre
of painting, allows its patrons to portray “themselves
and their world through their imagined relationship
with nature.”2 De Heusch’s Arcadian Landscape and its
predecessors fulilled important rhetorical and ideological
objectives, exemplifying the conluence of painting and
poetry, the contemporary understanding of nature and
man’s place within the landscape, and the connection
of a patron’s holdings with antiquity and the glory of
classical Rome.
Little is known about Jacob de Heusch, who was born
in Utrecht and trained as an artist in the studio of his
uncle, Willem de Heusch, a landscape painter.3 Jacob was
in Rome by 1675 and remained there until 1692 when
he resettled in his hometown.4 Most of his paintings are
dated to after his return to Utrecht and were thus likely
created for wealthy Dutch merchants.5 Both Jacob and
Willem were among a number of Dutch and Flemish
artists who journeyed to Rome in the 17th century to
study the work of great artists of the previous centuries as
well as the ancient architecture of Italy and the landscape.
Willem de Heusch (1625–1692) was a Dutch Italianate
artist, a group of landscape painters whose works depict
Italy rather than The Netherlands, and his paintings
closely correspond to that of his own teacher, Jan Both
(c. 1618–1652).6 For the Dutch Italianates, the Roman
Campagna, or countryside surrounding the city, was the
primary setting for their classically-inspired landscapes
populated by peasants or igures from ancient Rome,
situated among Roman ruins paired with contemporary
architectural elements.
The Northern European artists were inspired by the
paintings of Claude Lorrain (1604/1605–1682) and
Nicolas Poussin (1594–1665), as well as other artists
working in Rome, who greatly expanded and advanced
the genre of landscape painting in the 17th century.
The classical landscape tradition was established in the
mid-17th century, featuring balanced and harmonious
compositions of the idealized countryside inhabited by
igures in ancient dress and antique ruins, connecting the
contemporary world to the past. The pastoral realm was
a constant theme in these landscapes, which were based
on conventions irst developed in the late 15th century in
northern Italy. Venetian masters, particularly Giorgione
(1477/78-1510) and Titian (c. 1488–1576), are credited
as the originators of pastoral painted landscapes, which
do not depict set narratives, but instead focus on natural
processes or poets in the landscape, and on observation of
and meditation in the natural world.7
Paintings such as the famous Concert Champêtre of
around 1504–1510 present naturalistic and persuasive
vistas of the countryside near Venice, but are still
17
 Fig. 2.1, Jacob de Heusch (1656–1701), Arcadian Landscape, Late 17th Century. Oil on Canvas. 323⁄4 x 35 in. (83.2 x 89 cm.).
La Salle University Art Museum, 96-P-424, Purchased in part with funds provided by Benjamin D. Bernstein and the Art Angels.

idealized representations of the landscape with carefully
arranged features [ig. 2.2].8 The classical landscape
became prevalent in late 16th-century Rome through the
efforts of Annibale Carracci (1560–1609) and his brother
Agostino (1557–1602), who had studied earlier Venetian
artists while living in Bologna.9 It was through the
analysis of landscapes by the Carracci and their pupils, in
paintings such as Landscape with the Flight into Egypt of
1603-04, that Claude and Poussin were able to develop
their own distinctive interpretations of the natural world
[ig. 2.3].
Claude had trained as a landscape specialist in Rome and
worked for noble Italian families in the city, but Poussin
was primarily a history painter, or an artist who focused
on the representation of narratives, whether historical,
biblical, or mythological.10 For Poussin, though, the
genre of landscape allowed him to portray complex
allegorical themes as well as the setting for stories.11
Paintings like Landscape with a Calm of 1650–1651 and
Claude’s Pastoral Landscape: The Roman Campagna of
c. 1639 typify the representation of the Campagna and
the classical landscape with an ordered view of nature—
trees framing the composition, balanced colors and tonal
contrasts to indicate spatial recession, diagonal planes
further leading the eye toward the distance, and carefully
arranged placement of features [igs. 2.4 and 2.5]. Claude’s
painting, however, is more atmospheric, where the quiet

18
Fig. 2.2, Titian (1490–1576), Concert Champêtre, 1504–1510, Oil on Canvas. 411⁄3 x 539⁄10 in. (105 x 137 cm.). Musée du Louvre, Collection of
Louis XIV, Purchased by Jabach in 1671.
mood and softly diffused lighting invite the viewer into
the composition, while Poussin’s painting has an overall
clarity with deined and illuminated forms, resulting in a
drier inish. Both works suggest the theme of the pastoral,
with herdsmen tending to their locks in the foreground
seemingly lost in contemplation of the surrounding
landscape.
The idealized view of the natural world became
increasingly popular both in Italy and beyond, as artists
from across Europe adopted the pastoral model as the
standard for landscape. Jacob de Heusch’s paintings
relect his intensive study of the previous generation of
French and Italian landscape artists working in Rome,
particularly Claude, Poussin, Salvator Rosa (1615–1673),
and Gaspard Dughet (1615–1675). Dughet was born in
Rome and trained with Poussin after the older artist
married Dughet’s sister. Like Claude, who was a friend
and rival, Dughet specialized only in landscapes, working
in a style similar to his mentor and brother-in-law, but
showing a greater interest in details, including vegetation,
and a more naturalistic tonality with further use of earth
tones, seen here in Imaginary Landscape of 1657 [ig. 2.6].
