Journal of International Students 2017 JIS Volume 7 Issue 2

JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS
KRISHNA BISTA
Vol. 7/ No. 2 March/April 2017

Vol. 7/ No. 2 March/April 2017
JOURNAL OF
INTERNATIONAL
STUDENTS
KRISHNA BISTA
A Quarterly Publication on International Education

Cover design by Srdjan Marjanovic Access this journal online at www.jistudents.org
Vol. 7/No. 2 March/April 2017
JOURNAL OF
INTERNATIONAL
STUDENTS

A Quarterly Publication on International Education
Access this journal online at: https://jistudents.org/

Copyright © 2017 by Journal of International Students
All rights reserved. This book or any portion thereof may not be reproduced
or used in any manner whatsoever without the express written permission of
the publisher/editor except for the use of brief quotations in a book review
or scholarly journal.
Printing: 2017
Print ISSN 2162-3104
Online ISSN 2166-3750
Journal of International Students

230 Walker Hall, School of Education
University of Louisiana at Monroe
Monroe, LA 71209 USA
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Disclaimer
Facts and opinions published in Journal of International Students (JIS)
express solely the opinions of the respective authors. Authors are
responsible for their citing of sources and the accuracy of their references
and bibliographies. The editors cannot be held responsible for any lacks or
possible violations of third parties’ rights.
ISSN: 2162-3104 Print/ ISSN: 2166-3750 Online
Volume 7 Number 2 March/April 2017
© Journal of International Students
Contributors
1. Abu Kamara, Acadia University, Canada

2. Amber C. Massa, University of Indianapolis, USA
3. Carol Ashong, Georgia State University, USA
4. Catarina Doutor, University of Algarve, Portugal
5. Catherine Gomes, RMIT University, Australia
6. Chiang-nan Chao, Azusa Pacific University, USA
7. Christopher S. Collins, Azusa Pacific University, USA
8. Craig A. Dike, University of Indianapolis, USA
9. David Edens, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona, USA
10. Derrick T. Helphenstine, University of Louisiana at Monroe, USA
11. Emma L. Bird, University of the West of England, Bristol, UK
12. Iskra Smiljanic, Kings County Hospital Center, USA
13. Jennifer J. Bordon, University of Albany, USA
14. João Filipe Marques, University of Algarve, Portugal
15. John Angelidis, Azusa Pacific University, USA
16. Kenneth T. Wang, Fuller Theological Seminary, USA
17. Kioh Kim, University of Louisiana at Monroe, USA
18. Kumer Pial Das, Lamar University, USA
19. Liz A. Rennick, Azusa Pacific University, USA
20. Lu Tian, University of Northern Colorado, USA
21. Lucília Santos, University of Aveiro, Portugal
22. Mayo Fujiki, Special Education Cooperative, USA
23. Mixalis Poulakis, University of Indianapolis, USA
24. Nannette Commander, Georgia State University, USA
25. Niall Hegarty, Azusa Pacific University, USA
26. Rezvan Khoshlessan, Lamar University, USA
27. Ripley-Ohio-Dearborn, Special Education Cooperative, USA
28. Santa Falcone, University of New Mexico, USA
29. Shanton Chang, RMIT University, Australia
30. Sony Adhikari, Sony Brook University, New York, USA
31. Stephanie J. Shedrow, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA
32. Susana Ambrósio, University of Aveiro, Portugal
33. Young K. Kim, Azusa Pacific University, USA
Invited Guest Editorial - Dr. Chris R. Glass, Old Dominion University, USA
Editor-in-Chief - Dr. Krishna Bista, University of Louisiana at Monroe, USA

Volume 7 Number 2 March/April 2017
EDITORIAL TEAM
Founder/Editor-in-Chief: Dr. Krishna Bista, U. of Louisiana at Monroe, USA
Associate Editors:
Dr. Chris R. Glass, Old Dominion University, USA
Dr. Charlotte Foster, Missouri Western State University, USA
Dr. Danilo M. Baylen, University of West Georgia, USA
Dr. Diana B. Carlin, Saint Louis University, USA
Dr. Keri Dutkiewicz, Davenport University, USA
Dr. Sandria Officer, University of Toronto, Canada
Dr. Shyam Sharma, Stony Brook University, USA
Dr. Rai Farrelly, American University of Armenia, Armenia
Dr. Rosalind L. Raby, California Colleges for International Education, USA
Dr. Vera V. Chapman, Colgate University, USA
Assistant Editors/Copy Editors
Dr. Barry Fass-Holmes, University of California, San Diego, USA
Dr. Charles R. Harris, Stony Brook University, USA
Dr. Christina W. Yao, University of Nebraska- Lincoln, USA
Dr. David Comp, University of Chicago Booth School of Business, USA
Ms. Dorota Silber-Furman, Tennessee Tech University, USA
Dr. Hugo Garcia, Texas Tech University, USA
Dr. Jiaqi Li, Wichita State University, USA
Dr. Lisa Kahle-Piasecki, Tiffin Univesity, USA
Dr. Ji Zhou, USC Marshall School of Business, USA
Dr. Luchen Li, University of New Hampshire, USA
Dr. Miguel H. López, California State University, San Bernardino, USA
Dr. Mingsheng Li, Massey University, Wellington, New Zealand
Dr. Nicholas D. Hartlep, Illinois State University, USA
Book Review & Reflection Editors
Dr. Yi Luo, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA
Ms. Joy Bancroft, Daytona State Collage, USA
Ms. Kerri Bennett, Arkansas State University, USA
Dr. Misato Yamaguchi, Georgia Regents University, USA
Dr. Paige E. Sindt, The Middlebury Institute of Intl Studies at Monterey, USA
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
Dr. Cattriona Gribble, Deakin University, Australia
Dr. Amany Saleh, Arkansas State University, USA
Dr. Howard Wang, Duke Kunshan University, China
Dr. Amy Dagley, University of Alabama at Birmingham, USA
Dr. Don Jones, Belhaven University, USA;
Dr. Rahul Choudaha, DrEducation.org, USA;
Dr. Russ Hannah, Arkansas State University, USA;
Dr. Janet B. Ilieva, Education Insight, UK
For more information: http://jistudents.org/board
Journal of International Students
March/April 2017 Ň Volume 7 Ň Number 2
An interdisciplinary, peer reviewed publication, Journal of International
Students (Print ISSN 2162-3104 & Online ISSN 2166-3750) is a
professional journal that publishes narrative, theoretical and empirically-
based research articles, student reflections, and book reviews relevant to
international students and their cross cultural experiences and
understanding. Published quarterly, the Journal encourages the submission
of manuscripts from around the world, and from a wide range of academic
fields, including comparative education, international education, student
affairs, linguistics, psychology, religion, sociology, business, social work,
philosophy, and culture studies.
All articles published in the Journal of International Students are
indexed and listed in major databases and sources:
Authors and Submissions
The Journal audience includes international and domestic students, faculty,

administrators, and educators engaged in research and practice in
international students in colleges and universities.
a) Peer-reviewed Article - includes manuscripts that focus on the
interpretation, implication, or significance of research work related
to international students and scholars from various disciplines
(between 4,500 to 7,500 words).
b) Research in Brief – includes manuscripts that focus a specific topic
or question using new data or conceptual framework that does not
require a full-length manuscript; up to two figures/tables, and
maximum 5-8 references (1,500-2,000 words).
c) Study Abroad/Reflection - includes descriptions and perceptions
from students and scholars concerning another culture, language,
people and society from an insider or outsider perspective (between
1,000 to 2,500 words).
d) Book/Dissertation/Flim Review - includes reviews and critiques of
the written work of scholars from a number of disciplines related to
international students (between 750 to 1,200 words).
Please e-mail your manuscript to the Editor, Dr. Krishna Bista at

contact@jistudnets.org. Include your full address with email and telephone
number. Follow APA 6th edition in your citation and references. Double
space. Times New Roman with 12 font size.
This Journal is a non-profit publication and has been operating
through the voluntary services of editors, copy editors, reviewers and guest
editors. All positions in the Journal are unpaid. There is no fee for
submission or publication.
For further information
Krishna Bista
Editor-in-Chief/Founder – Journal of International Students
http:/ /jistudents.org/
E-mail: contact@jistudents.org
CALL FOR CONTRIBUTORS
JIS Current Book Projects
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON
INTERNATIONAL STUDENT EXPERIENCES IN HIGHER
EDUCATION: TENSIONS AND ISSUES
This book will examine a wide range of international student

experiences, including student life, engagement in degree courses and
extracurricular activities, experiences of teaching and learning, use of
technology, experiences of feedback and assessment, and other areas
of student involvement. Understanding how international students
experience higher education in different national, institutional, and
disciplinary settings has been increasingly important to universities,
educators, business leaders, and governments to increase revenue and
campus diversity in the global marketplace. This book project will
include three major elements–International Student’s College
Experiences, Socio-Cultural Experiences, and Post- Study
Experiences.
Publisher– Routledge (Taylor & Francis, USA)
Editor – Krishna Bista (The University of Louisiana at Monroe, USA)
April 20, 2017: Proposal Submission Deadline

August 20, 2017: Full Chapter Submission
September 20, 2017: Review Results Returned
December 1, 2017: Final chapters to publisher
Submit your manuscript to the editor at contact@jistudents.org
For more information,

https://jistudents.org/book-project/call-for-contributors/
CALL FOR CONTRIBUTORS
INTERNATIONAL STUDENT
MOBILITY AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR
GROWTH IN THE GLOBAL MARKETPLACE
This book will examine recent trends in global student mobility in

Australia, Asia, North America, Latin America, Middle East, and
Europe where the emerging trends and practices are prominent.
Here are a few suggested topics
Intercultural Awareness in Student Mobility

Local and National Barriers to Student Mobility
Mobility of Students and (Skilled) Labor Migration
Outbound/Inbound Student Mobility
Recruiting Agents and Student Mobility
Student Mobility and Internationalization
Student Mobility within Southeast Asia
Trends in Student Mobility
University/State Policy and Student Mobility
Publisher – Hersey, PA: IGI Global, USA

Editor – Krishna Bista (The University of Louisiana at Monroe, USA
Important Dates
April 20, 2017: Proposal Submission Deadline
August 20, 2017: Full Chapter Submission
November 20, 2017: Revised Chapters Due
December 1, 2017: Final chapters to publisher
Submit your manuscript to the editor at contact@jistudents.org

Volume 7, Number 2 March/April (2017)
http://jistudents.org
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Invited Editorial I-III

Resilience for a World in Flux
Chris R. Glass
1. Brazilian and Nigerian International Students’ Conceptions of 163-187
Learning in Higher Education.
Carol Ashong and Nannette Commander
2. The Role of Attachment, Travel Experiences and English 188-203
Proficiency in International Students’ Acculturative Stress and
Depressive Symptoms.
Iskra Smiljanic
3. Acculturative Stress and Adjustment Experiences of Greek 204-228
International Students.
Mixalis Poulakis, Craig A. Dike, and Amber C. Massa
4. Do Chinese International Students’ Personalities Change During 229-245
Cross-National Transitions?
Kenneth T. Wang, Lu Tian, Mayo Fujiki, Ripley-Ohio-
Dearborn, Jennifer J. Bordon
5. International Student Recruitment: Trends and Challenges. 246-256
Santa Falcone
6. Chinese Students’ Motivations for Studying in the United 257-269
States.
Chiang-nan Chao, Niall Hegarty, John Angelidis, and Victor F.
Lu
7. Cross-Cultural Student Teaching: Examining the Meaning- 270-290
Making of one White, Female, Middle-Class Preservice
Teacher. Stephanie J. Shedrow
8. International Students and “The Presentation of Self” Across 291-310
Cultures.
Abu Kamara
9. Analyzing International Students’ Study Anxiety in Higher 311-328
Education.
Rezvan Khoshlessan and Kumer Pial Das
10. Student and Staff Perceptions of the International Postgraduate 329-346
Student Experience: A Qualitative Study of a UK University.
Emma L. Bird
11. Digital Journeys: A Perspective on Understanding the Digital 347-366
Experiences of International Students.
Shanton Chang and Catherine Gomes
12. Higher Education Institutions and International Students’ 367-394
Hindrances: The Case of Students from the African Portuguese-
Speaking Countries at Two European Portuguese Universities.
Susana Ambrósio, João Filipe Marques, Lucília Santos, and
Catarina Doutor
13. College Experiences and Outcomes Among International 395-420
Undergraduate Students at Research Universities in the United
States: A Comparison to Their Domestic Peers.
Young K. Kim, Christopher S. Collins, Liz A. Rennick, and
David Edens
14. The Perils of Multi-lingual Students: “I’m Not LD, I’m L2 or 421-428
L3.
Kioh Kim and Derrick T. Helphenstine
15. International Higher Education's Scholar-Practitioners: Bridging 429-431
Research and Practice (Review).
Sony Adhikari
Invited Editorial

Volume 7, Number 2, March/April (2017) pp. I-III
Resilience for a World in Flux

Chris R. Glass
Old Dominion University, USA
There is no question that global student mobility faces significant

headwinds in the current geopolitical context. The rise of nationalism
worldwide has led many international researchers to reflect on their role as
educators and leaders. Resilience is vital during such tumultuous times. The
popular definition of resilience is the capacity to quickly recover from
difficulties and setbacks. The term is often misunderstood for a type of
sturdy individualism that some people possess more than others or the
immunity from stress and negative emotions. There is another, more
empirically-based, understanding of resilience. Diane Coutu (2002) outlines
three dimensions of resilience: (a) a staunch acceptance of reality; (b) deep
belief buttressed by strongly held values; and (c) an uncanny ability to
improvise. Coutu (2002) emphasizes: “You can bounce back from hardship
with just one or two of these qualities, but you will only be truly resilient
with all three” (p. 4). I believe, as international researchers and educators,
we must be resilient in a world where the policies and politics around
international students are increasingly in flux.
In my view, a staunch acceptance of reality means fully embracing
co-existing realities of international education and exchange. On the one
hand, as illustrated in this issue of the journal, researchers are interested in
empirical evidence of local students becoming more global – developing
intercultural competence, pursuing global careers, or seeing themselves as
citizens in a global society. Similarly, there is an interest in ways to measure
the extent to which international students become more local – building
local networks and friendships, engaging the local community, and applying
knowledge to local contexts. At the same time, we, as researchers and
practitioners, must also embrace a co-existing reality: we must recognize
that patterns of global student mobility reflect persistent inequities and
imbalances. Educational exchange often leads to brain drain driven by
competition among the most developed nations for top scientific and
I
academic talent. Likewise, the experiences of international students at host
institutions is often tainted by a sense of isolation, discrimination, and
sometimes threats to their safety. A staunch acceptance of reality means
examining all aspects of internationalization as part of our research efforts.
A staunch acceptance of reality must be buttressed by strongly held
values. To be clear, I do not mean that researchers should report findings
that are only consistent with their preexisting beliefs or offer personal
commentary when hard empirical work is demanded. Rather, research that is
buttressed by strongly held values uses empirical approaches to interrogate
the gap between those values and reality – values such as promoting global
engagement and understanding, engaging in civic responsibility beyond
local contexts, fostering the appreciation for languages and cultures, and
strengthening foreign relations and peace building among nations.
Researchers must not only conduct rigorous research studies to determine
gaps between the espoused values of nations and institutions and the
experiences of international students; we must also understand the national
and institutional conditions under which these core values are experienced
by all students, regardless of ethnicity or socioeconomic status. One of the
hallmarks of my own research has been a focus on students’ sense of
belonging. Whereas traditional international student adjustment research has
focused on “barriers” and “challenges” to adjustment, my research reflects
the value of resilience-oriented approaches to adjustment, which emphasize
the importance of promotive factors (e.g., co-curricular involvement,
inclusive curricula, etc.) and protective factors (e.g. belonging). My research
explores the conditions under which acculturative stress produces growth,
learning, and development. Several articles in this issue highlight such
conditions under which international students thrive and foster cross-cultural
interaction among national, co-national, and host national students that
achieve full educational benefits of internationalization.
Finally, along with a staunch acceptance of reality and strongly held
values, researchers must also develop an uncanny ability to improvise in a
world in flux. Today, over 1 million international students study at U.S.
colleges and universities, and there are nearly 5 million globally mobile
students worldwide. The rise in study mobility has coincided with rising
nationalism whose extent and impact is not fully clear. What is clear is that
our work as researchers is more important than ever. Belonging, as I have
emphasized in my research, is not merely a sense of social connectedness; it
also involves participation in the leadership of the institution. A recent
report by the Association of Governing Boards (2016) stated:
Diversity without inclusion is only a metric. Inclusion
recognizes and embraces the need for all members of the
institutional community to have a sense of ownership in the
II
institution and a place of belonging. It requires sustained
and intentional institutional commitment and action.
Tolerance is passive and may be a starting point. Inclusion
is active and reflects the continuing character of a campus.
(p. 6)
International students need a voice. Researchers and practitioners must
improvise ways to ensure that international students’ voice is heard – on
their campuses and in the research literature. A resilience perspective asks
how to support people and create organizations that know how to recover,
persist, and even to thrive in the face of change. As national politics
fluctuates, we must understand the structures and forces within our
institutions that buttress international students’ resilience.
This issue of the journal poses these important questions; it does so
from many points of view. It explores Brazilian and Nigerian international
students’ conceptions of learning; Chinese students during cross-cultural
transitions and motivations for studying in the U.S. In this issue, researchers
explore important issues of mental health and well-being, examining anxiety
among international students, as well as the role of attachment, travel
experiences, and English proficiency in international students’ acculturative
stress and depressive symptoms. This issue also sheds light on emerging
contexts in our interconnected world, including the “digital experiences” of
international students. It depends our understanding of complex dimensions
of students’ identities and experiences, including “the presentation of self”
and multi-lingual international students. It reviews an important new book,
International Higher Education's Scholar-Practitioners, on the intersection
of research in practice so our work has maximum impact. The work of the
journal continues to be of vital importance to a world in flux.
REFERENCES
Association of Governing Boards (2016). Governing board accountability

for campus climate, inclusion, and civility. Washington, D.C.:
Author.
Coutu, D. L. (2002). How resilience works. Harvard Business Review,
80(5), 1-8.
CHRIS R. GLASS, PhD, is Assistant Professor and Graduate Program Director

(Higher Education and Community College Leadership) at Old Dominion
University. His research and writing focuses on international students, MOOCs, and
publicly engaged scholarship. Dr. Glass is also the author (with Wongtritrat and
Buus) of International Student Engagement: Strategies for Creating Inclusive,
Connected, and Purposeful Campus Environments (Stylus, 2014).
III
Journal of International Students, 7(2) 2017
Peer-Reviewed Article

Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 163-187
Brazilian and Nigerian International

Students’ Conceptions of Learning in
Higher Education
Carol Ashong
Nannette Commander
Georgia State University, USA
ABSTRACT
The growth of international students compels examination of introspective
aspects of learning experiences such as conceptions of
learning. Additionally, learning conceptions profoundly impact learning
outcomes (Tsai, 2009). To address the lack of research on learning
conceptions of students from Africa and South America, this study examines
Brazilian and Nigerian students' conceptions of learning while studying in
the U.S. Reflective diaries and interviews reveal an awareness of learning
as not limited to the classroom, along with clear themes regarding ideas
about learning and actual learning experiences. Findings provide valuable
information to institutions regarding academic support and assistance for
international students.
Keywords: conceptions of learning, international students, Brazilian

Students, Nigerian Students, higher education
One area of research that informs institutions about meeting the needs of
international students is the literature on conceptions of learning. All
students come to learning situations with different preconceived views of
what “learning” means (Marshall, Summer, & Woolnough, 1999).
Conception1s of learning refer to students’ fundamental understanding, or
interpretation, of the learning phenomena (Marton, 1981) and have been
defined as coherent systems of knowledge and beliefs about learning and
phenomena related to learning (Marshall et al., 1999; Tsai, 2009; Vermunt
& Vermetten, 2004). In more depth, Cano and Cardelle-Elawar (2004)
explained that learning conceptions are individual constructions that
develop from knowledge and experience and dictate the different ways in
- 163 -
which learning is understood. Vermunt and Vermetten (2004) argued that
conceptions of learning include what an individual thinks about learning
objectives, activities, strategies, tasks, and processes.
Students’ conceptions of learning are important because they
profoundly impact learning outcomes (Tsai, 2009) and influence students
interaction with courses, classroom environment, teachers, and peers
(Marshall et al., 1999). Further, learning conceptions include preconceived
ideas about students’ roles, the role of the instructor and other professionals
in academia, and these ideas about roles and the relationships between all
the different players in educational settings impact how students approach
learning (Mclean, 2001). Tsai (2009) argued students’ conceptions of
learning guide primary beliefs about and interpretations of learning
experiences as well as ultimately influence learning outcomes. Students’
conceptions of learning have also been found to impact and predict
academic achievement (Allan, 2003; Boulton-Lewis, Marton, Lewis, &
Wilss, 2000; Tsai & Kuo, 2008). Cano and Cardelle-Elawar (2004) noted
the more capable students are of deciding for themselves what learning
means the more successful they are in their academic performance. It is
therefore critical that educators are aware of and understand students’
conceptions of learning.
LITERATURE REVIEW
When investigating international students’ conceptions of learning, culture

is an important construct to consider (Marshall et al., 1999; Tsai & Kuo,
2008; Tsai, 2009). Hong and Salili (2000) argued that conceptions of
learning are formed by cultural values. Purdie, Hattie, and Douglas (1996)
stated that environment, where learning occurs, influences conceptions of
learning, and culture is embedded in environment. The general assumption
that learning is a well-defined standard experience across cultures has been
challenged by research indicating students’ conceptions of learning differ
(Jones, 2008). For example, Purdie, Hattie and Douglas (1996) found
Austrailian students have a narrow school based view of learning, while
Japanese students have a broader, more community based view of learning.
Along similar veins, Boulton-Lewis et al. (2004) reported differences in
indigenous Australian and Australian university students’ views in terms of
learning as an increase in knowledge, memorizing and reproducing,
applying, and understanding. Abhayawansa and Fonseca (2010) examining
Sri Lankan students enrolled in an Australian university found that the
students from Sri Lanka reported beliefs about learning being teacher
centered, whereas their Australian classmates perceived learning as student
centered . Research has reported that Asian students differ from their
Western classmates because they consider learning to be more than the
- 164 -
transference of knowledge and attending school (Jones, 2008). Jones
(2008) reported that Asian students view knowledge as having to do with
things that cannot be measured such as emotions, intuitive feelings,
spirituality, morality, and social skills, and this view differs from traditional
Western beliefs about learning being built upon things that can be
scientifically proven.
Thus, students from various cultures differ in their conceptions of
learning. However, research has predominantly been with “Western
students,” from Europe, North America, and Australia, who are compared
with those from “non-Western” cultures, usually represented by Asia. The
general trend is to rely on investigations in these regions as the basis for
cross-cultural theorizing, and students from other geographical locations
are not included in the literature (Abhayawansa & Fonseca, 2010; Jones,
2008; Marshall et al., 1999; Purdie et al., 1996; Tsai & Kuo, 2008; Tsai,
2009). In particular, South American international students’ conceptions of
learning are not typically investigated although this population is steadily
increasing in the U.S, with most students arriving from Brazil (Castaneda,
2008; Downie, 2005).
According to the International Institute of Education, 23, 675
Brazilian students were enrolled in universities in the U.S. during the 2014-
2015 academic year. Brazil is currently the sixth leading place of origin for
students coming to the U.S. African international students’ conceptions of
learning are also not being addressed although the number coming to the
U.S. is increasing with Nigeria sending the most students. According to the
IIE’s open door report (2015), Nigeria is the fifteenth leading place of
origin for students coming to the U.S. During 2014-2015 academic year, 9,
494 students from Nigeria were studying in the U.S. Although previous
research encourages concentrating on international students from Brazil and
Nigeria due to their steadily increasing numbers (Castaneda, 2008; Downie,
2005), very few investigations focus solely on these two groups of students.
Previous research encourages concentrating on international
students from Brazil and Nigeria due to their steadily increasing numbers
(Castaneda, 2008; Downie, 2005). Yet very few investigations focus solely
on these two groups of students. Some research that includes international
students from Africa has addressed transition problems (Adelegan & Parks,
1985), racial identity (Phinney & Onwughalu, 1996), and cultural
adjustment (Constantine, Anderson, Berkel, Caldwell, & Utsey, 2005).
One of the few studies with international students solely from Africa
examined female scientists enrolled in Western universities. Results
revealed that White professors questioned the students’ ability to do the
work, asked them to take remedial classes, and criticized their accents
(Beoku-Betts, 2004). Additionally, participants experienced feelings of
exclusion and a lack of support emanating directly from prejudicial
attitudes. Similarly, few studies have focused on international students
- 165 -
from South America. Wilton and Constantine (2003) found high levels of
psychological distress among South American international students. More
recently, Reynolds and Constantine (2007) examined South American
students’ sense of social and academic competence and reported that a lack
of confidence in their social, academic, and career contexts might have a
profound effect on their future career goals and aspirations. Castaneda
(2008) examined the academic needs of South American students and
found that second language problems, quality of academic advisement,
availability of financial support, level of integration into their academic
program, and cultural adjustment impact their academic experiences.
Some research has focused specifically on the conceptions of
learning of students in Brazil and Nigeria. One reported Brazilians view
learning as not constrained to a formal learning environment but an ongoing
process in everyday life (Crabtree & Sapp, 2004). This study also found
students in Brazil believe learning takes place when there is a social,
emotional, and physical closeness between teachers and learners. These
findings are supported by Santilli, Miller, and Katt (2011) who found
Brazilian students are comfortable spontaneously greeting their teachers on
the street with an embrace and a kiss on the cheek and expect instructors to
be actively interested in their personal as well as academic affairs.
However, Fidalgo-Neto et al. (2009) found that in learning settings in Brazil
teachers play a central role in knowledge transference, and students play a
more passive role in their learning process. Watkins and Akande (1994)
reported Nigerian students believe that they do not play an active role in
learning, and it is the responsibility of the teacher to pass down knowledge
to them. This study also reported students prefer a less competitive
classroom environment. Sunal, Inuwa, Sunal, and Haas, (2001) similarly
reported Nigerian students believe learning takes places through hands-on
experience but teachers play a governing role in the learning process, with
students expected to follow and cooperate with the teacher. This study also
found students in Nigeria view learning as something that should be
practical and applicable to everyday life instead of being theoretical.
Another study reported students in Nigeria believe learning is a group
activity and as a result often participate in cooperative learning (Iyamu &
Ukadike, 2007). While these studies provide valuable information on
Brazilian and Nigerian students’ conceptions of learning, it is important to
note that data was collected in the students’ countries of origin.
RESEARCH METHOD
This study was carried out in an urban university in the Southwestern

United States. Students may be experiencing or may already have
experienced conflict between what is presented and expected in the
American university setting and experiences in their home cultures, so their
- 166 -
conceptions may be fluid and shifting. At the time of the study no other
research had investigated Brazilian and Nigerian students’ conceptions of
learning while studying in the U.S., and no other research has examined
both groups within the same study. Thus, this study was exploratory in
nature. Findings from this study provided information on Brazilian and
Nigerian students’ conceptions of learning and inform instructors of
international students and international programs in general. The research
questions were: 1) What are Brazilian and Nigerian students’ conceptions
of learning? 2) Are there differences and/or similarities between their
conceptions of learning and learning experiences in the United States? 3)
Are there differences and/or similarities between the two groups in their
conceptions of learning?
This study was informed by grounded theory developed by Glaser
and Strauss (1967) whereby researchers discover concepts and hypotheses
through the method of constant comparative analysis. This methodology,
best suited for exploring social phenomena and the behavior of groups
allows a shift from existing theory to themes that emerge from current data
and focuses on areas with little or no literature (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).
Researcher’s Positionality
First author’s experiences of crossing cultural borders as an
international student informed this research and contributed toward efforts
to be transparent. I came to the United States as an international student for
undergraduate and graduate studies 11 years ago and therefore closely
related to the participants in this study. As a Ghanaian international
student, I continuously examined my relationship to the participants and the
study. Though my familiarity with the experiences of the participants
presented somewhat of a challenge to my objectivity, I was also well aware
that my identity as an international student did not necessarily mean that
the participants and I had the exact same experiences. However, I had an
"insider” status because of shared similar cultural and educational
experiences, and I constantly reflected on this during the research process.
My insider status also influenced the way participants engaged with me. In
fact, participants often expressed they were comfortable talking to me
because they felt I could relate to them and the experiences they shared
with me. Our shared status as international students was advantageous and
helped build a cordial and trusting relationship that allowed the interviews
to run very smoothly. In some instances participants asked if I understood
the experiences they shared or if I had similar experiences. I refrained as
much as possible from sharing my experiences so as not to influence
participants’ responses. Some participants asked me questions about my
experiences as an international student, expressing curiosity about my
learning experiences. I made efforts to always keep their experiences the
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focus of the conversations and reflecting on this positionality allowed me to
find the middle ground.
My reflections during the research process heavily relied on
theoretical sensitivity and reflexivity. Theoretical sensitivity refers to the
researcher’s ability to use personal and professional experiences together
with methodological knowledge to see data in new ways and think
abstractly about data in the process of developing theory (Glaser & Strauss,
1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). However, since theoretical sensitivity may
create a situation where the researcher explains data in a biased way, the
process should be complemented by reflexivity. ReÀexivity is de¿ned by
Horsburgh (2003) as “active acknowledgement by the researcher that his or
her own actions and decisions will inevitably impact upon the meaning and
context of the experience under investigation” (p. 308). ReÀexivity allows
researchers to deconstruct who they are and the ways in which their beliefs,
experiences, and identity intersect with that of the participants (Macbeth,
2001). This reÀection occurs both in individual thought and through dialog
with others that acknowledges the researcher’s own experience and
perspectives (Johnson & Water¿eld, 2004). Instead of trying to hide behind
a false sense of objectivity, the researcher makes his or her own
sociocultural position explicit. For example, reflexivity requires researchers
to question how the “researcher-participant interaction” and the
researcher’s perspective affect the analysis and the results (Hall & Callery,
2001). ReÀexivity is a process that occurs throughout every stage of
research (Guillemin & Gillam, 2004). Guided by theoretical sensitivity, my
personal and academic experiences as an international student allowed me
to view the data in new ways and think abstractly about the data. Also, I
actively engaged in constant reflexivity throughout the stages of research
design, data collection, and analysis.
In addition to theoretical sensitivity and reflexivity, I employed
various techniques recommended by and Lietz, Langer, and Furman (2006)
and Shenton (2004) to ensure the trustworthiness of qualitative research.
Shenton (2004) suggests that it is important to use well-established research
methods and triangulate by using different methods of data collection for
rigor. This study was informed by grounded theory, a well-established
methodology, and employed the use of interviews and reflective diaries as
established methods of data collection. The use of two data sources in this
study, in addition to theoretical memos, allowed for triangulation and
contributes towards the credibility and trustworthiness of the research. It is
important that qualitative researchers help ensure honesty from participants
by giving them opportunities to refuse participation to make sure that data
collection involves only those who are genuinely willing to take part and
prepared to offer data freely (Shenton, 2004; Lietz et al., 2006).
Accordingly subjects were informed that their involvement was strictly
voluntary, and they could refuse and/or stop participation at any time. This
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study employed the use of iterative questioning which Shenton (2004)
argues allows the researcher to return to matters previously raised by
participants and extract related data through rephrased questions. A second
round of interviews gave opportunities for issues raised in student diaries to
be further explored and clarified.
Participants
Thirteen (N = 13) students participated in this study - (six from
Brazil, seven from Nigeria, eight females, five males). Length of stay in the
U.S. ranged from six months to four years, with an average of a year. Data
was collected in the spring semester of 2014. After the researcher gained
IRB approval from the university, participants were recruited through
emails sent by the international education office to currently enrolled
undergraduate students from Brazil and Nigeria. Those who responded
were asked to contact the researcher directly and to forward the email to
other students from Brazil and Nigeria who might be interested in taking
part in the study. The researcher then sent information on the study and
requirements for participation to all students. The researchers collected data
through initial interviews, reflective diaries, and final interviews. Consent
forms were provided at initial interviews, and all interviews were semi-
structured, audio-recorded, and at a location of the participants’ choosing.
Initial interviews lasted approximately an hour and a half and were guided
by questions previously used in the literature (Marshall et al., 1999; Tsai,
2009 & Tsai & Kuo, 2008): What is your definition of learning? How do
you learn best? How do you know when you have learned something? and
what do you think makes up a good learning environment? Participants
were asked to reflect upon experiences in ways that rarely occur in
everyday life (Charmaz, 2006). The rationale behind initial interviews was
to create rapport between the participants and researcher and prompt
participants’ thinking about learning experiences. After initial interviews
participants were instructed to keep a diary for one week by selecting one
learning experience connected to their education daily and reflect on it
using these guiding questions from previous research (Marshall et al., 1999;
Tsai, 2004 & Tsai & Kuo, 2008): What did you learn? (Describe the
learning experience), what did you find satisfying or frustrating in your
learning experience? When were you aware that you had learned
something? How did you feel if you thought you were not learning as you
should? and What about this learning experience was different from
previous experiences? Participants were instructed to address other issues
believed to be pertinent, provide examples connected to their reflections,
state the date and time at the start of every reflection, and contact the
researcher if they had questions. No restrictions were placed on the length
or format of the diaries. None of the participants contacted the researcher
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during the week of diary entry for clarification on requirements and
expectations. The use of reflective diaries within research and formal
learning settings as a way to deepen learning and stimulate critical thinking
has increased in recent years (Prinsloo, Slade, & Galpin, 2011). ReÀective
diaries are useful mechanisms that can move students beyond simple
observation towards deeper reflection, analysis, synthesis, and critique
(McGuinness & Simm, 2005; Travers, 2011). Once participants submitted
their diaries, final interviews were scheduled.
The purpose of the final interviews was to clarify and explore
issues addressed in the diaries and gain further information on the students’
broader views about learning. Audio-recorded semi-structured final
interviews lasted approximately an hour and were guided by the following
questions: Do you use the same or different approaches to learning in the
U.S. that you used at home? What have you found fulfilling or frustrating
about approaches that are new to you versus ones that you used to at home?
Do you find that the learning experiences you have in the U.S. are different
from or similar to learning experiences you had at home? Do you find that
the learning environments you experience in the U.S. are different from or
similar to the learning environments you experienced at home? Do you feel
you are learning more, less or differently than what you were accustomed
to previously? and how would you say the process of adapting to a new
learning environment has been like for you. Whereas initial interviews
concentrated on asking students abstract questions about learning in order
to explore how they would respond independently, final interview
questions were more specific in order to guide students to think about how
learning experiences in their home culture compared to those in the U.S.
The time period between initial and final interviews was approximately two
to three weeks.
Data Analysis
Interviews were transcribed verbatim and each diary read
thoroughly to develop an empathetic understanding of individual views.
Following the hierarchical coding process of grounded theory, open, line-
by-line coding was conducted followed by axial coding that specifies
relationships between categories (Hallberg, 2006). Open coding involved
reading all interview transcripts and diaries line by line several times and
creating tentative labels for chunks of data that summarized or represented
distinct concepts and categories, which formed the basic units of analysis.
Focus during this stage of analysis was on highlighting descriptive
keywords and phrases pertaining to learning. Axial coding involved
deconstructing each category that emerged during open coding into
subcategories. Relations between emerging categories and between
categories and their properties were identified and verified in the data to
ensure that these conceptual relationships were grounded in the data. The
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text was re-read to confirm that categories accurately represented
participant responses. The final stage of analysis was an integration of
empirical data with theoretical memos. Through this process, the themes
and categories that emerged from both sources were identified. In
accordance with the constant comparative process, after initial categories
were coded during open coding, incidents applicable to each category were
compared. Each incident in the data was coded into as many categories as
possible. Analysis of data then shifted from comparing participant’s
responses to one another to comparing individual responses to categories
and their properties. NVivo 7, a software program designed for qualitative
research, was used to organize the data.
Theoretical memos that served as a record of how codes were
developed along with the properties of each category were written every
time data was coded. Detailed memoing during the entire analysis process
involved writing down ideas, assumed associations between categories, and
theoretical reflections related to each of the emerging categories.
Additionally, this process encouraged reflection and helped keep track of
the coding process while allowing for critical questioning and necessary
adjustments.
RESULTS
Participants’ entries in their reflective diaries and responses to interviews

provided information in response to Research Question 1, “What are
Brazilian and Nigerian students’ conceptions of learning?” Eleven of the
13 participants typed and two hand-wrote their diaries. Diary entries for all
participants varied in length, format and depth. Most participants organized
their daily entries according to the guiding questions. Approximately half
the participants wrote lengthy daily reflections that were often a page long.
The other half wrote shorter daily reflections consisting of about half a
page. Data from the reflective diaries indicated participants wrote either
about non-school or school related experiences, but most of the students (9
out of 13) wrote about non-school related learning experiences. Three out
of thirteen (23%) reported a more balanced split of non-school and school
related learning experiences. Only one participant (7.7%) described school
related experiences more times than non-school related experiences. Non-
school related topics ranged from learning about culture through activities
such as cooking, watching movies, music, artwork, sororities, and
fraternities to learning experiences that taught participants values, such as
being hopeful, polite, hardworking, and patient. Other non-school related
learning experiences included playing an instrument, improving listening
skills, parallel parking, twirling a flag, and using a gun safely. Participants
also wrote about learning experiences that helped make their day-to-day life
easier, such as how to use the different functions of an iPad, a fax machine
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and an automated teller machine (ATM). School related topics experiences
included business capstone class assignments, petro physics, derivatives for
calculus, and Rene Descartes’ Theory on Realism. Participants addressed
other issues about their learning experiences in their diaries, however
participant responses were very varied and no clear themes emerged.
Interview transcripts revealed five different conceptions of learning
identified by students from both countries. Conceptions of learning were
described in terms of: 1) new/increase in knowledge, 2) acquisition of
knowledge for practical application, 3) memorization, reproducing and
studying, 4) understanding, and 5) a process not bound by context or time.
Each theme is presented below with representative quotes and participants’
nationality in parentheses.
Learning as increase in knowledge. Participants talked about learning in

terms of acquiring new knowledge and/or increasing one’s knowledge or
being presented with new information and knowledge. This conception of
learning is quantitative in nature, referring to the accumulation of
knowledge. An example statement is:
I think I would say learning is picking up something I didn’t know

previously, basically and it depends, like in school, yeah I think
that’s just it, learning is finding out something I didn’t know
before or being exposed to something I didn’t know, like getting
more information. (Nigerian student)
Statements like this convey the belief that learning involves coming
into contact with new information or skills. Learning was also described as
an acquisition or increase in a particular skill:
Well when you learn your grow, you develop skills that you maybe
you know don’t even know that you have, it’s difficult to explain,
but like also, anything you didn’t know before, like skills, different
subjects, like culture too, not just learning in like a school.
(Brazilian student)
When talking about gaining new knowledge in the learning process,

participants noted knowledge and information are often transferred from
teacher to student, and they often described teaching as the transference of
knowledge. In addition to identifying teachers as one source for
new knowledge, participants discussed personal experiences and the
experiences of others as ways through which new information and
knowledge is acquired.
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Learning as acquisition of knowledge for practical application.
Participants discussed learning as acquisition of knowledge for practical
application, often describing what purpose it serves. Participants generally
did not discuss the purpose of learning within a school or educational
context. Their responses focused more on real life applications.
Representative statements are:
I’d say, being able to use something that you’ve actually been
taught, in the sense that you can recall it later in the future not just
what is being forced down into you, where you cram and you write
an exam, pass and that’s it, to me that’s not learning, it’s actually
being able to use what you know, what you’ve been taught, that’s
learning…. Oh yes definitely, that’s what I mean, learning should
have a practical end, I don’t want to learn something that I won’t
use in life and I should go further and say in my day to day life, to
me then it’s useless. We learn, or we should learn in order to be
able to use it, so yes, it should be practical. (Nigerian student)
Central to this application-based conception of learning is practice and the

importance of being able to practice what one learns. This focus was
emphasized in comments regarding opportunities for hands-on experiences
directly related to their education. Participants made statements such as:
Yeah, like so people can relate, not just classroom, but take it out
the classroom, not just book, book and technical, but make the
content and subject real, like give us something to do to make what
we are learning real to us students…like an activity outside of
class. Real life. (Brazilian student)
Such comments implied a shift from learning as passive with learners who
receive new knowledge transferred either from the teacher or other sources
to a more active process that involves practicing and utilizing the acquired
knowledge.
Learning as memorization, reproducing and studying. This conception of

learning was characterized by viewing learning as remembering and/or
partly in terms of being able to reproduce something. For some participants
learning was inseparable from memory:
I learn when I remember, to me, learning is like remembering when