Rosa, a Neapolitan artist who established his studio in
Rome, created works that often followed another ancient
Roman genre, that of the sublime.12 These paintings
depict wild and untamed scenes, from gathering storms
to dangerous bandits lurking in the outskirts of Rome,
19
 Fig. 2.3, Annibale Carracci (1560–1609), Landscape with the Flight into Egypt, 1603–1604. Oil on Canvas, 48 x 90 in. (122 x 228 cm.).
Galleria Doria-Pamphilj, Rome.

Fig. 2.4, Nicolas Poussin (1594–1665), Landscape with a Calm, 1650–1651. Oil on Canvas, 383⁄16 x 519⁄16 in.
(96.9 x 130.9 cm). The J. Paul Getty Museum, Image Courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

20
Fig. 2.5, Claude Lorrain (1600–1682), Pastoral Landscape: The Roman Campagna, c. 1639. Oil on Canvas, 40 x 531⁄2 in. (101.6 x 135.8 cm.).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Bequest of Adele L. Lehman, in memory of Arthur Lehman, 1965. Image Courtesy of www.metmuseum.org.

21
 Fig. 2.6, Gaspard Dughet (1615–1675), Imaginary Landscape, c. 1657. Oil on Canvas, 377⁄8 x 601⁄2 in. (96.2 x 153.6 cm.).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund 1908. Image Courtesy of www.metmuseum.org.
as in Bandits on a Rocky Coast of 1655–1660 [ig. 2.7].
Arcadian Landscape illustrates de Heusch’s engagement
with all of these artists, but most importantly with
the classical works of Dughet and Claude. In terms of
composition, the construction of space through clearly-
deined diagonal planes and the darker earth tones are
close to Dughet, while the luminous lighting and softer
coloring in the sky echo Claude. The subject, which
does not present a particular narrative, and the use of
recognizable ruins within the Roman Campagna, such
as the Temple of Vesta from Tivoli at center, reveal de
Heusch’s understanding of the history and signiicance of
the pastoral.13
The rising status of the genre of classical landscape in
Italy can be linked to the expanded interest in pastoral
poetry and political control over the landscape. From
its earliest inception, the intended audience for pastoral
22
poetry was the elite, generally those who could afford to
own land and often lived in cities. Despite the primary
characters being lower status herdsmen in the country,
readers of the genre were nobles. Pastoral poetry had
originated in ancient Greece with Theocritus’ verses on
musical shepherds and goatherds.14 Also referred to as
bucolic, these poems stress the idea of the landscape as
a place of retreat and contemplation where the upper-
class audience could escape from life in the city and
time itself.15 While seemingly based in the reality of
the bucolic countryside, the pastoral realm created by
Theocritus is imbued with mythic origins and artistic
connotations.16 In these poems, herdsmen compose
verses or sing of themes of unrequited love or death,
standing in for the poet himself. The herdsman becomes
a “natural philosopher,” living “a life of contemplation
and true peace” in harmony with nature.17 By the time
that Vergil, whose poetry would become the primary
Fig. 2.7, Salvator Rosa (1615–1673), Bandits on a Rocky Coast, 1655-60. Oil on Canvas. 291⁄2 x 393⁄8 in. (74.9 x 100 cm.).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Charles B. Curtis Fund, 1934. Image Courtesy of www.metmuseum.org.
source for later pastoral literature, began writing nearly
two centuries after Theocritus, a literary tradition had
been established.18 Vergil composed the Eclogues before
his epic the Aeneid, at a time while Rome was engaged
in a civil war.19 The poems of the Eclogues are mostly
located in Arcadia, which, while based on an actual
location on the Greek Peloponnese peninsula, becomes
a “symbolic landscape, a delicate blend of myth and
reality.”20 Under the shade of trees in a glade, herdsmen
sing and play instruments, expressing a longing for a
return to the ancient Golden Age described by Hesiod,
their songs echoed in the setting as nature responds to
the verses.21 Whereas there is a thread of commentary on
contemporary culture in earlier poems, there is a more
distinct political overtone to Vergil’s pastoral Eclogues.
His poems are not simple expressions of appreciation
for the countryside, but embody a political message—
the spread of civilization into this idealized landscape, a
theme that continued to echo in later poetry and art.22
Pastoral poetry endured from late Antiquity throughout
the Middle Ages and into the early Renaissance as
authors produced verses following Vergil’s model, but
the genre was not enormously popular or widespread.23
Imitating the pastoral during the Renaissance was a way
to better understand the mind of ancient authors.24 The
self-consciousness of the pastoral, which celebrated the
artfulness of its metaphors and language, was connected
with ancient philosophy as the shepherd-poet would
strive for a life of contemplation. The genre reached new
levels of fame with the poetry of Jacopo Sannazaro (1458–
1530), a nobleman from Naples who served as courtier
to Frederick of Aragon, the last king of Naples.25 His
Arcadia, irst published in Venice in 1504, incorporated
political allegory in the poem, expressing yearning for a
countryside untouched by civilization as a place of refuge.