I get some new information and I can remember it later, and give it
back, either in writing, like a test or paper, or I am able to tell
someone else and I remember it all. (Nigerian student)
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Other statements implied that beyond remembering, the ability to explain
something to someone else is perceived as an indication of learning:
To me I think, if I am able to remember something I have been told

and taught, if I am remembering and explain to someone else, that
how I know I’ve learnt something or if I am able to bring it up in a
conversation, that’s learning, I study too, when I study I learn too
you know? (Brazilian student)
Learning as understanding. This conception of learning focused on

understanding, with personal meaning being a prominent feature. Within
this conception, developing and discovering meaning is important.
Example comments include:
Hmmm, well I would say, understanding, making sense of it, in a

way that makes sense to me, you know. You can’t say you have
learned something if you can’t say you understand it and not just
understand it exactly as it is taught to you, but in your own way.
Make it your own. (Nigerian student)
Learning I think is when where you have the possibility to really

understand something in our own view point, in our own. Ummm,
learning for me is when we have possibility to comprehend, have
comprehension about all the topics about one thing, when we have
opportunity to solve doubts. (Brazilian student)
Learning as a process not bound by context or time. This conception of

learning is characterized by the belief that learning occurs outside of
schools and other formal educational settings. Participants expressed that
they believe that learning takes place predominantly outside of school.
Additionally they see life, from birth to death, and life’s experiences as a
learning process, stating that they believe all of life is a learning experience.
They made statements such as:
We can learn outside of school…I think the school is 30% percent,

40% percent maybe, it can be different for each individual, but
mainly I think, we learn mostly out of school. And I think in Brazil
this is how I felt, that we learn a lot, more than in school, in life,
outside of school….Like things that happen to you during day to
day what you are doing…for me I say school 30% because I learn
mostly from my family and people around me at home you
know…they tell me things about life in general…sometimes I see
things happen to them and I learn, like that. (Brazilian student)
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I think we may not always be aware of it, but we are learn in our
day to day living, I think because mentally we know, we are told
that school is where you come to learn, we expect to learn there,
but are not always consciously expecting or consciously aware of
learning outside of school, but I think we definitely do, I would
dare say that I think for most people, or let me say for myself when
I really sit to analyze and compare, I learn more outside of school
than in school…I think you are learning until you die,
everyone.(Nigerian student)
In response to Research Question 2, “Are there differences and/or

similarities between their conceptions of learning and learning experiences
in the United States?” themes emerged about conflict between their
conceptions of learning and learning experiences in the U.S. For example,
participants expressed the belief that students should work together and
collaborate in learning environments. However, they reported experiencing
competitive environments in the U.S.:
To me it should be cooperative, competitive makes everyone want

to overshadow everybody and that way no one is learning anything,
because for example, if there is someone who doesn’t like
competition, the person will actually lose out, but if everything is
cooperative and you know, then students learn from each other,
maybe a comment here, a comment there, that person will
understand what is being taught better, competition, I feel, can
destroy morale, because I believe learning is encouraged when
people do it together, at any level, in any setting you know, not just
the classroom, when there are other people around you learning,
you open up and learn more…..I feel. (Nigerian student)
No we are not encouraged to compete, errr, I think it’s a social,

cultural thing, I first heard about it, then saw it for myself, about
the selfishness of American people, the individual thing, maybe it’s
not a bad thing, but American students are like “I will do the best
for myself, and you do the best for yourself” and errr, I find that
back at home you can talk to more people and bond, with other
classmates and here there is more of the competition feeling,
with people used to doing it by themselves, yeah competition is not
so big in Brazil. (Brazilian student)
Statements such as this convey the discrepancy between

participants beliefs about competition versus collaboration in the learning
process and their experiences in the United States. Participants basically
expressed the belief that students should work together and collaborate in
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learning environments. However, their experiences in the United States
involve competitive environments. Their views on collaboration are
directly in contrast with their views on competition and convey what they
believe to be the cons of competition and pros of collaboration.
Participants also reported that they experienced a great deal of
hands-on learning in their home countries and it is central to their
conception of learning. However, they experienced a lack of hands-on
learning in the U.S.:
I think that here in the United States, it’s really based on the book
and if you wanna do good you have to do your research, and then I
feel like back home the professors, they are more clear, like I’ll go
back to the instructions, they give you more, you’ll be able to see
more things than you see here, for example in one of my classes in
Brazil, we had to learn, it was very similar to my capstone class,
somehow. The difference was we actually went to a factory where
we saw the raw material from Argentina and then you are actually
able to see the whole process of the raw material becoming flour
and then we had access to the books, so then that’s how we made
our report. (Brazilian student)
So it’s a little difficult. In Nigeria, we didn’t have so much to do

like here, some we did in classes, but a lot of it was take it outside
the classroom and do it in life, you know, like you are learning,
take it home and then see how you can connect or ummm link it to
life and make sense of it that way, so everything was not
classroom, classroom, like here, it was more than classroom, like it
was life you know. (Nigerian student)
These statements indicate a stark difference between their home

countries of Nigeria and Brazil and the United States in terms of hands-on
learning. Diversity is the one area where students’ experience a similarity
between their learning experiences at home and in the U.S. An example
comment is:
I think, like not really similar, I think like in a way because, you
know Nigeria is a different culture, so you know, it’s like different,
it’s like almost all African there, here and in America it’s like
different people, so at the end of the day if I meet someone from a
different tribe in Nigeria, I can learn something new from them,
same thing here, if I meet someone from a different country, I feel
like that’s a similarity like you tend to learn from people outside,
outside, your own you know, own, tribe country or whatnot, so I
think that’s kinda like a similarity, yeah. (Nigerian student)
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I’d say, because where I grew up, it’s a big city, so it was very
diverse, lots of different people, from different tribes, countries, so
but here, in Atlanta, in GSU, it’s also diverse, a lot more diverse I
would say, and so though its broader in a sense, I would say it’s a
similarity a lot of cultures from all over in the world, so in both
places, you are exposed, maybe to different degrees, to different
viewpoints, experiences, perspectives, and that is very vital to
learning you know…that exposure. (Brazilian student)
Embedded in these views on diversity are beliefs about the benefits

it provides such as being exposed to and learning about and from different
cultures and people from different backgrounds.
In response to Research Question 3, “Are there differences and/or
similarities between the two groups in their conceptions of learning?” no
clear themes emerged regarding differences in Brazilian and Nigerian
students’ conceptions of learning despite direct comparisons of the two
countries. Participants expressed that the process of adapting to learning in
the U.S. as difficult:
Very hard, like if I should put it on a scale of zero to ten, I would

put ten and I am thinking of this when I first started going to
college here, because I am a transfer student because the systems
work a little different because, here, you have, every time you ask
someone something, they address you to the website, oh go to the
website go to desire2learn, go to your paws account, you do not
have someone, you don’t have a mentor that says, I’m gonna talk to
you, like look, that’s how it was when I got started, go here, go
there, and I know from my culture, Brazilian people we are very
passionate about helping people, we are not afraid to help others,
with learning too, we help each other, together and our way of
helping people, like I do it, we are very hands-on. And then the
American culture is very private, individualist, and there is a
conflict for those students coming here, and I can’t imagine, for
those also doing the ESL, how hard it is for them because they also
have to learn the language and be with a big group of teachers, it is
such a diverse school, such a diverse body of teachers, where
sometimes you can be in a classroom with a teacher who also has
an accent, so it must be really hard for them. (Brazilian student)
Other statements addressed more specific things that were new and required
adjustment, such as the relationship between old and young people. Some
example statements were:
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So I think that was one of the things I found challenging and when
I first came to this country and ummm…the way people view
things, people see things quite differently from how I as Nigerian
sees things and I think it’s a cultural thing. Ummm this is quite
basic anyways, like when you are talking to someone who is older
than you are, you know, there’s a couple of terms you can’t us, how
you refer to them, how you address them , like here people talk to
older people as if they are their age mates, call them by the first
names and things like that, you know, just those basic things and it
all piled up and I wasn’t used to things like that, so I had to slowly
adjust, so in relation to that, in the classroom, I would see students
talking to the teacher any way they want, and that was new to me,
students arguing with teachers, telling them they were wrong, even
when the teachers were a lot older than us. I wasn’t used to that,
you give them that respect because they are older and because they
are our teachers you no…so I have had to adjust. (Nigerian student)
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Data from the reflective diaries indicated students’ awareness of how much
learning takes place outside formal school environments. A majority of
students described non-school related learning experiences more often than
they did school related experiences. Previous research with Brazilian and
Nigerian students in their countries of origin also indicates beliefs that
learning is not reserved for formal learning environments but is embedded
in everyday life (Crabtree & Sapp, 2004; Iyamu & Ukadike, 2007). This
finding and its alignment with previous research is interesting because it
indicates that , whether Brazilian and Nigerian students are home or abroad
they consider learning as a process not limited to the classroom. Educators
that work with this population may wish to encourage students to pay
attention to the learning experiences they have beyond the classroom.
Specifically, drawing students’ attention to how they learn outside of
school could inform what methods and strategies they chose to use in the
classroom. Conceptions of learning revealed in this study may importantly
be viewed in terms of active and passive learning. The theme of acquiring
knowledge for practice indicates ideas about learning as an active process.
Research has established that in order for students to develop mastery in
any concept or skill, they must go beyond knowledge acquisition and learn
how to apply and practice it. This process is vital to students’ academic
achievement because it speeds up learning, helps with long-term retention,
and facilitates recall (Seels & Glasgow, 1997).
Previous research with Nigerians in their country of origin reported
a preference for practical instead of theoretical learning (Watkins &
Akande, 1994). An important finding of this study is that Nigerian students
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whether home or abroad view learning as a practical endeavor involving
practice, indicating an active approach to learning. The theme of learning
as understanding is another conception involving action, where gaining,
developing, and discovering personal meaning from knowledge is
important. The view that learning is not bound by context or time may also
be considered active. Students discussed that they learn in a variety of
environments and will continue to learn over their life span. Research on
active learners has established that they utilize higher order thinking and
problem solving skills and are more enthusiastic about learning which leads
to greater academic success (Anderson et al., 2005; Emelo, 2013; Petress,
2008; Thaman, Dhillon, Saggar, Gupta, & Kaur, 2013; Wolfe, 2006).
The view that learning is the accumulation of knowledge may be
considered passive since students often describe themselves as the
recipients of information from teachers. Another example of passive
learning is the view of learning as memorization since students discussed
this category in terms of being able to remember and reproduce information
rather than do something with the information. Research on passive
learners established that they have diminished motivation and enthusiasm,
are less likely to ask questions, apply what they learn, and engage the
information they receive, an approach to learning that often presents a
challenge to academic achievement (Anderson et al., 2005; Emelo, 2013;
Petress, 2008; Thaman et al., 2013; Wolfe, 2006). It is interesting to note
that both active and passive conceptions of learning emerged from
Brazilian and Nigerian students. It is also important to note specifically
that elements of both active and passive conceptions of learning were
present in individual participant responses. Perhaps this finding is a result
of students transitioning from cultures that focus on passive learning to one
that focuses on active learning. In any case, educators working with this
population may wish to foster and encourage active learning.
It is interesting to compare participants’ conceptions of learning to
previous research on U.S. students’ conceptions of learning. Two
conceptions of learning (learning as gaining information and learning as a
process not bound by time or place) that emerged in this study were also
reported in earlier research with American students (Hong & Salili, 2000;
Purdie & Hattie, 2002). It is important to consider that conceptions of
learning may be shifting as participants adapt to the culture in the United
States. International students studying in other cultures may have “hybrid”
conceptions of learning, or ideas that are influenced both by their culture of
origin and the culture they are experiencing while studying abroad. The
fact that participants in this study report conceptions of learning similar to
American students may indicate their conceptions of learning are shifting as
they experience American culture. Thus the findings that this study
captured may be reflective of the intersection of two cultural influences,
indicating that students still hold on their conceptions of learning from their
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cultures of origin but are influenced by the conceptions of learning they
encounter in American culture.
Findings on differences between learning conceptions and
experiences are not surprising when considering previous research on
classroom environments in the U.S. American classrooms are
predominantly learner centered where students think critically about
content, express perspectives in class, participate in dialogue, and
demonstrate understanding (Smithee, Greenblatt, & Eland, 2013).
Additionally, research has found that classrooms in the U.S. are
environments where there are expectations of independent work, which can
hinder collaboration. The differences reported between conceptions and
experiences may be contributing to participants’ reports that adapting to
learning in the United States is difficult. It is interesting to view these
reported difficulties in light of international students’ challenges reported
by previous research which include the individualist nature of the U.S.
culture, increase in workload, being away from family and friends, new
environments, and an increase in technology use (Abe, Talbot, & Geelhoed,
1998; Brown, 2008; Liu, 2011; Okorocha, 2010; Sam, 2001; Trice, 2005).
It is possible that one explanation for why international students report
these specific set of challenges is the discrepancy that exists between their
conceptions and experiences once they are in the United States. Institutions
may wish to directly address the conflict between conceptions of learning
and experiences in addition to these identified issues through providing
international students with workshops and courses.
The one theme that reflected a similarity between learning beliefs
and experiences in the U.S. was diversity. Participants expressed the belief
that diversity is important because it presents opportunities to learn from
different people and allows exposure to different viewpoints, experiences,
and perspectives, which is very vital to learning. This belief in the value of
diversity is supported by the diverse learning environments they experience
in the U.S. Research outlined several benefits of diversity in higher
education, including enriching educational experiences, promoting personal
growth by challenging stereotypes, encouraging critical thinking, learning
to communicate effectively with people of varied backgrounds, and
fostering mutual respect and teamwork (Hardy & Tolhurst, 2014; Tienda,
2013; Turner, 2013). It is important to note that participants in this study
were attending an urban, diverse institution where their belief in the
importance of diversity in a learning environment was likely matched by
their experiences. This value for diversity underlines need for educators
working with Brazilian and Nigerian students to create opportunities for
students to interact and work with various groups of students and facilitate
a context for diverse points of view to be expressed in the classroom.
Programs and institutions that are explicit about diversity as a core value
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would be contributing toward international students feeling more
comfortable in their educational environment.
No clear themes emerged regarding differences in Brazilian and
Nigerian international students’ conceptions of learning. Thus results
indicate noticeably similar conceptions of learning among students from
both countries. Hofstede’s Theory of Cultural Dimensions (1986) may
provide one explanation for this finding since most West African and South
American nations fall along similar sides on the five cultural dimensions.
Through his early seminal work on national work culture in 72 countries
Hofstede (1986) identified five cultural dimensions: individualism-
collectivism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity-
femininity, and long-versus short-term orientation (Jaju, Kwak, & Zinkhan,
2002). Individualism-collectivism describes how individuals define
themselves within society and measures the extent of the role of the
individual versus the role of the group in a society. The dimension of
power distance represents the extent to which members of a society expect
and accept power distribution within the society. Uncertainty avoidance
measures the degree to which members of a society feel threatened by
uncertain, ambiguous, and unstructured situations. The dimension of
masculinity-femininity represents the polarization between gender roles in
any given society. Masculine cultures are male dominated societies
characterized by clearly distinct gender roles, while feminine cultures in
contrast have overlapping gender roles. Long-term orientation cultures
foster virtues oriented towards future rewards, such as adaptation,
perseverance, and thrift, while short-term orientation cultures foster virtues
oriented toward past and present, such as respect for tradition, preservation
of face, and fulfilling social obligations. Brazil and Nigeria are identified
as cultures that are highly collectivistic and masculine with high power
distance, weak uncertainty avoidance, and short-term orientation (Hofstede,
1986). Beliefs about learning in collectivistic cultures are centered on the
collaborative process, and there is a general preference for group learning
(Al-Fraih, Duffy, Monserrat, & Baker, 2012; Foley & Mitsis, 2004;
Hofstede, 1986; Jaju, Kwak, Zinkhan, 2002; Signorini, Wiesemes, &
Murphy, 2009). Students from high power distance cultures expect to learn
and abide by the truth provided by teachers, and thus learning mostly
involves teachers transmitting content to students. Cultures with weak
uncertainty avoidance have learning environments characterized by
flexibility with teachers as guides and facilitators in the learning process
(Al-Fraih et al., 2012; Foley & Mitsis, 2004; Jaju et al., 2002; Signorini et
al., 2009). However, the similarities between the Brazilian and Nigerian
cultures on Hofstede’s dimensions and conceptions of learning among
students from both countries should not be interpreted as an indication that
these two groups of international students are homogenous and share
identical learning experiences. Rather, implications for educational
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practice drawn from the findings for these two groups should serve as
important frameworks to guide educators and institutions.
IMPLICATIONS AND SIGNIFICANCE
Information on international students’ conceptions of learning is significant

for a number of reasons. Research has argued that there is very little
congruence between university students’ conceptions of learning and those
of their teachers, citing this discrepancy as one of the reasons for learning
difficulties in higher education (Perry, 1970; Burnett, Pillay, & Dart, 2003).
Hofstede (1986) emphasized that teachers at all levels of education need to
be trained to become intellectually and emotionally accustomed to the fact
that in other societies people learn differently, especially as learning
environments become more culturally diverse in order to be able to
effectively develop culturally inclusive teaching approaches. Learning
shapes the main ideas of educational practice. The way individuals define
learning and beliefs about the way learning occurs has important
implications for educators who facilitate learning. An understanding of
learning theories and conceptions provides instructional designers with
verified instructional strategies and techniques for facilitating learning as
well as a foundation for intelligent strategy selection (Ertmer & Newby,
2013). It is a fundamental belief that when educators gain a full
understanding of students’ conceptions of learning, they can design better
teaching and curricula or instructional environments (Burnett, Pillay &
Dart, 2003; Chin & Brown, 2000; Tsai, 2009). A significant finding of this
study is that Nigerian and Brazilian participants have multiple conceptions
of learning. According to Lee (1998), students with multiple conceptions of
learning pay attention to learning conditions and subject difficulty level.
Furthermore, Lin and Tsai (2008) believe that students with multiple
conceptions of learning use higher levels of cognitive and metacognitive
strategies and thinking skills, such as self-monitoring, and a selection of
different problem-solving strategies that are effective in their academic
achievement. In other words, students who have multiple conceptions of
learning use a combination of various learning methods to achieve
academic success. Even though the focus of this study did not extend to
learning strategies, it can be inferred that the population employs a variety
of learning methods. Educators who work with students from Brazil and
Nigeria may consider encouraging them to explore and think about the
different ways in which they conceptualize learning and expose them to the
different conceptions of learning identified in the literature. Additionally,
educators and teachers can help students understand how learning
conceptions influence and shape learning strategies and methods.
This study is also significant because it addresses the importance of
understanding definitions of learning. Saljo (1976) early on emphasized,
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“Learning does not exist as a general phenomenon. To learn is to act
within man-made institutions and to adapt to the particular definitions of
learning that are valid in the educational environment in which one finds
oneself” (p.106). Different educational environments define learning
according to “different socially and culturally established conventions with
respect to what counts as learning” (p.104). In this regard, international
students come to institutions of higher education in the U.S. with a variety
of culturally and socially influenced definitions of learning and must learn
how to function and integrate into already established learning
environments with existing definitions of learning. For this joining of
different definitions of learning to work effectively, it is important that all
parties involved have an understanding of each other’s definition of
learning. This study provides educators in universities in the U.S. with
information on how students from Brazil and Nigeria define learning. On a
broader level, this research is significant because it expands on the
relatively small literature on international undergraduate students from
Brazil and Nigeria studying in the U.S. This study sheds light on a segment
of the international undergraduate student population not previously
addressed in the literature (Dahlin & Regmi, 1997; Marshall et al., 1999;
Purdie et al., 1996; Tsai, 2009). The general trend in conceptions of
learning research is to rely on an East-West dichotomy as the basis for
cross-cultural theorizing, and this study offers additional lens with which to
view learning by a much-understudied population. This study reports
findings that provide needed information on Brazilian and Nigerian
international students, populations that are increasingly becoming part of
classrooms in universities across the U.S.
One limitation of this study is the reliance on self-report data.
Future studies could combine additional techniques such as observations
together with self-report to gain a deeper understanding of conceptions of
learning. Another limitation of this study is maturational effects are not
examined. Future research could examine students’ conceptions of learning
at the beginning, middle, and end of their study abroad experience to
determine if length of stay in the U.S. may change learning conceptions
over time. Importantly, future research could also examine the relationship
between Brazilian and Nigerian students’ conceptions of learning and
academic achievement, as has been done with other populations. There is
the need for a bridge between research on the learning experiences of
international students and educational practice. Through reflective diaries
and interviews themes emerge that paint a clear picture of the learning
conceptions and experiences of Brazilian and Nigerian international
students. Findings inform instructional, curriculum, and program designers
and educators who work directly and indirectly with this population and
provide valuable information for making decisions regarding learning
objectives and strategies. Understanding how students learn is useful in
- 183 -
determining what kinds of programs can be created to help international
undergraduate students succeed academically and overall transition
smoothly into the U.S. education system.
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CAROL ASHONG, PhD, is an instructor of education. Her research focuses on

culture and learning, international, immigrant and refugee student populations. She
recently taught educational psychology courses at Georgia State University.
E-mail: Carol.ashong@gmail.com
NANNETTE COMMANDER, Ph.D. is a Professor in the Department of

Educational Psychology and Special Education at Georgia State University.
E-mail: Ncommander@gsu.edu
Manuscript submitted: September 9, 2015
Manuscript Revised: January 17, 2016
Accepted for publication: February 20, 2016
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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 188-203
The Role of Attachment, Travel Experiences

and English Proficiency in International Students’
Acculturative Stress and Depressive Symptoms
Iskra Smiljanic
Department of Psychology, Kings County Hospital Center, USA
ABSTRACT
This study examined the relationship between attachment, travel

experiences, and English proficiency and international students’
acculturative stress and depressive symptoms. A total of 91 graduate
international students completed online surveys. Pearson correlations
showed that both attachment anxiety and avoidance were positively
correlated with depressive symptoms, while only attachment anxiety was
positively correlated with acculturative stress. Acculturative stress was
significantly higher for those participants who never traveled abroad prior
to moving to the US. Additionally, lower scores on the speaking section of
the TOEFL exam were related to more acculturative stress. Implications
for outreach, counseling, and future research are discussed.
Keywords: international students, attachment, acculturative stress,

depression, English
Each year the US attracts a large number of international students. In the

2013/14 academic year 886,052 international students were enrolled at US
colleges and universities, which was an 8% increase from the previous
academic year and a record high (Institute of International Education,
2014). While transitioning and adjusting to college is a time of multiple
stressors and emotional turmoil for many college students (Rodgers &
Tennison, 2009), it was reported that international students experience
more adjustment difficulties than their American peers (Sandhu &
Asrabadi, 1994; Mori, 2000). International students often face the
additional demands of a new culture and language, separation from their
home country, a decrease in regular contact with their family, and fewer
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opportunities to speak their native language (Poyrazli & Lopez, 2007), all
which can make the adjustment to college life more stressful.
Despite the unique challenges international students encounter
while studying in the US, they continue to be one of the most underserved
groups in US academic institutions (Mori, 2000), partially because they
tend to underutilize counseling services (Mori, 2000; Nilsson, Berkel,
Flores, & Lucas 2004). In order to better serve this growing student
population, it is important to gain a better understanding of the risk factors
associated with adjustment difficulties.
The purpose of this study was to gain a better understanding how
attachment, previous travel experiences and English language proficiency
relate to international students’ acculturative stress and depressive
symptoms. The results of this study provide directions for future research,
outreach programs, and counseling to facilitate international students’
adjustment and improve their study abroad experience.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Previous research findings indicate that secure attachment is related to
greater academic, social, and emotional college student adjustment
(Mattanah, Hancock, & Brand, 2004). While individuals were initially
categorized as having a particular attachment style it has been argued that
the categorical conceptualization of attachment is too simplistic and does
not allow for the exploration of more nuanced differences between
individuals within each of the attachment styles. In order to capture the
nuances of people’s attachment experiences, a number of researchers
conceptualized attachment style categories dimensionally, with each
representing a different point along a continuum (Fraley & Waller, 1998;
Brennan, Clark, & Shaver, 1998). Brennan, Clark, and Shaver (1998)
carried out a factor analysis of most of the known self-report measure of
adult romantic attachment and from it derived a self-report measure that
consists of two subscales,
attachment-related anxiety,
and attachment-related
avoidance. The orthogonal
anxiety and avoidance
dimensions intersect and
form quadrants, each of
which represents a
predominant attachment
style (see Fig 1).
Fig 1. Two-dimensional four-
category model of adult
attachment (Brennan, Clark, &
Shaver, 1998).
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Individuals who score high on attachment anxiety (above the score
where the anxiety and avoidance subscales intersect) have a tendency to
worry about others’ availability while those who score low on attachment
anxiety (below the score where the anxiety and avoidance subscales
intersect) feel more secure about others’ responsiveness and availability.
Individuals who score high on attachment avoidance prefer to be
independent and not to rely on others, while those who score low on
attachment avoidance are more comfortable being interdependent.
Individuals with secure attachment score low on both anxiety and
avoidance. Individuals with preoccupied attachment score high on anxiety
and low on avoidance. Individuals with fearful avoidant attachment score
high on anxiety and high on avoidance. Individuals with dismissive
avoidant attachment score low on anxiety and high on avoidance. It was
suggested that individuals vary in their attachment style across time
(Waters, Merrick, Treboux, Crowell, & Albersheim, 2000), as well as
within and across relationships (Fuller & Fincham, 1995). It was also
proposed that attachment evolves throughout life depending on
interpersonal experiences (Lewis, Feiring, & Rosenthal, 2000) and that
major life transitions can provide opportunities for reorganizing attachment
representations.
Giuliani (2003) suggested that individuals are not only attached to
people but also to places. Place attachment has been defined as an affective
bond between individuals and specific environments where they feel
comfortable and safe and where they prefer to be (Hernandez, Hidalgo,
Salazar-Laplace, & Hess, 2007). Places, people, and objects that are felt to
be familiar can be experienced as soothing because they are more
predictable and thus engender a sense of safety and reliability. In contrast,
places, people, and objects that are unfamiliar can give rise to a wide range
of feelings, which depending on the individual’s past experiences can be
both positive and/or negative. While people have the need for
predictability, stability, and continuity, we also have a need for novelty and
change. Throughout our lives, we are trying to balance this dynamic and go
through both phases of change and growth and phases of equilibrium.
Growing up, we learn to alternate between those two needs, for example
like infants who explore the environment but frequently reference back and
seek out their parents when they need comfort. As development proceeds,
some individuals might eventually come to prefer one need over the other.
Hence, while some people favor exploration and the excitement and
uncertainty that go along with it, others favor the familiar over the
unfamiliar -- the predictable over the unpredictable; those individuals prefer
to give up some of their freedom in order to maintain a sense of stability. A
person can tolerate only a certain amount of separation from familiar
objects, people, and places before experiencing emotional, cognitive,
somatic, and behavioral reactions, which are colloquially referred to as
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homesickness (Vingerhoets, 2005). Kenny (1987) conceptualized going
abroad as the “Strange Situation” because it frequently separates students
from their attachment objects and challenges their adaptive and coping
mechanisms while they are trying to navigate new environments, stay
connected to their old attachment objects, and establish new relationships.
As mentioned before international students are frequently faced
with a foreign language. Previous research showed that difficulties with the
host country’s language are related to acculturative stress and depression
(Yeh & Inose, 2003; Poyrazli, Kavanaugh, Baker, & Al-Timimi, 2004;
Sumer, Poyrazli, & Grahame, 2008) and can contribute to various issues in
academic and social settings. For example, difficulties with English can
negatively impact international students’ academic performance, including
writing papers, oral presentations, and participation in class, all which may
cause stress and negatively impact self-esteem (Mori, 2000). Furthermore,
language barriers may negatively impact international students’ ability to
socialize and establish friendships with their American peers (Mori 2000),
which in turn might lead to a smaller support network and increased
acculturative stress (Poyrazli et al., 2004).
Based on an extensive literature review this study proposed the
following hypotheses:
H1: Participants who score high on attachment anxiety and
avoidance and thus are more likely to have insecure
attachment tendencies report higher levels of acculturative
stress and more depressive symptoms than participants
who score low on attachment anxiety and avoidance.
H2: The level of acculturative stress is positively correlated
with the level of depressive symptoms.
H3: Traveling abroad prior to studying abroad is negatively
correlated with the level of acculturative stress.
H4: Better English proficiency prior to studying abroad is
negatively correlated with the level of acculturative stress
at the time of the study.
RESEARCH METHOD
This study was approved by The City University of New York institutional
review board (IRB) for research on human subjects. Data were collected via
an online survey. Participants were recruited through emails that were sent
to university-based International Student Offices and international student
organizations in New York City and Chicago, which were asked to
distribute the email through their email list serve. The recruitment email
briefly explained the study and contained a link and the password to the
online survey. Once participants signed into the online survey they were
presented with the informed consent form and asked to electronically sign it
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before filling out the survey. It took participants approximately 25 minutes
to complete the online survey. Upon completing the online survey and
confirming their date of arrival to the US, participants were emailed a $10
Amazon gift card as remuneration. Only complete entries were used for the
research. A complete entry consisted of a filled out online survey with a
signed consent form and confirmed date of arrival to the US. Out of 176
entries, a total of 91 entries met the above inclusion criteria and were used
for this study.
Participants
Participants were 91 international graduate students who were

enrolled in a US graduate school program at the time of the data collection.
This study recruited only graduate students because as a group they were
likely to be more homogenous than undergraduates, to have consolidated a
firmer sense of identity, and to experience less developmental challenges
which could have impacted their adjustment to the US. Participants
consisted of 46 females (50.5%) and 45 males (49.5%). Out of the 91
participants, a total of 89 reported their age. Participants’ ages ranged from
22 to 45 years, with a mean age of 28.88 (SD = 3.93). Out of the 91
participants, 42 participants (46%) identified themselves as Asian, 35
participants (38%) as White, 6 participants (7%) as Latino, and 8
participants (9%) as “Other.” Participants were grouped into the following
geographic regions: 35 participants from Europe (39%), 16 participants
from China (18%), 14 participants from India (16%), 10 participants from
other Asian countries (11%), 4 participants from Middle East (4%), 4
participants from South America (4%), 3 participants from Canada (3%), 3
participants from Latin America (3%), 1 participant from Australia (1%),
and 1 participant from Caribbean (1%). The majority of participants (87%)
reported English was their second language. Out of the 72 participants who
reported the graduate degree they seek, 10 were master’s students (14%)
and 62 participants were doctoral students (86%). Participants’ length of
stay in the US ranged from .51 to 5.81 years, with an average of 2.91 years.
Measures and Instruments
Demographic questionnaire. Participants completed a

demographic questionnaire on background information including age,
country of origin, date of arrival to the US, travel experiences, and TOEFL
scores. TOEFL is an English-language test most US universities require
international students to take prior to applying for admission to assess their
English proficiency.
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Depression. Depressive symptoms were assessed with the Center
for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff; 1977).
This is a 20-item self-report measure asking participants to rate symptoms
of depression for the past week on a scale from 0 (meaning less than 1 day)
to 3 (5-7 days). Total scores can range from 0 to 60. It takes about 5 to 10
minutes to complete this questionnaire. The reported internal consistency,
as measured by Cronbach’s alpha, is high across a variety of populations
(around .85 in community samples and .90 in psychiatric samples). Test-
retest reliability studies ranging from two to eight weeks show moderate
correlations (r = .51-.67), which is desirable for a test of symptoms that are
expected to show change over time.
Acculturative Stress. Acculturative Stress was measured using the

Acculturative Stress Scale for International Students (ASSIS; Sandhu &
Asrabadi, 1994). The ASSIS is a 36-item, 5-point (1 strongly disagree, 3
unsure, 5 strongly agree), Likert-type scale that assesses adjustment-related
issues of international students. It consists of seven subscales – Perceived
Discrimination (8 items), Homesickness (4 items), Perceived Hate (5
items), Fear (4 items), Stress Due to Change/Culture Shock (3 items), Guilt
(2 items), and Nonspecific Concerns (10 items). The total scores for this
scale can range from 36 to 180, with higher scores indicating higher levels
of acculturative stress. Validity was supported by a factor analysis and
reliability was provided by Cronbach’s coefficient alphas ranging from .87
to .95 for the total score of the ASSIS (Poyrazli et al., 2004; Sandhu &
Asrabadi, 1994; Yeh & Inose, 2003).
Attachment. Attachment anxiety and avoidance were determined

with the Experiences in Close Relationships Inventory (ECR; Brennan,
Clark, & Shaver; 1998), which is a 36-item self-report measure that
assesses individuals’ experiences in relationships and their attachment
style. The items were derived from a factor analysis of most of the existing
self-report measures of adult romantic attachment. The measure consists of
two separate scales, avoidance and anxiety. The anxiety subscale (18 items,
such as “I worry about being abandoned”) measures the excessive need for
approval from others and fear of interpersonal rejection or abandonment.
The avoidance subscale (18 items, such as “I prefer not to show a partner
how I feel deep down”) taps into an excessive need for self-reliance and
fear of interpersonal closeness. Items are rated on a 7-point Likert scale,
ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). The reported
internal consistency, as measured by Cronbach’s alpha, is .94 for the
avoidance subscale and .91 for the anxiety subscale.
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RESULTS
Correlation between attachment anxiety/avoidance, acculturative

stress, and depressive symptoms
Pearson correlation was used as a metric to determine the
relationship between variables discussed attachment anxiety/ avoidance,
acculturative stress and depressive symptoms. All statistical analyses used
an alpha level of .05 and two-tailed tests unless otherwise stated. Ninety-
one participants completed the Experiences in Close Relationships
Inventory (ECR). 57 participants (63%) scored as securely attached, 23
participants (25%) as preoccupied, 8 participants (9%) as dismissive, and 3
participants (3%) as fearful. There was a statistically significant positive
correlation between the attachment anxiety subscale of the ECR and the
level of acculturative stress as measured by the ASSIS ( r(89) = .46, p <
.01), indicating that a higher level of attachment anxiety was related to
more acculturative stress. There was not a statistically significant
correlation between the attachment avoidance subscale of the ECR and the
level of acculturative stress ( r(89) = .16, p = .12), indicating that the level
of attachment avoidance was not significantly related to the level of
acculturative stress. The relationship between the attachment
anxiety/avoidance subscales and acculturative stress is illustrated in the
scatterplots in Figure 2.
Fig 2. Correlations between attachment anxiety/avoidance, ASSIS and CES-D

scores.
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There was a statistically significant positive correlation between the
attachment anxiety subscale of the ECR and the number of depressive
symptoms on CES-D ( r (89) = .46, p < .01), as well as the avoidance
subscale of the ECR and the number of depressive symptoms on CES-D (
r(89) = .21, p = .05). These results indicated higher attachment anxiety and
avoidance were related to more depressive symptoms. The relationship
between the attachment anxiety/ avoidance subscales and depressive
symptoms is also illustrated in the scatterplots in Figure 2. There was also a
statistically significant positive correlation between the level of
acculturative stress on the ASSIS and number of depressive symptoms on
CES-D ( r(89) = .59, p .01), indicating that a higher level of acculturative
stress was related to more depressive symptoms.
Variance analysis of mean acculturative stress for groups with

different travel experiences
A one-way ANOVA was conducted to compare all 91 participants
who were divided into three groups based on their travel experiences prior
to studying abroad. The first group consisted of 23 participants (25%) who
never traveled abroad before moving to the US. The second group consisted
of 27 participants (30%) who traveled prior to moving to the US, yet their
travels excluded the US. The third group consisted of 41 participants (45%)
who visited the US before moving to the US for their studies. There was a
statistically significant difference in the mean acculturative stress level
among these groups as determined by a one-way ANOVA, F(2, 88) = 5.92,
p .004. As can be seen in Table 1 and Figure 3, a Tukey post-hoc test
indicated that acculturative stress was significantly higher for participants
who never traveled abroad prior to moving to the US (M = 93.78 ± 5.02,
SD = 24.09) as compared to those who visited the US before studying
abroad (M = 75.02 ± 3.27, SD = 20.95) and those who traveled but whose
travels excluded the US (M = 75.30 ± 4.49, SD = 23.32). There was no
statistically significant difference in the level of acculturative stress
between participants who traveled to the US before studying abroad and
those who traveled abroad but whose travels did not include the US.
Table 1: p-values for Multiple Comparisons of Mean ASSIS Scores for

Groups with Different Previous Travel Experiences (N =91)
Previous travel experience No travel Travel, no US
Travel, no US .013*
Travel to US .005* .999
* p < .05
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MeanASSISforgroupswithdifferenttravel
experiences
100
MeanASSIS
90
80
70
60
notravel travelnoUS traveltoUS
Participantsgroupedbasedonprevioustravel
experience
Fig 3. Average acculturative stress (ASSIS) for groups with different

travel experiences with standard error bars.
Correlation of TOEFL scores and acculturative stress