23
 Additionally in Arcadia, the poet laments the death of
an uprooted orange tree, a symbol of Sannazaro’s patrons,
the house of Aragon.26 Immediately upon its publication,
Arcadia earned praise and recognition, with new editions
published almost every two years throughout the 16th
century, and led to a proliferation of pastoral texts, both
poems and plays, and the rise of pastoral paintings, across
Europe.27
This renewed interest in the pastoral and the view
of the countryside as an idealized place of retreat and
contemplation coincided with the rise of villa culture
and the construction of a number of country estates and
gardens in the Renaissance. The importance of villa life,
where one can rest and indulge in the beauty and beneicial
effects of nature, was stressed in the writings of Pliny the
Younger and expounded by Renaissance theorists, such
as Leon Battista Alberti (1404–1472).28 Wealthy families
throughout Europe began constructing villas, where the
purpose was pleasure and retreat rather than proit, at
a rapid rate beginning in the 15th century.29 Modeled
on descriptions from classical authors, the remains of
Roman villas and other ancient architecture, Italian
villas in particular, were places where noblemen and their
visitors could relax and engage in theoretical discussions
on philosophy and science, and in artistic pursuits such
as the performance of pastoral plays as well as viewing
art, exemplifying the ancient Roman concept of otium.
This signiied the withdrawal from work and daily life
to engage in morally uplifting or scholarly pursuits, in
contrast to the concept of negotium, or daily work.30
The design of the entire villa was a political program, or
propaganda, that demonstrated the power and status of
the patron, from the estate itself to interior decoration.
Carefully constructed landscapes in the form of gardens
and hunting parks, and later forests, provided areas for
the patrons to relax. Additionally, these ordered spaces
could be seen from the villa proper, allowing the patron
to survey his estate. The approach to decorating villas
expanded into a discussion on the importance of the type
and nature of imagery to include, with the representation
of landscape as the most prominent element. Alberti
addressed the use of landscape painting as decoration for
country villas in his texts, describing the importance of
such paintings as aiding in relaxation and diversion.31
Paintings of generalized pastoral landscapes, depicting
the bucolic countryside, became standard decoration in
the form of both frescoes and easel paintings for villas
throughout the 16th century and later. When employed
24
as decoration for suburban and urban palaces, as well as
in country villas across Europe, pictures of landscapes
allowed patrons to imagine themselves outside, walking
through their estate, which was considered beneicial to
both physical and mental health.32
Contemporary authors stressed the beneits of owning and
displaying landscape painting in palaces, where visitors
could participate in engaged viewing, letting their eyes
journey through the extensive landscapes depicted in the
paintings by artists like the Carracci and de Heusch.33 The
intense observation and the sense of movement improved
the viewer’s health by instilling a feeling of rejuvenation
and nourishment, as if he or she had physically traversed
the painted landscape.
Beginning in the later 16th century, a change in land
ownership and villa function originated outside of Rome.
New papal families, or the relatives of popes who were
often from lesser noble families, accumulated wealth
and began purchasing vast tracts of farmland from older
baronial families, or those at the top of the Roman social
hierarchy, who were suffering inancial dificulties.34
Possession of the farms yielded both monetary rewards,
through raising livestock and producing crops, and
ideological value because of the connection of land
ownership to feudal nobility, allowing for sustained
income and a position of power after the death of the
pope.35 This continued throughout the 17th century, and
these estate-villas around the city transformed the Roman
Campagna through a shift in the method of cultivating
the land from growing crops to raising livestock, as the
latter was more proitable.36 Pastoral paintings, depicting
romanticized images of activities at the estate, thus
became a primary subject for the decoration of the villas
surrounding Rome and for palaces in the city proper.37
The idealized landscapes presented in works by Claude
and Dughet, set within the Roman Campagna actually
inhabited by the patrons, portrayed the harmony
described in pastoral poems and plays [igs. 2.5 and
2.6]. The herdsmen in the paintings are based on ideal
literary precedents, not the true 17th century laborers
and herdsmen who occupied the land and maintained
the locks grazing at the villas.38 Resting in shady groves
next to cool lakes or streams, the herdsmen reside
in the ideal pastoral landscape—the Golden Age of
Vergil’s Eclogues iltered through Sannazaro’s Arcadia,
whose main character retreats from the city to live
as a shepherd.39 There is, however, an elegiac quality
 Fig. 2.8, Detail of Jacob de Heusch (1656–1701), Arcadian Landscape, Late 17th Century. Oil on Canvas,
323⁄4 x 35 in. (83.2 x 89 cm.). La Salle University Art Museum, 96-P-424, Purchased in part with funds
provided by Benjamin D. Bernstein and the Art Angels.
that appears in these landscapes, making them more
than simple idyllic images. In the poems of Vergil and
Sannazaro, the herdsmen gather around tombs to recite
verses.40 It was through Sannazaro’s description that the
pastoral landscape became associated with the nostalgic
and mournful yearning for the romanticized past, which
is present in the earliest pastoral paintings by Venetian
artists in the 16th century [ig. 2.2].41
The longing for a return to the Golden Age carries
through into pastoral painting of the 17th century,
particularly in the inclusion of tombs and ruins. Decaying
structures, such as the central round temple in de Heusch’s
painting and the tomb at the lower left, represent the
passage of time and human mortality, particularly when
paired with contemporary buildings and the tranquility
of the countryside [ig. 2.8].42 The decaying remnants of
a past age contrast with the herdsmen in the paintings,
who epitomize living in harmony with nature. Pastoral
landscape paintings thus encouraged meditation on the
cycle of life and renewal in nature as well as the power
of God, who had created all of nature. For audiences in
the 16th century, nature was considered a manifestation
of God’s greatness, and contemplating the natural
world, even its representation in painting, would inspire
devotion in the viewer.43 Landscape paintings were infused
with religious signiicance, inspiring the patron and his
visitors to think of God and his power.44 For de Heusch’s
Dutch patrons in Utrecht, his images, based on study of
paintings by earlier artists and an understanding of the
Roman countryside, would have evoked interpretations
related to classical pastoral sources and contemporary
poetry, as well as an understanding of nature as God’s
creation.45 Arcadian Landscape could have possibly been
displayed in a villa, as country estates based on Italian
models were increasingly popular in The Netherlands in
the 17th century, and would have invoked the glory of
classical Rome and the patrons’ nostalgia for Arcadia.46
Beyond the display of pastoral landscape paintings at
villas, pastoral poetry continued to play a role in villa
life as patrons commissioned authors to lead discussions
and recite verses to guests at their estates.47 Rather than
just watching the performance of pastoral plays in garden
settings, audiences could participate in contemplating
and constructing a vision of the surrounding landscape
25
 controlled by the patron.