Forty-one participants reported their TOEFL scores. Other students
either did not take the TOEFL as English was their first language, took a
similar but different test assessing their English skills, or reportedly could
not recall their scores. As it was expected that there would be a negative
correlation between the participants’ TOEFL scores and the level of
acculturative stress on the ASSIS, one-tailed Pearson correlations with an
alpha level of .05 were used. Results showed that higher scores on the
speaking section of the TOEFL exam were negatively correlated with the
level of acculturative stress, r(39) = -.26, p = .049. There was no significant
relationship between acculturative stress and the scores on the other
subtests of the TOEFL, namely the reading score ( r(39) = .07, p = .33), the
listening scores ( r(39) = - .09, p = .28), and the writing score ( r(39) = -
0.03, p = .44). A second analysis was conducted that only included scores
for 33 participants who stayed in the US for no longer than three years,
because those who stayed in the US longer presumably already improved
their English to the point that there would not be a strong correlation
between their initial English skills and acculturative stress at the time of
this study. The results indicated that there was a negative correlation
between the English speaking skills and the level of acculturative stress,
r(31) = -.30, p = .046.
The main purpose of the present study was to investigate the relationship
between attachment style, travel experiences prior to studying abroad,
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English skills and international students’ acculturative stress, and
depressive symptoms. Out of 91 participants, 63% scored as securely
attached, 25% as preoccupied, 9% as dismissive, and 3% as fearful. Given
the small sample of this study, there were not enough participants in the
fearful group to allow for meaningful comparisons of acculturative stress
and depressive symptoms between the different attachment style groups.
Therefore, attachment was measured as a continuous rather than categorical
variable. As expected, higher levels of attachment anxiety were related to
higher levels of acculturative stress. Higher levels of attachment anxiety
and avoidance were related to more depressive symptoms. These results are
consistent with previous literature on the impact of attachment style on
college students’ adjustment to the transition from high school to college.
For example, it was found that insecurely attached late adolescents reported
greater depression, anxiety, and worry when compared to securely attached
students (Vivona, 2000) and that secure attachment was correlated with
positive college student adjustment (Mattanah, Hancock, & Brand, 2004).
Interestingly the results of this study showed that higher levels of
attachment avoidance were not related to higher levels of acculturative
stress despite being related to more depressive symptoms and despite the
positive correlation between depressive symptoms and acculturative stress.
A possible explanation for this finding could be that participants who
scored high on attachment avoidance were less aware, less self-disclosing,
or minimized their level of acculturative stress and homesickness, as it
would imply they are dependent on others, which may be too threatening
and destabilizing for their self-concept. Alternatively, Fraley and Shaver
(1997) found that highly dismissing individuals are less affected by the loss
of a loved one, not only because they actively work to inhibit the activation
of their attachment systems but also because they are less emotionally
invested in relationships. Because their sense of self is less intertwined with
relationships, the loss of or change in former relationships might not be as
distressing for people with a dismissive-avoidant attachment style tendency
as compared to people with a preoccupied attachment style tendency. It has
been suggested that dismissive attachment has an adaptive function and
may serve as a protective factor. Fraley and Bonanno (2004) found that
attachment-related anxiety is correlated with elevated symptoms of grief
and distress, whereas attachment-related avoidance is not. In one study they
tracked individuals’ reactions to the loss of a loved one and found that
dismissing-avoidant individuals appeared less distressed than others and
did not exhibit a reappearance of distress-related symptoms at a later point
in time. Similar to secure participants, dismissive-avoidant individuals
showed a resilient response to the loss of a loved one. Consequently, they
suggested that adults with higher attachment avoidance may be less
vulnerable when faced with interpersonal loss than has been suggested in
the past.
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While this study found a statistically significant positive correlation
between the number of depressive symptoms and the level of acculturative
stress, it is important to keep in mind that this relationship is correlational,
not causal. For example, it is possible that homesickness or perceived
discrimination, both of which are subscales on the ASSIS, contribute to
depressive symptoms. At the same time, it is also possible that depressed
mood negatively impacts one’s perception of the studying abroad
experience. Thus, further research is needed to investigate the directionality
of the relationship between depressive symptoms and acculturative stress.
As expected, the level of acculturative stress was significantly
lower for participants who traveled outside of their home country before
studying abroad as compared to participants who never traveled abroad
prior to moving to the US. There was no statistically significant difference
in the mean level of acculturative stress between participants who traveled
to the US before studying abroad and those who traveled but whose travels
did not include the US. Traveling prior to going abroad may have allowed
individuals to practice separating from familiar people, environments and
objects, and adjusting to unfamiliar environments. It might have also
offered the opportunity to explore how to bridge the physical distance to
their loved ones and form new relationships. Through this process,
traveling may have provided individuals with confidence that if they have
been abroad before, they can do it again. It is reasonable to think that
acculturative stress could be moderated by the quality of previous travel
experiences. For example, if previous travel experiences were negative then
individuals might worry that they will have a negative experience again and
might experience more difficulties adjusting to going abroad. It is likely
that socioeconomic status also plays a moderating role. Higher
socioeconomic status may offer individuals more opportunities not only to
travel before studying abroad but also to visit their home country once they
move abroad.
As predicted, higher TOEFL scores, specifically on the speaking
section of the TOEFL exam, were negatively correlated with the level of
acculturative stress. This correlation was slightly stronger when only
participants who stayed in the US up to three years were included. The
relationship between English skills and acculturative stress might be
stronger for those who stayed in the US up to three years because the ones
who stayed in the US longer might have already improved their English to
the point that their initial English skills may not be as strongly related to
their acculturative stress level at the time of this study. There was no
significant relationship between acculturative stress and participants’ scores
on the other TOEFL subtests, including the reading, listening, and writing
subtests. One possible explanation for this finding may be that the speaking
skills might be more relevant for the adjustment process as compared to
reading or writing skills because speaking more directly impacts
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international students in their everyday life. Better English skills make it
easier for international students to navigate the new environment and
interact with others in the new environment, all which may contribute to
better self-esteem and adjustment (Yeh & Inose, 2003). Better English
speaking skills may also make international students feel less embarrassed
or self-conscious about their language skills or accent, which in turn could
make them feel more comfortable to interact with others and thereby
increase their social support network. Conversely, difficulties with
speaking English might increase stress and contribute to adjustment
difficulties and social isolation.
Yeh and Inose (2003) emphasized that language is linked with
culture and found that students from Asia and Central/Latin America
experienced more acculturative stress than students from Europe. They
hypothesized that European international students may encounter less
racism and discrimination than students from Asia, Africa, and Latin
America. Their sample of European students was all White racially, which
may have allowed those students to blend more into the dominant racial
group in the United States. They also suggested that since European and
American cultural values are similar, European international students may
experience fewer differences in values and the cultural patterns of behavior,
all which may facilitate their adjustment to the US. However, it was not
clear from their study to what extent English skills were related to
European international students’ lower levels of acculturative stress. As
there is not much literature on the relationship between country/culture of
origin, race, perceived discrimination, language and acculturative stress,
this could be an area for future investigation.
STUDY LIMITATIONS
The sample for this study was very specific and results need to be
interpreted with this in mind. First, all participants were graduate students.
Given different developmental tasks, one should be cautious when
generalizing this study’s findings to other groups of international students,
such as undergraduate students. Furthermore, given the temporary legal
status of international students in the US, it is possible that there are
specific periods of increased stress. One such period could be, for example,
graduation when international students are faced with the decision whether
to stay in the US or return to their home country. As graduation approaches,
international students may experience the additional stressor of finding a
way to stay in the US legally after graduation, which may negatively
influence their mood and thus their experience of living in the US. This is
also important to keep in mind for this present study, because it may have
impacted some participants’ scores on the CES-D, ASSIS, and ECR.
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Second, the participants for this study came from major
metropolitan areas, mostly New York City and Chicago, both of which are
ethnically and culturally diverse. Thus, the participants in this study likely
had some shared experiences. However, recruiting international students
from less diverse geographical areas in the US may yield different results.
For example, international students who do not belong to the dominant
ethnic or racial group in the area where they live may experience more
discrimination and difficulty establishing a support network. These students
may also have less opportunity to interact with people from their own
background or obtain familiar and comforting objects, such as familiar
food, all of which could make their adjustment to the US more difficult and
increase their feelings of homesickness.
Third, attachment was assessed using a self-report measure. Self-
report measures, such as the ECR, ask adults about their typical ways of
forming and being in relationships. Thus, these only measure aspects of
internal working models that are within individuals’ conscious awareness.
As such, central aspects of attachment theory, such as the wish for
closeness and autonomy, may be distorted by defenses (Westen, 1991). For
example, individuals with high attachment avoidance may be
uncomfortable revealing or getting in touch with experiences that would
imply that they depend on others and thus threaten their self-concept (Main,
Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985). This is important to keep in mind as it could
have impacted participants’ responses on the self-report measures and
thereby the results of this study.
DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
Rather than relying on self-report measures, future studies could use a more
implicit measure of attachment, such as the AAI, and compare participants’
answers on that measure to their responses on the acculturative stress
measure. This could control for defenses that might otherwise skew their
attachment classification and thus the relationship between attachment and
acculturative stress. Furthermore, future studies could follow international
students throughout the course of their studies and explore what personal or
community supports help them effectively manage their study abroad
experience.
While this sample was too small for the purpose, future studies
could continue to assess the relationship between English skills during the
first year of studying abroad and acculturative stress. It is probable that
language skills play a crucial role in the adjustment process in the
beginning when students are still new to the environment and are trying to
establish relationships. For graduate students, English skills might be
particularly important because they frequently function as teaching
assistants and as such are required to teach and interact with other students
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in English. If a teaching assistant struggles with English, it could negatively
impact their mood, self-esteem, and professional identity and lead to
adjustment difficulties. Finally, further research is needed to study the
experiences of international students from cultures that are greatly different
than the host country, for example, more conservative than the dominant
US culture, to better understand how such differences may impact
adjustment.
IMPLICATIONS
Despite its limitations, this study identified factors which impact

international students’ adjustment and have implications for outreach
programs and counseling. The findings of this study emphasize the
importance of providing international students with support to help them
adjust to the US. All participants in this study were enrolled in a university.
The simple fact of belonging to a university may foster resilience in
international students and reduce their feelings of isolation by providing
them with opportunities for social interactions and a sense of belonging.
Universities could use the milieu to facilitate international students’
adjustment. For example, international students could be paired up with
more senior international students who could function as their mentors.
Additionally, they could be paired up with American peers who could
introduce them to the US culture and customs, thereby also facilitating the
development of cross-cultural friendships. Jacob and Greggo (2001)
suggested pairing up graduate counseling students and international
students for a semester to provide international students with additional
social support and an opportunity to get to know the US culture, while also
providing counselors-in-training with a multicultural experience to refine
their cultural sensitivity.
As previous research found that international students underutilize
counseling services (Mori, 2000), it may be more effective to develop
alternatives to traditional counseling to increase international students’
knowledge about potential adjustment challenges, coping skills, and
resources. This would provide international students with additional
support and a platform from which they could develop a better
understanding of their own adjustment experiences and establish initial
friendships. For example, universities could offer informal weekly groups
for international students in which they could socialize and share their
experiences of living abroad. Such groups could be facilitated by
counseling center staff who could collaborate with the International
Students Office to address specific concerns international students have.
Counseling centers could offer workshops during particularly difficult
times in an international student’s school career, such as the beginning of
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their studies or graduation. There could also be web-based forums where
students could share articles about their experiences on a monthly basis.
Finally, the results of this study can be applied to individual and
group counseling. Counselors could explore international students’
adjustment through the lens of attachment theory by discussing their
attachment tendencies, reactions to past separations, and self-concept and
help them identify how those relate to their adjustment experiences in the
US. In this context, counselors could help them identify coping skills
during previous separations and apply those skills to their life in the US.
Furthermore, international students could develop a deeper understanding
of their adjustment experiences by exploring with a counselor the
similarities and differences between their culture of origin and the US
culture and how these impact their adjustment and expectation of their life
in the US.
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(3), 316-329.
Waters, E., Merrick, S., Treboux, D., Crowell, J., & Albersheim, L.(2000). Attachment
Security in infancy and early adulthood: A twenty-year longitudinal study. Child
Development, 71 (3), 684-689.
Westen, D. (1991). Social cognition and object relations. Psychological Bulletin, 109 (3),
429-455.
Yeh, C.J., & Inose, M. (2003). International students’ reported English fluency, social
support satisfaction, and social connectedness as predictors of acculturative stress.
Counseling Psychology Quarterly, 16 (1), 15-28.
Note: This study was facilitated by a Research grant for graduate students from The
Graduate Center, City University of New York to Iskra Smiljanic.
ISKRA SMILJANIC, Ph.D., is a clinical psychologist who has experience

working with international students in US college counseling centers. Her
areas of interest include the psychological impact of immigration,
attachment, and the development of prevention/intervention programs
addressing the cultural adjustment process.
Email: iskrasmiljanic@gmail.com

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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 204-228
Acculturative Stress and Adjustment Experiences of

Greek International Students
Mixalis Poulakis
Craig A. Dike
Amber C. Massa
University of Indianapolis (USA)
ABSTRACT
This study investigated eight Greek international college students’
experiences of acculturation and acculturative stress at a mid-western
university in the United States. Semi-structured interviews were conducted
with participants and Consensual Qualitative Research methodology was
utilized for data analysis to identify contextual themes and domains
expressed by participants. Seven domains relevant to extant literature were
revealed: presojourn perceptions of the United States; postsojourn
perceptions of the United States; acculturative stress problems in the
United States; coping strategies for acculturative stress problems; peer and
family networks: English language usage and difficulties; and cultural
concerns regarding the United States or native country. Implications, areas
for future research, and the study’s limitations are also discussed.
Keywords: International Student, Greek, Acculturation, Adjustment,

Acculturation, Acculturative stress
The United States has always been home, both permanent and temporary,
to a diverse population originating from various countries. International
students greatly contribute to this diverse population. A recent study
reported 886,052 international students enrolled in higher education
institutions in the United States during the 2013-2014 academic year, an
8.2% increase from the previous academic year (Institute of International
Education, 2014). With the support of the government, colleges and
universities continue to actively recruit and encourage international
students to study here due to their economic contributions, their promotion
of global consciousness and the exposure they provide to a variety of
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cultural experiences for native students (Altbach, 2004a). Contributing to
this increasing number are Greek students. However, there is a paucity of
research examining Greek students’ experiences in their host countries.
Specifically, little research exists regarding their acculturation and
acculturative stress, two common and important experiences amongst
international students. As Greek students continue to study abroad, it
becomes increasingly important to examine their acculturation process, and
subsequently, their acculturative stress experiences. By doing so, rich
information can be gathered on this group’s specific experiences and needs
as well as information that can potentially contribute the extant body of
literature detailing international students’ acculturative experience,
providing avenues for discussion and intervention on how to decrease
acculturative stress.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Acculturation and Acculturative Stress

As the number of international students attending universities steadily
rises each year, mental health professionals working in these institutions
must become better prepared for what experiences these students bring with
them. Acculturation is one such experience. Acculturation refers to the
process of cultural and psychological change when two or more different
cultural groups have contact with one another (Berry, 2003). Various
strategies may be employed in an attempt to adapt to a new culture,
including integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization (Berry,
2006). Additionally, when conflict and stress are encountered during the
acculturative process and the individual judges these situations as
problematic, but surmountable and controllable, acculturative stress is an
appropriate conceptualization (Berry, 2006; Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok,
1987; Berry, 1980). During this scenario, individuals experience
alterations in their lives that conflict with their original cultural
understanding of how to live. Those who can assimilate and integrate two
differing cultures will experience less acculturative stress (Mori, 2000;
Winkelman, 1994). Those who employ marginalization or separation may
experience increased levels of acculturative stress and even clinical
depression (Constantine, Okazaki, & Utsey, 2004).
Physical, psychological and social manifestations of acculturative stress
can occur, leading to a multitude of mental health problems (Constantine,
Okazaki, & Utsey, 2004). Any one problem in the various areas involved
in acculturation can lead to acculturative stress. These experiences include
decreased mental health (such as depression or anxiety), increased
psychosomatic symptoms, culture shock, lack and loss of social support,
prejudice, discrimination, alienation, language barriers, and role confusion
(Berry et al., 1987; Mori, 2000). While a large body of research has been
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devoted to studying adjustment and acculturation in international
populations, only a small segment has been devoted to acculturative stress,
and an even smaller sample to acculturative stress in international students
(Constantine et al., 2004; Constantine, Anderson, Berkel, Caldwell, &
Utsey, 2005b; Constantine, Kindaichi, Okazaki, Gainor, & Baden, 2005c;
Poyrazli, Kavanaugh, Baker, & Al-Timimi, 2004; Abe, Talbot, &
Geelhoed, 1998; Hayes & Lin, 1994; Olaniran, 1993; Pedersen, 1991).
Acculturative Stress in International Student Populations

There are both shared and unique factors amongst international
students affecting their acculturative process and consequently, leading to
acculturative stress. One shared factor includes residency. International
students, as a minority, are different than typical ethnic or immigrant
minorities due to two main reasons: (1) they are not permanent residents of
the United States and (2) they have chosen a transitional living environment
to learn a skill set prior to returning to their native origin (Mori, 2000).
Their time in their host country is usually short and temporary versus a
permanent stay. Yet these students are still expected to acculturate (Yoon
& Portman, 2004). Due to the temporary distance from family and friends,
international students are more likely to have a social support network
made up of peers from the same-ethnic group (Furnham & Bochner, 1982,
Thomas & Althen, 1989). International students may also experience
academic, financial, interpersonal/intrapersonal problems, and language
barriers comparable to levels experienced by refugees (Berry & Kim,
1988). Difficulty with the dominant language and limited affiliation with
American culture and customs may lead to academic, psychological, and
social difficulties (Mori, 2000; Pedersen, 1991). For example, studies have
shown that students who wish to maintain a more culturally traditional
lifestyle, are less fluent with the English language, have little contact with
the dominant culture, and are not apart of the racial majority are more likely
to experience acculturative stress and adjustment difficulties (Farver,
Narang, & Bhadha, 2002; Ghuman, 1997). In contrast, proficiency in the
English language, positive perceptions of social acceptance, and a longer
period of residency in the United States have been associated with more
successful cultural adjustment and less acculturative stress (Sodowsky &
Plake, 1992). Poyrazli et al. (2004) also found that international students
who were primarily socialized with non-Americans reported higher levels
of acculturative stress than those who socialized with Americans. Students
who socialized with both groups reported less acculturative stress and more
support than those who socialized strictly with Americans.
Despite these shared factors, specific problems may also be
heterogeneous and vary in intensity and commonality depending on a
student’s country and culture of origin (Poyrazli et al., 2004; Hayes & Lin,
1994; Berry & Kim, 1988; Sykes & Eden, 1985). Surprisingly, not only
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does the available literature generally fail to account for such differences,
there is also relatively little literature examining acculturative stress in
several international student populations, including Greek students.
Gaps in Research
There is a consistent pattern of overgeneralization of research findings
within the acculturation literature. Many studies attempt to generalize
results of studied groups to all groups of international students because of a
lack of research with certain populations. One such example is a study that
examined six international students of two different nationalities and
claimed from its results that all international students have a preference for
directive counseling styles versus nondirective counseling styles (Yau, Sue,
& Hayden, 1992). Researchers must remember to utilize caution in
attempting to generalize findings to an entire population, especially
understudied ones, when limitations such as small sample sizes exist (Yoon
& Portman, 2004). It is more accurate to state that some characteristics
may be shared because of common experiences as international students.
However, there may also be differences based solely on individual cultural
groups (Yoon & Portman, 2004; Pedersen, 1997; Sodowsky & Plake,
1992).
This realization by the cross-cultural psychological community has
resulted in a number of studies directed at specific cultural groups and
ethnicities in order to further our understanding, not of international
students in general, but the individual students coming to study at our
institutions (Constantine et al., 2005b; Constantine et al., 2005c; Kurman,
Eshel, & Zehavi, 2005; Constantine, Okazaki, & Utsey, 2004; Ghosh & Lu,
2003). With this orientation toward research, more culturally specific
claims and theories can be made. By studying the individual impacts of our
culture on others (and vice versa), we can begin to lay a foundation of
research directed at benefiting educational institutions and the people who
choose to study at them.
Additionally, while there is continuing research of acculturation with
minority groups such as Asian, Hispanic, and African international student
populations, there has been limited research regarding the acculturation of
Caucasian immigrant ethnic groups (Ponterotto et al., 2001). Caucasian
ethnic groups may be perceived as qualitatively different from people of
color as they lack the history and ongoing prejudice/racism experienced by
the latter. However, there is a great degree of heterogeneity within
Caucasian ethnic groups (Ponterotto et al., 2001). And while European
students account for the second largest student population studying in the
United States (9.8%; Institute of International Students, 2014), they are one
of the least researched. Greek students, a specific population within the
larger European student body and a Caucasian ethnic group, are also ranked
highly in student migration (Lianos, Asteriou, & Agiomirgianakis, 2004).
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In 2001, approximately 30% of the entire Greek national student body
studied abroad (Lianos et al., 2004). However, an exhaustive search of the
literature failed to find a single study targeting acculturation, acculturative
stress, or any of its associated effects within a Greek international student
population. The majority of research on acculturation and Greek culture
are focused on first- and second-generation Greek immigrants throughout
different countries of the world (Koutrelakos, 2004; Laroche, Kim, & Hui,
1997; Georgas, Berry, Shaw, Christakopoulou, & Mylonas, 1996; Siefen,
Kirkcaldy, & Athanasou, 1996), not the sojourning student population.
Present Study
The present study attempts to investigate Greek international students’
acculturation and acculturative stress experiences because of their general
underrepresentation in extant acculturative literature, presenting the
opportunity to take initial steps in collecting data on this understudied
group. Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) methodology was selected
as it is an effective and successfully used method of examining qualitative
data, utilizing systematic methodology and multiple researchers in data
analysis to better understand complex data and reduce bias that can result
with a single researcher (Hill et al., 2005). This study also attempts to
replicate the methods of previous research (Constantine et al., 2005b) to
help advance the existing qualitative research on international students.
After a review of the existing literature on acculturation, acculturative
stress, and cultural adjustment in international students, the following
expectations/hypotheses regarding possible themes to emerge in this study
include:
1. Positive and negative presojourn perceptions of the United States
2. Positive and negative postsojourn perceptions of the United States
3. Acculturative stress problems in the United States
4. Strategies for coping with acculturative stress problems
5. Peer and family networks
6. Prejudicial or discriminatory experiences in the United States
7. English language difficulties and usage
RESEARCH METHOD
Participants
Participants included eight Greek international students (men = 5;
female = 3) attending a small, private predominantly white university in the
Midwest who were attempting to complete requirements for either an
undergraduate (n = 3) or graduate degree (n = 5). All of the participants, in
accordance with inclusion criteria, identified as Greek. Ages ranged from
22 to 31 years of age (M = 25.63 SD = 3.02). All participants reported
having sojourned to the United States between 6 and 36 months prior to
participating in the study. All participants had lived in their home country
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prior to seeking an education in the United States and reported that their
parents funded their educational expenses.
Research Team and Bias Management

In accordance with guidelines set by Hill et al. (2005), the research
team for the present study included two male Caucasian-American doctoral
candidates, two Greek international graduate students, and one Greek
psychologist/graduate psychology professor. To increase the reliability and
validity of data interpretations, all members of the research team received
training on CQR procedures, goals, and methods. Two of the five
researchers also had experience working with Greek international students.
Their knowledge served to increase the research team’s awareness of
relevant themes found in the participants’ descriptions of their acculturative
experiences. The team also consensually discussed and documented its
biases and expectations for the data before beginning the interpretive
process in order to heighten awareness of such biases and promote
objectivity throughout analysis.
Procedure
The university’s Institutional Review Board approved the following
study. The study followed all the necessary procedures to ensure
confidentiality of participants. Prior to the interview process, participants
meeting inclusion criteria completed and signed a written informed consent
document. Demographic information was then gathered via a questionnaire
before beginning the interview.
The two Caucasian male doctoral students conducted all semi-
structured interviews. Interviews utilized a series of pre-established, open-
ended questions (see Appendix) as well as probing when necessary to elicit
more detailed responses (Constantine et al., 2005b; Hill et al., 2005). All
interviews were conducted in English, audio recorded, and lasted no more
than 90 minutes. Participants were given contact information for a licensed
psychologist as well as referrals to the university’s counseling center if they
felt they experienced any distress. All recordings were transcribed into text
and checked for accuracy by a professional transcriptionist. When the
transcriptionist completed her task, the co-investigator double-checked the
text for accuracy. The accurate transcripts were distributed amongst the
research team for initial coding into major domains, as outlined by CQR
methodology (Hill et al., 2005).
Qualitative Analysis
CQR methodology, based in feminist and multicultural theory, places
immense emphasis on a systemic methodology focused on respect for
diverse viewpoints and on team consensus in data analysis as it provides
the ability to eliminate power/privileged bias by giving all members an
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equal voice; results are not determined by just what the lead investigator
concludes to be an ideal or bad category (Hill et al., 2005). Additionally,
team members are able to discuss disagreements respectfully while coming
to agreement on themes best capture the meaning of the data (Hill et al.,
2005).

Table 1: Domains, Categories, and Subcategories from Cross-Analysis of Interviews with Greek
International College Students
Domain, category, and subcategory Frequency
1. Positive and Negative Presojourn Perceptions of the United States
a. The United States is a homogeneous country that is similar to other European General
countries
b. The United States is similar to what is portrayed in popular culture, film, and music General
2. Positive and Negative Postsojourn Perceptions of the United States
a. The United States is a geographically large country. Variant
b. The United States is a more structured environment academically and Typical
occupationally
c. The United States has more diffuse social rules and norms that allow for personal Typical
expression.
d. The United States is a heterogeneous country with many different types of peoples, General
cultures, and locations.
3. Acculturative Stress Problems in the United States
a. Isolation from family and friends. General
b. Financial concerns Typical
c. Becoming the minority Variant
d. Understanding and speaking English General
e. Daily living difficulties General
1. Pace of daily living in United States (faster) Typical
2. Difficulties obtaining and understanding basic living needs Typical
4. Strategies for Coping with Acculturative Stress Problems
a. Obtain support from family members General
b. Obtain support from peers General
c. Cope with problems personally and without assistance Typical
d. Obtain support from faculty/mentors Variant
e. Open to seeking counseling
1. Not open Typical
2. Somewhat open Variant
5. Peer and Family Networks
a. Positive family support network General
b. Positive peer based support network General
1. Supportive network of Greek friends in the United States Typical
2. Supportive network of American friends in the United States Variant
6. English Language Usage and Difficulties
a. Limited vocabulary and grammar leading to difficulties with higher education Typical
b. Limited vocabulary and grammar leading to difficulties communicating with others Variant
7. Cultural Concerns Regarding the U.S. or Native Country
a. Greece or Cyprus is a homogenous group of people General
b. The United States has a large variety of peoples, religions, and traditions General
c. The United States work culture is fast paced and demanding Typical
d. Greece is not as accepting of differing traditions and/or cultures Variant
With this in mind, the first step in analysis was to formulate domains.
In line with the methodology proposed by Hill et al. (2005), domains were
initially created utilizing a ‘starter list’ based on extant literature,
specifically Constantine et al.’s (2005b) study. This list is found in the
hypotheses/expectations listed under the ‘Present Study’ section. Using this
‘starter list,’ each research team member independently reviewed the
transcripts without communication with other team members. Members
coded blocks of data (phrases, sentences) into the domains they deemed
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appropriate. Upon individual completion, all members rejoined and
discussed their codings. Through discussion and consensual agreement
amongst all members, an edited list of seven domains was created that
accurately captured all data.
Two research team members then independently constructed core ideas
(brief summaries) of the data provided by the participants in their
interviews. These researchers then discussed their created core ideas with
one another and reached agreement on a final list of abstracted core ideas.
Next, through cross-analysis of core ideas, the researchers constructed
categories based upon similarities in participants’ core ideas contributing to
each domain. Thus categories were an extension of their respective
domains. Subcategories were derived from categories when differing
responses were given by two or more participants in order to represent
alternative and unique experiences within a categorical area (Hill et al.,
2005). Following CQR methodology, all categories and subcategories
received one of three classifications. A category or subcategory discussed
in all cases received the highest classification, general (n=8); a category or
subcategory identified in half or more of the cases (n=4-7) was classified as
typical; and a category or subcategory applied to two or three cases was
classified as variant. Any category or subcategory assigned to only one case
was dropped because it is not considered descriptive of the overall sample
(Hill et al., 2005). See Table 1 for the finalized list of domains and
categories and subcategories and their frequency.
RESULTS
Domain 1: Positive and Negative Presojourn Perceptions of the United

States
Participants generally stated they had few specific expectations
regarding the United States prior to studying in the country. However, all
participants did expect it to be different from their home country. From this
general expectation, two subcategories developed. The first general
subcategory involved expectations based upon media portrayals (television,
music, movies) of popular culture. For example, a female participant stated
I kind of had an idealized picture of the U.S. in my mind, because I

would like – watched hundreds of movies before I came. So it's like
this is a perfect place, like where people fall in love…
Other participants echoed this sentiment. The second general subcategory

involved an expectation that despite differences from participants’ home
country, the United States would be similar to other European countries
(excluding language differences). This expectation was based on
participants’ past visits to relatives and friends living in other European
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countries. One male student stated, “I did not have expectations. If you go
to Europe, it's the same thing as being in your [native] country. But if you
come here it's so different. Everything is different.” Another participant
indicated that her limited specific expectations and naiveté regarding the
United States was in part due to popular culture influences of the United
States, as her exposure to other European countries and cultures had led her
to believe these places were very homogenous in ethnicity, religion, people,
ideas, etc. concluding that, “Why would the U.S. be any different then?
But it was.”
Domain 2: Positive and Negative Postsojourn Perceptions of the United

States
All participants indicated that after coming to the United States to
pursue higher education, they recognized the diverse nature of the country.
They stated their initial perceptions of it being similar to Europe or to
popular culture portrayals were largely mistaken. Those who described
their postsojourn perceptions in greater detail often noted how there are
various types of people, religions, cultures, customs, and regional
differences in the United States. The diversity of the country took
participants by surprise, eliciting culture shock in some. Some described
how their European experiences had been very homogenous and very
similar to Greece or Cyprus (Greek island). One participant noted how
American movies highlight a general view of the United States that is
incongruent with the environment in which they are studying (Midwestern
medium-sized city). A female student commented that although there are
ethnic minorities in movies, she didn’t think they exposed people to how
heterogeneous the United States really is nor did she think people from
Cyprus really contemplate the diversity portrayed in some movies.
A typical category that developed from the postsojourn perceptions of
the United States was the flexibility of social rules regarding dress,
behavior, and social interactions. Those who reported these observations
consistently compared them to their native country’s social rules and
norms. Half of the students stated that in a smaller country like Greece, and
especially Cyprus, the general population is concentrated on an individual’s
appearance. These students indicated many people talk negatively of others
based on their physical appearance or dress. This was a stark contrast to
participants’ experience in the United States where they witnessed such an
occurrence happening to a lesser degree. People here did not seem to care
about what others were doing or wearing. One student stated he found this
decrease in negative talk and loose social norms regarding appearance to be
good as worrying about peoples’ perceptions of oneself is restrictive.
These same participants indicated the culture of the United States was
far more structured and focused on punctuality and work ethic than the
culture of Greece or Cyprus. One individual who endorsed the more
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relaxed social acceptance but structured nature of time in the United States
stated,
You have a schedule every day, like you have to do 8:00 to 10:00
this, 10:00 to 2:00 that. And when you have free time, it's not your
free time, it's actually like it's something to do like has homework
or something, so it's never actually free time.
Another participant commented on the punctuality of classes, being

unaccustomed to the expectation of arriving to class exactly on time. These
two seemingly opposite categories speak to the “open-mindedness” of
higher education as well as the goal-driven and productivity-focused nature
of the American culture.
One variant category that emerged was the concept of the immense
geographic nature of the United States. When asked their initial impression
of the United States upon arriving, some students responded to the large
physical size of the country versus notable differences in population,
culture or social norms.
Domain 3: Acculturative Stress Problems in the United States

A number of respondents indicated more than one source of
acculturative stress in their adjustment to student life in the United States.
All participants frequently mentioned their physical isolation from family
and friends as a general, ongoing source of acculturative stress. One female
student stated, “…I miss my whole family.” She explained her close
familial ties to various family members, including both her immediate and
extended family, making her travel here “harder” and the isolation as one of
the main reasons she did not want to move to the United States
permanently.
Participants generally perceived a variety of daily living tasks as
difficult. From this category two typical subcategories surfaced
highlighting two specific daily living tasks. The first concerned a lack of
understanding of and obtaining the basic living needs for living in the
United States as family members usually provided for such needs. The
second subcategory involved the pace of living in the United States and the
participants’ difficulty adapting their daily needs to this schedule. For
example, one male student pointed out when discussing turning in
assignments and paying bills on his own,
Here you have no –-you know, you have no time. You have to
bring, you know, your payment tomorrow? You must do it today. I
mean you cannot say, “I…will do it tomorrow,” it has to be done
now.
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Another female student commented on how Americans are so focused on
work with no time for other things, calling them “workaholics.” Another
general category within this domain was understanding and speaking
English. While participants’ responses varied in their level of
understanding and speaking English, they all stated it caused a large
amount of stress and adjustment problems in almost every area of their
lives. One student commented on how during her first year no one could
understand her and that she did not know how to speak English except for a
few simple words. In her words, “it was difficult to meet people not from
Greece and to do my work when no one could understand me. I mean, in
my ears I could understand, but for them it was some different language.”
Then in her second year here and through her involvement on the swim
team, she learned more English and was able to speak more clearly.
Financial issues were also a typically noted stressor, causing distress
and acting as an inhibitor in participants’ ability to adapt to life in the
states. For example, a female student talked about her financial concerns
stating she could not make it here on her own due to an inability to make
money and having to work illegally. Another student commented on the
financial stress of high tuition costs as a stressful part of his acculturation
process, stating, “... And I have to pay double what the others are paying
because I'm not a resident of the United -- of Indiana. So that a big
problem I had as an international student…the money.”
Suddenly becoming a minority when the individual had been a part of
the majority class for most of his or her life emerged as a variant category
for sources of acculturative stress. One student stated,
Like I mean in Cyprus we don't even have like -- we have a

minority, but it's completely separate with us because of war in '74,
so basically the south side of the island, where in the majority,
we're like all Greek Cypriots. And then maybe you have like 2
percent of Europeans living around. So when I come here and I see
like there's so much difference, like Asians, Latinos, like – the
Europeans just mingle all together…Which, for me is being an
outsider, I see it like that.
Domain 4: Strategies for Coping with Acculturative Stress Problems

All participants reported seeking out familial and peer resources when
they needed assistance in coping with adjusting to the culture of the United
States or for various types of experienced stress. One male participant
reported, “I have a friend here and I will go first to her, or I will call my
parents in Cyprus.” A typical response, in addition to dealing with
problems by using familial and peer support, was to solve problems
independently without any specific assistance. Using professors or
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mentors/advisors for support for problems or stress also emerged as a
variant category.
Participants typically reported that they were not open to considering
counseling as a coping method for dealing with acculturative stress or
adjustment issues. One male student stated, “I am never going to do that.”
Others shared his opinion and another student gave her rationale for
rejecting counseling by stating,
That's very interesting, because I was talking with a friend of mine,

I won't say the name, but he's studying psychology here, so we
were talking about [this] during coffee and it's like this is why
Greek and Cypriots don't need psychology. It's because they have
their friends and they go for coffee three hours a day and they talk
about their problems. So for me like I hear people saying, I went to
the counselor and I was stressed out and all that, and I cannot
understand that problems and have stresses and [that] you need to
talk to someone, because our life basically revolves around talking
to other people, you know to old friends.
Participants who were open to seeking counseling were only somewhat

open to the idea and if the problem was very serious (variant).
Domain 5: Peer and Family Networks

Participants generally reported they had strong, positive, and available
family and peer support to help them cope with their acculturative stress
and adjustment issues during their time in the United States. As one female
participant indicated, “My family is always available if I need them.”
Another participant noted, “Our friends are like our family here…”
Two compelling subcategories arose within this domain. One variant
subcategory endorsed by participants was having a strong support network
of American friends, with a female student commenting on how an effort
should be made to get to know Americans and become involved in the
culture of the country. The second, typical subcategory was the concept of
having a strong support network of Greek friends in the United States.
Domain 6: English Language Usage and Difficulties

This domain specifically addresses the use of the English language and
its interference with daily life as all participants endorsed it as a stressor.
When examined closely, two categories emerged. The first typical category
dealt with the difficulties of speaking and using English in a higher
education setting. Results indicated that most of the participants reported
difficulties in formal learning environments. For example, a male
participant commented on his initial language difficulties saying, “Because
I was trying to be in class, and people talking it was hard to do [the work].
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And I was not having any people from my country to speak with.” He also
stated that through his classes and readings he was able to better understand
the language and improve his English. He now participates in
conversations in his classes and his grades have improved compared to his
initial struggles with the English language.
Those who reported educational issues due to language problems also
reported that staff and faculty assisted them until they were more proficient.
However, one participant commented that he felt there was a lack of
advanced English language education for many of his Greek peers. The
second variant subcategory dealt with difficulties using English to engage
with others in a social or professional manner outside the classroom. One
of the two participants reporting such difficulties stated, “And language -- it
was, because first was difficult, because I like to be talking and make
friends to people, you know? And I’m agitated, and I want to talk. And I
felt that I couldn’t express myself.”
Domain 7: Cultural Concerns Regarding the United States or Native

Country
This domain was divided into four categories. Many of these
categories are similar to those discussed in the postsojourn perceptions
domain. The research team consensually agreed however they are also
opinions and evaluations of cultural differences between participants’
native country and the United States. One category expressed by all
participants was the large, diverse nature of the United State’s peoples,
religions, and traditions compared to participants’ native country. One
female participant stated, “And it was kind of like I realized how
homogenous Cyprus is and how different people grow up here…” Another
general category involved how Greece is predominantly one sole Greek
culture with very limited native diversity. A participant commented on
how a majority of the area is solely Greek Cypriots with minorities
completely separated from them. Related to this, a variant category
addressed how there is some Greek/Cypriot intolerance for diversity. The
following female student best conveys this concept,
And it's different for us [Cypriots], especially a foreign -- a

foreigner would never survive in Cyprus unless -- no, no, actually.
No, not that easily, unless you know somebody who already has
friends and is going initiate you, let's say, to a bunch of people so
you can go out. Because we don't really have any culture other than
Cypriot or Greek there. I mean, the other races that we have is
Pakistan, and Filipino, and all these people are considered inferior
because they also -- they all of them work as maids or do
something -- like the Mexicans, I would say. So that's the only
foreign people we have. And we're not open to any other culture...
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The difference in work pace in the United States versus participants’ native
country also emerged as a typical category.
DISCUSSION
While the present study’s findings contribute to the extant literature on

acculturation, adjustment, and acculturative stress, they are not sufficient to
make broad statements predicting how Greek international students will
experience or cope with stress. However, when compared to previous
literature examining the same issues with international students, there
appear to be similar findings shared between the literature and the present
study (Constantine et al., 2005b, Constantine et al., 2005c, Koutrelakos,
2004; Rajapaksa & Dundes, 2003). Some of these shared major findings
include language proficiency, social acceptance, and overall time spent in
the United States as sources of distress.
Previous research has repeatedly tried to identify global themes
representative of all races, ethnic groups, and nationalities. The unique
contribution of the present study is its focus on a specific nationality-
cultural group rarely studied in the acculturative literature, Greek
international students, and its identification of themes regarding how that
group acculturates to life at a small, private college in the United States.
Secondary goals of the present study were to replicate methods used in
previous research (Constantine et al., 2005b) and to assist in advancing the
existing qualitative research on acculturation of specific populations. The
study revealed several areas affecting this sample of Greek international
students’ acculturation processes including pre- and postsojourn
expectations and perceptions, English language proficiency, the ability to
function independently with daily living tasks, isolation from family,
strategies for coping with acculturation, and peer and family networks.
Pre- and Postsojurn Expectations

Participants’ presojurn expectations of the country included that the
United States was a country very similar to other nearby European nations.
These geographically close nations are considered part of the “western
civilized world,” and therefore might have many similarities with the
United States. Participants also firmly believed media portrayals of the
United States to be congruent with the reality of American life. However,
most of the postsojourn perceptions focused on the diverse nature of the
United States. Emphasis was placed on differences in social norms,
academic achievement, occupational goals, and time management. Many
participants had an idealistic “Hollywood” view of the United States.
These perceptions about the United States included beliefs about wealth,
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access to entertainment, and the lifestyle, opinions, and beliefs of
Americans. This led many to have a strong reaction to the reality of the
United States, Indiana, and more specifically, the small private university
where participants were going to study. One individual described her
reaction as a complete “culture shock” with her beliefs about the United
States being completely wrong. She was unprepared to deal with these
substantial discrepancies.
While other participants did not report experiencing culture shock,
many experienced significant distress and disappointment from the
discrepancies between their expectations and the reality of the United
States. Many appeared resentful and disappointed by the structured
academic and occupational culture of the United States. Others were
overwhelmed with the enormous physical size of the United States. This is
important as extant literature has identified that a student’s presojourn
perceptions about a host country may lead to acculturative stress,
depression, disappointment, culture shock, anger, and resentment when
their perceptions and assumptions are proven false by postsojourn
observations (Mori, 2000).
Identified Acculturative Stress & Coping Strategies

One common area of acculturative stress often discussed in the extant
literature is experiences of prejudice and discrimination against
international students (Altbach, 2004a; Altbach, 2004b; Constantine et al.,
2004; Constantine, Alleyne, Caldwell, McRae, & Suzuki, 2005a;
Constantine et al., 2005c; Farver, Narang, & Bhadha, 2002). However,
none of the participants discussed such experiences. This does not mean the
participants were never discriminated against during their time in the
United States. It does indicate though that if they did experience any
discrimination or prejudice, it did not increase their acculturative stress or
affect their ability to adjust to life in the United States. The university may
have assisted in shielding the students from discrimination, possibly due to
departments like the International Division and their cultural education
programs.
Additionally, while the university may engage in activities
encouraging others to celebrate differences, these students may also
experience little or no discrimination because of the color of their skin
(Hunter, 2007; Uhlmann, Dasgupta, Elgueta, Greenwald, & Swanson,
2002). Since Greeks are considered to be Caucasians, they may experience
less exposure to these stressors that other international student groups
endure. Skin tone and its relationship to discrimination and prejudice has
been well documented in sociological texts (Hunter, 2007). These texts
indicate that individuals who are light-skinned are generally more accepted
and experience less discrimination than individuals who are dark-skinned.
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English Language Difficulties
Previous literature has extensively documented international
students’ difficulty with their host countries’ language and its impact on
acculturation and acculturative stress (Mori, 2000; Pedersen, 1991).
Though participants’ linguistic abilities and its association with the degree
of stress experienced by each individual varied, all participants reported
language difficulty as a source of stress regardless of ability. Literature
states that the more significant the language barrier or deficit, the more
profound an impact the stress has on an individual’s ability to acculturate
and function well psychologically (Constantine et al., 2004; Farver,
Narang, & Bhadha, 2002; Mori, 2000; Ghuman, 1997; Sodowsky & Plake,
1992; Pedersen, 1991). This study could not quantify participants’ amount
of distress or language ability, but results do indicate that the time spent
discussing the topic increased as the participant’s reported English
language ability decreased. For example, a participant who reported an
inability to speak fluent English also discussed the importance of his
language difficulty and his associated stress throughout the entire interview.
Familial Isolation
All participants reported undergoing stress due to being physically
isolated from their families. Many spoke of how they missed their parents
for emotional and financial support. Additionally, and as cited in the
literature (Thomas & Althen, 1989), most participants reported having
mostly Greek friends. Thomas and Althen’s (1989) study highlighted that
while international students maintain their affiliation to others of identical
nationality, ethnic minorities rely on familial supports and geographically
close peers. Students in this study who reported significantly missing many
aspects of family life (food, holidays, physical connection, financial
support) more often reported forming relationships with other Greeks or
international students as opposed to with Americans. This is supported in
other extant literature, as international students are more likely to be friends
with other international students, with approximately 40% of this
population having no American friends (Rajapaksa & Dundes, 2003).
However, individuals in this study who reported being mildly distressed by
the distance from their families were better able to make friends and
support networks involving any race, ethnicity, or nationality.
Participants who quickly found a supportive group of friends often
found their ability to adapt and adjust to life in the United States increased.
Participants who formed tight knit groups of Greeks/Cypriots and utilized
peers as a major coping strategy for acculturative stress often referred to
these groups as “family” in their narratives. These findings highlight the
necessity of maintaining social relationships with individuals who can
validate the student’s sense of self and ways of being (Constantine et al.,
2005b).
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Peer and Familial Support Networks

All participants reported having overall positive familial and peer
support networks, regardless of distance. Participants discussed their
ability to connect or reconnect with new and old friends, both near and far,
to help build a strong support network for themselves. This is a cultural
component of Greek life, a coping mechanism, and a preventative measure
against future stressors. Within the extant literature on international student
acculturation, many researchers propose that forming these connections
with others are vital and could reflect the strong cultural values of
collectivistic societies and groups (Koutrelakos, 2004; Georgas et al., 1996;
Sandhu & Asrabadi, 1994). The majority of the participants also reported
having daily conversations with their family. These strong familial ties are
supported in much of the literature surrounding sojourning immigrants and
students to the United States (Berry, 2001; Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind,
& Vedder, 2001).
Greek international students struggling with the English language and
the distance from their families tend to desire close “familial” peer groups.
This coping mechanism serves two purposes: increasing their exposure to
their native language and creating bonds similar to those with their families
in their native country (Koutrelakos, 2004; Berry, 2001; Phinney et al.,
2001). This is just one example of Greek international students’ approach
to coping with adjustment, acculturation stressors, and even psychological
concerns.
Daily Independent Living Stressors

All participants discussed their initial difficulties with daily living
tasks such as obtaining housing, establishing financial means and storage,
obtaining utility services, obtaining proper documentation, and paying bills.
Learning and engaging in these activities for the first time was very
stressful for many participants. Those who reported issues often relied on
the assistance of others as a coping method. For one individual it was a
significant enough stressor that she contemplated leaving the university;
she was unfamiliar with any of the tasks required for independent living in
the absence of direct parental or familial influence.
Other participants explained that although their lack of knowledge of
these required tasks was initially difficult, they eventually were able to
implement coping strategies to decrease the severity of their stress. Such
reports highlight how the intensity and frequency of discussion of this
stressor as well as its effects on one’s ability to adapt varied with each
participant. This study’s results also support previous research that found
international students who lived off campus and were supported by their
parents (not operationally defined) were more likely to experience more
signs of acculturative stress and feelings of depression (Rajapaksa &
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Dundes, 2003). While this does not implicate difficulties in independent
living as the source of acculturative stress, they may be an important
contributing factor.
Independent Coping Strategies

Many participants indicated a preference to address their difficulties
with adjustment and their acculturative stress directly. Studies have shown
that Greeks and Greek-Americans score lower on measures of self-
disclosure and withdrawal from relationships to protect and maintain
autonomy while sustaining a strong sense of self-reliance (Koutrelakos,
2004). Other research indicates that while Greeks may be protective of
their autonomy, the egalitarian relationships they develop with others tend
to be characterized by open communication (Kagitcibasi, 1985). This
concept of withdrawal and self-reliance further supports that Greeks favor
the collectivistic value of placing the needs of the group over the needs of
the self. If one withdrawals and attempts to solve their problems
independently, they are not taxing the group. After unsuccessful attempts,
an individual may seek out assistance from those whom they views as
equals. Using an individual of perceived authority would only utilize
resources that were not deemed necessary by the group (Koutrelakos,
2004).
This flow between self-reliance, utilization of familial support, and
group assistance explains the variety of responses given by the participants,
with individuals frequently endorsing more than one coping strategy. For
example, one individual indicated he would first attempt to independently
solve his problems, then he would seek out familial assistance, and then,
only if that was not helpful and he was in dire need, would he seek
professional assistance. As a society we often admire and encourage self-
reliance, however not disclosing one’s distress could potentially lead to a
decrease in academic performance, socialization, or occupational function.
Utilizing Mentors and/or Faculty

While researchers have examined the acculturative process of Greeks
(Koutrlakos, 2004; Orfanos, 2002; Kagitcibasi, 1999; Triandis, 1990), most
investigations deal with familial and professional support and its stigma
amongst Greeks. However, the role of the professor or university
mentor/staff member as a resource for Greek international students has not
been extensively explored. Results of this study indicate that although they
are rarely utilized, professors and mentors are considered a viable and
socially acceptable resource in lieu of professional help. In fact, seeking
faculty or staff support was frequently considered one of the earlier
potential steps to take to adjust to acculturative stress versus seeking
professional help. Many students believed it was a more comfortable
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option. Participants also indicated a variety of professors, regardless of
their national origin, whom they believed would be helpful.
Through education and information given by student support services,
universities could encourage Greek international students to utilize trusted
faculty members as a support network if they feel they are having
difficulties adapting to the United States. Additionally, with the aid of
professors/mentors, students could view the counseling center as less
stigmatizing, increasing their likelihood to utilize services before a situation
turns from stress to crisis.
Seeking Counseling Services

Most participants were quick to indicate they were not open to seeking
out professional counseling or psychological services to discuss their
acculturative stress or adjustment issues. Underutilization of psychological
services for acculturation problems among international students and
immigrants has been investigated thoroughly (Constantine et al., 2004;
Koutrelakos, 2004; Mori, 2000; Niles 1999; Harris & Vernon, 1998;
Pedersen, 1991). The literature surrounding the underutilization of mental
health services has developed numerous reasons for not seeking assistance.
Most of them are culture specific and deal with cultural values and belief
systems; this was also the case in the present study. A previous study
involving Greek students, specifically Greek-American students, discussed
the impact of acculturation on the individual’s attitude toward mental health
services. The higher the assessed level of acculturation (across genders) the
more open the participants were to seeking counseling (Ponterotto et al.,
2001). While not specifically examined in the present study, participants
who reported being somewhat open to counseling were those who had been
living in the United States for a longer amount of time (more acculturated).
However, there were other individuals who have had been living in the
country almost as long and were adamantly opposed to counseling and
psychotherapy as a support service.
IMPLICATIONS
The following implications are practical extensions of the study’s results

and could be evaluated using an expanded form of its methodology in
future research. There appear to be two main areas for these implications:
for the students and for the support staff and professionals working with
them.
The drastic contrast between students’ pre- and postsojurn perceptions
of the United States and the university could be addressed prior to their
travel to the country. Educational seminars discussing the life, culture,
beliefs, and diversity of the United States and the state where the university
is located as well as norms of academia and university life could be offered,
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possibly reducing the impact of the large cultural transition Greek
international students experience prior to their sojourn and assisting in
modulating the distorted expectations of students. Seminars could also
provide information on how to obtain necessary basic needs to live
independently in the United States as well as normalize the adjustment
period many students experience. Pre- and postsojurn language workshops
could be provided to students struggling with English. A quick and
intensive basic English course could be offered prior to a student’s trip. If
the student continues to struggle, offering them the chance to be involved
with some of the immersive English as a Second Language (ESL) classes
housed on many college campuses may also be helpful. Existing programs
such as tutoring and mentee positions could also be provided to Greek
international students. These proposed interventions could serve as
preventative measures for decreasing discrepancies and associated
acculturative stress levels.
Members of the teaching community such as staff, medical providers,
mental health care workers, and professors could be better informed via
educational training opportunities about the relationships, roles, and
inherent norms that may be involved when working with Greek
international students and the unique cultural component that each Greek
student encompasses. Counselors and psychologists could aid in
combating acculturative stress by hosting outreach/psychoeducational
programs and guest lecturers to better educate Greek and Cypriot
international students about when adjustment and acculturative distress
levels become so high that professional mental health interventions may be
both necessary and beneficial. These professionals should also be aware of
the possible embedded cultural beliefs and stigma towards professional
help, utilizing caution before labeling a student’s behavior as resistant.
Additionally, in order to attempt to decrease stigma toward mental health,
professionals may need to adapt their role to include characteristics of the
Greek international students’ culture, traditions, and socio-norms to build
trust in the therapeutic alliance. Mental health professionals should also be
able to identify and implement culturally acceptable treatment
interventions. This could include encouraging students to utilize the support
systems they are accustomed to.
Based on the rich narratives that developed from interviewing only a
few Greek international students, the university, with the assistance of
counselors, could implement a similar interviewing process with a select
number of new international students each year. The protocol can be
altered to be proactive about potential acculturative stressors and
adjustment difficulties that certain ethnic or nationality groups may have in
transitioning to university life. This open dialogue can also be offered to
international students whom have been studying at the university for
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numerous semesters to help develop additional programs and services to
better meet their changing needs.
Further research is needed to validate these hypotheses as well as
explore other possible implications. However, any supplemental education
and knowledge imparted to both university staff/faculty and students can
only facilitate further discussion and open communication. This open
dialogue can lead to program implementation and continued research on the
vast and complex ways that Greek international students may experience
and adapt to their acculturative stress.
LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH
This study was extensive, properly performed, and analyzed; however, it is

not without limitations. The present study’s sample size was small (n = 8)
and less than those of other CQR studies (Constantine et al., 2005b; Ladany
et al., 1997; Rhodes et al., 1994). With a larger sample size, this study may
have found additional results congruent with extant literature. Despite the
present study’s small sample size, it was still within methodological
requirements of CQR (n =8-15; Hill et al., 2005) and does not affect the
validity of data gathered. This study also focused on a small sample of a
specific population at a small Midwestern university. Though results of
this study are consistent with other research regarding Greeks and
international students, caution should be utilized in making any broad
generalizations from it. International students at other universities in
different locations of the United States may have different experiences
compared to this study’s sample.
Finally, the present study is based on the interpretations of a team of
researchers. Although safeguards were implemented to account for and
limit the influence of potential biases, some inherent biases always exist
and thus may have affected the study at any level of research. One example
of bias is the lack of participant involvement in data analysis to ensure
accurate interpretations. While not a requirement of CQR methodology, it
is commonplace in most qualitative research. Many of the participants had
terminated their studies at this institution or finished their degree
requirements and returned to their native country by the time of data
analysis. Due to these considerations, researchers should attempt to
replicate this study, including participant feedback into the process.
Another potential bias is the research team’s lack of use of the auditing step
of CQR. Due to geographical and availability constraints, the research
team was unable to procure someone outside the team to audit coded
transcripts and developed categories. Rather than eliminate this step, a
member of the research team also served as an auditor, possibly limiting the
domains, categories and subcategories developed.
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This study provides a foundation for future research seeking to
investigate many of the phenomena experienced by Greek international
students in the study. Utilizing the present study’s methodology, future
research should extend to universities located in other areas of the United
States. It is reasonable to hypothesize that in a different environment, such
as in a large metropolitan city, different acculturative stress and adjustment
issues may exist. Through results comparisons amongst various studies,
researchers could begin to draw more general claims about the most
important factors affecting Greek international students’ ability to
acculturate as well as how these students tend to adapt and cope.
Another area for further exploration is the stress experienced because
of significant discrepancies between pre- and postsojurn perceptions.
Further qualitative and quantitative research investigating this large
discrepancy could provide vital information for international student
support staff and counselors at both the host and native university.
Examining what types of factors surrounding a problem for Greek
international students warrants seeking psychological or counseling
services is also of importance. Related to this, qualitative research projects
could examine the experiences of when Greek or other international student
populations seek out health and wellness services as well as the experiences
of Greek students who sought out counseling and those who did not.
Studies could also compare the verbalized rationales for seeking primary
medical care over seeking mental health services.
Finally, according to Clara Lovett (2008), the higher education system
needs to shift its focus from simply “knowing each other” to “help[ing]
students see the world and its wonders and problems through the eyes and
minds of others, to explore alternative interpretations of events and trends”
(pp. A40). To achieve this goal, researchers and educators must collaborate
to help meet the needs of the students sojourning to the United States and
encourage them (and our native students abroad) to push their personal
boundaries and truly experience and adapt to our cross-cultural world.
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MIXALIS POUALKIS, PsyD, received his doctorate in Clinical

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CRAIG A. DIKE, PsyD, received his doctorate in Clinical Psychology

from the University of Indianapolis. He currently works for the South
Texas Veterans Healthcare System in San Antonio, Texas. Email:
dikeca@gmail.com.
AMBER MASSA, B.A., is a doctoral student in the Clinical Psychology

program at the University of Indianapolis. Her research and clinical
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massaa@uindy.edu.

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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 229-245
Do Chinese International Students’

Personalities Change During Cross-National
Transitions?
Kenneth T. Wang
Fuller Theological Seminary, USA
Lu Tian
University of Northern Colorado, USA
Mayo Fujiki
Ripley-Ohio-Dearborn Special Education Cooperative, USA
Jennifer J. Bordon
University of Albany, USA
ABSTRACT
Perfectionism is a multidimensional personality construct salient for
international students; they are known to be likely high achievers in their
home country and face several acculturative challenges after crossing
national borders. This study examined whether perfectionist types changed
during cross-national transitions in a sample of 227 Chinese international
students studying in the U.S. Individuals were classified into different types
of perfectionists—adaptive, maladaptive, and non- perfectionists. Results
indicated that 40% of the participants’ perfectionist types changed during
their cross-national transition. After studying in the United States, more
non-perfectionists became perfectionists than perfectionists that turned into
non-perfectionist. Acculturative stress predicted the direction of shift; non-
perfectionists who perceived higher levels of acculturative stress were more
likely to change into maladaptive perfectionists than adaptive
perfectionists.
Keywords: perfectionism, international students, acculturative stress, self-

esteem, cross-national, psychological symptoms, longitudinal
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Perfectionism has been a personality trait receiving increased attention in
the psychology literature over the past decade. While there has been
particular interest in the detrimental aspects of perfectionism, regarding its
implications on both physical and mental health (e.g., Antony, Purdon,
Huta, & Swinson, 1998), there have also emerged findings to suggest its
adaptive features (Bieling, Israeli, & Antony, 2004). In a systematic review
of the literature on perfectionism, Stoeber and Otto (2006) found evidence
supporting both perfectionism’s positive and negative nature. Thus far,
there is an ample body of research that has established perfectionism as a
complex construct, such that it can be either adaptive and/or maladaptive to
an individual’s well-being (Cox, Enns, & Clara, 2002).
There have been two main approaches used when studying
perfectionism—a variable-centered approach and a person-centered
approach; the former describes associations between variables, and the
latter identifies groups of people who share similar characteristics.
Traditional routes to exploring perfectionism have primarily concentrated
on the multidimensionality of perfectionism and how these dimensions
were related to psychopathology and negative behavioral consequences.
While important findings have significantly contributed to the
perfectionism literature using this multidimensional and variable-centered
approach, a different perspective that emphasizes classifying individuals
into different categories of perfectionist types (based on their combinations
of scores on perfectionism dimensions) has been used more recently (Rice
& Ashby, 2007). In other words, in addition to using the variable-centered
approach (e.g., correlations, regression) that examines associations between
dimensions of perfectionism and psychological variables, there has been an
increasing tendency towards adapting this person-centered approach (e.g.,
cluster analysis) to study various types of perfectionists. For example,
some studies not only have investigated the link between perfectionism and
depressive mood, but also compared different types of perfectionists on
their levels of depressive mood (e.g. Allen & Wang, 2014; Rice & Slaney,
2002).
Utilizing a person-centered approach allows for the examination of
perfectionist types reminiscent of Hamachek’s (1978) conceptualization of
normal and neurotic perfectionists. To illustrate, normal or adaptive
perfectionists have the tendency to set high standards that often motivates
individuals to excel in their performances (Bieling, Israeli, Smith, &
Antony, 2003). Whereas, for neurotic or maladaptive perfectionists, they
not only strive for perfection, but also adhere rigidly to their standards with
a tendency to engage in excessive critical self-evaluations (Shafran &
Mansell, 2001). With the Almost Perfect Scale-Revised (APS-R; Slaney,
Mobley, Trippi, Ashby, & Johnson, 1996), most studies have used cluster
analysis to identify three groups regarding perfectionism type: adaptive,
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maladaptive, and non- perfectionists (Rice & Slaney, 2002; Wang, Yuen, &
Slaney, 2009), with the exception of a few studies that found four types
(Wang, 2012; Wang, Slaney, & Rice, 2007). Overall, adaptive
perfectionists reported higher self-esteem, more positive affect, and higher
achievement; whereas, maladaptive perfectionists reported higher levels of
depression and anxiety (Rice & Slaney, 2002).
Although there is literature on theoretical speculation for
environmental and temperamental factors that may contribute to the
development of perfectionistic concepts (e.g., Kobori, Yamagata, & Kijima,
2005), and evidence that various types of perfectionists exist (Rice &
Ashby, 2007; Rice & Slaney, 2002), there is relatively little information
that focuses on the development and stability of these perfectionist types
(i.e., adaptive/maladaptive). Specifically, questions such as, “how do
people develop into or become a certain type of perfectionist and how
stable are these types?” remain unanswered. Although we were unable to
locate any studies that investigated the transition between perfectionist
types, a few studies have examined changes in perfectionism across
different points of time (Nilsson, Sundbom, & Hägglöf, 2008; O’Connor,
Dixon, & Rasmussen, 2009; Rice & Aldea, 2006). Rice and Aldea (2006)
examined the stability of perfectionism levels in college students over three
time periods, each separated by 4-5 weeks; they found perfectionism levels
to be relatively stable compared to depression scores. O'Connor et al.
(2009) found perfectionism to be largely temporally stable over a 6-month
period among adolescents in Scotland. Nilsson et al. (2008) examined
eating disorder patients and found that after 8 years and then 16 years from
initial eating disorder diagnoses, levels of perfectionism remained stable
despite decreased eating disorder and psychiatric symptoms. Another study
examined the natural development of two maladaptive forms of
maladaptive perfectionism (socially-prescribed and self-critical) from 6th to
12th grade over seven time points, which yielded four distinct classes of
developmental trajectories: high, low, increasing, and decreasing (Herman,
Wang, Trotter, Reinke, & Ialongo, 2013), with approximately 20-30% of
participants classified in the increasing and decreasing trajectories. In sum,
the results of these studies support the general notion that perfectionism
levels appear to be relatively stable over time with some instances of
change.
Despite having findings of the relatively stable nature of
perfectionism levels, there is also some available evidence to suggest that
perfectionism may also be malleable in response to interventions (Arpin-
Cribbie et al., 2008) and in treatment settings (Hawley, Ho, Zuroff, & Blatt,
2006). Several studies have shown that perfectionism levels decreased in
response to treatment modalities, such as web-based Cognitive Behavioral
Therapy interventions (Radhu, Daskalakis, Arpin-Cribbie, Irvine, & Ritvo,
2012), Coherence Therapy (Rice, Neimeyer, & Taylor, 2011), and other
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psychotherapeutic treatments (Arpin-Cribbie et al., 2008; Hawley et al.,
2006). In addition to the change of perfectionism levels, other logical
questions to investigate are whether certain people are more prone to
change from one perfectionist type to another and what factors are related
to the change. In light of the importance of distinguishing adaptive and
maladaptive perfectionists (Rice & Slaney, 2002; Stoeber & Otto, 2006), it
seems critical to investigate whether perfectionist types are actually
malleable, and if so, how. Overall, with mixed findings and an uncertain
nature of how an individual can appropriate different types of
perfectionism, it is still unclear on what conclusions can be made in regards
to how perfectionism types vary as a function of the situations they face.
While there is evidence of the malleability of perfectionism, the
specificity of how perfectionism changes due to situational factors, such as
life transitions, is unknown. Particularly, one population that must face
cross-national transitions are international students. Perfectionism is a
highly relevant construct to international students, who are achievement-
focused and experience challenges related to transitioning into a different
country. In general terms, international students coming from Asian social
contexts are more likely to have an upbringing centered on a culture that
emphasizes collectivism and respect for family/community. Consequently,
it is common for these students to arrive in the new country with an
adherence to high standards of achievement and substantial pressure to
excel due to expectations to bring honor to the family through success
(Mori, 2000; Poyrazli, Arbona, Nora, McPherson, & Pisecco, 2002;
Roysircar, 2004). With this mindset, such cultural expectations may
increase the international students’ perfectionistic tendencies regarding
their academic achievement and college success, which in turn may also
increase the levels of stress they experience (Nilsson, Butler, Shouse, &
Joshi, 2008).
For international students, especially those who strive to succeed
academically and socially, adjusting to college within this new setting of a
different culture, language, and educational system can be challenging
(Mori, 2000; Poyrazli et al., 2002; Roysircar, 2004). The transition, which
includes acculturation to the United States, can be difficult; that is,
adjusting to living in a different environment entails learning new rules for
assimilating to what can be considered “normal” in the new country, and
can thus add an extra burden on top of academic responsibilities.
International students often face barriers during the initial transition
connected to their academic life, social life, and psychological experiences
(e.g., getting oriented to a new environment, transportation and
communication, accommodation, and social interaction; Poyrazil &
Grahame, 2007). As a result, these challenges due to life changes often lead
to a wide array of acculturative stressors and psychological symptoms (see
Zhang & Goodson, 2011).
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Despite such concerns, there have been few longitudinal studies
that document these life changes over time and their effects on international
students’ adjustment during their cross-national transitions. For example,
Hechanova-Alampay, Beehr, Christiansen, and Van Horn (2002) found that
international students’ stress peaked after the first three months of entry
when exams took place. The association between international students’
acculturative adjustment and their level of general self-efficacy was
significantly stronger during their initial months in the United States when
compared to six months after coming to the host country. Other research
suggests that various stressors, as well as individual differences, might
differentially impact international students’ transitions and adjustment at
different times (Wang et al., 2012). Because perfectionism is associated
with one’s level of self-efficacy (LoCicero & Ashby, 2000) and anxiety
(Rice & Slaney, 2002), the change of cultural environment could lead to the
loss of self-efficacy and higher anxiety, and potentially impact one’s
perfectionist type and subsequently their psychological well-being.
The main purpose of this study is to examine the stability of
perfectionist types during life transitions. Through examination of
perfectionism among international students during their cross-national
transition, we hope to make sense of these findings and apply them to help
accommodate students’ adjustment process. Specifically, the goals of our
study are to address the following questions: (a) Do the perfectionist types
of international students change during the course of cross-national
transitions?; (b) How prevalent are perfectionist type changes in cross-
national transitions?; (c) How are perfectionist types related to one’s
psychological well-being?; and (d) What factors are associated with the
transitions of perfectionist types?
RESEARCH METHOD
Participants
The sample included 227 Chinese international students (133
women, 94 men), a subset of a larger 4-wave longitudinal study (Wang et
al., 2012) that completed both Time 1 (pre-arrival) and Time 2 (first
semester) surveys, which were two to three months apart. The majority of
participants were pursuing graduate degrees (85%) and studying in a
variety of fields (e.g., engineering, science, business, education) at various
states across the United States. Participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 34
with a mean of 24.4 years old. The majority of participants (80%) had no
prior experience studying in the United States, and 52% had never been in
the United States. Forty-three percent of participants indicated being from
Mainland China and 57% from Taiwan. In this study, we used the term
Chinese international students referring to the shared Chinese cultural
heritage among these students from Mainland China and Taiwan.
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Measures
Almost Perfect Scale-Revised (APS-R; Slaney et al., 1996). The
APS-R is a 23-item scale assessing levels of perfectionism through three
subscales: Standards, Order, and Discrepancy. The Standards and
Discrepancy subscales are the two most essential characteristics of
perfectionism and used in this study. The Standards subscale, a positive
aspect of perfectionism, measures one’s possession of high standards for
achievement and performance. The Discrepancy subscale captures the
negative aspects of perfectionism and refers to a tendency to feel that one is
not meeting his/her standards. Items are rated on a 7-point Likert scale
ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Cronbach alphas
ranged from .76 to .78 for Standards scores, and .85 to .86 for Discrepancy
scores for Chinese and Taiwanese student samples (Wang, 2012; Yang,
Liang, Zhang, & Wu, 2007). In this study, Cronbach alphas ranged from
.76 to .81 for Standards scores, and .91 to .93 for Discrepancy scores.
Acculturative Stress Scale for International Students (ASSIS;

Sandhu & Asrabadi, 1994). The ASSIS is a 36-item scale measuring the
perceived level of acculturative stress that international students
experience. The scale consists of items assessing perceived discrimination,
homesickness, perceived hate, fear, stress due to change/culture shock,
guilt, and other nonspecific concerns. Items are rated on a 5-point Likert
scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The
composite score was used in this study and higher scores represent greater
acculturative stress. Cronbach alpha for the total score was .94 (Wei, Liao,
Heppner, Chao, & Ku, 2012) for a Chinese international student sample.
The ASSIS was positively associated with depression and negatively
associated with adjustment among international students (Wei et al., 2012).
In this study, Cronbach alpha was .96 for ASSIS scores.
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1965). The

RSES assesses one’s positive evaluations of the self. It consists of ten
items rated on a Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4
(strongly agree) with higher score representing higher self-esteem. The
RSES has been translated into various languages and widely used among
international populations. A study found the factor structure largely
invariant across 53 nations (Schmitt & Allik, 2005). Cronbach alphas were
.78 for Asian international students (Wei, Ku, Russell, Mallinckrodt, &
Liao, 2008). The negative association between RSES and depressive
symptoms provides support for the construct validity of RSES among
Asian international students (Wei et al., 2008). In this study, Cronbach
alphas ranged from .88 to .89 for RSES scores.
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Brief Symptom Inventory-18 (BSI-18; Derogatis, 2000). The
BSI-18 measures psychological distress using a 5-point Likert scale ranging
from 0 (not at all) to 4 (always). The BSI-18 consists of 18 items
measuring depression, anxiety, and somatization. The composite score was
used in this study with higher scores representing greater levels of
psychological distress. The coefficient alpha of the BSI-18 scores in a
sample of Chinese international students was .88 (Wang & Mallinckrodt,
2006). The validity of the BSI-18 has been demonstrated through its strong
correlations with other measures of psychological distress and adjustment
difficulties with Chinese international students (Wang & Mallinckrodt,
2006). In this study, Cronbach alphas ranged from .93 to .95 for BSI-18
scores.
Procedure
Following IRB approval for recruitment procedures, participants
were recruited through various channels (e.g., student associations,
international student services offices, study abroad agencies, and word of
mouth). Participants completed the online survey, which was presented in
Chinese (simplified version for Mainland China students, and traditional
version for Taiwanese students). Time-1 data were collected before
students started their studies in the United States. Time-2 was about a
month into their first semester. Participation incentives included brief study
abroad informational guides developed by the researchers of this study as
well as raffles for $25 and $50 gift cards.
RESULTS
Descriptive Analyses
The intercorrelations among study variables as well as their means,
standard deviations, and Cronbach alphas are presented in Table 1. We
compared the means of perfectionism dimensions, psychological distress,
and self-esteem between Time-1 and Time-2. Results indicated that
participants’ Standards (t = 2.71, p < .01) and Discrepancy (t = 5.85, p <
.001) scores increased; in addition, their psychological distress increased (t
= 5.08, p < .001) and self-esteem decreased (t = 3.91, p < .001) over this
time period.
Perfectionist Groups
Cluster analyses were conducted using the APS-R Standards and
Discrepancy subscale scores, which are the two core dimensions of
perfection, to identify perfectionists and non-perfectionists with Time-1 and
Time-2 data, separately. Following the approach of some past studies (e.g.,
Gilman & Ashby, 2003; Wang, Slaney, & Rice, 2007), the Order subscale
- 235 -
which has been viewed as a less central aspect of perfectionism, was not
included. A two-step procedure involving both hierarchical and
nonhierarchical analyses was performed. We ran analyses with both 3 and
4-cluster solutions because most prior studies have identified three types of
perfectionists but a few studies found four types. The 3-cluster solution
across both time points yielded groups that mirrored the adaptive,
maladaptive, and non-perfectionists in Hamachek’s (1978) theory and past
empirical studies (e.g., Rice & Ashby, 2007; Rice & Slaney, 2002);
however, the 4-cluster solutions were inconsistent across the two time
points and less interpretable. Thus, for this study, the 3-cluster solution
was selected; Standards and Discrepancy scores were used to determine the
type of perfectionist for each cluster group (see Figure 1).
Figure 1: Perfectionist Groups for Time-1 and Time-2
- 236 -
Each group represented a different combination of perfectionism

dimensions (Figure 1). The two perfectionist groups had higher Standards
scores than non-perfectionists. Adaptive perfectionists had a combination
of high Standards and low Discrepancy scores, whereas maladaptive
perfectionists had both high Standards and high Discrepancy scores. Non-
perfectionists had low scores on both Standards and Discrepancy. We
conducted ANOVA with Tukey HSD post hoc tests to compare these three
groups at Time-1 on psychological distress and self-esteem (see Table 2).
Maladaptive perfectionists (M = 35.54) reported significantly higher BSI
scores [F (2,226) = 18.85, p < .001] than adaptive perfectionists (M =
24.75) and non-perfectionists (M = 28.43). All three groups significantly
differed from each other on Self-esteem scores [F (2,226) = 43.09, p <
.001], with adaptive perfectionists (M = 35.06) having the highest score,
followed by non-perfectionists (M = 31.22), and then maladaptive
perfectionists (M = 28.34) at Time-1. The characteristics of the three
groups at Time-2 mirrored the ones at Time-1, with adaptive perfectionists
having higher self-esteem [F (2,226) = 10.64, p < .001] and lower
psychological distress [F (2,226) = 31.90, p < .001] than maladaptive
perfectionists; and non-perfectionists’ scores were in between these two
groups. These group comparisons supported the adaptive/maladaptive
natures of the perfectionist types. Interestingly, the prevalence of the
groups were different across these two time points. In contrast to Time-1,
Time-2 had more perfectionists (adaptive and maladaptive) and fewer non-
perfectionists. Thus, the next step was to further examine the shifts of
perfectionist types.
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The transition matrices for Time-1 to Time-2 are presented in Table 3.