As the poet recited pastoral verses based on Vergilian
ideals of the countryside as a place of retreat and
meditation, the patron and his guests could view not only
the actual vista outside the villa, often dotted with the
herdsmen who worked the estate and their locks, but also
the paintings within. These recitations allowed viewers
to “reconstruct in their minds a living, idyllic landscape...
The whole countryside became poetry.”48 The very act of
observing and envisioning the landscape at a villa was
part of the patron’s agenda to create an idealized view
of rural life and display his own power over the natural
world.49 Authors of contemporary guidebooks and
travelogues about Italy compared the villas surrounding
Rome to pastoral poetry.50 The landscape around the villa
had become a pastoral locus amoenus where the patron
and his visitors could escape the irritations of city life.
Pastoral paintings, based on both ancient and
contemporary literature, were not simply images of the
countryside, but provided viewers with multiple levels of
meaning ranging from nostalgia for the past to displaying
the power of a patron over his territory. There is an aspect
of timelessness in pastoral literature and imagery that still
resonates today in the artiice of creating a diversion
from the reality of the world.51 Pastoral poetry, from its
earliest inception, revels in the contrast between past and
present, city and country, as a truly conceptual artistic
form. The landscape became a site of contemplation and
poetic invention, the ideal locus of artistic genius. The
genre was thus perfect for representation in the visual
arts, where painters could represent not only the natural
world conjured by Theocritus and Vergil, but also stress
the meditative aspect of the pastoral realm inhabited by
herdsmen-poets. The subject of works like de Heusch’s
Arcadian Landscape is the landscape itself, inhabited
by herdsmen tending to their locks, and relating to
the entire history of the pastoral genre, joining Vergil’s
Arcadia to contemporary politics and Christianity.
Sarah Cantor, Ph.D.
26
1
The scholarship on the pastoral genre and its many authors is vast.
Neglected by scholars until the 1950s, since then there have been
numerous focused studies on individual poets and on deining the genre.
For general overviews, see Terry Gifford, Pastoral (New York: Routledge,
1999); Paul Alpers, What is Pastoral? (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1997); Annabel Patterson, Pastoral and Ideology: Virgil to Valéry
(Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987); and E. Kegel-Brink-
greve, The Echoing Woods: Bucolic and Pastoral from Theocritus to
Wordsworth (Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, 1990). The literary genre is
deined today through its focus on retiring to the country, the complete
contrast to daily urban life, and the apparent glossing over of the social
reality of peasant life, see Gifford, Pastoral, 1-2. The precise meaning of
the term is still debated by scholars, but for this essay, pastoral shall refer
to literature, poetry (in any form), and art that references herdsmen
in an idealized setting and where there is generally a conlict or clear
disparity between civilization and nature as it was understood in the
16th and 17th centuries. There was less of a distinction between natural
and artiicial at that time, and the idea of the pure landscape seemingly
untouched by mankind (often described as the picturesque) was not
deined until the 18th century.
2
Denis Cosgrove, Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape (Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1998), 15.
3
The most complete modern source on the life of Jacob de Heusch is
Andrea Busiri Vici d’Arcevia, Jacob de Heusch (1656–1701): un pittore
olandese a Roma detto il “copia” (Rome: Ugo Bozzi Editore, 1997), but
his biography is included in his contemporary Arnold Houbraken’s De
groote schouburgh der Nederlantsche konstschilders en schilderessen (The
Great Theater of Netherlandish Painters and Paintresses), published
between 1718 and 1721. Some recent catalogues with de Heusch’s work
are Frederik J. Duparc and Linda L. Graif, Italian Recollections: Dutch
Painters of the Golden Age (Montreal: The Montreal Museum of Fine
Arts, 1990); and Luigi Salerno, Pittori di paesaggio del Seicento a Roma/
Landscape painters of the 17th century in Rome, Vol. II (Rome: Ugo
Bozzi Editore, 1977-78).
4
De Heusch is recorded as attending a meeting of the Bentvueghels
(“Birds of a Feather”) in January of 1675. This group of artists, primarily
Dutch and Flemish, hosted elaborate (and often drunken) celebra-
tions, but also served as the intellectual circle for artists who were not
permitted entry into the Accademia di San Luca, the oficial institution
for artists in Rome. See Salerno, Pittori di paesaggio del Seicento a Roma,
836. De Heusch was later admitted to the Bentvueghels and given the
nickname “Afdruk,” meaning counterfeit or reproduction.
5
Busiri Vici d’Arcevia, Jacob de Heusch, 82, notes that there appear to be
no recorded de Heusch paintings in contemporary Roman invento-
ries, but speculates that his works were certainly purchased by Roman
patrons although likely listed in inventories as landscapes without the
artist’s name. There are not many known paintings by de Heusch today,
and Busiri Vici d’Arcevia records only around 80 in his catalogue.