Each off-diagonal unit in this table presents a particular trend of transition
(movers). The values along the diagonal of the matrices indicate the
stability of a specific perfectionism group (stayers). Several transitional
patterns were noticeable. First, 40% of the participants shifted group
membership over the course of this cross-national transition in the United
States. The two perfectionist groups were more stable with 69% of
participants remaining in the same perfectionist group from Time-1 to
Time-2. In contrast, over half (52%) of the non-perfectionists at Time-1
moved into one of the perfectionist groups at Time-2.
To better understand the nature and outcome of individuals transitioning

across perfectionism groups, we examined the shifts between specific
perfectionist types. We focused only on the transitions of Time-1 non-
perfectionists into one of the two perfectionist groups at Time-2 due to the
small cell sizes of the other types of transitions. Multinomial logistic
regression was conducted to determine if acculturative stress at Time-2
distinguished whether the non-perfectionists transitioned into adaptive or
maladaptive perfectionists. The results indicated that among the non-
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perfectionists at Time-1, those who transitioned into maladaptive
perfectionists (Acculturative Stress Mean = 95.08) at Time-2 reported
significantly higher scores on Acculturative Stress (Wald = 10.09, p = .001)
than those who transitioned into adaptive perfectionists (Acculturative
Stress Mean = 71.70). Those who remained as non-perfectionists
(Acculturative Stress Mean = 83.37) at Time-2 reported Acculturative
Stress scores that were higher than those who shifted into adaptive
perfectionists and lower than those who shifted into maladaptive
perfectionists. In short, non-perfectionists who experience higher
acculturative stress during cross-cultural transitions were more likely to
turn into maladaptive perfectionists than adaptive perfectionists (or remain
non-perfectionists).
This is the first study that examined the stability of perfectionist types over
the course of cross-national transitions. Using cluster analyses, we
obtained three groups of perfectionist types (i.e., adaptive perfectionists,
maladaptive perfectionists, and non-perfectionists) at both Time-1 (i.e., pre-
arrival) and Time-2 (i.e., first semester), which were consistent with the
previous perfectionism literature (Hamachek, 1978; Rice & Slaney, 2002).
Therefore, results from this study provided additional evidence for the
existence of the three groups of perfectionists among Chinese international
students.
Results also indicated that perfectionist types were malleable
during short periods when the cross-national transitions occurred. More
specifically, a considerable number of international students’ (40%)
perfectionist types changed over the course of their transition into the U.S.
This aligns with previous research (Herman et al., 2013) suggesting that
perfectionism can be malleable during these higher stress situations (i.e.,
adjusting to a new country). A possible reason for some individuals’
perfectionism type changes could be due to certain individual or
environmental factors that distinguish the two groups of international
students. Interestingly, there were more non-perfectionist students who
became perfectionists after studying in the United States. than perfectionists
who became non-perfectionists. Particularly, about half of the non-
perfectionists (52%) turned into either adaptive perfectionists or
maladaptive perfectionists after the first semester of their studies in the U.S.
In contrast, adaptive and maladaptive perfectionists were relatively more
stable with 69% of them remaining the same perfectionist type. It appears
that the cross-national transition of international students is closely
associated with non-perfectionists turning into perfectionists, but not the
reverse. With high standards as a core aspect of perfectionists, a possible
explanation is that these non-perfectionist students raised their standards
- 239 -
after coming to the United States. During the cross-national transition,
international students may perceive higher standards and unfamiliar
expectations from the new environment (e.g., American classroom culture)
for themselves along with the need to use new skills (e.g., English
proficiency; Moores & Popadiuk, 2011). Challenges in the new
environment could raise the effort levels needed to survive and achieve
compared to when these international students were in their home country
(Swagler & Ellis). Consequently, many previously classified non-
perfectionists may now have to significantly raise their standards to reach
achievement levels in the new environment (i.e., United States) that could
be considered comparable to their achievement levels back in their home
country. Another explanation for the increased standards might be that
when studying in their home country, it was relatively easier to achieve
academically and students might not have considered their standards as
very high. However, as the ceiling becomes higher in a more challenging
environment, they perhaps realize that their standards need to be set higher
(Hung & Hyun, 2010). However, further replication and examinations of
the results from this study are needed.
In our study, perceived acculturative stress predicted the direction
of shift among those initially classified as non-perfectionists. Those non-
perfectionists who perceived higher levels of acculturative stress were more
likely to change into maladaptive perfectionists. This trend implies that
under more stressful new environments, individuals are more likely to
experience lower self-efficacy (Hechanova-Alampay et al. 2002), and thus
perceive higher discrepancy and feel less adequate as students (features
characteristic of maladaptive perfectionists). In our study, not only are the
maladaptive and adaptive natures of perfectionists associated with the level
of acculturative stress experienced, but they are also reflected in their self-
esteem and psychological distress. That is, maladaptive perfectionists
reported lower self-esteem and more psychological distress compared to
adaptive perfectionists. Although this study provides interesting findings, it
also raises several questions. Are those changes in perfectionist types
stable over time, or just temporary reactions to the cross-cultural transition?
LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS
There are a number of limitations of this study that are important to note
along with several directions for future research. First, although the sample
size for this study was adequate to address certain questions, the numbers
of shifts between perfectionists (adaptive to maladaptive or vice versa) as
well as perfectionists into non-perfectionists were too small to examine
factors associated with these shifts. It would be particularly useful to
further examine these shifts through intervention/treatment studies to better
understand factors that facilitate individuals shifting out of maladaptive
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perfectionists into adaptive perfectionists or non-perfectionists. Second, the
classification of perfectionists was based on scores compared with other
participants at each time-point. Conceptually, the classification is relative
to individuals and the context (before and after studying in the U.S.). Thus,
as a way to examine more absolute change, it would be helpful to develop
cutoff criteria scores to classify types of perfectionists among Asian
students. Third, we cannot conclude that perfectionism change is solely
due to the cross-national transition itself because in addition to the cross-
national transition, other factors are associated with beginning a new degree
of study in a new country, such as a shift in academic level (e.g., from
undergraduate to graduate school). Fourth, this study focuses on Chinese
international students, thus generalizability to other populations is limited.
Future studies may examine the malleability of perfectionist types with
different ethnic/cultural and age groups as well as under different types of
life transitions (e.g., career transitions, becoming parents, and
relationship/marital status changes). Finally, this study only examined the
malleability of perfectionist types within a two to three month cross-
national transition period prior to and shortly after they began their studies.
It would be worthwhile to track participants’ perfectionism for longer
periods of time to examine whether the non-perfectionists who became
perfectionists during the initial cross-national transition continue to stay as
perfectionists or turn back into non-perfectionists after a few years later. In
other words, it would be interesting to examine whether the shifts of
perfectionist types are temporary, stable, or permanent.
IMPLICATIONS
Findings from this study provide a few practical implications. First, when
counseling or advising international students on their cross-national
adjustment process, it would be helpful to examine the changes of
perfectionistic standards and discrepancy before and after their studies in
the United States. It would also be helpful to assess which type of
perfectionists students are and whether that has changed compared to their
status in their home country. The assessment process could be through
initiating conversations regarding the adaptive and maladaptive dimensions
of perfectionism or asking the students to complete a perfectionism scale.
Another important point is to explore how changes in perfectionism type
relate to the acculturation experiences. If students are struggling with
feelings that they are inadequate, counselors or advisors can help them
examine whether these feelings existed prior to their studies in the U.S. If
not, they can further explore factors that have changed during the cross-
national transition and how these factors might have influenced their self-
perception.
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These changes in standards and discrepancy could be related to
encountering challenges while adjusting to a new environment. Therefore,
it would be useful to examine challenges that international students have
experienced studying abroad. If the students feel that they are not as good
as other peers in the new country or that they are never good enough (i.e.,
high discrepancy), a few strategies might be helpful. One strategy is to
help the international students conceptualize achieving in a new
environment as a developmental process with a learning curve as opposed
to having discrepant/deficient perception of themselves (Yoon & Portman,
2004). For example, writing in a second language involves developing
complex skills, which should improve with practice and experience. Thus,
especially for international students in disciplines where English is highly
integral to their academic achievement (e.g., business, humanities, social
sciences), it would be helpful for students to know that it is inappropriate to
compare themselves with native English writers who have practiced writing
in English for the majority of their lives. Another emphasis in practical
counseling or advising settings would be to encourage these international
students to focus on their own improvement rather than to compare
themselves with other domestic students.
Overall, to help international students deal with acculturative stress,
especially in a setting that highly emphasizes academic performance, it
would be beneficial to introduce the role of perfectionism. Educating
students on the adaptive and maladaptive nature of perfectionism could also
help them focus on lowering their sense of discrepancy instead of their
standards. Through this perspective, students may closely monitor the
possible negative influences of perfectionism on their psychological well-
being.
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KENNETH T. WANG, PhD, is an Associate Professor in Clinical

Psychology at Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena, CA. Research
interests include perfectionism, cross-cultural adjustment, and cultural
psychology of religion. Email: ktwang@fuller.edu
LU TIAN, PhD, is an Assistant Professor at Department of Applied

Psychology and Counselor Education in University of Northern Colorado.
Her teaching interests include multicultural counseling and psychological
trauma. Her research interests include proactive coping and the effect of
culture in coping behaviors. Email: lu.tian@unco.edu
MAYO FUJIKI, PhD, is a School Psychologist at the Ripley-Ohio-

Dearborn Special Education Cooperative in Indiana. She received her PhD
from the University of Missouri - Columbia. Email:
mfujiki@rodspecialed.org
JENNIFER J. BORDON, MA, is a doctoral student in Counseling

Psychology at University at Albany, State University of New York.
Research interests include Asian and Asian American mental health,
cultural orientation, and ethnic identity. Email: jjbordon@albany.edu
Manuscript submitted: October 10, 2016

Manuscript revised: January 17, 2016
***
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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 246-256
International Student Recruitment:

Trends and Challenges
Santa Falcone
University of New Mexico, USA
ABSTRACT
This paper provides a review of current trends in international student

recruitment. Focusing specifically on recruitment of Chinese students,
important aspects of China’s educational system relevant to recruitment
are presented. Barriers to Chinese student recruitment are then discussed.
Successful, employed, international graduates validate domestic
institutional value to prospective foreign students and their parents. In that
regard, guidance is then offered for domestic universities to use to assist
international students to achieve their desired outcomes as an integral part
of the institution’s international student recruitment strategy.
Keywords: Chinese education system, Chinese student recruitment, global

student mobility
International student recruitment is one of the primary reasons domestic

universities seek partnership with foreign universities (Buck Sutton & Obst,
2012; Lee, 2014; EAIE, 2014). Pragmatically, the most attractive
geographic foreign partners are universities located in nations with large
numbers of youth coming to college age (China and India). However, fully
successful recruitment for both the domestic university and the
international student requires that, once recruited and enrolled at the
domestic university, the international student achieve both graduation and
post-graduation employment.
Toward that end, this paper provides first a review of current trends
in international recruitment. Next, focusing specifically on recruitment of
Chinese students, important aspects of China’s educational system relevant
to recruitment are presented. Then, barriers to Chinese student recruitment
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are discussed. Finally, guidance is offered for domestic universities to use
to assist international students to achieve their desired outcomes.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Current trends in global student mobility

In 2011, the majority of students traveling outside of their country
for higher education (64%) were hosted by the United States and five other
countries (Bhandari & Blumenthal, 2011). The United States received the
largest share (21%) of these globally mobile students. East Asian nations
reported that they seek to increase their share of this education market as
this region of the world sends out the greatest number of students. To do so,
English language curriculum is being implemented in East Asian
universities as well as in universities in other regions of the world.
For many international students, currency fluctuations remain an
important factor influencing whether study abroad is financially attractive
or prohibitively expensive. In part to mitigate this issue, universities’
efforts to export their campuses were noted by these authors, with some
universities seeking to establish branch, joint venture, and double degree
programs in other countries. However, their attempts have been more
numerous than their successes. Crossborder virtual learning was another
strategy employed by higher education institutions but it also has not
achieved success as a desirable mode of delivery for those seeking overseas
education (or, for many, an accessible alternative due to Internet access
restrictions in their countries).
India, currently the second largest sending country after China, is
projected to become the number one sending country by 2025. Latin
American countries count for only 5% of student mobility and of these,
60% go to the United States. Effort has begun to try to harmonize the
diverse higher education systems in Latin America to enable intra-country
mobility for Latin American students. Finally, Bhandari and Blumenthal
(2011) noted that regional education hubs were being developed to attract
international students. Six hubs were identified and located in: United Arab
Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Malaysia.
From the 1940s to 2013, the growth rate in international student enrollment
in the United States showed considerable variation (Figure 1). In the
decades of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, enrollment grew at an average rate
of 6%, 11%, and 8%, respectively (IIE, 2014). The highest growth rate to
date (21%) occurred in the 1966-1967 year. The two largest drops in the
enrollment growth rate occurred in 1971-1972 (-3.2%) and in 2003-2004 (-
2.4%). In the 1980s, it decreased to only 3% and has remained at that
average rate with only minor fluctuations until the 2010s. For the most
recent year in the study, 2013-2014, the Institute of International Education
(IIE) reported that 886,052 international students enrolled in higher
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education institutions in the United States (IIE, 2014) for an average decade
growth rate of 6%. The overwhelming majority of these international
students (274,439) studying in the United States were from China. Qi
(2015) reported that an estimated 8,000 Chinese students were expelled for
either poor grades or cheating from universities in the United States in
2014. To avoid such an undesirable outcome, the selection of those who are
the most likely to succeed is very important for both the institutions and the
students.
Figure 1: Per cent growth International student enrollment in the

United States 1948 - 2014
Source: (IIE, 2014)
Regional differences in Chinese student preparedness

In China, the region of the country the student comes from may
impact their college preparedness and likelihood of academic attainment
more definitively than their secondary school scores. In the United States,
property taxes are collected from all property owners in each locality. That
money is aggregated/pooled and then distributed to public schools to fund
public education. There are differences in the level of aggregation of the
pooling and in the methods of redistribution and there are differences in the
amounts collected due to property value differences causing the schools to
be more or less resource rich but the general model is the same nationwide
and every child residing in every geographic location has the opportunity to
be educated from kindergarten to high school without paying additional
tuition or extravagant education fees.
In China, “Despite the compulsory education law mandating 9
years of education, children whose families do not pay school fees are not
allowed to attend school (Brown and Park, 2002, p. 529).” As a result,
childhood education is a decision made by parents based primarily on
household financial considerations. Brown and Park (2002) analyzed
survey data from 446 rural households and 40 primary and junior secondary
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rural schools in six poor counties in China. Though classes were available
from age six, the mean age at which parents began paying for their child to
attend school was 7.4 years of age. Of the 472 children in the sample
between 5 and 16 years of age, 55 (12%) had already dropped out of
school. Overall, the parental education attainment was low (mean for
fathers was 7.3 years, mothers 3.3 years). Parents with more education were
more likely to invest in their children’s education.
Hannum and Wang (2006), analyzing 2000 census data, affirmed
the disparity between rural and urban educational attainment in China.
They found that rural areas in western China and Tibet had significantly
less educational attainment. For those “who were 20 to 24 years old at
census time, being from Tibet was associated with an average of over nine
years less education than being from Beijing, the reference category (p.
261).” The disadvantage for western provinces was decreasing (to a level of
approximately four years less at the time of the study) but for Tibet the
disadvantage was increasing.
Primary school dropout has increased to 54% at junior high school
levels in Northeast China. Chung and Mason (2012) conducted an
ethnographic study in a poor, rural area in Yunnan province to probe in-
depth why students dropped out of primary school in rural areas. Their
finding was that there was a mismatch between what villagers and the
central government perceive as the purpose, expectations, and value of
education. “Parents who have attained a certain level of formal education,
with dispositions, manners and values that reflect those of the formal
school system [suzhi], are most likely to have their children succeed at
school (p. 539).” Villagers with low levels of educational attainment,
though they may want their children to succeed at school, are ill-equipped
to help their children. Poorly resourced rural schools and teachers and ill-
prepared children all struggle and often fail to achieve the expected success,
especially with the new centrally-mandated formats and testing.
Liu (2013) surveyed 960 first year undergraduate college students
proportionately drawn from the four different tiers of two Chinese
universities located in two different provinces. He affirmed earlier findings
that access to the best elite institutions was not likely for students from
rural areas. Instead students from urban developed areas with parents who
were professionals (technicians, teachers, and doctors) and who attended
better secondary schools were much more likely to score high enough on
the nationwide college entrance exam (Gaokao) to gain access to the best
elite universities.
This rural/urban disparity at the primary and secondary level
continues in post-secondary education and post-graduation employment in
China (Chan & Ngok, 2011). In 1996, 100 Chinese universities were
selected by the central government for additional funding to increase their
quality (the 211 project). In 1998, one third of these selected universities
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received very large concentrated amounts of money to become “world class
universities” (the 985 project). Also in 1998, the central government
mandated an increase in enrollments in all higher education institutions.
These authors compared educational access and outcomes for graduates of
985, 211, non-211, and vocational universities in three provinces: an
eastern prosperous, central less prosperous, and a western impoverished.
They found that applicants from rural areas were much less likely to be
admitted to upper echelon universities. They also found that post-
graduation employment and income disparities were significant, depending
on the institution granting the degree.
They noted that graduates of upper echelon universities are given
household registration in mega cities whereas graduates of other
universities are not, excluding the non-elite further from financial benefits
and support. The authors further pointed out that accompanying the
centrally mandated expansion of university enrollments, tuition at higher
education institutions in China increased, making post-secondary education
even more inaccessible to the poor. In 2005, the average annual tuition in
China was 5,500RMB. In the same time period, urban residents’ average
annual deposit income was 10,500RMB while rural was only 3,200RMB.
Loan programs were introduced by the government but only covered 60%
of those needing assistance. More recently, loan reform decreased access to
post-secondary education further by involving parents in repayment of the
money borrowed by students. This forced parental repayment of their
children’s student loans is due, in part, to students not finding jobs after
graduation.
Chinese graduates’ post-degree employability

Regarding post degree outcomes, several authors have explored the
downturn in employability of Chinese college graduates. Lai, Tian, and
Meng (2011) reported that only 74% of college graduates in 2009 found
employment post-graduation in China. Urban graduates were more likely to
find satisfactory employment than rural. The authors presented qualitative
research that indicated that rural and urban students who live in rural areas
do not have the exposure and opportunities available in urban settings and
this lack has long-lasting life impacts.
Chan (2012) asserted that household registration and the level of
university that applicants graduated from explained the current 70%
employment rate of university graduates. Two alternative explanations
(applicants expect too high of wages in the current oversupplied job market
or applicants have not obtained a degree that is currently marketable) were
of lesser importance, according to this author. Instead, household
registration and type of institution were noted to be the first phase of pre-
screening of job applicants. In this screening, preference was given to those
registered in the eastern provinces and graduates of 985 or 211 schools. So,
- 250 -
others were excluded and never given the chance of the multinational
corporate employment they most seek.
Ding, Yang, and Ha (2013) used data from the China Urban
Household Survey and the China Health and Nutrition Survey from 1989 to
2009 to identify and explain the trends seen in the rates of return to
education in China. They concluded that the central government
management of economic market reforms in the late 1980s and early 1990s
caused a greatly increased demand for what was, at the time, a stable
supply of skilled labor. As a result, wages and the rates of return for
education rose. However, when the central government imposed education
sector reform in the late 1990s, this caused a great increase in the supply.
This increase in supply was accompanied by a reduction in the quality of
college graduates. This reduction in quality occurred at a time when the
demand for skilled labor continued to be determined by the needs of the
construction and manufacturing industries (which grew at much slower rate
than the supply of college graduates). Therefore, the rates of return for
education began to show a slight decline from 2004-2009.
Pu (2013) suggested several ways that the decrease in market
demand for the oversupply of college graduates might be ameliorated. The
first was that the glut in unemployed college graduates will eventually lead
parents to decrease their demand for higher education. This author also
suggested that encouraging college students to start their own businesses
would create jobs that will absorb the excess of graduates. Foreign
universities could make their degree programs more attractive to students
and their parents in China by developing international entrepreneurship
classes specifically designed for business start-ups in other countries.
Because the rate of unemployment for graduates of vocational
schools is even greater than that of academic degree colleges, an increase in
the quality of vocational education while reducing the price of this type of
education was offered as another way to divert the flow of secondary
education students away from baccalaureate colleges. Foreign universities
could provide highly marketable certificates in cutting edge technologies
relevant to their international students’ degree concentrations to endeavor
to make their international student graduates more marketable both in their
home countries as well as in the US.
Common barriers to Chinese student recruitment

The following study highlights what may be additional barriers that
baccalaureate foreign institutions will also face in seeking to increase their
Chinese student body. Zhang and Hagedorn (2014) noted that education
agents/consultants are paid (by students) to assist international student
recruitment by: helping students complete college entrance applications,
with the study of languages, counsel on the selection of a college, career
guidance, and visa application. In addition, the agents are, at the same time,
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hired by host foreign institutions to recruit for the institutions in the origin
country (in this case, China). Though this function is viewed negatively by
many US baccalaureate institutions, US community colleges actively work
with “placement agencies” worldwide.
The authors conducted Mandarin Chinese interviews about
perceptions of US community colleges with one US-specialized,
government accredited education agent agency in each of China’s eight
regions and then transcribed and translated the responses. The agents
indicated that US community colleges were a new concept to the Chinese
parents and their students. The agents perceived them to be “affordable in
cost, a pathway to four-year institutions, and offer programs catering to
students’ needs (p. 725).”
The agents were aware of the following disadvantages of
community colleges. First, the authors noted that the number one reason for
consideration of education abroad is the quality of instruction. However,
the first drawback of community colleges was noted to be the lower quality
of its education. A second drawback was the perception that the majority of
US students at community colleges were not motivated or prepared to
attend college and would, thereby, have a negative influence on the Chinese
student in class with them. In addition, less expensive community colleges
usually do not offer the breadth of academic discipline choices available at
a research comprehensive four year school. Finally, post-associates degree,
the need to complete a second application to transfer to another school to
obtain a bachelor degree was seen as a further hindrance to the
selection/promotion of community colleges.
Agents identified Chinese parents as their primary clients. Parents
perceived community colleges on par with lower level short training
schools in China and, thereby, their child’s attendance at one would be a
loss of face for the family. Agents did not have the same knowledge base
about community colleges as they did about four year institutions. Finally,
community colleges were not ranked in the most common surveys and
community colleges issued a much smaller number of student visas for
foreign students. Each of these perceptions by parents and agents can be
addressed preemptively by US higher education institutions with
informational marketing specifically targeting the concerns of these two
groups.
Assist students to achieve their desired outcomes

The relevance of obtaining more in-depth knowledge about the
educational system(s) in each sending country is emphasized in the peer-
reviewed literature and clearly warranted in regard to the recruitment of
Chinese students and students from all other countries worldwide. In
addition, Spinks and Wong (2010) emphasized understanding the
“psychology and needs” specific to Chinese students. This is important
- 252 -
because, more recently, with the strengthening of the quality of higher
education in Asian countries, Asian parents are questioning the value of
sending their children to more distant countries or even outside their own
countries at all.
South Korea, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, and China have seen
resulting increases in international student recruitment from Asian
countries. These increases, so far, in China (to 250,000), South Korea (to
30,000), and Japan are students studying in language programs. Citing
Yang (2007) the authors reported the motivation of Chinese students to
travel to receive their education outside of China was due to a combination
of some factors specific to China and some to the destination foreign
nations. The Chinese factors included the extremely competitive process to
obtain the limited number of places in top Chinese universities and the
Chinese economic prosperity that has enabled families to be able to afford
overseas education. The quality of the education provided and the
opportunities for post-graduation employment and migration are factors
specific to the foreign nations. Bodycott (2009) found differences between
Chinese parents’ and Chinese students’ top factors impacting their selection
of a foreign higher education destination. Bodycott surveyed 250 parents
and 100 students and found that post-graduation employment was the most
important factor for parents, while the onsite accommodations were cited
most frequently by students.
Both emphasized the variety of degree programs, while Chinese
parents placed importance on migration opportunities and Chinese students
valued the destination universities’ facilities, buildings, and grounds.
Spinks and Wong (2010) emphasized that universities must assess how
they can fulfill parents’ and students’ needs and desires for education
abroad yet not sacrifice their reputations for hoped-for short term gains or
be seen as working counter to the sending nation’s goals for its traveling
students. While, due to academic freedom concerns, “branding” (the
creation of a university personality) for universities meets with resistance,
these authors suggested that accurately and specifically identifying
university strengths has been a successful strategy for Hong Kong
University (HKU). In fact, reputation management (branding) was cited by
Spinks and Wong (2010) as core to HKU’s recruitment success. University
reputation in China is based on two factors, admissions standards and
university ranking. Admission cutoff scores for each Chinese university are
well known. Students and parents need help in understanding scores used
by college entrance exams and the university ranking systems in other
countries and how they compare to the Chinese system.
Cultural awareness of parental perspectives in the sending country
and knowledge about the specific needs of students from the sending
country are very important for higher education institutions to develop.
Highlighting the importance of successful post-graduation employment can
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orient the institution to develop objectives throughout the student’s degree
program that will facilitate achievement of this goal. Universities can
further enable their own and foreign student success through development
of policies and procedures for country-specific: student recruitment,
retention, and future alumni relationship.
This could include the development of materials that explain the
receiving country’s university ranking systems, applicant evaluation
procedures, and acceptance rates compared to each sending country’s to
assist sending countries’ parents and students in their selection. Regarding
the needs of Chinese students, because of the downtown in employment of
university graduates in China, it is important to ensure that Chinese
students who are recruited to attend foreign universities are guided to align
their interests as much as possible with degrees that will help them to be
employable post-graduation. Tracking and communicating post-degree
career outcomes of alumni across the university would assist in this regard.
In his study of whether international students do generate the
revenue anticipated by universities with their enrollment, Cantwell (2015)
found that some but not all US higher education institutions do receive a
net financial benefit. The failure of the student to graduate and the
possibility that the institution may incur more costs than benefits from
international student enrollment are real risks. To avoid them, higher
education institutions should conduct continual review and improvement of
their international student recruitment, selection and post-enrollment
assistance processes to maximize the likelihood of success for both the
student and institution.
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SANTA FALCONE, PhD, is a professor of public administration. E-mail:

falcone@unm.edu
Manuscript submitted: January 16, 2016

Manuscript revised: June 2, 2016
Accepted for publication: July 1, 2016
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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 257-269
Chinese Students’ Motivations for Studying in

the United States
Chiang-nan Chao
Niall Hegarty
John Angelidis
Victor F. Lu
St. John’s University, USA
ABSTRACT
This study examines the presence of Chinese students in U.S., and attempts
to explore the reasons why so many Chinese students choose to study
abroad and why the United States is their preferred destination. This
population is a vital component of university life at many colleges and a
much needed source of financial revenue. The results indicate that Chinese
students are seeking education with a worldview and opt to break from the
Chinese system of learning. This article seeks to offer academicians and
university administrators a deeper understanding of the motivation of these
Chinese students and contribute to the knowledge area extant on this
population.
Keywords: Chinese students in U.S., International students, Mobile

students.
The total number of international students in the higher education in the

U.S. rose from 572,509 in 2003/04 to 886,052 in 2013/14, about 54.8% in
the ten-year period, while the Chinese students rose from 61,765 to 274,439
during the same period, a 344% increase, according to Open Door report
(Report of Open Door, 2015). Among the competing countries for the
international students, the U.S. attracted over 20% of the total international
students, and it was about 4.2% of the total number students enrolled in the
U.S. universities and colleges. These international students and their
families spent about US$27 billion in 2014, according to US government
report (2015 Top Markets Report). By any measure, international education
makes a significant contribution to the U.S. economy. In New York State
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for example, the portion of this contribution was about US$3.2 billion,
which accounts for over 10% of the national total contribution of
international students. The economic impacts are not limited to the
spending of these foreign students, but also their families residing in the
host country (NAFSA Report). Attracting the best students from around the
world has become a large and growing global export opportunity and
source of competition (Zawacki-Richter & Bedenlier, 2015; Lumby &
Foskett; 2015 Top Markets Report). Conversely, countries that see their
students study abroad normally hope that these students return home and
contribute to their home economy.
The U.S. has maintained its leading position for attracting
international students, while China has become the largest single source of
international students studying in the United States. In 2013-14, China sent
274,439 students to the United States, an increase of 17% compared with
the previous year. The Chinese students make up a commanding 31% of all
international students, and have accounted for about two-thirds of the
increase in total international student enrollments in the U.S. since 2003.
This strong growth is likely to continue, presenting important export
opportunities for U.S. colleges and universities (2015 Top Markets Report;
Report of Open Door, 2015). Educators and researchers seek to understand
this phenomenon and identify better ways to serve this population, not as an
educational strategy, but also an international trade strategy. This research,
through an empirical setting intends to explore the drives of Chinese
students who choose to study in the U.S. in order to provide insights and
direction for educators, university administrators, and trade administrators.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Yung Wing might be the first Chinese student graduated from Yale in
1850. By 1880 there were mere 108 Chinese students studying in American
universities, and almost no Chinese in European universities (The Chinese-
American Museum of Chicago, 1880). Noticeably, China has become the
largest single source of international student source for the U.S. schools in
the recent years, about 31% in 2013/14. Figure 1 shows the growth of
students from China, compared with the total international students.
For thousands of years, education has been placed as a top priority
by Chinese families and with China's economic reforms during the past
decades leading a growth in wealth and a shrinking family size (only one
child per family) sending children to international universities has become
less burdensome. In the past decade, Chinese parents are tired of an
education system that focuses mainly on academic scores at the expense of
pupil’s overall development, and many other drawbacks in China’s
educational system, make them seriously consider sending their children
abroad for college education (Yan, 2015).
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Figure 1. Total number of Chinese vs. total international students in
the U.S.
1,200,000
Chinese students
1,000,000
800,000
600,000
400,000
200,000
0
Source: Open Door, 2015.
American businesses, management knowhow, and capital have been

flowing to China for the past 30 years, but it is education that reverses the
tide. The benefits of studying abroad are felt both by individuals and entire
nations. For these reasons educators and researchers are interested in the
motivations that encourage Chinese students study in the U.S. Of all
international students, about 65% of source of funding comes from
students’ families. Meanwhile, many U.S. universities are facing an
increasingly tough financial situation with a shortage of domestic students,
a decrease in corporate support, and declines in government subsidies. In
such a situation, Chinese students with money to spend may fill that
financial gap (WES Report, 2015; Joseph, 2012).
For Chinese students in the 2013/14 year, the top fields of study are
business/management. Among all the majors, 26.5% of Chinese students
choose business and management, with knowledge these students can more
easily find employments in China (Ortiz, Chang, & Fang, 2015). Besides
economic well-being, many Chinese students decide to study abroad
because they believe there is a better quality education in foreign countries.
The growth in Chinese students may also reflect a confluence of factors.
First, more Chinese citizens are completing college and thus eligible to
apply to graduate school. Second, many U.S. schools are recruiting more
aggressively overseas, marketing their programs to a wider talent pool.
Word of mouth then fuels the trend. Once some students attend a program,
they recommend it to friends back home. Many schools have set up their
gateway offices in China, i.e. Columbia University and Ohio State
University. Meanwhile, new specialized master's programs appeal to
students, particularly those from China, eager to delve deeper into a single
subject and gain a credential to compete with the growing population of
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educated young adults, without taking much time out of the workforce
(Ozturgut & Murphy, 2009; Yan, 2015; Albrecht, Malagueno, Holland &
Sanders, 2012).
When looking into the Chinese applicants’ backgrounds, many
schools find some outstanding characteristics the Chinese applicants
possess. First, they are China's best students who are probably aware that if
they attend universities in China, they may not able to go to the best
universities in the world. For example, among top 100 universities around
the world, only two Chinese universities are in 39th and 67th places by the
U.S. News and World Report (U.S. News and World Report, 2014). Unlike
U.S. institutions that value candidates who present themselves as unique,
their Chinese counterparts want students who excel on entrance exams that
require years of rote learning and possess a strong grasp of math and
science. Some critics say China’s state-run education system — promoted
as the hallmark of Communist meritocracy — are being overrun by bribery
and cronyism. Such corruption has broadened the gulf between the
privileged and non-privileged classes. Third, these young individuals are
ambitious and many want to go to Ivy League schools, a symbol for those
parents who raise their children successfully. Fourth, they desire to learn
more about critical thinking, and very importantly, they want to be exposed
to things aside from just test taking (Henze & Zhu, 2012; Taylor, 2012;
Wu, 2014; Ruiz, 2014; Soria1 & Troisi, 2014).
Institute of International Education (IIE) published a report on
motivations of the foreign students in the U.S. The report focuses on the
following motivations:
1) Limited places available to study at (highly prestigious) universities
in the home country;
2) Specialize in an area which is not offered in the home country;
3) Have access to specific laboratories/libraries not
available/accessible in the home country;
4) Learn or improve knowledge of a foreign language;
5) Interest in foreign culture, history and landscape;
6) Get more practice-oriented education than offered in home country;
7) Possibility to build up networks/friendships in an intercultural
context;
8) Improve career prospects/chances of getting a job in the home
country;
9) Opportunity to develop the personality/become more independent;
10) Get a broader/more flexible education than offered in home
country;
11) Experience new ways of thinking and acting in the field of study;
12) Improve chances for an international career (2015 Top Markets
Report).
- 260 -
The report on motivations is rather general. Other research focuses more on
what graduate courses the Chinese students choose rather than why they
choose United Kingdom as their destination (Zheng, 2010; Russell,
Rosenthal, & Thomson, 2010; Wu, 2014). Chao and Hegarty (2014)
focuses on the Chinese students’ reasons for attending colleges in the U.S.
Their results indicate that Chinese students are seeking education with a
worldview and opt to break from the Chinese system of learning. Their
study indicates choosing to study in the U.S. may be an academic endeavor,
but the reasons behind the choices are not solely for academics. Due to its
preliminary nature, it is questionable for generalization of the findings. This
article focuses in depth on the Chinese students’ motivations for coming to
the United States, so to provide some insights for educators and university
administrators a better understanding of the Chinese students’ motivations,
therefore, serve this market segment better. This study samples a different
Chinese student groups.
RESEARCH METHOD
With the focal questions in mind, this research focused on Chinese

students’ motives for studying in the U.S. A survey questionnaire was
developed to investigate the issues related to the objectives of this study,
Chinese students’ motives to leave their home country and study in the U.S.
Then the survey questionnaire was backwardly translated into Chinese to
ensure the accuracy of the questionnaire, or in case some respondents may
need a Chinese language questionnaire. However, all the respondents had
an adequate grasp of the English questionnaire. The following variables
were based on literature reviews.
Variable Selection
The following variables serve as motives that affect Chinese
students in their decision making for studying abroad derived from the
literature review.
1. Gain a new perspective on my own country;
2. Can attend a better school overseas, but not able to attend the
schools I want due to China National College Entry Exam;
3. It is easy to be admitted by a foreign school;
4. It is also costly if I study in my home country;
5. My friends have gone abroad, so I would;
6. I want to be away from my country;
7. I must study abroad because my parents’ wish;
8. There are more fields of studies offered by foreign schools;
9. Political easiness in programs abroad;
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10. Better living conditions, housing, eating, and environmental,
i.e. clean air, etc;
11. The educational system is better overseas.
Hypothesis, test of hypothesis, and sampling

The hypotheses for this research are to find if there are any
significant differences in the Chinese students’ motives for choosing to
study in the U.S.
H1: There is no significant difference for Chinese students to
gain a new perspective between China and the U.S.
attend a better school either in China or in the U.S.
be admitted by a foreign school either in China or in the
U.S.
attend schools either in China or in the U.S. as far as cost is
concerned.
attend school either in China or in the U.S. because their
friends have gone.
attend school either in China or in the U.S. as there is no
difference between the two countries.
H7: There is no significant difference for Chinese students for
where their parents wish them to study.
find more fields of studies either in China or in the U.S.
find political easiness in programs either in China or in the
U.S.
H10: There is no significant difference for Chinese students
living conditions, housing, eating, and environmental, i.e.
Clean air, etc. either in China or in the U.S.
H11: There is no significant difference for Chinese students
between the educational systems in China and the U.S.
Alternatively, there are significant differences in each of these hypotheses.
Due to the nature of this empirical study, the questionnaires were
distributed to Chinese students in two large university campuses in the
northeast America for a convenient sampling. The respondents were asked
to evaluate the selected variables in a five point Likert scale, with 5=most
important, 4=important, 3=neutral, 2=not important, and 1=least important.
One sample student’s t-test is any statistical hypothesis test in
which the test statistic follows a Student's t distribution if the null
- 262 -
hypothesis is supported. It is most commonly applied when the test statistic
would follow a normal distribution if the value of a scaling term in the test
statistic were known. When the scaling term is unknown and is replaced by
an estimate based on the data, the test statistic (under certain conditions)
follows a Student's t distribution. The estimate value for testing hypotheses
in this study is 3 which are either important or not important. The one
sample t-test requires that the dependent variable follow a normal
distribution. When the number of subjects in the experimental group is 30
or more, the central limit theorem shows a normal distribution can be
assumed. If the number of subjects is less than 30, the researcher should
plot the results and examine whether they appear to follow a normal
distribution. If the distribution appears to be non-normal, and/or if the
number of test cases is significantly less than 30, then a one sample median
test, which does not require a normal distribution, should be used to test the
hypothesis (Hamburg, 1977; Conover, 1980; Davis and Cosenza, 1985).
Five percent of the t-tests one tailed probability level was selected to
signify the differences between preferences.
Table 1: Backgrounds of the Respondents
Variables Groups Valid %

1. Age <18 6.4
18-35 92.0
>35 1.6
2. gender Male 56.0
Female 44.0
3. Family annual income <$30k 33.9
$30-50k 26.4
$50-75k 13.7
>$75k 25.8
4. Education College 69.6
Graduate 30.4
5. Marital status Married 9.6
Single 90.4
6.Sources of financial supports Parent 56.8
Own saving 5.6
Obtained scholarship or 22.4
GA
Combination of various 15.2
sources
7. Number years studied in the <1 year 13.6
U.S. 1 year 9.6
1-2 years 16.6
>2 years 60.0
- 263 -
RESULTS
Over 350 respondents were surveyed, with 128 completed responded for
analyses, representing 36.5% of the total surveyed. Table 1 presents the
general background information of the respondents. It is noticeable that
roughly a third of the Chinese who took the survey has an annual family
income over US$75K equivalent, and most of the students were born after
1978 when one child per family policy was initiated (Healthland Time,
2013). Over 97% of the respondents took College entrance exams and
stood at the top 50%, while currently, over 50% of Chinese high school
graduates are able to go to college in China. In comparison, in the U.S. over
70% of the high school graduates go to college (Bureau of Labor Statistics,
2015). In another word, these respondents had alternatives for their college
selections: either stay in China or go to the U.S. Table 2 presents the test
results of One-Sample t-Test, with mean differences, t values, degrees of
freedom, and two tailed significances of these tests.
Table 2: One-Sample t-Test Results, test value=3, neutral, degree of

freedom=117-122
Items Mean Mean t Sig.

Dif.
1. Gain a new perspective on my own 3.61 0.61 4.98 0.000
country
2. Can attend a better school overseas, but 2.99 -0.01 -0.06 0.952
not able to attend the schools I want due
to China National College Entry
Examinations.
3. It is easy to be admitted by a foreign 2.64 -0.36 -3.21 0.002
school.
4. It is also costly if I study in my home 2.43 -0.57 -4.96 0.000
country.
5. My friends have gone abroad, so I 2.34 -0.66 -5.40 0.000
would
6. I want to be away from my country 2.39 -0.61 -4.77 0.000
7. I must study abroad because my 2.40 -0.60 -4.98 0.000
parents’ wish
8. There are more fields of studies offered 2.99 -0.01 -0.06 0.949
by foreign schools.
9. Political easiness in programs abroad 2.66 -0.34 -2.92 0.004
10.Better living conditions, housing, 2.84 -0.16 -1.36 0.177
eating, and environmental, i.e. clean air,
etc.
11. The educational system is better 3.37 0.37 2.80 0.006
overseas.
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IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The mean differences as compared to the test value of 3 which is neutral

tell the researchers how relatively important of these variables. The results
show that two variables, 1. Gain a new perspective on my own country and
11. The educational system is better overseas, show the positive mean
differences, which mean the respondents view these variables more
important. To supplement the survey, interviews were conducted. Many
respondents indicate that Chinese Higher Education System lacks of
innovation, and the students have to memorize the doctrines, rather than to
find new ways of doing things. This gives credits to many US colleges that
give Chinese students a worldwide view and encourage them to innovate.
With regard to the other nine variables: 2. Can attend a better school
overseas, but not able to attend the schools I want due to China National
College Entry Exam; 3. It is easy to be admitted by a foreign school; 4. It is
also costly if I study in my home country; 5. My friends have gone abroad,
so I would; 6. I want to be away from my country; 7. I must study abroad
because my parents’ wish; 8. There are more fields of studies offered by
foreign schools; 9. Political easiness in programs abroad; 10. Better living
conditions, housing, eating, and environmental, i.e. clean air, etc, the
respondents express that these are less important. This would suggest to the
researchers these variables are less important for the Chinese students who
study in the U.S. Some respondents indicate that it is as difficult as they
apply for admissions at Chinese universities, especially the top 200
universities. Many indicate that the cost of studying at Chinese universities
has rapidly increased in the past years. “Catch up with Jones” is a fallacy
for the Chinese students, rather than an important motive for their study
aboard. These respondents indicate that there were aware that the job
opportunities for foreign students were not good in North America, so the
overwhelm majority need to return to China for jobs. The respondents also
indicate that they come to study aboard, not subject to their parents’ wishes,
as they want to do at their own will. For variable 9, some respondents
indicate that in the recent years, the Chinese universities ease political
required courses.
The test results of One-Sample t-Test reject eight null hypotheses:
1. Gain a new perspective on my own country; 3. It is easy to be admitted
by a foreign school; 4. It is also costly if I study in my home country; 5. My
friends have gone abroad, so I would; 6. I want to be away from my
country; 7. I must study abroad because my parents’ wish; 9. Political
easiness in programs abroad; 11. The educational system is better overseas.
In other words, these eight variables present that they are either more
important or less important in Chinese students’ motivations to come to the
U.S.
- 265 -
The test results of One-Sample t-Test accept three null hypotheses:

2. Can attend a better school overseas, but not able to attend the schools I
want due to China National College Entry Exam; 8. There are more fields
of studies offered by foreign schools; 10. Better living conditions, housing,
eating, and environmental, i.e. clean air, etc. In other words, the
acceptances of these hypotheses recommend that the Chinese students do
not view these issues differently. Many respondents indicate that the
Chinese educational system is rigid, the choices of college are limited, even
when the higher school students get good China National College Entry
Exam scores.
What more comes through from this research is that non-academic
reasons are primarily driving Chinese students to study in the U.S. Cultural
aspects and desires to gain a non-Chinese world perspective emerge as
primary motives for study in the U.S. This may be due to the understanding
and realization by the Chinese of a global economy and the need to
understand the ‘internationalization’ of business. These attitudes could also
be considered to be consistent with attitudes of all affluent middle classes
who have moved beyond daily sustenance and have achieved long term
security.
LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH
While this study is limited by sample size and confined to Chinese students
studying at only two universities in the northeast America it does provide
direction and insight for future researcher to build upon. The sample size
can be accepted as a good representation of the motives of Chinese students
who wish to study in the U.S. as the northeast America, particularly New
York State, has a larger number of Chinese students.
The Chinese students’ motivations for coming to the U.S. may
include more. The author took a special research tour recently in China to
interview with the parents (some are grandparents) who have their children
in the U.S. or plan to send their children to, indicate that they believe that
higher education overseas is much better. As long as they can afford, their
first choice is to let their children study overseas. Academic research on the
motivations of international student populations (4% of the total US college
students), particularly Chinese students (over 1% of the total US college
students) in the U.S. is limited. While much has been written in terms of
their numbers and how universities accommodate Chinese students is
limited. It is imperative in servicing this population that universities first
need to better understand the motivations then colleges and universities in
the U.S. can build programs to cater to the long term facilitation of this
segment market.
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Future empirical studies may also focus the life style and living of
these Chinese students in the U.S. or elsewhere, as many participate in this
study, live together, and speak their own language, and it seems there is a
battier between this market segment and the rest of local and international
students. A further recommendation would be to look at any major
differences between undergraduate and graduate Chinese students as well
as differences between graduate Chinese who have completed bachelor
degrees in the U.S. and those who haven’t. The growing number of the
Chinese students in the U.S. has raised some challenging questions for both
educators and researchers. In the future, researchers will need to know
more about: what are the expectations of these Chinese students when they
land in the U.S.? Are their expectations met during their studies or after
their studies? If their expectations are not met, what educators in the U.S.
schools need to do?
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464.
CHIANG-NAN CHAO, PhD, Professor of Management, earned his MBA

from Lamar University, and his PhD in Supply Chain Management and
International Business from Arizona State University. His articles, books,
book chapters, conference papers, conference presentations, and case
studies, etc. have published in many leading journals and conferences, i.e.,
Journal of World Business, the Journal of Supply Chain Management, the
Journal of Education for Business, Journal of Teaching in International
Business, etc. E-mail: chaoc@stjohns.edu
NIALL HEGARTY, EdD, is Assistant Professor of Management at St.