6
For a brief overview of the history and development of Dutch Italianate
painting, see Peter C. Sutton, Masters of 17th-Century Dutch Landscape
Painting (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1987), 1-63. Both Willem
and Jacob are classiied as belonging to the third and inal generation
of 17th-century Dutch Italianate painters, whose works most closely
resemble the classical landscapes of the mid-17th century. Ibid., 55-57.
7
Such works are often described as paese in contemporary inventories
and records. See, for example, Marcantonio Michiel, Notizia d’opere di
disegno, pubblicata e illustrata da D. Jacopo Morelli, ed. Gustavo Friz-
zoni (Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli, 1884), 195-96, which is a collection of
notes on art collections written by a Venetian nobleman between 1521
and 1543.
8
Mauro Lucco, “Da ‘paese’ a ‘paesaggio’: Le molte facce della natura
veneta,” in Tiziano e la nascita del paesaggio moderno, ed. Mauro Lucco
(Milan: Giunti Arte Mostre Musei, 2012), 24. Lucco also notes that
Venetian artists may have irst begun producing landscape paintings as
a way of competing with the description of Studius in Pliny the Elder’s
Natural History, Book 35. For more on the pastoral landscape in Venice,
 see David Rosand, “Giorgione, Venice, and the Pastoral Tradition,” in
Places of Delight: The Pastoral Landscape, eds. Robert C. Cafritz et al.
(Washington: The Phillips Collection, 1988), 21-81.
9
See Robert C. Cafritz, “Classical Revision of the Pastoral Landscape,” in
Places of Delight: The Pastoral Landscape, 99, who describes Annibale’s
paintings as itting the landscapes to Roman classical aesthetics through
the use of geometric arrangements of the planes and the carefully con-
structed relationships between the natural world and the igures. Also
see Patrizia Cavazzini, “Towards the Pure Landscape,” in The Genius of
Rome 1592–1623, ed. Beverly Louise Brown (London: The Royal Acad-
emy of Arts, 2001), 223-226, who calls the paintings intellectualized and
rationalized visions of nature. For a more recent study of the brothers’
landscapes, see Stéphane Loire, “Le paysage à Rome: Annibal Carrache
et ses suiveurs,” in Nature et Idéal: Le paysage à Rome 1600–1650 (Paris:
Éditions de la Rmn-Grand Palais, 2011), 15-27.
10
Beyond his work as an artist, Poussin was also a theorist and intended to
write a treatise on art, which was based on an understanding of poetry.
See Jonathan Unglaub, Poussin and the Poetics of Painting: Pictorial
Narrative and the Legacy of Tasso (New York: Cambridge University
Press, 2006) for the best overview of Poussin’s theory and relation to
poetry. Additionally, Poussin’s patrons, mostly French nobility, often
allowed the artist to choose the subject of his paintings. He would
generally select obscure themes or present well-known stories with novel
concetti, or conceits—metaphors designed to display his inventiveness.
11
For an excellent recent overview of Poussin’s interest in portraying
landscape and the natural world, see Poussin and Nature: Arcadian
Visions, eds. Pierre Rosenberg and Keith Christiansen (New York: The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2008). In Rosenberg’s essay “Landscapes
in a Noble and Heroic Style,” 187, the author argues that Poussin was
able to give “nature a construction, a range, a role, and a function.”
12
See the essay by Helen Langdon, “Landscapes,” in Helen Langdon et
al., Salvator Rosa (London: Paul Holberton, 2010), 126-135; as well as
Helen Langdon, “A Theatre of Marvels: The Poetics of Salvator Rosa,”
Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 73, no. 3 (2004): 179-192, for a discussion of
Rosa’s connection to the ancient theory of the sublime. The genre
includes the wilder view of nature, particularly the storms described in
the ancient treatise On the Sublime, written in the irst century CE.
13
De Heusch’s paintings often include igures that closely resemble those
of Rosa, and the settings of a number of other works are more rocky and
wild than that of Arcadian Landscape.
14
See Kegel-Brinkgreve, The Echoing Woods, 3-42, for an overview of
Theocritus’ life and work. The secure dates that can be deduced from
references in his writings, appeals to rulers as his patrons, are 275/4 and
274-70 BCE. His collection of verse, now known as the Idylls, comprises
around 20 poems along with a few epigrams and the longer Syrinx, all
written in varying styles and dialects.
15
The actual deinition of pastoral was not theorized until late antiquity or
even the 16th century. See David Halperin, Before Pastoral: Theocritus
and the Ancient Tradition of Bucolic Poetry (New Haven: Yale Universi-
ty Press, 1983); and Kegel-Brinkgreve, The Echoing Woods. Both sources
provide detailed analysis of the terms pastoral and bucolic. Pastoral
is probably derived from the Latin word for herdsman, and bucolic
from the Greek for cowherd—the words are not synonymous. Pastoral
referred to the subject matter of the poems (pertaining to herdsmen),
whereas the genre was generally called bucolic. But by the 16th century,
pastoral was the term used to describe the genre of poetry rather than
the subject.
16
Charles Segal, Poetry and Myth in Ancient Pastoral: Essays on Theocritus
and Virgil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 210-234; and
Kegel-Brinkgreve, The Echoing Woods, 40-41.
17
Luba Freedman, The Classical Pastoral in the Visual Arts (New York:
Peter Lang, 1989), 2.