John's University. His area of research covers the domain of motivation. He
has published in such journals as Human Resources and Adult Learning,
- 268 -
Journal of Continuing Higher Education, and Business Education and
Accreditation. E-mail: hegartyn@stjohns.edu
JOHN ANGELIDIS, PhD, earned his PhD from Georgia State University.
His research interests are in the area of strategic management, international
business, and corporate social responsibility. He has published a great
number of refereed articles in journals such as the Journal of Business
Ethics, International Journal of Management, Journal of Education for
Business, Journal of Global Marketing, Journal of Applied Business
Research, The American Asia Review, Mid-Atlantic Journal of Business,
Review of Business, and the Journal of Global Business, etc. E-mail:
angelidj@stjohns.edu
VICTOR F. LU, PhD, earned his PhD degree in Operations Research from
Syracuse University. His research areas are business analytics and
information technology. He published a number of peer-reviewed articles in
journals including Operations Research and has made numerous
presentations at international and national conferences and symposia. He
has authored two academic books and several book chapters, edited several
conference proceedings, and served in various international and national
academic organizations by holding the roles of conference chair, program
chair, track chair, editor, associate editor, and reviewer. E-mail:
luf@stjohns.edu

Manuscript revised: January 30 and May 24, 2016
Accepted for publication: September 27, 2016
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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 270-290
Cross-Cultural Student Teaching: Examining

the Meaning-Making of one White, Female, Middle-
Class Preservice Teacher
Stephanie J. Shedrow
University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA
ABSTRACT
While teacher educators implement diverse student teaching placements for

preservice teachers as a means of bridging the cultural mismatch in
classrooms around the United States, researchers have only recently begun
to tap into the role that preservice teachers’ “whiteness” plays in their
ideologies. As such, the purpose of this study was to better understand how
one white, female preservice teacher made meaning of her experiences
during a cross-cultural experiential learning (CCEL) student teaching
placement abroad. Analyzing if and how previous intercultural interactions
were drawn upon while abroad, as well as how experiences abroad were
employed once returning to the US, findings suggest that cultural
competency does not directly equate to recognizing whiteness and the
privileges associated.
Keywords: cross-cultural experiential learning, cultural mismatch,

narrative inquiry, student teaching, whiteness theory
I’ve realized how lucky I am, though, to have been able to shape [my]
educational philosophy at a university full of resources and knowledge.
Most of this realization came after a few conversations with a teacher at the
school, who I will call Pauline. At first, I had a shamefully inexplicable
dislike for her. She was disheveled, awkward, and didn’t seem to
understand that I was there to observe, not to teach on my first day there.
Then she told me that she too had been told the wrong information several
times; she hadn’t prepared for this class’s lesson because she was told she’d
be teaching the subject in 2 other grades. She was thrown off and desperate
for my help. In later conversations, I realized that my dislike was really
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directed at the differences between us, which was unfair (Personal
Communication, February, 2014).
This excerpt is from a blog posted by Nora Street, a twenty-one-
year-old preservice teacher, while conducting nine weeks of student
teaching in a small farming village in western Uganda as part of a cross-
cultural experiential learning (CCEL) program. While cross-cultural
experiential learning programs, where student teachers live and work in
cultures different from their own, have become a widely accepted means of
preparing preservice teachers for teaching in diverse classrooms (e.g.
Alfaro & Quezada, 2010; Batey & Lupi, 2012; Clement and Outlaw, 2012;
Cushner & Chang, 2015; Kissock & Richardson, 2010; Landerholm and
Chacko, 2013; Lee, 2011; Lu & Soares, 2013; Martin, 2012; Marx & Moss,
2011; Rodriguez, 2011; Sharam, Rahaza & Phillion, 2013; Thomas, 2012),
there is a lack of empirical studies regarding how preservice teachers make
meaning from these programs (Anderson & Stillman, 2013; Cushner &
Chang, 2015). As such, the purpose of this study is to explore how
preservice teachers make meaning from their experiences student teaching
abroad. More specifically, it explores if, and subsequently how, these
student teachers draw on previous life events when making meaning of
their cross-cultural experiences.
CULTURAL MISMATCH IN THE CLASSROOM
Although K-12 classrooms around the country are becoming more and
more economically and culturally diverse, teacher candidates continue to be
predominantly White, middle-class women (National Center for Education
Statistics, n.d.). This “demographic divide” (Gay & Howard, 2000, p. 1)
between white teachers and the students they teach results in an unequal
and inadequate education for students of color (e.g. Gay, 1997; McDonald,
et al., 2011; Rust, 2010), and often present career-ending challenges for
novice teachers (e.g. Banks, et al., 2005; Freeman et. al, 2012; Voltz,
1998). In short, preservice and novice teachers are not prepared to work
with diverse populations of students (Burbank, Ramirez & Bates, 2012).
One point of contention may be the varying value systems held by white
teachers in the dominant culture and students from non-dominant cultures
(Marx & Moss, 2011; O’Connor, 1993). Sleeter (2001) even argues that
most white preservice teachers have little understanding of discrimination
or racism, and an almost nonexistent background in cross-cultural
experiences or knowledge.
Consequently, teacher educators have realized the importance of
providing opportunities for preservice teachers to recognize their own
ethnocentric worldviews and cultural identities so they may, in turn,
develop interculturally and come to understand and value the worldviews of
their students (e.g. Banks et. al, 2005; Kennedy & Heineke, 2016;
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McAllister & Irvine, 2000; Marx & Moss, 2011). One of the most common
pedagogical methods that universities employ to prepare preservice
teachers for work in culturally diverse schools is through a social justice
oriented teacher education program (Cochran-Smith, 2010; Burbank,
Ramirez & Bates, 2012; Whipp, 2013). However, what pedagogical
practices are employed under the umbrella term “teacher education for
social justice” remains ambiguous (Cochran-Smith, 2010), and many
researchers have noted that preservice teachers’ dispositions and ideologies
cannot be augmented simply by exposure to multicultural education (e.g.
Conchran-Smith & Zeichner, 2005; Grant, 1994; Wilson, Floden, Ferrini-
Mundy, 2001). In addition, it has been established that teacher education
programs built around themes of social justice do not have a significant
impact on actual teacher beliefs (Buehler, Ruggles, et al., 2009; Burbank,
Ramirez & Bates, 2012; Sleeter, 2001; Voltz, 1998).
Another common pedagogy utilized in teacher education programs
is a programmatic requirement that preservice teachers participate in one or
more service learnings, practicums, or student teaching placements in an
urban or culturally diverse school (e.g. Burban, Ramirez & Bates, 2012;
Foote & Cooke-Cottone, 2004; Green et al., 2011; Kennedy & Heineke,
2016). However, these programs often have mixed results; while many
studies have reported positive outcomes, others have indicated that the
experience can actually solidify preservice teachers’ predispositions and
stereotypes (Anderson & Stillman, 2013; Sleeter, 2001). Although similar
in theory, CCEL placements differ from these programs in that the
preservice teachers are unable to retreat to the safety of their familiar
cultural groups and environments. In this way, the preservice teachers’
cultural worldviews, which tend to be largely monocultural, are expanded,
and they are able to experience and understand differences in meaningful
and complex ways (Hammer, Bennett, & Wiseman, 2003). Overall, studies
examining CCEL are favorable and report that preservice teachers who
participate in such programs generally increase their self-efficacy, cultural
awareness, and professionalism (e.g. Batey & Lupi, 2012, Clement and
Outlaw, 2012; Cushner & Mahon, 2002; Landerholm and Chacko, 2013,
Lee, 2011, Marin, 2012; Marx and Moss, 2011; Pence & Macgillvray,
2008; Quezada, 2004; Rodriguez, 2011; Sharam, Rahaza and Phillion,
2013; Thomas, 2012).
CCEL HISTORY AND PROGRAMS
Some credit the Fulbright Program (established in 1946) and the Peace
Corps (established in 1961) with inspiring universities across the United
States to encourage study abroad (Baker and Giacchino-Baker, 2000). The
number of international field experiences offered by U.S. universities and
colleges grew steadily from 1957 to the 1980s; and by the 1990s they had
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become widely accepted as “a way of preparing teachers to understand
diversity” (Baker and Giacchino-Baker, 2000, p. 4). By the early 2000s
over 100 universities participated or provided some type of student teaching
abroad placement (Quezada, 2004). Today, multiple universities offer
CCEL programs that vary widely from university to university in scope,
format, and timeframe. Table 1 below highlights several published studies
outlining programs that have been or are presently offered by universities in
the United States.
- 273 -
Additionally, organizations and consortiums have been created and
currently operate to assist schools of education in providing preservice
teachers with CCEL student teaching opportunities. For example, the
Consortium for Overseas Student Teaching (COST) is a collaboration of 15
colleges and universities and offers placements in over a dozen countries
around the globe (COST, 2014). Likewise, Educators Abroad has placed
student teachers from 142 universities in 77 countries (Educators Abroad,
n.d.).
Although CCEL programs have many different forms, the overall
body of research surrounding such coursework points favorably to this
avenue of teacher education as a means of creating transformational
learning experiences that challenge preservice teachers to reflect on their
own ideologies. However, some studies do highlight challenges to CCEL.
Jester and Finckel (2013) followed 53 preservice teachers to Alaska Native
Village schools. Findings from this study indicated that the white
preservice teachers felt empowered to use their position in the schools to
teach the students about local Alaska Native languages and traditions, but
they often applied a deficit model to student learning and did not employ
culturally relevant pedagogies or curricula (Jester & Fickel, 2013). Jester
and Finckel (2013) reported that the preservice teachers were disconnected
from the community—a problem of CCEL that Stachowski and Mahan
(1995) recommended be mitigated by having preservice teachers live with
host families during their teaching placement. They explain “as the
relationship [with the host family] develops, information about respective
cultures is shared, stereotypes are dissolved, and differences in lifestyles are
examined and perhaps adopted” (Stachoweki and Mahan, 1995, p. 104).
Other researchers have also acknowledged the tension that exists with the
notion that that all preservice teachers will inherently and uniformly benefit
from being placed in a context vastly different from their own (Anderson &
Stillman, 2013).
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
This research is positioned within and builds upon sociocultural theories of

learning where knowledge is shaped by the social, historical and cultural
contexts with rules and resources that mediate learners’ experiences and
understandings (Vygotsky, 1978). This stance stresses the importance of
interactive participation between learners and their world (Vygotsky, 1997;
Wertsch, 1991), taking into account the powerful influence that cultural
practices have on the acquisition of knowledge (Gutierrez & Rogoff, 2003).
Whiteness Theory
Whiteness theories, or whiteness studies, began in the late
twentieth century at the intersection of white trash and critical race studies
- 274 -
(Kennedy, Middleton & Ratcliffe, 2005). However, while white trash
studies try to place poor whites alongside poor nonwhites—thus ignoring
the privileges afforded to whites in the United States—and critical race
studies assert that social class is perceived differently between classes,
whiteness studies seek to understand how whiteness functions as a social
construct (Kenney, Middleton, & Ratcliffe, 2005). White studies focus on
the privileges bestowed on whites through the devaluation of nonwhites, as
well the invisibility and normalization of whiteness (Thompson, 2001).
Ruth Frankenburg (1997), a pillar in the field, deconstructs whiteness to
three key components that intertwine to create the phenomenon:
First, whiteness is a location of structural advantage, of race
privilege. Second it is a ‘standpoint,’ a place from which white people look
at ourselves, at others, and at society. Third, ‘whiteness’ refers to a set of
cultural practices that are usually unmarked and unnamed (p. 1). Thus,
whiteness theory provides a lens to understand individuals’ construction of
their culture and personal position within their community and the society
at large. While many (hooks, 1992; McIntyre, 1997; Morrison, 1992)
support the view that white preservice teachers often “have little or no
understanding of their own culture” (Ladson-Billings, 2001, p. 96), Winant
(1997) argues that many whites do understand, at least to some extent, the
privileges and power associated with whiteness. This paradox leaves issues
of white privilege to be somewhat “thorny” for preservice teachers (Leland
and Harste, 2005, p. 75) and thus creates tension for these prospective
teachers within their identity construction (Winnat, 1997). For example, in
their study of how one white preservice teacher negotiates cultural
competence, Buehler et al. (2009) discovered a similar personal conflict: As
their study participant developed awareness of her white privilege she
simultaneously strove to downgrade its importance. The researchers
explain, the preservice teacher feared “she couldn’t be white and culturally
competent as the same time” (Buehler, et al., 2009, p. 410).
Further, by examining cross-cultural experiential learning through
the lenses of whiteness and sociocultural understandings of knowledge
acquisition, the complexities of preservice teachers’ experiences can be
deconstructed. As preservice teachers grapple with the culture and social
system they suddenly find themselves immersed in—presumably one vastly
different from their own—they must recognize their whiteness while
simultaneously learning new knowledge; knowledge that may conflict with
their previous understandings of the world. Combined, these theories
highlight the daunting internal struggle that many face when presented with
situations that conflict with the ingrained practices of their own culture.
The data presented in this paper are drawn from a larger
longitudinal study of the impact of cross-cultural experiential learning on
teacher pedagogy. This larger study follows three student teachers, in a
cohort of twenty-four, for two years before and after electing to spend nine
- 275 -
of their required eighteen weeks of student teaching in western Uganda.
The preservice teachers lived in a small university-owned house in the
village of Kasese and traveled the forty minute commute (by car) daily to a
small Christian school in Rwentutu, Uganda. For the present study one
participant, Nora, was recruited because 1) she exemplifies the qualities
(female, white, middle-class) of a large percentage of the teaching force
currently teaching in U.S. schools and in teacher education programs
(AACTE, 2009; Green et al. 2011); and, 2) she considers her time in
Uganda to be “successful” based on her students’ progress and the feedback
she received. This later point was a crucial component to this study
because, it could be argued that, student-teachers who do not consider their
cross-cultural experience “successful” might not have been able to make
meaning from their experience. Moreover, Nora was the only white female
in her cohort to student teach in Uganda.
METHOD
The methodology of the study was influenced by narrative approaches, as

well as sociocultural theories of learning where knowledge is gained
through the co-construction of social and individual processes (Wertsch,
1991). This interpretive perspective is grounded in the idea that knowledge
is “constructed in and out of interaction between beings and their world”
(Crotty, 1998, p. 42). As Polanyi (1958) explains, knowledge must be
integrated with personal knowing through “critical reflection on our own
knowledge” (p. 373) [emphasis added]. Subsequently, through the
construal of understandings and personal contemplation, “knowing” is
individualistically shaped and realized.
Methods of narrative inquiry (Connelly & Clandinin, 2000) were
utilized for two reasons. First, the sociocultural lens, where knowledge is
constructed from interaction with others and one’s environment, lends itself
to the construction of narratives between the storyteller and the researcher.
Gubrium and Holstein (2009) acknowledge that “[n]arrative is framed as a
social product, not as a social action” (p. xvi), indicating that stories told
during narrative research are socially constructed and would change if the
conditions and/or methodology of the research were augmented. Further,
this methodology, as described by Clandinin (2013), builds upon the
foundations put forth by John Dewey. Dewey understood that his
experiences were important factors in his teaching pedagogy, and narrative
inquiry gives voice to teachers’ experiences and teacher knowledge—
knowledge “that [is] personal, practical, shaped by, and expressed in
practice” (Clandinin, 2013, p. 9). Because the methodology of narrative
inquiry is 1) so innately connected to the theoretical perspective employed
in this study, and 2) has foundations in the educational arena, it was a
highly attractive methodological choice.
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Data Collection
For one academic year, as a university supervisor, Nora’s stories of
experience were gathered using several narrative inquiry approaches,
including observations of her teaching, document collection, informal
conversations, formal interviews, and the writing of field notes following
interactions with Nora (Clandinin & Connelly, 1994, 2000). Two
classroom observations were conducted before Nora completed her CCEL,
as well as four classroom observations upon her return to the United States.
Notes from the classroom observations, as well as personal reflections
about the lessons written by Nora, were collected. Document collection
included end-of-semester evaluations of Nora’s performance as a preservice
teacher, an online blog kept by Nora during her time in Uganda, and Nora’s
application to student-teach in Uganda. And finally, two in-depth, semi-
structured interviews, spanning approximately three hours each, were
conducted with Nora after she completed her teacher education program.
Descriptive field notes of these interviews and the observations, as well as
theoretical memos (Creswell, 2013), were also used as data sources for this
study.
Data Analysis
Throughout the data collection, documents and transcripts were
continuously reread and notes/memos were made as a means of exploring
the data (Creswell, 2013). The data then underwent a series of two phases
of coding. Initially, descriptive coding (Saldana, 2013, p. 105) was
employed and basic themes were created to analyze the topics of the data.
During this cycle of coding, chunks of data were coded based on content.
For example, Nora’s concerns about student teaching in Uganda, before the
trip began, became one code. Another code centered on Nora’s interactions
with students. After these codes were created, pattern codes were
generated from the themes that emerged in this first cycle (Saldana, 2013).
Pattern coding, similar to thematic analysis, focuses “on what is said, rather
than how, to whom, or for what purposes” [emphasis added] in order to
interpret the data—a widely utilized and accepted approach to narrative
analysis (Kohler Riessman 2008, p. 53-55). Pattern codes that developed
during this second round of coding included: reflexivity, critical
questioning, purpose of education, learning, culture, attitude, social justice,
flexibility, self-reflection, and cultural dissonance (i.e., culture shock). All
the data was then recoded using the new “second cycle” pattern codes
(Saldana, 2013). Finally, from these two rounds of exhaustive coding,
three themes surrounding Nora’s meaning making surfaced from the data:
flexibility, critical questioning, and self-reflection. These themes are
presented and discussed below.
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FINDINGS
Informed by sociocultural learning and whiteness theories, as well as Ruth

Frankenburg’s (1997) outline of the critical components to whiteness—
privilege, ideology, and cultural practices—Nora’s stories of experience
(Clandini & Connelly, 1990) uncover how she was able to make meaning
of her journey teaching and learning halfway around the world.
Privilege
Nora describes her childhood from birth until she entered high
school as continuously changing and uncertain. She recounts moving over
twenty times as a child, as well as being in seven hurricanes, including
Hurricane Ivan at the age of twelve, at which time, she and her family lived
without electricity for three weeks. From this early nomadic lifestyle, Nora
concluded that she understood what it felt like to be an “outsider” early
on—as she was accustomed to being the “new kid” and having to make
new connections with friends and mentors (personal communication, June
16, 2014). Nora hypothesized that this constant upheaval in her childhood
allowed her to become flexible, as she realized early on that she had little
control over her environment and what happened around her.
When Nora began high school, her world became more stable and
she lived in a small, wealthy suburb where she attended the same high
school for three consecutive years. Nora described her town as
“conservative” and estimated that 85 percent of her high school was
comprised of white students (personal communication, June 16, 2014). But
even in this environment, Nora still felt as though she was an outsider and
didn’t belong because, although she lived in an affluent neighborhood, as
Nora explained, her family resided in an area with “less nicer houses” [sic]
(personal communication, June 16, 2014). While Nora was unable to see
the privileges she held by living in a wealthy suburb, this experience
positioned her as different from her peers. Thus, Nora understood what it
was like to be on the outside of a social group as well as how to enact
multiple identities to homogenize to her surroundings.
In Uganda, Nora was confronted with the privileges she
unconsciously enjoyed in the United States. In a conversation with a
Ugandan teacher, the same teacher in the excerpt from Nora’s blog at the
onset of this paper, Nora was asked, “Do you like Africans?” (personal
communication, February, 2014). Nora was thrown by this question
because she felt that she obviously liked Africans if she traveled to Uganda
to student teach. The Ugandan teacher then explained that some volunteers
who travel to their villages do not take the opportunity to get to know the
people; they simply do their work, read in their free time, and leave. The
teacher continued by asking Nora why she and the other American teachers
didn’t stay in Rwentutu like the Ugandan teachers. Before Nora could
- 278 -
answer, the teacher proclaimed, “Ah I know. There’s no electricity here
and it gets very dark at night” (Nora, personal communication, February
2014). After this interaction, Nora reflected in a blog post, “She implied
that we were too good for this simplicity, and guilt set in…It was awful to
realize that while I thought I was being open to stepping outside my
comfort zone, I was still within a wider comfort zone” (personal
communication, February, 2014). This conversation forced Nora to
acknowledge that her status as a white American continued to serve her
even when she felt as though she had left the comforts of home behind;
something that she did not see until it was pointed out to her by a Ugandan
teacher.
Additionally, early on in her student teaching, Nora was frustrated
because during the first few days of school in Rwentutu, the students were
in the classrooms “ready to learn,” but the teachers were nowhere to be
found (personal communication, February, 2014). Upon further probing,
Nora learned that the teachers were busy registering and interviewing
students for grade placement. While Nora accepted this answer, she
problematized the situation, asking why registration and interviewing didn’t
take place before the start of the school year. The school bursar and “house
mother” for the student teachers explained that parents can bring their
children to the school for early registration and interviews, but many did
not have the money for the child(ren) to travel to the school twice in such a
short period of time; instead, they just sent them at the start of the school
year. This caused a delay in when instruction could actually begin because
teachers were busy with administrative duties. After this conversation,
Nora confessed, “I felt so stupid. I hadn’t even considered that his would
be an issue” (personal communication, February, 2014). Yet again, Nora
had come face-to-face with privileges that she had never before considered.
To Nora, the easy solution was to have students register before the school
year, because that is what would have happened in her community, but she
hadn’t realized the hardship this would cause families.
Ideology
Although Nora was unable—or simply did not exhibit in any of the
data collected—to understand how her positionality influenced her self-
perception, she did reveal signs that her view of the world was influenced
by critical questioning and reflexivity. First, in her application to teach
abroad, Nora questions the labels given to countries such as Uganda, as
well as the purposes of education around the world. Nora states:
…I would like to investigate the effects that the United States’

form of education has had on an ‘underdeveloped’ country such as
Uganda. First, when Uganda is referred to as ‘underdeveloped,’
what is that saying? Does it mean it should follow the United
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States’ trail to industrialization, computerization, and economic
wealth, and if it is not, it is somehow inferior? (personal
communication, July 14, 2014)
However, while Nora questioned the role of education around the

world and the influence the United States has on other countries, she also
brought her personal ideology of education to Rwentutu. Nora struggled
with the high-stakes testing structure of education in Uganda—where
students must pass a national exam in order to advance to the next level of
schooling. Because of this, teachers and students focus on rote
memorization of facts and charts. In a blog post, Nora discusses her
frustration with students’ inability to ask critical questions or even
understand what the word ‘wonder’ means (personal communication,
February, 2014). While it is not ideologically important to Ugandans to ask
questions or critically scrutinize information presented to them, Nora felt as
though she was doing a disservice to her students if she did not awaken
them to these pedagogies.
Conversely, Nora understood how others may view her time in
Africa as “charitable,” yet she viewed the time as an opportunity to
understand the “deep culture” of Uganda, as well as uncover what “lies at
the heart of education” (personal communication, July 14, 2014). Here,
Nora acknowledges the “commodification of humanitarianism in Africa”
(Daley, 2013, p. 375) but seeks to distance herself from these self-
promoting motivations behind traveling and working in third world
countries. Furthermore, in Nora’s final blog post before returning to the
United States, she comments on American culture, noting, “I am a product
of our emphasis on individuality and personal freedoms” and “There is no
greater patriotism than recognizing the faults in [your] country’s fabric and
working tirelessly to mend them” (personal communication, April, 2014).
From these statements, as well as those above, it is reasonable to conclude
that Nora was able to see and question the ideologies of the United States,
but she was unable to view her own beliefs as problematic or ideological.
For Nora, her personal views were simply her opinion of how things should
be, not something she needed to critically examine.
Cultural Practices
During the interviews, Nora made numerous references to the time
she spent attending and volunteering in a Chinese-American Christian
Church while in high school. Nora explained that while she was at the
church she felt as though she had to navigate the emotions and isolation
associated with being a “cultural outsider” (personal communication, June
16, 2014). This was a very transformation experience for Nora and allowed
her to “find similarities with people that you initially think are different”
(personal communication, June 16, 2014). Because of this experience,
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Nora noted that while she was in Uganda, she had to build authentic
relationships with Ugandans as a means of understanding their cultural
practices and to become an “insider.”
However, reflecting upon cultural practices, either American or
Ugandan, was difficult for Nora before traveling abroad, as well as during
her first few weeks in Uganda. While she did not attempt to juxtapose the
two cultures, there was often some comparison between them in her blog
entries. For example, within her school and position as a teacher in
Rwentutu, Nora was often critical of the culture of education in Uganda.
She found it difficult to teach in an educational system that did not value
critical thinking. Additionally, Nora was very alarmed at and upset by
Ugandans’ cultural practice of killing wrongdoers. For example, from
Nora’s experience in Uganda, it was commonplace for drivers who caused
what we call in the United States “vehicular manslaughter” to be put to
death (personal communication, June 16, 2014). As a means of merging
these two practices that were inconsistent with her own customs, Nora
organized a debate for her students regarding the issues involved in capital
punishment. After her students participated in the debate, Nora noted:
[The students] are entitled to their own opinions, but I found many
contradictions and flaws in their logic, so I wanted to hash those
out. I don’t believe that teachers indoctrinate students or push their
own beliefs as unquestionably right, but I think they should
encourage moral development, because even though there are no
right answers in life, there are more advanced arguments and levels
of thinking. (personal communication, March, 2014)
While it seems clear that Nora was not trying to “push” her values
onto the students, she did make a judgement about the Ugandan culture.
What is also interesting is that when asked what her biggest achievement
was while teaching in Rwentutu, Nora stated that she was proud of getting
the students to think critically and for themselves (personal communication,
June 16, 2014). Nora did not recognize that she was prioritizing the white
middle-class conception of “good teaching” over how Ugandans
traditionally educate and are educated.
Yet again, while Nora had difficulty seeing her own favoritism
toward Western customs, she was critically aware of the behavior of white
Westerners as a whole. During one interview, Nora expressed frustration
that before departing for Uganda, no one at her home university told the
student teachers that Ugandans, in cities and in villages, dress rather
formally (personal communication, June 16, 2014). The Americans, herself
included, dressed in lighter clothing, with casual shirts, usually made of
some type of khaki material, and wore sporty sandals. Nora worried that
dressing in this manner while visiting the same places as Ugandans, who
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were dressed in business attire, signaled that Americans thought of their
time in Africa as “one big safari-vacation” (personal communication, June,
2014).
When she returned to student teaching in the United States, Nora
was markedly more aware of the cultural disconnect her students faced at
school and in her own classroom. Before student teaching abroad, Nora’s
lesson plans and post-lesson reflections did not explicitly consider her
students’ cultural heritage. While Nora worked diligently to create
interesting student centered lessons, it could be concluded that she selected
themes, texts, and multimedia that were interesting to her and just assumed
these would also be interesting to her racially, culturally and socio-
economically diverse students. However, upon returning from Uganda,
Nora attempted to integrate various cultural practices and interests of the
students into her overall teaching and lessons. For example, the notion of
raising one’s hand is, arguably, a white middle-class norm that is forced
upon students of all cultures and classes in PK-12 classrooms throughout
the United States. Nora, however, after returning from student teaching
abroad, alternated between requiring students to raise their hand to speak
(signed by such statements as, “Can anyone raise their hand and tell me…”)
with allowing students to simply call out an answer (classroom observation,
May 9, 2014). Further, upon her return from Uganda, Nora became more
aware of her students’ interests and began to employ them as a means of
increasing their engagement. This was best illustrated when Nora, teaching
a seventh grade mathematics unit on “data distribution,” challenged
students to analyze the interactive multimedia graph, “The Largest
Vocabulary in Hip Hop” (classroom observation, May 20, 2014). While
Nora understood that not all of her students listened to rap or hip hop
music, she knew from interacting with the students and from interest
surveys that this genre was appealing to many. When later discussing her
planning decisions, Nora explained that while in Uganda she realized the
lack of students’ culture in U.S. schools in which she had previously
worked (personal communication, June 16, 2014). Nora concluded that by
integrating more culturally relevant practices and material she could honor
students’ backgrounds and knowledge, as well as minimize some of the
“behavior issues” that took place in many classrooms (personal
communication, June 16, 2014).
DISCUSSION
Though Nora, before traveling to Uganda, was not completely aware of the
privileges she enjoyed, the socially accepted ideologies, or the cultural
practices of whiteness, it can be argued that she was more cognizant of
these than the typical white, middle-class female in their early twenties
(Hartmann, Gerteis, Croll, 2009). Because of this, Nora was able to exploit
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her stories of experience (Clandinin and Connelly, 1990) as a means of
reflecting upon her personal knowledge of whiteness to construct
significant understandings from her interactions while student teaching
abroad, as well as employ these new understandings to classroom teaching
upon returning to the United States. However, as the findings above also
indicate, this does not mean that Nora was able to completely understand
her own whiteness, as well as the privileges, ideologies and cultural
practices that accompany whiteness, while in Uganda.
First, while abroad, Nora drew only minimally on her stories of
experience (Clandinin and Connelly, 1990). For example, though Nora
noted that she felt as though she was a “cultural outsider” while working in
the Chinese-American Christian Church because of the differences in
cultural practices between most of the church congregation and her own
upbringing, she did not actually employ this experience of being a cultural
outsider while in Uganda. Instead, it seemed as though Nora made hasty
judgements about situations based on her own cultural background in the
United States. However, when Nora was confronted with her ideologies,
such as when the Ugandan teacher asked her why the preservice teachers
didn’t say in Rwentutu, or when she challenged the start date of instruction,
Nora was able to reflect on her assumptions and beliefs as a means of
understanding the Ugandans’ perspectives, culture and ways of being.
Additionally, though Nora critically questioned Western practices
and assumptions, such as the lack of attention her university paid to the
formal dress in Uganda or the notion that Uganda is “underdeveloped” and
the United States is “developed,” she did not critically question her own
ideologies. This can be seen in Nora’s desire, ironically, to get the
Ugandan students to question their world—a privilege and ideology
employed and enjoyed in educational institutions around the United States.
Nora, however, never thought about how and why her stance toward this
style of teaching was culturally different from the teaching styles
traditionally found in Ugandan schools. To Nora, many of her own ideals
about teaching and learning, as well as what is just and fair, were simply
correct and did not need examination. Overall, Nora was unable to see her
own whiteness—her privileges, ideologies and cultural practices—while in
Uganda, but she was able to employ some reflexivity and critical
questioning when her ways of knowing were pressed or when they collided
with others’ assumptions.
Conversely, while Nora did not fully utilize her skills, dispositions
and knowledge of whiteness while in Uganda, she did capitalize on her
experiences abroad upon returning to the United States, when student
teaching a diverse group of middle school students. As described above,
Nora employed culturally relevant pedagogies, as well as capitalizing on
students’ various funds of knowledge, during student teaching observations
following her time in Uganda. In interviews, Nora even noted that her time
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abroad prompted her to reflect on teaching diverse students and how, she
felt, the school in the United States that she would finish her student
teaching in, did not honor student diversity. This realization on Nora’s part
allowed her to embrace her whiteness and understand how the privileges
afforded to her, as well as the ideologies and cultural practices of
whiteness, can alienate her students.
IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE
The purpose of cross-cultural experiential learning is to submerse students

in a culture different from their own so that they can experience the
dissonance that accompanies the navigation of foreign systems and
traditions. For Nora, her time in Uganda was her first encounter with being
marked as different because of her whiteness. When first arriving in
Uganda, Nora noted, “I have never felt so blatantly different from others
before” (Nora, personal communication, January, 2014) and that she would
never again take for granted interactions with people within her own culture
(personal communication, April, 2014). It is evident that Nora’s time in
Uganda highlighted for her the normalization of whiteness in the United
States. In this respect, Nora’s trip was successful in that she is now able to
empathize with students forced to conform to a hegemonic society and
educational system, a finding that echoes the numerous researchers and
teacher educators who have also concluded that cross-cultural experiential
learning is a means of positive transformation and reflective learning
among preservice teachers. However, adequately preparing our
predominantly white and middle-class teaching force to teach the diverse
PK-12 student populations in 21st century classrooms (NCES, n.d.) through
CCEL alone is not enough: We must also earnestly consider how to
facilitate these potentially transformative learning opportunities before,
during, and after students travel abroad so that all preservice teachers
participating in such experiences are able come away with meaningful
learning that translates into real classroom change. As such, two
suggestions are offered to provide academic institutions, facilitating
professors, and offices charged with organizing study abroad programs
approaches in assisting study abroad students with the internal processing
of their experiences.
First, students who are abroad, and more specifically students who
are conducing preservice teaching abroad, should have intensive
coursework before and after participating in their program—a model
followed in whole or part by many universities that offer successful CCEL
programs (e.g., Cooper, Beare, & Thorman, 1990; Marx & Moss, 2011;
Stachowski & Mahan, 1998; Vail & Tennion, 1992). Courses before
traveling abroad can include seminars, readings, workshops and sessions
with consultants from the cultural group students will be living with, as
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well as experiences to assist students in understanding their whiteness and
the privileges, ideologies and cultural practices that accompany whiteness
(Frankenburg, 1997). Additionally, students should be educated on a
model of cultural dissonance. In his model, Oberg (1960) explains that
cultural dissonance (i.e., culture shock) is brought on by the anxiety that is
felt when the proverbial “rule book of meanings” no longer exists (Marx &
Moss, 2011). Researchers acknowledge that an understanding of cultural
dissonance has the potential to spark transformative learning and assist
students in working through their culture shock (e.g., Marx & Moss, 2011;
Vail & Tennion, 1992; Winkelman, 1994). Finally, once students return
from studying abroad, it is vital that they participate in a re-entry
program/course to support them in re-acclimating to their home
community, as well as processing their experiences and unpacking their
changing ideologies and beliefs. While all of these courses can vary in
length, it is vital that university personnel work with individual students for
as long as each needs—as failure to do so may intensify students’ feelings
of loneliness, anxiety or misunderstandings of cultures other than their
own.
Second, and perhaps more vital than facilitating coursework before
and after students travel abroad, is the coursework and/or continual two-
way communication students need with facilitating university professors
during their program. Ideally, this work would be done in person, either by
having a course facilitator working with students while abroad, or by
having students’ home university professors traveling to meet the students
at least once during their program. However, since financial and time
constrictions often prohibit these types of interactions, technology can be
employed to allow students and professors to engage in meaningful
dialogue. Through emails, blogs, telephone calls and applications such as
Skype, professors can assist students in working through their cultural
dissonance, as well as in grappling with transformative learning.
Additionally, it is imperative that students keep reflective journals during
their experience, which also can be utilized during re-entry programs to
stimulate conversations and aid students in remembering their initial
feelings and experiences. Journal entries can also act as a means of
facilitating discussion between students and professors. Overall, the
purpose of “during program” coursework and/or communication is to be a
catalyst for student reflection and transformative learning.
IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
The purpose of this study was to better understand how one female, white,
middle-class preservice teacher made meaning from student-teaching in a
remote village in western Uganda. While the data and results presented
here are not generalizable, they are meant to further propel the study of
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cross-cultural experiential learning programs for preservice educators.
Some further questions resulting from the current study include:
x How do student teachers’ dispositions prior to cross-cultural
student-teaching impact their experience?
x Should whiteness theory be taught within the multicultural context
of teacher education programs?
x Do student teachers who have prior experience as an “outsider”
make meaning of cross-cultural student teaching differently from
those student teachers who do not?
x How do student teachers of various racial groups make meaning of
the same cross-cultural experience?
x What role does the university play in assisting student teachers in
the process of meaning making?
Gloria Landson-Billings (2001) suggests that it is new teachers, not
policies, which are central to creating equitable schooling practices.
Therefore, it is the duty of teacher education programs to educate
preservice teachers to close the cultural gaps that exist between teachers
and the students that sit before them. Cross-cultural experiential learning
has been found to be an effective means of closing these gaps, by many
aforementioned researchers, as well as in this study. Another avenue of
teacher education that has emerged from the present research is the role that
understanding whiteness and white theory have on the multicultural
education of preservice teachers.
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STEPHANIE J SHEDROW is a PhD candidate at the University of

Wisconsin, Madison in the department of Curriculum and Instruction with
foci in literacy, teacher education, educational policy and qualitative
research. Her research interests include assessment practices and
home/school connections. E-mail: shedrow@wix.edu

Manuscript revised: August 18, 2015
Accepted for publication: December 31, 2016
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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 291-310
International Students and

“The Presentation of Self” Across Cultures
Abu Kamara
Acadia University, Canada
ABSTRACT
Findings from this qualitative research study suggest that some

international students view social and academic interactions not simply as
mediums for absorbing requisite sociocultural and academic norms, and
discipline knowledge, but also as stages for expressing their varied
identities. As a result, whenever students’ ability to present their preferred
identity is threatened, whether due to language competency issues or
discrimination, some attempt to regain their equilibrium by withdrawing
from social and academic interactions. However, the findings also suggest
that, in some instances, students who find their ideas marooned in the
space between silence and language rediscover the ability for expression in
the language of space and time, and comparison and contrast.
Keywords: Identity, cultures, support rules, language stage, confession
The Canadian government released its first international education strategy

in 2014 (Canada’s International Education Strategy: Harnessing our
knowledge advantage to drive innovation and prosperity, 2014). The
document recommends an overall increase of the international student
population from 293, 500 to 450,000 by 2022 as a strategy for addressing
Canada’s human capital needs (Global Affairs Canada, 2014, p. 11). If
implemented successfully, the plan will give an added boost to Canada’s
already surging international profile as a top 10 international student
receiving country (Institute of International Education [IIE], 2016).
Canada’s meteoric rise as an attractive, cost effective, provider of
post-secondary education has resulted in yearly historic growth rates in its
international student population (Canadian Bureau for International
Education [CBIE], 2015). Currently, the top five sending countries of
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international students to Canada are China, India, Korea, Saudi Arabia, and
France (CBIE, 2015). While traditional sending countries such as China,
India, and Korea still account for the majority of the international student
population in Canada, the fastest growing student populations are from
Nigeria, China, Vietnam, Brazil, France, and India which have increased by
24%, 16%, 16%, 15%, 15%, 11% respectively (CBIE, 2015). Even though
the overall growth rate of the international student population in Canada
continues to trend upwards, the dispersion of students, once they arrive in
Canada, is still very uneven, with 43.9% choosing universities in Ontario,
24% British Columbia schools, and 14.3% Quebec universities (CBIE,
2014).
Unsurprisingly, the majority of research projects that have explored
the experiences of international students in Canada have focused almost
entirely on international student populations in Ontario, Quebec, and
British Columbia. Consequently, our understanding of the experiences of
international students comes mainly from the aforementioned provinces,
resulting in literature that has not fully captured the nuances of international
student experiences in Canada. For example, even though Nova Scotia
attracts about 3.9% of international students who come to study in Canada,
international education researchers have only given minimal attention to the
experiences of international students in the province (Maritime Provinces
Higher Education Commission [MPHEC], 2012).
In this paper, I explore the notion of self-presentation across
cultures by drawing on the findings of a dissertation study that investigated
the living, and learning experiences of international students in Nova
Scotia, a province which has increased its international undergraduate
student population by 138%, and its international graduate student
population by 101% within the last decade (MPHEC, 2012). I begin in
section one by providing an outline of the international education research.
In section two, I present the research methodology, and in section three, I
highlight key research findings along with some implications for future
research.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Within the international education discourse, international students are

usually identified by researchers as ideal immigrants both because of their
language ability, and for the recognizable qualifications they will possess
upon graduation (Akbari, 2012; Kamara, 2012; Scott, Safdar, Trilokekar, &
Masri, 2015). These so-called positive characteristics form the core of
elaborate narratives that neatly weave together information about students’
economic and social contributions to buttress rationale for expanding
recruitment and retention strategies. While the economics of immigration
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still remains a dominant theme in the international education discourse,
some researchers have adopted a comprehensive perspective that takes as
its point of departure a fundamental recognition of the interconnectedness
of students’ social, academic, and psychological experiences (Andrade,
2006; Lee, Koeske, & Sales, 2004; Mori, 2000; Yang & Noels, 2013; Yeh
& Inose, 2003).
In Canada, discussions about the integration of international
students have highlighted acculturative challenges that threaten students’
ability to thrive academically, and socially as areas of major concerns
(Arthur & Flynn, 2011; Kamara, 2012). Within such discussions, identity
has emerged as a useful concept for understanding the social and academic
experiences of international students (Stewin, 2013; Waters, 2006). Though
perspectives vary widely among researchers on the meaning of identity,
some have found existing identity related concepts such as race, gender,
ethnicity, and citizenship to be effective frameworks for examining
students’ experiences (Morita, 2004; Poyrazil & Lopez, 2007).
In the immigration context, the drumbeat for policy that recognizes
the different manifestations of identity has been perhaps loudest in the
camps of multiculturalists and interculturalists (Kymlicka, 2012; Meer &
Modood, 2012; Taylor, 1994, 2012). However, there have been some vocal
critics of institutionalized notions of identity that have underlined the on-
going need for policies that favor a dynamic understanding of identity
(Cantle, 2012). A sophisticated version of this argument is found in the
work of Foucault.
Foucault’s main aim, as a historian of ideas, is to deconstruct the
self-evident appearance of the self by telling its history. For Foucault, this
includes making visible the technologies, the rules and procedures that
shape the reflective systems of the self, that give it its language of desire,
that condition its terms of relations, and confession, and that set the horizon
of possibilities for its communicative processes (Foucault, 1980, 1982). By
telling the history of the self, and by bringing into the light of critical
analysis the processes of subjectification, Foucault not only exposes the
role of power but also rescues the possibility of both critique, and unbridled
self-determination.
While there are still serious questions about the concept of identity,
something akin to a consensus has emerged among some social scientists.
Generally, it is accepted that individuals take up positions, or become
subjects through exposure to ideas that emanate from the social, cultural,
political, and economic fields (Alcoff, 1988; Aveni, 2005; Foucault, 1982;
Mantero, 2007). Put differently, the sociocultural environment supplies the
raw material that coalesces to form the horizon of possibilities for
subjective understanding and agency (Erichsen, 2011; Gill, 2007;
Habermas, 1988; Mezirow, 1991; Taylor, 1994). It is this understanding of
the self, its social, cultural, intercultural, economic, and psychological
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experiences, its relations of power, and forms of representation, which
underpins the meaning of the self that circulates in most current social
science research.
In the context of international education, questions about the self
have surfaced in discussions about the economic, cultural, and
psychological experiences of international students. In particular, it is
understood that some international students may struggle socially and
psychologically living, and studying in new social and academic
environments (Andrade, 2006). Even though mental health challenges are
not unique to international students, some international education
researchers have found that the experience of studying in an unfamiliar
cultural environment does increase, in some cases, the risk of stress-related
psychological problems (Carr et al., 2003; Eisenberg et al., 2009; Hyun,
Quinn, Madon, Lustig, 2007; Smith & Khawaja, 2011).
Gaps in some international students understanding of the rules, and
procedures that govern behavior within academic, social, and support
spaces in host universities have also been highlighted alongside mental
health issues as prominent themes in the international education literature
(Kamara, 2012; Mori, 2000). Increasingly, internationalization of the
formal and informal curriculum is presented in the literature as an
instrument for reimagining the fundamental assumptions that underpin
higher education philosophies (Haigh, 2010; Leask, 2001, 2009, 2013;
Qiang, 2003).
In particular, at its core, internationalization of the curriculum aims
to democratize administrative, recruitment, teaching, learning, and support
processes in higher education (Leask, 2005, 2009; Leask & Bridge, 2013).
By infusing diverse forms of knowledge into both the formal and informal
curriculum, internationalization of the curriculum endeavors to transform
social, academic, and support spaces of universities into inclusive spaces
where such issues as discrimination and acts of racial micro-aggression
cannot thrive (Brunner, 2006; Gacel-Avila, 2005; Guo & Chase, 2009;
Leask & Carroll, 2011; Ryan & Viete, 2009; Sherry, Karuppan, & Barari,
2011; Volet & Ang, 1998). In another sense, internationalization may be
understood as an analytical tool which holds up a kind of critical mirror to
the products of knowledge production processes in order to not only
encourage deep reflection but also the institutionalization of processes
which maximize the recognition of diversity. Unfortunately, the success of
university internationalization activities is still plagued by challenges that
stem from discrimination, and other acts of micro-aggression.
There has been a sharp increase in studies in the past five years that
have offered revealing insights into the effects of discrimination on
international students. For example, Houshmand & Spanierman (2014)
argue that behavior such as ridiculing of students’ accents, demeaning or
downplaying their intelligence, behaviors that the authors identified as acts
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of racial-micro-aggression, can marginalize and silence international
students. Acts of racial micro-aggression can also include actions based on
negative readings or interpretations of students’ bodies. Reflecting on the
notion of the body-as-a-text Hall (1997) notes:
The body is a text. And we are all readers of it. And we go around,
looking at this text, inspecting it like literary critics. Closer and
closer for those very fine differences, such small these differences
are, and then when that does work we start to run like a true
structuralist…. we are readers of race, that is what we are doing,
we are readers of social difference…. when you say race is a
signifier. No, it is not! See the folks out there they are different!
You can tell they are different. Well, that very obviousness, the
very obviousness of the visibility of race is what persuades me that
it functions because it is signifying something; it is a text, which
we can read (p.14).
If we take Hall’s notion of the body-as-text as a point of departure, it

becomes thinkable that some international students may avoid interacting
with their peers, support staff, and faculty if doing so subjects them to
negative readings or interpretations of their bodies (Bepple, 2014; Qiu,
2014). No grand leap of the imagination is required to see that social
environments that are structured by ideas that want to perpetuate negative
interpretations of students’ bodies, either explicitly through verbal language
or implicitly through non-verbal, and symbolic languages, may result in
social conditions that undermine students’ ability to present their preferred
identities across cultures. At times, the biggest threat to international
students’ ability to contribute to the social, cultural, and economic sectors
of host countries seem to come from policies that contain flavors of
ethnocentrism (Marginson et al., 2010; Scott et al., 2015).
To a certain degree, universities can address many of the barriers
that threaten international students’ ability to thrive in host nations by
leveraging or incorporating knowledge of students’ diverse learning styles,
and social, and support preferences into the development of support
infrastructures. Amos & Lordly (2014) for example highlight:
University food integration programs featured as a component of

an international student university orientation could introduce
students to ethnic restaurants, describe features of Canadian
cuisine, and explain how to access traditional ingredients. Such
programs would celebrate the ethnic diversity of the international
student body and reinforce students’ personal identity as they
acculturate (p.63).
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Food integration programs represent only one example of micro-inclusive
activities that can elevate the overall experiences of international students at
host universities while also maximizing opportunities for students’ self-
presentation. Other micro-inclusive ideas such as pre-graduation
professional development opportunities, programs that strengthen
university/community/business partnerships, and language training can also
help students thrive in the social, academic, and economic environments of
host nations without undermining or compromising their ability to present
their preferred identities across cultures (Aveni, 2005; Nisbett, 2011). In the
next section, I present the research methodology before moving on to
outline research findings.
RESEARCH METHODS
The data for this paper comes from a qualitative dissertation study that
investigated the living, and learning experiences of 31 full-time
undergraduate and graduate international students in Halifax, the largest
city in Nova Scotia, Canada. Students enrolled in undergraduate and
graduate programs in the Faculties of Business, Social Sciences, Arts,
Engineering, and Computer Science at three universities were recruited
through emails, posters, and snowball sampling to provide a representative
account of international students living and learning experiences in Canada.
A qualitative research design was selected because it created more
opportunities for capturing the nuances of students’ learning and living
experiences.
Participants
In total, the research sample included 17 males and 14 female
graduate and undergraduate students from 17 different countries.
Participants had no prior experience living, and studying in Canada, and
had spent at least one year living and studying in Canada before
contributing to the research project. Participants were asked to reflect on
their living and learning experiences in Canada over the course of semi-
structured, open-ended, personal interviews that averaged between 30-70
minutes. The interview script was framed by themes that emerged from a
thorough literature review. Not meant to be too structured, or exhaustive,
the interview script gave participants opportunities to reflect, and explain
their international studying experiences. Participant responses were
recorded using a digital audio recorder, a procedure that minimizes
distractions that can compromise the integrity of the interview process
(Levy & Hollan, 1998). Once collected, the data was transcribed, coded
into categories and analyzed for emerging themes (Strauss & Corbin,
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1990). I will highlight key research findings in the next section before
moving on to discuss potential future research directions.
RESULTS
Sociocultural norms and self-presentation
Students in this study identified linguistic challenges as well as low
understanding of the rules and procedures that govern social, support, and
academic spaces as barriers to their ability to thrive at host universities. A
Nigerian student explained : When I speak in class and hear my own
accent, I often wondered what the Canadian students are thinking. I felt that
people would view me less because of it.
Not only is the process of living and learning in an unfamiliar
social environment difficult, and stressful for some students, and not only
can it undermine some students’ self-presentation, it can also lead to
feelings of loss, disorientation, and anxiety when language competency
issues are thrown into the mix (Aveni, 2005). Perhaps the most elegant and
instructive investigation of the behind-the-scenes activities of human
agency of this kind was done by Ervin Goffman. Goffman (1959) argued in
“The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life”, that individuals involved in
social action maintain a strong desire to manage and control how they are
perceived. Describing Goffman’s Dramaturgical concept, Habermas (1981)
notes:
From the perspective of dramaturgical action, we understand social

action as an encounter in which participants form a visible public
for each other and perform for one another. “Encounter” and
“performance” are the key concepts…. a performance enables the
actor to present himself to his audience in a certain way; in
bringing something of his subjectivity to appearance, he would like
to be seen by his public in a particular way (p. 90).
In this respect, it is possible to reimagine the social, academic, and

support environments of host nations as stages, which, depending on
norms, rules, and procedures, can either facilitate or block students’ ability
to make their ‘subjectivity’ appear. However, participants’ responses in this
study also suggest that when faced with certain competency issues, some
students find brilliant ways to innovate discursive stages for presenting
their preferred identities across cultural lines. A Nigerian student explained:
During my first-year here, I felt really inferior. Speaking in public

was really difficult. When I first got here, people thought that I was
really shy. My confidence was really low. I did not know what to
expect, and who I was going to meet outside my country and
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culture. It is so different from back home. It reduced my
confidence. Every time I go back home, I feel like yes. I am back.
My confidence bounce right back up. I feel like myself again. I can
tell jokes and I can understand them.
By comparing and contrasting her troubled and less preferred identity in

Canada with the preferred identity, this particular student effectively uses
the language of comparison and contrast as a device to make the
presentation of her preferred identity possible. Put differently, through the
vocabulary made available to her by the language of space and time, for
instance ‘before I came to Canada’, and ‘here in Canada’, she acquires the
ability to create a discursive space for the presentation of her preferred
identity, even while still struggling with the limitations of her second
language ability (Kinginger, 2013). This students’ experience illustrates
that in some instances some students are able to circumvent the effects of
language competency issues to open up discursive frontiers for ushering in
their preferred identities across cultural lines. For example, by highlighting
her ‘humor back home’, her ‘personality back home’, the Nigerian student
rediscovers in the language of space and time, and comparison and contrast,
the capacity for self-presentation.
At times, students’ challenges with self-presentation arise in the
context of academic writing. For example, Hyland (2002) notes:
…our discoursal choices align us with certain values and beliefs

that support particular identities. In other words, we do not simply
report findings or express ideas in some neutral, context-free way,
we employ the rhetorical resources accepted for the purpose of
sharing meanings in a particular genre and social community.
Writers have to select their words so that readers are drawn in,
influenced and persuaded. Our use of these resources, and the
choices we make from the alternatives they offer, signal who we
are (p. 1094).
In this example, Hyland (2002) reimagines writing as an intersubjective

communicative practice that relies on shared understanding of the rules,
and procedures for its effectiveness. This reality is echoed in the following
response from one participant:
I entered Canada fully confident, but as I grew to understand my

weaknesses, I lost my self-esteem. It was a humbling experience
for me. For example, I never used to show my work to anyone. I
was afraid that they would see my grammatical errors. It was really
a struggle for me to capture what I think in my language in English
(Filipino student).
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Without knowledge of the rules and procedures that structure the writing
process, students can quickly find their ideas marooned in the unintelligible
space between language and silence. Besides the writing process, some
participants in the study noted personal values and religious differences as
self-presentation barriers. A student from Malaysia explained:
Everyone has their values and sometimes those values are not
compatible with the Canadian value system. It is different country.
That creates a challenge. When you come here, everything is new.
It is a new way of life, a new way of doing things, new ways of
being social. So you learn and try to keep things separate. You still
form friendships, but they are different. There are some barriers
that you just cannot break in. The way Canadians are brought up,
sometimes the value systems are not compatible. Its different kinds
of friendship. Some kind of invisible barriers that you cannot break.
This student’s critique was echoed by an Egyptian student who identified

the incompatibility between his religious obligations and the social norms
of his university as a barrier to his ability to participate in his department’s
activities:
Students are not going to leave their identities behind. Students will
integrate, but they are not going to completely change. I’ll give you a small
example. Sometimes, in my department, my colleagues have presentations.
They usually have very good presentations and such but part of this thing is
that they have beer and wine and things like that. I told them that I am
interested in participating but as a Muslim, I am not allowed to drink: I am
not allowed to even be present in a place where other people are drinking.
Yes, it is your culture but this is my religion. I am a person who does not
like to break my rules. I respect your culture and understand that this is the
way you are used to living. But this is also my culture and this is the way I
am used to living. So, if can separate these things so that I can be there to
present and to help my colleagues that would be great.
Guest culture and self-presentation

The challenge of navigating brand new social, academic, and
support spaces is daunting for many international students. Besides
religious obligation, Canada’s ‘appointment culture’ and lack of ‘guest
culture’ also appear to pose threats to students’ self-presentation. A student
from Uganda explained the challenges he encountered while navigating
Canada’s appointment culture:
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Sometimes it is challenging when you want to have something
done. There are certain things that you sometimes want answer to right
away, but here you have the procedures that have to be followed. You have
to book an appointment before you can meet with someone. You have to
carry the burden until you meet someone. For some participants, Canada’s
social and academic environments are dominated by a kind of
individualism which spawns a sociocultural milieu that puts a stranglehold
on ‘come-from-aways’ efforts to connect with locals. A participant from
Uganda compared Canada’s sociocultural mores with his own country’s
cultural climate in the following way: “In my country, it is the
responsibility of the host to take care of the guest. Here it is different.
Everyone is just running around doing their own thing.”This student’s
interpretation of a guest culture extends the zone of locus of control to
include community members, thus grounding the reason for success or
failure in the community instead of in individual actions entirely.
The body-as-a-text and self-presentation

Participants highlighted discrimination and racism alongside the
aforementioned appointment culture and lack of guest culture as challenges
that pose serious threats to their ability to present their preferred identities
across cultural lines. In particular, visible minority participants in the study
underscored acts of overt racism, and acts of racial micro-aggression both
inside and outside the classroom as serious social and academic barriers. A
student from Syria noted: “I was coming home one day from the bars when
someone called me a racial slur”. Another student from China said: “I was
walking down the street and someone pointed and started laughing at me.”
Participant responses suggest that the process of navigating the
living, and learning spaces of host universities sometimes puts them in the
path of classmates, staff, faculty, and off-campus community members who
not only read their bodies negatively but also react visibly, at times, in ways
that unsettle or silence them. Largely, the experiences related here mirror
the findings of researchers who have identified discrimination as a
challenge for some international students (Houshmand & Spanierman,
2014; Marginson et al., 2010; Meeuwisse, Severiens, Born, 2010; Messina,
2007; Peacock & Harrison, 2008). Recalling an incident of discrimination,
a Malaysian student explained:
The thing is, it really doesn’t matter that much if you become a
permanent resident or a Canadian citizen. At the end of the day you
cannot change your skin color. A store had a contest for a free
coffee. So I peeled the sticker and found that I had won. I won a
free coffee. The last two letters, ‘ee’, were missing but I didn’t
think it was a big deal. I went to the store. The person working
there refused to give me my coffee because the last two letters were
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missing. I felt that if it were someone else that looked Canadian,
she wouldn’t treat them the way she did me. The way she came at
me, it was a different approach. She ended up giving me the coffee
after telling me that she won’t next time. The thing I don’t like is
the tone. It is very upsetting to me. You can feel it in the tone.
That’s really upsetting to me….She wouldn’t be saying the same
thing to an Anglo Canadian in the same tone. I feel that here
sometimes, as a person of color you always have to do something
extra to really be that somebody. You cannot just be equal skill—
you always have to have something extra when you are competing
with others academically or professional.
This student’s experience underlines how negative readings of some

international students’ bodies in host nations can undermine their ability to
present preferred versions of their identities across cultures. A Filipino
student explained:
There seems to be some subtle racism here. It is not in the open but
I know what is going on. I feel it below the surface with some
people. It affects your interaction with them, your self-confidence. I
don’t like dealing with them because you feel that.
Elaborating on his notion of race as a signifier, Hall (1997), notes:
…to put it crudely, race is one of those major concepts, which

organize the great classificatory systems of difference, which
operate in human society. And to say that race is a discursive
category recognizes that all attempts to ground this concept
scientifically, to locate differences between the races, on what one
might call scientific, biological, or genetic grounds, have been
largely shown to be untenable. We must therefore, it is said,
substitute a socio-historical or cultural definition of race, for the
biological one (p.6).
In choosing the concept of discourse over biology to ground his definition

of race, Hall makes it possible to analyze how power functions through
knowledge production and representation processes to fix meaning.
Reimagined this way, Hall’s ultimate purpose is not to deny the existence
of difference but rather to show that difference only becomes meaningful or
intelligible through the meaning making-processes of discourse (Hall,
1997, p. 6). While it is possible to disagree with Hall’s analysis, it is
difficult to ignore the fact that negative interpretations of students’ bodies
impact the outcome of some international student’s social and academic
experiences.
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Markers and self-presentation
Some studies that have investigated interactions between Canadian
and international students have underscored acts of micro-aggression as
examples of challenges that sometimes affect students’ self-presentation
(Grayson, 2008). A student from Bangladesh explained how his status as an
international student shaped the reactions he received from peers:
It is a bit difficult in the beginning. The format was different from

the way courses were structured in my home country, in terms of
group assignments. That was a bit of a challenge in the beginning
because at that time, I felt as if my view was not that important in a
way. Because some people dominated the conversation. Also, if the
assignment was in three parts, I always was given the easiest one
because I am an international student. This kind of classification,
it’s not direct. It is not a direct thing. It is a hidden. In the way
things play out you get the feeling that they don’t think I am able to
contribute as much as they were.
This student’s experience suggests that, in some instances, the marker of

‘international student’ can become a barrier to students’ self-presentation.
In the U.K., Peacock & Harrison (2008) found that some domestic students
resented working with international students because of a “perceived threat
that an international student could bring the marks of the group down
through his or her lack of language ability, lack of knowledge of the United
Kingdom or understanding of British Pedagogy” (p. 8). Researchers have
identified similar challenges both in the United States and in Australia
(Arkoudis et al., 2013; Cruickshank, Chen, Warren, 2011; Leask & Carroll,
2011).
Academic expectations, language and self-presentation

Findings from this research suggests that universities can do more
to support international students during their academic transition. A
participant from Korea described her experience as follows :
The biggest difference for me was professor expectations. The

professors’ expectations are completely different here. The big
difference is that in education system of my home country only the
professor speaks in the classroom. Here students raise their hands
and can even disagree with the professor. In my country, if you
have a question, it really has to be important for you to ask it in
class. Plus, it has to be helpful to everyone in the class, not just to
you.
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Aside from academic expectations, some participants identified language
competency issues as self-presentation barriers. A student from Nigeria
noted:
My personality is sometimes different speaking the language of my

country than it is here. In my language, I like to do a lot of jokes,
but here I don’t want to make jokes. I don’t know if they are
appropriate.
Besides its role as an intersubjective meaning-making tool, language also

appears to function as a stage which facilitates the appearance of students’
identities in social situations (Goffman, 1959; Heidegger, 1953; Hyland,
2002; Aveni, 2005). The following response from a student from Chile
highlights the effects of language on some international students’ agency
across cultural lines:
Back home, I am a very competitive person. I like to argue. Here

because of language difficulties, I cannot be as competitive. I have
to be brief. It is so frustrating.
Language difficulties seem not only to affect some students’ ability to

present their preferred identities across cultures but also their ability to
participate in cultural activities. A student from South Korea underlined
this point:
English is not just a language; it also includes the culture. If you

cannot overcome the language barrier, there is no way for you to
interact and communicate with Canadian people. The more you can
speak English the more opportunities you can have with Canadian
people. The more you get involved in the society.
This student’s experience brings into focus the considerable impact

language can have on students’ self-presentation. Such an understanding
has the possibility not only to expand the horizons of our understanding of
international students’ cross-cultural experiences but also the chances of
broadening our support imagination.
Support structures and self-presentation

Participants in this study identified the rules and procedures that
govern support spaces, and obligations of confession imposed by support
experts as barriers to their ability to access support. Reflecting on his
support seeking decision-making process, a Syrian student noted:
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The resources are behind the same barriers that a lot of
international students have to get over—the language and the social
barriers. It’s like I am struggling with fitting in due to language and
social barriers, and then you design resources to help me but put
them in the environments where I have to get over the language and
social barriers to get to them.
Expertise and self-presentation

A student from Uganda outlined his struggles with the obligation of
confession imposed by some support experts: “It is difficult to tell a
stranger all the personal things that are happening in your life.” Some
students in this research chose to avoid support experts because such
interactions sometimes marked their bodies with signs that made it difficult
for them to navigate the social, academic, cultural, and economic fields.
Markers such as ‘the student with mental illness,' and ‘the student with
language deficiencies’, while typical of support language, impose specific
meanings on students’ bodies which can limit their ability to present their
preferred identities. Consequently, the use of expert knowledge or expertise
to mark support-seeking bodies can limit students’ ability to manage how
they are perceived by peers, faculty, staff, and community members.
CONCLUSION
This paper has explored findings from a small qualitative research project
that investigated the experiences of international students in Nova Scotia, a
province that has increased its international student population by over
100% within the last decade. Due to the small scale of the project, the
findings should be viewed as a work in progress that can be extended by
future research. With that said, the paper makes several important
contributions to our understanding of the learning and living experiences of
international students. Paramount among them is the fact that international
students’ self-presentation can be limited by the rules and procedures that
govern social, academic, and support environments. Additionally, drawing
on the research findings, the paper suggests that international students have
a strong desire to present and manage their identities across cultural lines.
As such, students naturally view social and academic interactions not
simply as mediums for absorbing requisite sociocultural and academic
norms, and discipline knowledge but also as stages for expressing their
varied identities.
However, in some cases, some participants in this study who found
their ideas marooned in the space between silence and language because of
language competency issues were able to regain their ability of expression
by using the language of space and time, and comparison and contrast.
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Lastly, drawing on Hall’s (1997) notion of the body-as-a-text, the paper
outlined how negative readings or interpretations of students’ bodies can
undermine or diminish their ability to present their preferred identities
across cultural lines.
Researchers who have an interest in building on the findings and
questions underlined in this article might find it useful to take up the
following questions: Does the support discourse, with its institutionalized
notions of time, authority, expertise, support procedures, and progress,
function as a technology of subjectification? Is it possible to frame
students’ hesitation to partake in social, academic, and support interactions
as a sort of resistance against subjectification?
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APPENDIX
Interview script
Hello! Thank you for agreeing to be interviewed today. I appreciate you taking the time out
of your day to participate in this study. I would like you to first read through this consent
form and let me know if you have any questions or concerns regarding anything you see.
Once all your questions and concerns have been addressed, I will ask you to sign the form
and we can begin the interview.
This interview will cover your living and learning experiences in Canada. Your
interpretation of these experiences will also be explored. I am hoping that the information
gathered from this discussion will give us a better understanding of the living and learning
experiences of international students in the Atlantic region of Canada. There are no right or
wrong answers to these questions. Rather, I am interested in learning about your experiences
and your perspectives relating to your living, and learning experiences in Canada. This
interview will not exceed one hour unless you wish it to.
Please remember that you can let me know at any time if you wish to skip a
question or take a break. I am going to audio-record this interview so that I can review it
later and transcribe what we talk about here today accurately. You may ask me to turn off
the audio-recorder, clarify questions or stop the interview altogether at any time. Do you
have any questions before we begin? If you are ready, I will now start the audio-recorder
and begin the interview.
Background
1. Where are you from?
2. How similar is the host culture as compared to your home country?
3. If there are similarities between the culture of your country of origin and the host
country, have they helped you to engage the culture in the host country?
4. If there are differences, have these issues prevented you from doing what you want to
do?
5. Are you from a rural or urban area?
6. Have you ever talked yourself into or out from doing something because of similarities
or differences in the two cultures?
7. Did you leave behind family members or extended family members?
Language
8. What is the official language of your home country?
9. How would you rank your oral English on a scale from 1-10?
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10. How would you rank your written English skill on the same scale?
11. Have you encountered any barriers because of language issues?
12. Do you have to repeat yourself a lot when you speak to members from the host culture?
How does this make you feel?
13. Has language prevented you from being able to access different resources at school and
in the community?
Immigration
14. How confident do you feel in social settings with individuals from the host culture?
15. How does this affect your desire to engage in social interaction with members from the
host culture?
16. Typically, how long are these interactions?
17. Do you consider yourself independent and able to do what you want?
18. How competent do you feel during interactions with people from the host country?
19. Do you have any social needs that are not being met by the community?
20. How would you describe the difference between these two social settings---when you
are with people from the same country and when you are with people form a different
country or form the host nation? What is different?
21. What would you change about your current social setting?
22. Do you ever seek out situations that may pose social challenges?
23. When you learn something new about the culture, do you integrate it into your life? Do
you persist when things do not go as plan?
24. What are you studying?
25. When did you come to Canada?
26. Do you have family in Canada? Where are they located?
27. Did this influenced your decision to come to this region?
28. Are most of your friends from the same country or from the host country?
29. Are your friends from the same country or from the mainstream culture?
30. How would you describe your first experiences in Canada?
31. Where would you like to live after you graduate? What are some factors that might
influence your decision?
32. Would you like to stay in Halifax? Would you want to move to a big city or small
town? Why?
33. How big of a role would you say job plays in your decision in terms of where to move?
34. Do you have enough money to support yourself or do you have to work?
35. Do you have any questions?
ABU KAMARA, PhD, is a researcher who focuses on international

students’ cross-cultural experiences. E-mail: akamara2@gmail.com.

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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 311-328
Analyzing International Students’

Study Anxiety in Higher Education
Rezvan Khoshlessan
Kumer Pial Das
Lamar University, USA
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study is to explore international students’ study anxiety

in a mid-sized public four-year university in Southeast Texas by comparing
their existing study anxiety along lines of nationality, gender, age, major,
degree, and stage of education. The subjects were selected using a
convenience sample during the Spring of 2013. The researcher collected
pertinent demographic data and used a modified version of the Study
Anxiety Questionnaire (SAQ). The non-parametric statistical analysis
focuses on the students’ perceptions and the study anxiety of international
students which has been grouped into five anxiety subgroups. The results
demonstrate some differences in anxiety levels among different
demographic groups.
Key Words: study anxiety, international student, social anxiety, family

anxiety, language anxiety, exam anxiety, presentation anxiety
The anxiety experienced among college students is assumed to be a very

important factor in a learning process. Many studies have been made to
come across solutions to lead this anxiety which might avert learners from
learning to motivation. Rosen (2008) explained anxiety as a “major source
of energy” and looked at anxiety as a positive factor. He admitted that no
one could escape from it since people live in an unpredictable society.
Living in a community, Rosen added, full of everyday changes lead to
anxiety. He believed anxiety can be reduced when people change their
perspectives in life. In his article, Rosen concluded, “just enough anxiety
creates the optimal condition for learning” (p. 36).
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Students in their college years confront many obstacles. One of the
main problems they face is how to deal with anxiety especially study
anxiety (Vitasari, Abdul Wahab, Othman, Herawan, & Sinnadurai, 2010).
Chapell et al. (2005) compared undergraduate and graduate students' test
anxiety gender wise. They found that female undergraduates had
significantly higher test anxiety for higher GPAs than male undergraduates.
The results of a study on anxiety levels of graduate and undergraduate
student showed that graduate students experienced greater levels of anxiety
(Poyrazli & Kavanaugh, 2006). Woodrow (2006) claimed that language
learning anxiety differed from other forms of anxiety and affected students
learning outcome. Therefore, for students study anxiety becomes a real
phenomenon; the sources of anxiety and its control reveal the importance of
study anxiety (Vitasari, Abdul Wahab, Othman, Herawan, & Sinnadurai,
2010).
Altbach and Knight (2007) reported a significant increase of
international students in the United States. They stated that the recent
demand for internationalization and globalization of our world resulted in
the inflow of international students in this country. Institute of International
Education (2015) reported a 20 percent enrollment of the 4.5 million
international students worldwide who were pursuing higher education in
the US. But like every other college students, international students have
their barriers. One of their major issues is how to deal with study anxiety
which is common in every international student (Vitasari et al. 2010). Trice
(2003) investigated the challenges of international graduate students. One
of the main problems she observed was functioning in English. Achieving
their goals and adjusting socially/culturally were also other factors
involved.
The purpose of this study is to explore the perception of
international students on study anxiety which has been sub-grouped into
five categories (exam anxiety, language anxiety, social anxiety, family
anxiety, and presentation anxiety). Specific research questions included the
following:
R1. Is there any statistically significant difference in study anxiety
between male and female international students?
between undergraduate and graduate international students?
among different class levels (freshman, sophomore, junior, senior,
masters, and doctorate)?
R4. Is there any statistically significant difference in study among
international students based on their discipline?
R5. Is there any statistically significant difference in the study
among international students based on the length of their study in
the United States?
- 312 -
Definitions
The study employed the following definitions:
1. Globalization is known as the interrelation and connection of nation-
states and regions which build up through the international economic,
social and cultural intercourse and goes beyond borders (Zheng, 2010).
2. International students are individuals enrolled in higher education
institutions and who are on temporary student visas and are non-native
English speakers (Stevens, Emil, & Yamashita, 2009).
3. Graduate students are individuals in a graduate school seeking an
advanced degree such as masters or doctoral (Stevens, Emil, &
Yamashita, 2009).
4. "Student anxiety” is the feelings, thoughts, and experiences that create
an apprehension level during the study process and affect the students'
academic performance (Vitasari et al., 2010).
LITERATURE REVIEW
McLachlan and Justice (2009) claimed that learning opportunities for

international students have increased in the past decade. This increase has
led to a change in the global setting of higher education. Institute of
International Education (2015) findings showed that from the vast majority
of respondents worldwide 74 percent of prospective students reported the
U.S. as their top choice for higher studies. Andrade (2006) and the Institute
of International Education (2015) reported the rise in the number of
international students in English-speaking countries such as the United
States of America, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada to name a
few. It is believed that by gaining experience in their college years and
sharing it at work in their home countries, international students create a
global understanding. This could help developing positive relations
between U.S. and their home countries (Nikias, 2008).
The total number of international students in the U.S. colleges and
universities is reported to be 886,052 (Open Doors Report, 2014). Open
Doors Report recounted an eight percent increase over the prior year in the
number of international students. Interestingly, in 2014, the number of
undergraduate international students was 42% which obviously was higher
than the 37% of graduate students (Open Doors Report, 2014). Open
Doors Report also reported that California as the top host state, New York
City as the top host city and Business and Management followed by
Engineering as the topped fields of study in the United States of America.
Open Doors Report (2014) identified an increase in the number of students
from Asia. China, India, and Korea together account for 50% of the
international students’ population.
Political conflicts and international terrorism are primary reasons
why many international students do not get an opportunity to study in the
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United States (Fisher, 2010). The decline in admissions reached the highest
after the event of September 11, 2001; however, the decline stabilized by
2007 (H. R. No.110-73, 2007). Fischer (2010) reported that a renewed
focus on attracting international students to U.S. colleges with more
persistence and creativity could be a reason for the stabilization.
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Hartmann (2014) stated, “anxiety is a subjective state of
fear, apprehension, or tension” which “in the face of a naturally fearful
or threatening situation; anxiety is a normal and understandable
reaction” (p. 1). Anxiety is quite frequently seen in classes where
students face problems throughout their learning process (Casado &
Dereshiwsky, 2004; Kim, 2009; Marcos-Llinas & Garau, 2009; Sparks
& Ganschow, 2007). Sizoo, Jozkowskia, Malhotra, and Shapero
(2008) claimed that anxiety affected students’ performances and made
them fall behind in class. For students, study anxiety becomes a real
phenomenon; the sources of anxiety and its control reflect the importance.
Learners’ Exam Anxiety in Class
Kesici and Erdogan (2009) found test anxiety as one of the
most significant predictors of mathematics anxiety. They added
instructors should avoid approaches and activities that may cause
test anxiety in students. Tsai and Li (2012) reported the higher the test
anxiety levels for the students were, the lower their grade in the English
reading proficiency test. Moreover, the findings of Rezazadeh and
Tavakoli (2009) revealed three factors regarding study anxiety. First,
female students had a higher level of test anxiety in contrast to male
students. Second, there was a statistically significant negative
correlation between test anxiety and academic achievement. And
third, there was no meaningful relationship between test anxiety and
years of study.
Learners’ Language Anxiety in Class

Researchers emphasize on a certain level of anxiety that might
improve students’ performance. When a student starts a conversation
or interacts with others, anxiety might be seen. As defined by MacIntyre
and Gardner (1994) language anxiety is “the feeling of tension
and apprehension especially associated with second language
contexts, including speaking, listening, and learning” (p. 284). Studies
report different levels of anxiety among Foreign Language Learners
(FLL), Second Language Learners (SLL) and Communicative Anxiety
of Learners (CAL) (Bonifacci, Candria & Contento, 2007; Casado &
Dereshiwsky, 2004; Marcos-Llinas & Garau, 2009). Aspects such as
reading comprehension, writing, listening and speaking anxiety were
noted among learners which varied in different groups (Kim, 2009). In a
study done by Marcos-Llinas and Garau (2009) advanced foreign
language
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learners showed higher levels of language anxiety. Also, these advanced
level students reported feeling more pressure while studying than learners
in the intermediate and beginning level. In their study, advanced learners
with higher levels of anxiety had higher grades in their foreign language
course. This result elaborated having language anxiety to some level was
beneficial, and the traditional belief of the negativity of language anxiety in
learning becomes a question (Marcos-Llinas & Garau, 2009).
On the contrary, Sparks and Ganschow (2007) findings revealed
that lower anxiety levels existed among students with higher scores in their
foreign language courses which were a result of high language proficiency.
This study aroused the query of whether truly the problem of anxious
learners was due to their foreign language proficiency or language learning
skills. As reported by Sparks and Ganschow (2007), foreign language
aptitude and native language learning skills were related. To their belief, if
these language learning skills were practiced from the very first years of
schooling, learners would face less anxiety in their foreign language
learning classes later on in their study years.
Skinner (2009) stated that learning the English-language and the
different learning styles in other countries were some of the challenges of
international students. International students arrive with their strategies for
studying which usually do not fit in the existing culture. Learning strategies
must be modified. Poyrazli and Kavanaugh (2006) and Bell (2008)
confirmed anxiety and strain among international students who lacked
English proficiency and reported that international students were more
anxious about their studies. Humphries (2011) investigated the language
anxiety of Chinese international students in an Australian university. She
claimed creating a bond between the professor, and student helped reduce
international students’ language anxiety.
Learners’ Social Anxiety in Class