18
Kegel-Brinkgreve, The Echoing Woods, 47-78, provides an overview of
the poets working after Theocritus. Halperin, Before Pastoral, 2-3, argues
that Theocritus was also recognized in the Renaissance. Latin editions
of his poems appeared by 1531, and the irst English translation was pub-
lished in 1588. Vergil, however, was the dominant poet and the source
of inspiration for later pastoral writers. Halperin argues that Vergil’s fame
and the greater knowledge of Latin than Greek caused this discrepancy.
19
For a general biography of the poet, see Peter Levi, Virgil: His Life and
Times (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998).
20
Leo Marx, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral
Ideal in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 19. See
Kegel-Brinkgreve, The Echoing Woods, 125-136, for more on the land-
scape created by Vergil. Arcadia was already established in the mythic
tradition as the homeland of Pan, where the goat-legged god chased
after Daphnis. The actual Arcadian landscape was not the pastoral ideal
conjured by Vergil; instead, it was a rocky and barren place. See Erwin
Panofsky, “Et in Arcadia Ego: Poussin and the Elegiac Tradition,” in
Meaning in the Visual Arts (Garden City [NY]: Doubleday Anchor,
1955), 298-99.
21
See Kegel-Brinkgreve, The Echoing Woods, 92-95, for a discussion of the
Eclogues, particularly number 4, which foretells of the birth of a child
who will inaugurate a new Golden Age; and 137-143, where the author
notes the “magical aspect” in the connection between the herdsmen and
the trees. The shady tree, often a beech, also represented protection, in
Vergil’s case, the patronage of Octavian (later Augustus).
22
In the Eclogues, the contemporary political connection was the Roman
government seizing territory from small landholders and bestowing the
plots on military veterans. Vergil’s land was part of this appropriation,
although was eventually returned. For more on contemporary events
in Vergil’s poetry, see R.J. Tarrant, “Poetry and Power: Virgil’s Poetry in
Contemporary Context,” in The Cambridge Companion to Virgil, ed.
Charles Martindale (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997),
169-187. For example, in Eclogue 1, two herdsmen discuss how the
government has coniscated their land. For the original poem and recent
translation, see Vergil, Vergil’s Eclogues, trans. Barbara Hughes Fowler
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 1-3. Through-
out the entire collection, herdsmen are conspicuously speaking for the
poet, who can thus safely critique government policies. Vergil posits
himself as “as an inhabitant of his bucolic world… sitting at ease” with
the characters who reside in the Arcadian setting. See Charles Martin-
dale, “Green politics: the Eclogues,” in The Cambridge Companion to
Virgil, 113.
23
For a complete overview of pastoral literature after the death of Vergil,
see Kegel-Brinkgreve, The Echoing Woods, 151-313. Dante, Petrarch,
and Boccaccio composed eclogues in imitation of Vergil.
24
Richard Cody, The Landscape of the Mind: Pastoralism and Platonic
Theory in Tasso’s “Aminta” and Shakespeare’s Early Comedies (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 10.
25
See the introduction to Jacopo Sannazaro, Arcadia and Piscatorial
Eclogues, trans. Ralph Nash (Detroit: Wayne State University Press,
1966), 7-10, for a brief overview of the poet’s life; and also Carol
Kidwell, Sannazaro and Arcadia (London: Gerald Duckworth & Co,
1993), for a full biography. After the exile of Frederick to France,
Sannazaro sold off some his properties and accompanied the king on his
journey. He returned to Naples in 1504 after the king’s death. Also see
Kegel-Brinkgreve, The Echoing Woods, 310-313, for more on Sannazaro’s
life and also his Piscatorial Eclogues; and William J. Kennedy, Jacopo
Sannazaro and the Uses of the Pastoral (Hanover [NH]: University Press
of New England, 1983), for a critical analysis of the rest of Sannazaro’s
entire literary production.
26
Sannazaro, Arcadia and Piscatorial Eclogues, 22; and Kennedy, Jacopo
Sannazaro and the Uses of the Pastoral, 28-37. Like the shade of the
beech tree over the herdsmen that represented Octavian’s protection
of Vergil, the dead orange tree—the now exiled dynasty of Federico
d’Aragona, Sannazaro’s patron—once provided security for the poet.
27
 27
Sannazaro, Arcadia and Piscatorial Eclogues, 10-11. Kegel-Brinkgreve,
The Echoing Woods, 333, notes 66 editions between 1504 and 1646.
28
For Pliny’s letters on his villas and their impact, see James S. Ackerman,
“The Inluence of Antiquity on Italian Renaissance Villas,” in Origins,
Imitations, Convention, ed. James S. Ackerman (Cambridge: The MIT
Press, 2002), 185-215. The most complete overview on Pliny’s inluence
on architecture is Pierre de la Rufinière du Prey, The Villas of Pliny
from Antiquity to Posterity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).
For Alberti, see Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten
Books, trans. Joseph Rykwert, Neil Leach, and Robert Tavernor (Cam-
bridge: The MIT Press, 1988); and Timothy Kircher, Living Well in the
Renaissance: The Virtues of Humanism and the Irony of Leon Battista
Alberti (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies,
2012).
29
The major text for the history of Renaissance villas remains David R.
Cofin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1979). Alberti, in his De re aedificatoria, IX, discusses
the differences between the villas of the wealthy that are designed for
leisure and escape, and those that are intended for pleasure and proit, as
do other authors. See Cofin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome,
11. Also see Mauro Ambrosoli, “From the Italian Countryside to the
Italianate Landscape: Peasants as Gardeners and Foreign Observers in
Italy, 1500–1850,” in Clio in the Italian Garden: Twenty-First Century
Studies in Historical Methods and Theoretical Perspectives, eds. Mirka
Beneš and Michael G. Lee (Washington: Dumbarton Oaks, 2011), 145-
168, for an overview of the shift in land ownership and management of
agricultural territories in Italy.
30
See Eleanor Winsor Leach, “Otium as Luxuria: Economy of Status
in the Younger Pliny’s Letters,” Arethusa 36, no. 2 (2003): 147-65.
For Pliny, otium includes writing and study as well as exercise, such as
walking and playing games. The most respectable negotium was political
life. For more on Roman villa culture, see Alfred Frazer, “The Roman
Villa and the Pastoral Ideal,” in The Pastoral Landscape, ed. John Dixon
Hunt (Washington: The National Gallery of Art, 1992), 49-61.
31
Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, 299, “We are particularly
delighted when we see paintings of pleasant landscapes or harbors,
scenes of ishing, hunting, bathing, or country sports, and lowery and
leafy views.” On the Art of Building in Ten Books was written between
1443 and 1452 and published in 1485.
32
Frances Gage, “Exercise for Mind and Body: Giulio Mancini, Collecting,
and the Beholding of Landscape Painting in the Seventeenth Century,”
Renaissance Quarterly 61, no. 4 (Winter 2008): 1184–1185. Additional-
ly, such images reinforced the status of the patron and his guests who are
“in possession of the necessary intellectual discernment to preserve their
health by means of physical exercise and the contemplation of nature,”
in opposition to the “laborers [who] merely work the land without man-
ifesting any capacity to draw either material beneit or spiritual reward
from it.” Ibid., 1189.
33
Gage, “Exercise for Mind and Body,” 1194–1200. In the important
text Considerazioni sulla pittura, the physician and art theorist Giulio
Mancini (1559–1630) describes the three zones of a landscape paint-
ing—the fore, middle, and backgrounds—and how the viewer’s eye
moves from a more intense and close inspection of the foreground, illed
with igures and objects, to a relaxed and softer view of the expansive
background.
34
See Mirka Beneš, “Landowning and the Villa in the Social Geography
of Rome: The Location and Landscapes of the Villa Pamphilj, 1645-70,”
in Form, Modernism, and History: Essays in Honor of Eduard F. Sekeler,
ed. Alexander von Hoffman (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1996), 187-209; Mirka Beneš, “Gardens and the Larger Landscape,” in
A Cultural History of Gardens in the Renaissance, ed. Elizabeth Hyde
(New York: Bloomsbury, 2013), 187-216; and Mirka Beneš, “Pastoralism
in the Roman Baroque Villa and in Claude Lorrain: Myths and Realities
of the Roman Campagna,” in Villas and Gardens in Early Modern Italy
and France, eds. Mirka Beneš and Dianne Harris (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2001), 88-113. The grounds included formal gardens,
28
land for agriculture and hunting, and planned and replanted forests of
trees, in contrast to typical Renaissance villas, which were intended
primarily for pleasure and were much smaller than Baroque estate-villas.
35
Beneš, “Pastoralism in the Roman Baroque Villa and in Claude Lorrain,”
100.
36
Beneš, “Pastoralism in the Roman Baroque Villa and in Claude Lorrain,”
100, explains that the reason for this was that the cost of labor was
much lower for pasturelands than for agriculture. Beginning in the 15th
century, more villages were abandoned as their inhabitants moved to
cities, resulting in a shortage of people to work the land and build proper
drainage systems. Landowners realized that a greater proit could be
had through renting land to herdsmen for grazing their locks. As the
author states for estate owners, “revenues from cows and sheep paid for
paintings and gardens, and the poetic distance of the pastoral art that
they acquired both evoked and removed a pastoralist economic reality.”
Ibid., 113. Also see Claire Pace, “‘Free from Business and Debate’: City
and Country in Responses to Landscape in 17th-Century Italy and
France,” Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 73, no. 3 (2004): 158-178, who argues
that even if a villa included agricultural production, the type of imagery
that decorated the walls was focused on the pastoral world and the idea
of promoting otium. Ibid., 162.
37
For a discussion on the rise of landscape paintings from an economic
perspective, see Richard E. Spear, “Rome: Setting the Stage,” in Painting
for Profit: The Economic Lives of Seventeenth-Century Italian Painters,
eds. Richard E. Spear and Philip Sohm (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2010), 97-104. Spear traces the percentages of landscapes in
collections from the early decades of the century until the last, which
shifted from less than 10 percent to nearly 30 percent for some collec-
tors.
38
Life in the Roman countryside was particularly dificult for peasants
in the 17th century because of the effects of the Little Ice Age. See
Lisa Beaven, “Claude Lorrain and La Crescenza: The Tiber Valley in
the Seventeenth Century,” in The Site of Rome: Studies in the Art and
Topography of Rome 1400–1750, ed. David Marshall (Rome: L’Erma di
Bretschneider, 2014), 109-139.
39
Claire Pace, “‘The Golden Age... The First and Last Days of Mankind’:
Claude Lorrain and Classical Pastoral, with Special Emphasis on
Themes from Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses,’” Artibus et Historiae 23, no. 46
(2002): 130-31, lists the references to trees and water in Theocritus,
Vergil, and Sannazaro.
40
Vergil, Vergil’s Eclogues, 13-15, where in Eclogue 5, the shepherds as-
semble at the tomb of Daphnis and Sannazaro; Arcadia and Piscatorial
Eclogues, 109-11, in which the herdsmen visit the tomb of one of the
character’s mothers. The extensive description of the tomb and its sur-
rounding environment conjure a picture of peace, and one of sorrow, for
the departed woman, who was “almost a divine Sibyl” for the shepherds.
Even the trees and lowers seem to lament her passing in Sannazaro’s
prose.
41
Scholars have argued that the Concert Champêtre was intended to evoke
the ideal countryside around the city of Venice during the War of the
League of Cambrai, when the Venetian Republic was losing territory
to the Papal States and allies. See Jonathan Unglaub, “The Concert
Champêtre: The Crises of History and the Limits of Pastoral,” Arion 5,
no. 1 (Spring-Summer 1997): 46-96.
42
Pace, “‘The Golden Age... The First and Last Days of Mankind,’” 134
and 144, compares the sense of foreboding present in some paintings to
the passages from Vergil and Sannazaro. Pace has connected Claude’s
and, by extension, his patrons’ interest in representing the passage of
time to the theme of death and nostalgia that is often present in pastoral
literature. As described in William L. MacDonald and John A. Pinto,
Hadrian’s Villa and Its Legacy (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1995), 267, the “ruins of humanity’s past glory emerge as a potent visual
foil to the present perfections of the pastoral scene.”
43 This concept is best exempliied in the writings of Cardinal Federico
Borromeo (1564–1631), an important patron of landscape and still
life paintings in Rome who wrote treatises on art. See Pamela Jones,
“Federico Borromeo as Patron of Landscapes and Still Lifes: Christian
Optimism in Italy ca. 1600,” The Art Bulletin 70, no. 2 (June 1988):
261-72; and Pamela Jones, Federico Borromeo and the Ambrosiana:
Art Patronage and Reform in Seventeenth-Century Milan (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1993).
44
See Nicola Courtright, The Papacy and the Art of Reform in Six-
teenth-Century Rome: Gregory XIII’s Tower of the Winds in the Vatican
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 142-144, who discusses
Gregory XIII’s use of pastoral imagery in the Tower of the Winds at
the Vatican as an idealized example of the humility expressed through
artistic style, an important goal of the pope’s ideological program.
Additionally, texts on teaching the catechism after the Reformation
would feature images stressing the power of nature as God’s creation.
See Arnold Witte, “The Power of Repetition: Christian Doctrine and
the Visual Exegesis of Nature in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century
Painting,” in Le paysage sacré: Le paysage comme exégès dans l’Europe
de la première modernité, eds. Denis Ribouillault and Michel Wee-
mans (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2011), 93-112. In a number of Jesuit
publications, the glory of nature was used to explain beliefs, and tours
of church gardens incorporated discussions on the diversity of nature as
exemplifying the existence of God.
45
Treatises on gardens and life in the country, as well as poems on the
landscape, were widespread in The Netherlands. See Erik de Jong, Na-
ture and Art: Dutch Garden and Landscape Architecture, 1650–1740,
trans. Ann Langenakens (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press, 2000) for a discussion of several treatises. The poems were often
moralizing, relating to the dominant Protestant religions, including Cal-
vinism, which held that nature was a book created by God that could be
read.
46
De Jong, Nature and Art: Dutch Garden and Landscape Architecture,
presents a detailed history of Dutch villas.
47
Tracy L. Ehrlich, Landscape and Identity in Early Modern Rome:
Villa Culture at Frascati in the Borghese Era (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2002), provides the best overview of this trend in the
17th century. She traces the earliest examples to the villas at Frascati,
a small town outside of Rome, owned by Cardinal Scipione Borghese
(1577–1633), nephew of Pope Paul V (1552–1621).
48
Tracy Ehrlich, “Pastoral Landscape and Social Politics in Baroque
Rome,” in Baroque Garden Cultures: Emulation, Sublimation, Subver-
sion, ed. Michel Conan (Washington: Dumbarton Oaks, 2005), 162.
Ehrlich, Landscape and Identity in Early Modern Rome, 261-62, notes
that visitors were meant to contemplate the expressive power of the
landscape and also its ancient history, traced back to the glory of Rome,
and now owned by the various papal families. The poems contain
pastoral herdsmen and nymphs, who engage in singing and lovemaking
rather than the actual work conducted by the laborers to keep the estate
running. Ibid., 263.
49
Ehrlich, “Pastoral Landscape and Social Politics in Baroque Rome,” 158,
notes that the Villa Mondragone included grape vines and fruit trees.
This is a type of cultivation described in Vergil’s Georgics, but actual
farming was not part of the scenic view for Scipione Borghese and his
visitors. For more on views within the villa, both painted and real, and
their relationship to overall programs, see Denis Ribouillaut, “Toward
an Archaeology of the Gaze: The Perception and Function of Garden
Views in Italian Renaissance Villas,” in Clio in the Italian Garden:
Twenty-First Century Studies in Historical Methods and Theoretical
Perspectives, 203-232.
50
See a number of examples provided in Ehrlich, “Pastoral Landscape
and Social Politics in Baroque Rome,” 179-80. As noted by Ehrlich,
this connection between poetry, painting, and the landscape becomes
more deined in the following century in England, with the design of
landscape gardens based on both descriptions in poetry and images from
17th-century classical landscape paintings. Ibid., 181.
51
Segal, Poetry and Myth in Ancient Pastoral, 3-4.
29
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