Cowden (2009) claimed social anxiety “is a term that is used to
describe an experience of anxiety regarding a social situation, interaction
with others, or being scrutinized by other people” (p. 16). Russell and
Topham (2012) reported the existence of social anxiety among students. In
their study, they stated that “social anxiety is a persistent, hidden disability
that impacts on learning and well-being (p. 375). They added students with
social anxiety need pedagogical support. Moreover, Cowden (2009)
emphasized the effect social anxiety has on various needs of a student in
the educational system. Okazaki (2000) examined 39 Asian Americans and
42 White Americans who reported different levels of social anxiety.
The results showed that Asian Americans reported higher levels
of social anxiety than White Americans on both interview and written
conditions. Weaver (2012) affirmed “public speaking is not a favorite
activity of most people—in fact, many people seem to fear public speaking
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or at least avoid it when they can. But most people are also not crippled
with embarrassment or anxiety when they have to present in front of a class
or when they are called on to answer a question. For students with social
anxiety, being put into the spotlight occasionally during class presentations
or participation is enough to make them avoid those classes altogether” (p.
1). Sena, Lowe, and Lee (2007) mentioned in almost any learning setting
there were some basic fundamental strategies that aided students to succeed
and overcome their social anxiety. For example, professors could provide
pre-planned topics for conversation for students to prepare when attending
social events. Also, instructors could handout the questions that would be
asked before the session, so that students had time to go over them. They
could also suggest to anxious students to arrive early to class and other
social functions to make the entrance easier and less stressful for them
(Lein, 2008).
Abeysekera (2008) reported females preferred to be quiet and listen
to lectures. They chose the traditional format of learning and did not want
to participate in group study. In the Chinese culture, the silence was valued
for women and being impassive was acceptable. Female Chinese students
confront problems identifying themselves as students and learners in class
(Hsieh, 2006). Dao, Lee, and Chang (2007) also found higher depression in
female Taiwanese graduate students compared to the male graduate
students. In a similar study, Misra, Crist, and Burant (2003) reported female
international students highly reacted to stressors in comparison to male
Learners’ Family Anxiety in Class

Negative family factors such as parents’ divorce, money problems
in the family, and abusive childhood experiences to name a few cause
anxiety disorders (Bogels & Brechman-Toussaintb, 2006). These family
anxiety disorders contribute to the development of study anxiety among
students (Vitasari et al., 2010). Moreover, Hughes and Gullone (2008)
reported aspects such as communication, affection, conflicts, satisfaction,
and closeness among family members in some way is related to
internalizing symptoms and anxiety disorders. This suggests that the
expression of symptoms may have common effects on relationships within
families which will affect students in their course studies (Viasari, Abdul
Wahab, Othman, & Awang, 2010).
Learners’ Presentation Anxiety in Class

Devi and Feroz (2008) studied communication apprehension which
was an anxiety seen in oral presentations. They argued that students with
higher communicative competence showed less anxiety in their
performance. They found that students exhibited anxiety, but it did not
affect their grades. In another research on the levels of anxiety in
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communication courses, Witt, and Behnke (2006) reported a different
preventative anxiety of learners. The cause of this particular anxiety, as
mentioned in their study, was students being uncomfortable in new contexts
given in class by the instructor. In their research, public speaking being
“impromptu” or “extemporaneous” was very stressful for students and
made the learners quite anxious. Al-Hebaish (2012) investigated the
correlation between general self-confidence and academic achievement in
the oral presentation course among 53 undergraduate female English
majors from Taibah University in Saudi Arabia. The results showed that
students with higher self-confidence had less anxiety while giving an oral
presentation. This study recommended that language instructors should
help increase their students’ self-confidence to develop their oral
performance achievement.
RESEARCH METHOD
This was a nonexperimental study that utilized correlational methods to

investigate the relationships between the level of study anxiety and
variables such as nationality, gender, age, major, degree, and stage of
education in international students. Correlational studies are used to
investigate the strength of linear relationships between variables (McMillan
& Schumacher, 2010).
Participants
This study was conducted at a mid-sized (10,000 - 20,000 students;
see Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board, 2012) Texas public four-
year institution, with a diverse student population of over 14,000 students,
589 from countries other than the United States. Initially, a power analysis
was conducted; a priori using a free power analysis tool, G*Power (Faul,
Erdfelder, Buchner, & Lang, 2009), to determine the needed sample size.
Based on the power analysis for a one-tailed small effect (0.03)
with a significance level of 0.05, a minimum sample of n=67 was needed.
To account for possible attrition, it was determined that a sample size of 85
international students would be selected to participate in the study. All
participants were international college students (undergraduate and
graduate) during the Spring 2013 semester. This sample was a convenience
sample.
The following hypotheses were proposed:

H1: A strong relationship exists between gender and anxiety.
H2: Anxiety level varies between undergraduate and graduate students.
H3: Anxiety level varies among different class levels (freshman,
sophomore etc.).
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H4: International student’s majors (disciplines) have influences on anxiety
level.
H5: A strong relationship exists between the length of the study and
anxiety.
Instrumentation
In addition to creating several questions about pertinent sample
characteristics, the instrument was administered to the sample via an
internet survey host site, OrgSync.com™. The instrument used was the
Study Anxiety Questionnaire (SAQ) (Vitasari, Abdul Wahab, Othman, &
Awang, 2010). The researcher was granted permission by the developers of
the instrument to use and make minor modifications to meet the needs of
the study.
Student Demographics
Several student-level characteristics were measured by
demographic questions created by the researcher and included at the
beginning of the electronic survey used for this study. The students
answered multiple-choice questions regarding gender (male/female) and the
students' education status (Freshman, Sophomore, Junior, Senior, Masters,
or Doctoral). The question related to the country of origin was open-ended
because the international students who participated in this study were from
20 different countries. This mid-sized university consists of six colleges:
College of Arts and Sciences, College of Business, College of Education
and Human Development, College of Engineering, and College of Fine
Arts and Communication. The participants were enrolled in 22 different
majors, and their ages ranged from 18 to 55. The majority of the
participants were between 24 to 29 years of age. Regarding the
international students’ stage in their program, they chose one of the
following: “I am taking courses,” “I have finished all coursework
requirements,” “I am preparing for comprehensive exams and other
requirements to meet additional requirements before dissertation,” or “I
passed my written and oral comprehensive exams and am writing my
doctoral dissertation.” All six variables were coded and the data was
analyzed.
Study Anxiety Questionnaire

The Study Anxiety Questionnaire (SAQ) (Vitasari, Abdul Wahab,
Othman, & Awang, 2010) was used in the current study to measure self-
reported student study anxiety. The purpose of the Study Anxiety
Questionnaire (SAQ) is to investigate students' study anxiety in courses in
colleges or universities. It was originally designed to measure the seven
sources of study anxiety among college students based on their feelings,
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experiences, and thoughts regarding anxiety during their study in college-
level courses.
The original Study Anxiety Questionnaire (SAQ) included 40 items
that measured seven sources of Study Anxiety on a five-point Likert-scale
with the response options of Never (1), Almost Never (2), Rarely (3), Fairly
Often (4), or Very Often (5). The scores of the items are for each source, to
provide a measure of each source of anxiety, and all scores can be added to
provide a composite measure of study anxiety. The lower the score, the
lower the study anxiety. Regarding the reliability of the instrument, the
original Study Anxiety Questionnaire (SAQ) (Vitasari et al., 2010) had an
overall Cronbach’s D = .93; an indication of high reliability showing that
the developers instrument has excellent internal consistency (Kline, 1999).
Vitasari, Abdul Wahab, Herawan, Othman, and Sinnadurai (2011) used a
factor analysis to verify the validity of all items identifying the seven
sources of study anxiety of the (SAQ).
For the current study, the researcher used a modified version of the
SAQ; only 29 items from the original Study Anxiety Questionnaire (SAQ)
(Vitasari, Abdul Wahab, Othman, & Awang, 2010) were used. Participants’
responses to the items were added to provide a composite measure of
student study anxiety. The modified instrument had an overall Cronbach’s
D = .90, which was comparable to the original. Data Collection Procedures
The first step of the researcher in the data collection procedure was
to obtain permission to use the modified SAQ (Vitasari et al., 2010) for this
study and approval from the university's Institutional Review Board (IRB).
The next step was to upload an electronic copy of the demographic form
and the modified SAQ into an internet survey host site, OrgSync.com™.
Orgsync provides an online community management system to higher
education institutions in the United States and Canada. Finally, an email
was sent to the International Office requesting help to disseminate an email
to all international students inviting them to participate in the survey. The
International Office at the participating university sent the request for
participation to all international students along with an electronic link to the
survey. After the initial invitation had been sent out to the participants, a
weekly reminder was sent out to students until 85 students had responded
(four weeks). Participants had to respond to all the questions and submit
their responses to be counted as a participant.
The respondents represented approximately a 14% response rate of
the total population of the international students. There are three
assumptions for this response rate. First, the number of items students had
to answer might have been too many, even though there was no time
limitation and students could have saved their information and continued at
a later time. Second, it might have been because students had to reply to all
three sections to be able to submit their answers. Third, a barrier might
have been that some students did not use their university email. Response
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rates in online surveys (average rate of 33%) are generally much lower than
traditional paper surveys (average rate of 56%) (Nulty, 2008), but recent
research suggests that despite the low response rate, findings are typically
comparable to surveys with higher response rates (Holbrook, Krosnick, &
Pfent, 2007; Keeter, Kennedy, Dimock, Best, & Craighill, 2006). Once the
data collection period ended, the data was extracted from OrgSync.com™
and placed into Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) 22.0 for
analysis.
RESULTS
Table 1 shows the demographics of the international student population at

the University, as well as of the sample in the current study. About 87% of
the students who took the survey were from Asia.
Table 1: Population and Sample Comparisons of International Student

Characteristics
Characteristics Population Sample

(N = 589) (n = 85)
Education Status
Freshman 62 (10.5) 4 (04.7)
Sophomore 18 (03.1) 5 (05.9)
Junior 28 (04.8) 2 (02.4)
Senior 46 (07.8) 2 (02.4)
Master 373 (63.3) 60 (70.6)
Doctoral 62 (10.5) 12 (14.1)
Gender
Male 416 (70.6) 33 (38.8)
Female 173 (29.4) 52 (61.2)
Continent
Africa 14 (2.4) 2 (02.4)
Americas 34 (5.8) 3 (03.5)
Asia 486 (82.3) 74
Australia 5 (0.8) (87.1)
Europe 50 (0.8) 1 (01.2)
5 (05.9)
College/School of Study
Arts & Sciences 190 (32.3) 24 (28.2)
Business 72 (12.2) 20 (23.5)
Education & Human Development 41 (7.0) 15 (17.6)
Engineering 274 (46.5) 24 (28.2)
Fine Arts & Communication 12 (02.0) 2 (02.4)
About 71% of the survey respondents were working on their master degree
while 14% of the students were working on their doctorate. Regarding other
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characteristics, 61% of the respondents were female and 39% male. The
female participants were not chosen deliberately. They were just the ones
who showed more interest and took part in this study. Cronbach’s alpha
scores for our study were as follows: exam anxiety: 0.787; language
anxiety: 0.727; social anxiety: 0.741; family anxiety: 0.626; presentation
anxiety: 0.841; overall: 0.909. A commonly accepted rule of thumb for
describing internal consistency using Cronbach’s alpha is as follows:
excellent when Į0.9; good when 0.8Į<0.9; acceptable when 0.7Į<0.8;
questionable when 0.6Į<0.7; poor when 0.58Į<0.6; unacceptable when
0Į<0.5. All but one of our scores was either good or acceptable. Even
though the alpha score for family anxiety subscale was questionable, the
overall instrument demonstrated good internal consistency with Cronbach’s
alpha of 0.909.
Once reliability of the instrument was established, non-parametric
tests were used to all test five hypothesis discussed in this study. In other
words, non-parametric tests were used to determine whether there were
statistically significant differences in response between two or more groups.
In particular, the researchers used the Mann-Whitney U test to investigate
the first hypothesis involving gender. Out of 29 questions, they found only
one question where the difference was significant. The distribution of “I
feel tense while studying for exams” is the same across gender hypothesis
and was rejected (p-value = 0.001). Male students reported more anxiety
than female students during exam preparation. Moreover, they used the
Mann-Whitney U test to examine the difference between undergraduate and
graduate students (Hypothesis 2); however, there was no significant
difference found. The researchers also used Kruskal-Wallis (K-W) test
which is another non-parametric test to compare more than two groups. The
K-W test had been used to test the third hypothesis. In other words, the test
had been conducted to investigate the difference among different class
levels (freshman, sophomore, junior, senior, masters, and doctorate). The
following table (Table 2) shows the results of the items where evidence was
found to reject the null hypothesis for a significance level of 0.05: In all of
these four anxieties discussed in Table 2, freshmen showed the most
anxiety and doctorate students showed the least anxiety.
The study explored whether the international students’ majors
(disciplines) had any influence on the anxiety level (Hypothesis 4). The
students were regrouped in the following categories: engineering; science
and mathematics; business; humanities, arts, and education. The frequency
breakdown of these categories is engineering (35%), science and math
(17%), business (28%) and humanities arts and education (20%). The K-W
test was used to investigate whether any significance difference existed
among these students based on their discipline and found that only one of
the null hypothesis was rejected for this category (discipline). The K-W test
showed that there was a significant difference in the distribution of “I feel
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that class presentations have low contributions to my studying”. In other
words, students in all disciplines, according to our study, did not value class
presentations the same. Engineering students did not recognize class
presentations as a contributing factor of their study while education
students valued it the most.
Table 2: Hypothesis Tests Summary for the Class Level and Anxiety
Null Hypothesis Test Significance Decision

The distribution of I feel K-W test 0.021 Reject the null
depressed after taking an exam hypothesis
is the same across class level
The distribution of I feel my K-W test 0.006 Reject the null
heart beating very fast during hypothesis
important exams is the same
across class level
The distribution of I study K-W test 0.025 Reject the null
hard but am not successful in hypothesis
class is the same across class
level
The distribution of I face K-W test 0.047 Reject the null
many difficulties in studying hypothesis
when there are too many
classmates is the same across
class level
Table 3: Hypothesis Test Summary for is the Length of the Study in

the Current Program and Anxiety
Null Hypothesis Test Significance Decision

The distribution of I feel K-W test 0.005 Reject the null
depressed after taking an exam hypothesis
is the same across the length
of the study
The distribution of I find that K-W test 0.038 Reject the null
my childhood experiences hypothesis
make me feel anxious across
the length of the study
The distribution of I feel a K-W test 0.017 Reject the null
lack of confidence during my hypothesis
presentations is the same
across the length of the study
The distribution of I feel my K-W test 0.038 Reject the null
heart beating very fast during hypothesis
important exams is the same
across the length of the study
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Finally, the fifth hypothesis involving the length of the study was also
tested. The frequency distribution of this variable was as follows: first
semester (19%); second semester (23%); third semester (13%); fourth to the
fifth semester (19%); more than five semesters (26%). The K-W test was
used to investigate whether any significance difference existed among
international students based on the length of the study. The following table
(Table 3) shows the results of the items where the study found evidence to
reject the null hypothesis for a significance level of 0.05.
A few noteworthy patterns had been observed in the analysis of
anxiety and the length of the study. The depression after taking an exam
had been observed the most among the second and third semester students.
This anxiety was almost identical among newcomers and students who
were already in the program four or more semesters. A similar pattern had
also been observed involving anxiety related to childhood experiences
where third semester students reported they felt anxious fairly often. Lack
of confidence had been observed the most among third semester students.
This remarkable level of anxiety among third semester students could be
contributed to job uncertainty, visa status, financial crisis and academic
progress. Students from all groups divided by the length of the study
reported presentation anxiety; however, this anxiety level reached its peak
during the second and third semester of their study.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The findings of the present study should be carefully interpreted because

this study focused on a particular group of international students at a
specific institution. Thus, the generalizability of the findings beyond this
group of international students is limited. Due to the location, this study
was limited to international students living and studying in the US. Future
studies should consider looking at other variables closely for these groups.
The generality of this finding should be investigated with a bigger
and diverse sample. Also, changes may be made to the instrument and after
checking the reliability and validity of the modified instrument further
examination be performed. Future study may include other institutions and
may compare differences by region and institutional type. An interesting
study would be comparing national and international students’ levels of
study anxiety in different environments. Thus, if knowing what anxiety
level is normative in any given cultural environment and to what this
anxiety pertains, unbiased comparisons between culturally diverse groups
in a new cultural environment would be possible and more meaningful.
There were several limitations in this study. First, the study was
exploratory and correlational. Thus, no causal conclusions could be made.
Second, the questionnaire and survey were distributed by campus email,
therefore, students that do not use campus email did not have access to the
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survey to complete the survey instrument. There were also delimitations
that bound the study. For example, graduate participants consist of masters
and doctorate international university students. Moreover, the study was
performed in a single mid-sized university in a southern state in the United
States.
IMPLICATIONS
The findings of this study supported Wu, Garza, and Guzman (2015) study
which reported the existence of academic challenges among international
students and mentioned these challenges were also evident in
communication with professors, classmates, and staff. Lack of confidence
had been reported among third semester students. However, the findings of
this study did not support Wu et al. (2015)’s claim regarding social
isolation. Students did not report any sign of homesickness. The era of
social networking might have an impact on the issue. International students
also did not report any racial discrimination and campus environment issue.
Moreover, this study showed there is very little relationship
between gender and anxiety (these two groups have statistically significant
difference only in exam anxiety). This was a sharp contrast to other studies.
Misra and McKean (2000) reported that undergraduate females had more
effective time management behaviors than undergraduate males, but also
experienced higher academic stress and anxiety. Since majority of our
subjects were graduate students, it is our conclusion that anxiety difference
between male and female students diminishes as students get older.
However, stress was reported while studying for exams among male and
female students and our findings contradicted Misra and McKean (2000)’s
findings and showed that female students feel less anxiety while preparing
for exams than male students. The results indicated that as female students
got older they overcome anxiety level faster than male students.
On the other hand, few significant differences have been observed
among different class levels. As Table 2 suggests, anxiety level among
freshman or sophomore students is different than that of doctoral students.
Astin (1993) reported the existence of fear among freshman and sophomore
students which resulted negatively in their final grades. He suggested to
schools to provide learning environments with no fear. The duration of the
time students are in current program is also an item of interest where the
anxiety level is significantly different.
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REZVAN KHOSHLESSAN, EdD, holds a doctorate in Educational

Leadership specialized in Higher Education from Lamar University,
Beaumont (Texas-USA), a Master of Arts in TEFL from Islamic Azad
University, Tehran North Branch (Tehran-Iran), and a Bachelor of Arts in
English Literature from Tehran University (Tehran-Iran). Currently, she
works for the Texas Intensive English Program (TIEP) at Lamar University
as an Instructor where she teaches international students who are studying
in different English proficiency levels. In addition, she is a researcher and
reviews articles on teaching and learning at the Center for Teaching and
Learning Enhancement (CTLE) and works as a part-time assistant for the
CTLE director. Her research interest includes higher education, active and
collaborative techniques, and study anxiety. Email: rkhoshless@lamar.edu
KUMER PIAL DAS, PhD, is an associate professor of statistics at Lamar

University (LU), TX. He has been teaching undergraduate and graduate
statistics courses at LU since his PhD in mathematics from Auburn
University in 2005. His research interest is in the area of statistics, big data
analytics, undergraduate research and international education. He is a
recipient of 2013 Mathematical Association of America’s Alder award for
distinguished teaching. He is also a recipient of the 2016 Robert Hogg
Award for excellence in teaching undergraduate statistics. He has published
extensively on a variety of topics in statistics and mathematics with his
undergraduate and graduate students and has received many awards for
supervising students in research. He has been named the 2015 Lamar
University Research Scholar in recognition of a lifetime of outstanding
scholarly and creative achievements. Because of his enthusiastic
involvement in undergraduate research he was appointed as the founding
director of the Office of Undergraduate Research at LU in 2013 and he is
continuing to serve the office since then. He is also a recipient of the 2016
Fulbright International Education Administrator Seminar Award to France.
Email: kumer.das@lamar.edu

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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 329-346
Student and Staff Perceptions of the

International Postgraduate Student Experience: A
Qualitative Study of a UK University
Emma L. Bird
University of the West of England, Bristol, UK
ABSTRACT
This study aimed to explore student and staff perceptions of academic,
personal and social factors influencing the international postgraduate
student experience at a UK University. Focus groups were conducted with
international students enrolled in a Master in Public Health programme
(n=10). An in-depth survey containing open-ended questions was completed
by university staff that contribute to postgraduate teaching (n=12).
Qualitative data were analysed using Thematic Analysis. Student and staff
perceptions of the international postgraduate student experience were
broadly similar, although some discrepancies were identified. Five themes
emerged: adjustment to academic expectations; adjustment to academic
conventions; programme internationalisation; adjustment to the local
culture; and, future plans. Findings add to the limited evidence base on the
international postgraduate student experience in UK universities.
Keywords: Experiences, international students, postgraduate, qualitative

research, university staff
In recent years, a growing number of students have chosen to travel abroad

to further their education (Healey, 2008; Organisation for Economic Co-
operation and Development [OECD], 2008; Russell et al., 2010). Statistical
data from the academic year 2013/14 reveals that in the UK alone, over
435,500 international students enrolled onto undergraduate and postgraduate
programmes (Higher Education Statistics Agency [HESA], 2014),
contributing to almost 14% of all first-year students and 69% of all full-time
taught postgraduate students (UK Council for International Student Affairs,
2015), and resulting in a boost to the UK economy (DBIS, 2011). It is,
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therefore, apparent that there is a need to better understand and embrace
cultural and educational differences within higher education (Seo & Koro-
Ljungberg, 2005).
The increase in international student numbers has altered the
demographic of the UK postgraduate student body and has resulted in larger
classroom sizes (Tight, 2004). Evidence of the impact of classroom size on
the student experience is well documented, with large class teaching
associated with poorer learning outcomes (Ehrenberg et al., 2001), reduced
student engagement (Light, 2001), and limited curriculum coverage (Bean,
2001; Hoyt & Perera, 2000). However, due to increased student numbers
and diminishing staff within the Higher Education sector (Higher Education
Funding Council for England [HEFCE], 2010), it is predicted that large
class sizes will continue in University settings, thus requiring a rethink
about how teaching and learning approaches need to adapt to such a large
and diverse student body (Maringe & Sing, 2014).
There is a comprehensive body of literature devoted to exploring the
experiences of international students (Ward, Bochner & Furnham, 2001). A
recent critical review identified numerous factors associated with positive
learning experiences among international students studying in the UK, such
as the opportunity to meet and develop relationships with students from
around the world, broadened understanding and improved skills in
independent thinking, and improved language skills (Lillyman & Bennett,
2014). Furthermore, there is growing evidence to suggest that the presence
of international students can help to expand the perspectives of UK students
and academic staff alike (Kingston & Forland, 2008; O’Reilly et al., 2013;
Wang, 2012).
Despite such promising outcomes there also is a wealth of literature
reporting the difficulties that may be faced by international students; such
as: difficulty in adapting to academic conventions (e.g., poor understanding
of plagiarism) (Wang & Shan, 2006), stress or confusion relating to
alternative teaching and learning styles (Bamford et al., 2002; Durkin, 2003;
Kiley, 2003; Kingston & Forland, 2008), and language difficulties (Sawir,
2005). In addition to academic adjustments, studies have shown that
international students can encounter social and personal difficulties
including problems in adjusting to the local culture (Bamford et al., 2002),
loneliness and isolation (Edwards & Ran, 2006), and financial struggles
(Turcic, 2008). It has also been suggested that the international student
experience may be influenced by an individual’s prior learning experiences
and personal background (Oliver, 2008).
With international students contributing heavily to the UK
postgraduate student population, it is perhaps surprising that the majority of
research exploring the experiences of international students is somewhat
limited to undergraduate students. The literature also tends to focus
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specifically on the experiences of Asian international students (Li et al.,
2014; Smith & Khawaja, 2011), primarily due to the fact that the vast
majority of international students originate from Asia (Institute of
International Education, 2014).
Research exploring university staff perceptions of the international
student experience is also relatively unexplored. This is surprising given that
university staff are likely to have a reasonable understanding of the
experiences international students face, and they may offer a unique insight
into specific needs and required support. One qualitative study with
university staff revealed that staff held under-developed views about why
students struggle to adjust and subsequently withdraw from university, such
as the identification of ‘typical withdrawers’ and ‘mature women with
families’ (Ozga & Sukhnandan, 1998). However, it could be argued that this
study is now out-of-date, given the numerous changes which have occurred
in universities in recent years.
More recent research suggests that staff perceptions may be biased
by the extensive literature on the experiences of students that withdraw from
university, rather than those who persist (Briggs & Pritchett, 2010). Briggs
and Pritchett’s study of student and staff perceptions found that staff had a
reasonable awareness about the main factors that influence students, but
there were areas of discrepancy between student and staff perceptions. For
example, staff were found to be ill-informed about the factors relating to
student experience which were deemed to “fall outside of their own job
remit” (Briggs & Pritchett, 2010, pp. 13). However, the authors
acknowledged that these factors may have been identified, had different
university staff been interviewed. Another study conducted by Miles and
Leinster (2009) reported findings which were broadly in line with Briggs
and Pritchett (2010), suggesting that more work may be needed to
encourage staff to better understand the student experience and not simply
rely on pre-conceived ideas.
The University of the West of England (UWE), Bristol, is one of the
UK’s largest Higher Education Institutions (HEI), with over 27,000 students
and 3,000 staff. The Masters in Public Health programme at UWE offers
students an advanced, contemporary education in public health theory,
practice and research. A distinctive feature of the programme is the diversity
of the student population. Each year the programme attracts applicants from
a wide range of cultural, demographic and professional backgrounds. In the
Academic Year 2014-2015, 31 full-time international students enrolled on
the programme. Of these, 16 students were native to sub-Saharan Africa,
with others originating from Mauritius, Burma, Nepal, India, Bangladesh,
Hong Kong, and Pakistan. The programme team consists of twelve
academics, with an additional 10 university staff providing dissertation
supervision and wider student support (e.g., Subject Librarian). This study
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aimed to identify and reflect upon the key academic, social and personal
factors influencing the experience of international students enrolled on a
postgraduate programme in the UK.
RESEARCH METHOD
Sampling and Recruitment

All international students (n=31) enrolled on the Masters in Public
Health programme were invited to participate in this study (Academic Year
2014-15). Previous Masters in Public Health students, based in the UK,
were also invited to take part. Students were alerted to the study via an email
announcement. Interested students were recruited using a purposive
sampling approach. Purposive sampling is sampling method in which
researchers use their knowledge about the population of interest to hand pick
relevant people to include in the sample to answer the research question. In
this case, only international students enrolled on the Public Health program
were invited to participate. Students were provided with an information
sheet containing an explanation of the nature of the research project and
asked to provide active informed consent.
All staff contributors to the program (n=22) were invited via email to
complete a short online survey. Staff were provided with an information
sheet and asked to complete a consent form prior to participation. Ethical
approval was granted by the University Education Department in January
2015.
Data Collection
Two in-depth semi-structured focus groups took place with students on
the University campus. To ensure that all focus group members were given
sufficient time to share their thoughts and experiences, the researcher
encouraged everyone to participate and prompted where appropriate. Each
focus group was conducted during the student lunch hour and lasted
approximately 45 minutes. An indicative topic guide based on previous
research exploring the academic, personal and social experiences of
international students was developed to elicit information (see supplemental
materials).
Following student focus groups, an online survey was emailed to Public
Health program staff. Staff members were asked to complete the survey in
their own time at their own computer, and they were given a deadline of two
weeks to return their responses. Staff were asked to report on the extent to
which they contribute to the program; to reflect upon how they address the
learning needs and interests of international students when developing
module content; how they communicate module expectations to students;
perceptions of rapport between UK and international students; how they
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encourage class participation; perceptions of the academic, personal and
social challenges faced by international students; and, areas for improving
the international student experience.
Data Analysis
Focus group data and free-text survey data were imported into NVivo
(QSR International) verbatim, software used to aid qualitative data analysis.
Data were explored using Thematic Analysis; a method commonly used for
“identifying, analyzing and reporting patterns within data” (Braun & Clark,
2006, p. 6). The researcher read through the data multiple times to aid
familiarization and form initial impressions about the data. Coding and
theme development began with consideration of the two main areas for
exploration in this study: academic experiences, and personal and social
experiences. These pre-defined codes were broad with the main purpose of
categorizing information for further examination. The researcher took care
not to be restricted by such pre-defined ideas and allowed for unspecified
codes and themes to emerge from the data inductively. Initial codes were
considered and revised to produce a coding framework. All data were then
re-coded according to the framework. To ensure credibility and
trustworthiness of the data analysis procedure, relevant quotations from each
theme were identified to illustrate and support the findings.
RESULTS
Participant Characteristics
Ten international postgraduate students participated in this study (30%
response rate). Of these, 4 were male (40%) and 6 were female (60%).
Students were aged between 22 and 34. Students originated from Burma
(n=1), Ghana (n=3), Malaysia (n=1), Mauritius (n=1), Nepal (n=2), Senegal
(n=1) and Somalia (n=1). The academic background of students was highly
diverse, with students holding undergraduate qualifications in subjects
including Medicine, Business Administration, Biomedical Science, Law and
Economics, and History. Eight students had work experience prior to
pursuing the postgraduate course; two students had transferred to
postgraduate study directly from undergraduate study. The majority of
students had been living in the UK for approximately 8 months, while two
had been based in the UK for more than 2 years. As shown in Table 1, 12
staff participated in this study (55% response rate). Approximately one-
quarter of staff were relatively new to the institution, having joined in the
last two years, and almost one-third had worked at the university for more
than 10 years.
- 333 -
Table 1: Staff Characteristics (N = 12)
Item N %
How long have you worked at UWE?

1-2 years 3 25
3-5 years 2 17
6-10 years 3 25
More than 10 years 4 33
Do you…
Lead a module? 5 42
Contribute to teaching on a module? 9 75
Supervise student dissertations? 8 67
Thematic Analysis
The overall impression from international students indicated that
postgraduate study in the UK was a positive and enjoyable experience.
Students were pleased with the quality of education received and the
development of new skills. All staff provided examples of considering and
responding to international postgraduate student academic needs; however,
there were differences in the way that staff perceived and responded to
students’ personal and social needs. There was a strong sense that staff view
international students as an asset to the program, adding a new, broader
perspective to the way public health is taught.
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As shown in Figure 1, after initial categorization into two groups:
‘Academic experiences’ and ‘Personal and social experiences’, five themes
emerged from the data. ‘Academic experiences’ incorporated: adjusting to
academic expectations; adjusting to academic conventions; and, program
internationalization. ‘Personal and social experiences’ included adjusting to
the local culture and future plans.
Academic experiences
Adjusting to academic expectations. A common concern identified
by international students was a sense of shock at the way teaching and
learning is structured and delivered in the UK. All students revealed that
when they began their postgraduate studies they experienced feelings of
stress, confusion, and discomfort. In many cases, these feelings of
apprehension related to one of the central aspects of the program: critical
thinking. In the most part, students reflected that these feelings were
influenced by prior educational experiences and different expectations in
their home country, with one student commenting:
It has been very different for me because from the background I

come from, it’s mostly whatever you are taught in class and you
have hardly anything to do on your own. When I came here and had
to read through articles and read a lot of literature…that was not like
before so I had to get used to that.
Other students noted that, as well as facing cultural educational differences,

they found it difficult to adjust to studying at postgraduate level.
It’s different [studying at postgraduate level] in terms of how they

want students to learn. For me, back home, it’s all very ‘taught’, you
just learn what you’re taught and there’s hardly any work to do on
your own…this course requires a lot of discipline in terms of
managing your own time, apart from just attending the lectures.
Although initial anxiety levels were high among most participants,

students also reported feelings of empowerment and pride as they
progressed through the program. Almost all students reported perceived
improvements in critical thinking skills, ability to work independently, and
management of a complex workload.
I think that the critical thinking aspect [of the program] and being
able to do things independently [are the most positive outcome of
the program]: your own research; finding things out for yourself;
and, not being spoon-fed all the information. I think that’s been
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really useful. And I think it will be useful when going out to look
for work.
Students and staff alike commented on the variety of learning and teaching
approaches used to help students adjust to postgraduate level study. For
example, there was a strong appreciation for the University Peer Assisted
Learning (PALs) program. PALs is an academic support scheme where
students are trained in coaching and facilitation skills to support other
students in acclimatizing to Higher Education study. Students also
identified: small group seminars following lectures interactive question and
answer activities designed to engage students, multimedia teaching and
learning approaches, and, positive perceptions of the classroom learning
environment (described by one participant as ‘a safe space’ to answer
questions in front of peers without fear of embarrassment), as positive
program attributes. Such methods were credited with consolidating complex
public health topics; in particular, the opportunity for discussion during
PALs workshops and small group seminars:
I think the workshops and the seminars specific to some modules

have been very helpful. You get to see others’ opinions and get to
listen to others. That’s been very helpful. When you’re in smaller
groups it really helps. They’ve been helpful throughout to help us
understand stuff from the lecture.
Although many program modules offer workshops or seminars,

there was a sense among staff that more work may be required to encourage
all international students to engage. One member of staff commented that
international students “…need to be shown how to do something, for
example, thinking critically, rather than just telling them to do it”. However,
another staff member stated: “I expect international students to engage in
exactly the same way as home students. I signpost reading in lectures but
expect them to identify their own sources as well”; suggestive of a more
‘hands-off’ approach. One staff member commented that “despite all the
direction and information you can give, many still tend to adopt the ‘head in
the sand’ approach until crisis hits”. These differing views suggest that staff
may adopt a range approaches to learning and teaching and that there may
be inconsistent expectations for students among staff. In light of this, staff
may benefit from team discussions on how to effectively engage and
manage diverse groups of students. Furthermore, regular monitoring and
modernizing of approaches to learning and teaching should be encouraged.
Adjusting to UK academic conventions. The need to adjust to

academic conventions was identified by students and staff. For many
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students, despite experience in completing undergraduate qualifications,
experience of UK institutional conventions and etiquette was limited. Most
students expected a formal classroom atmosphere, where staff and students
were distinctly separate groups that interacted on a purely professional basis.
All students agreed that their perceptions of the ‘student-teacher’
relationship changed as the course progressed. However, one student noted:
Something else that still bothers me is calling lecturers by their first

name. It still bothers me! I’m just not used to doing that. For me, it’s
a sign of respect to call them by ‘Dr’, ‘Professor’, or whatever it
is…It’s almost an insult not to do it!
In agreement, when asked to reflect upon academic conventions,

most staff recognized that international students may not know how to
respond to a UK learning culture and may have unrealistic ideas about the
teacher as “an expert” that “may be difficult to approach”. Almost all staff
commented that they try to overcome such perceptions from the outset,
through creating an informal class atmosphere and by clearly
communicating expectations to students in lectures and in module
handbooks. A key area of concern identified by staff related to international
students’ writing ability, and specifically, plagiarism among international
students. Almost all staff commented that one of the key academic
challenges faced by international students is comprehension and
interpretation of plagiarism in academic work. In many cases, staff noted
that plagiarism can be intentional or unintentional, and it was suggested by
one staff member that the teaching team did not provide enough advice and
guidance on it. It was also suggested that plagiarism may be a challenging
concept to some because “of different cultural educations expectations in
their home system”. Notably, none of the students identified plagiarism as a
potential issue. This finding suggests a discrepancy in student and staff
perceptions and identifies an area for development.
Program internationalization. There was broad agreement among

students and staff that the program curriculum follows an international
perspective to public health. Attempts to ‘internationalize’ the program and
its curriculum were positively received by students, with improvements
noted in program content and student rapport. Staff commented on increased
incorporation of international examples of public health concepts into their
teaching materials, where appropriate, to provide an international context
and to aid international student comprehension.
Having a global perspective is useful, whether you intend to bring it
back to your home country or whether you intend to stay on in the
UK. Having an overall global picture of public health does help.
- 337 -
However, it was acknowledged that the use of distinct
‘international’ and ‘UK’ examples may, in some cases, have had a negative
impact on student engagement and rapport. For example, some international
students felt that it was difficult to contribute to classes where the focus was
UK-based. This was in part due to a lack of knowledge about UK systems
but was also related to feelings of intimidation from “knowledgeable” home
students, who in many cases were already working in public health roles in
the UK.
They [UK home students] probably have more…are better

opinionated to say something in class, whereas international
students, we’re not as aware or knowledgeable about the UK
context.
Sometimes it’s difficult [to participate] because lots of the home

students work in public health, and they’re generally a bit more
mature, it can feel a bit intimidating because they know things that
you just don’t know.
Despite this, the majority of students and staff commented on the

strong personal rapport that developed between international and UK
students during the academic year, although this was seen to vary from
module to module. Some staff also identified the use of specific classroom
techniques designed to facilitate group interaction, regardless of home
country.
This year has seen a particularly good rapport develop. I have

encouraged this by arranging my teaching environment in ‘tables’
rather than ‘rows’ to encourage discussion between students.
Student feedback indicated that this was successful in assisting
integration and therefore will be repeated.
The modules that I lead and contribute to the most allow greater
engagement with the students and an opportunity to see how they
engage and work together. In general, there is a good relationship.
However, often the international students do not engage in the
workshops as much as I would like.
Personal and social experiences
Adjusting to cultural adjustments. International students commented

on a number of positive and challenging experiences in adjusting to the UK
culture. Positive experiences included getting used to different foods,
- 338 -
making friends with people from all over the world, and learning to interpret
conversational English. Some students took part in extracurricular activities
(e.g., Christian Union), while others expressed regret at not taking part in
non-academic activities. In general, students reported that their perceptions
of UK and Bristol culture had improved over time. However, one student
reflected:
…It sounds very stupid now that I think of it, but hearing children
being quite disrespectful, to me, culturally, that was unacceptable.
When I talk to my other international friends, it is always something
that we talk about. It’s quite shocking to see the way that teenagers
or young adults [in the UK] react to situations or the way they talk
to adults. That was something I had to get used to and try not to get
offended by.
When asked to consider ideas to improve the personal and social

experiences of international MSc Public Health students, particularly upon
arrival at UWE, staff made a number of suggestions including:
implementation of a ‘buddy’ scheme (i.e., pairing up an international student
with a UK student), to learn from similar universities with successful and
thriving international student programs, and to encourage students “to get
out and explore Bristol and its health issues”. However, one member of staff
remarked that:
We should not try to manage them [international students] or

intervene too much. Part of the experience is learning to generate
your own resources.
This comment highlights discrepancies among staff, and emphasizes

the need for the program team to discuss this issue, to ensure that staff are
consistent in the support provided. This comment also supports previous
research suggesting that international students’ personal and social
experiences are not high on some staff agendas (Briggs & Pritchett 2010).
Future plans. Focus group findings revealed that some international

students had begun planning for the future. Half of the students expressed
interest in staying in the UK after completing their postgraduate
qualification, to pursue a career in public health or to study for another
health-related qualification. Others were less clear on what they intended to
do. One student explained that the program, coupled with her work
experience, had encouraged the targeting of a research post:
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I’m currently interning for the [Public Health] research group [based
at UWE]. It has helped me to think about qualitative and
quantitative research methods that I’ve learned on the course. It has
led me to think that I would really like to get into research. I will see
how it goes. I’d definitely like to do work in public health, whether
that’s research or elsewhere. I’d like to do something in health
promotion.
One of the factors associated with unclear future plans was work
experience, or a thereof. Students reported that public health jobs in the UK
often require a wealth of prior experience. This can be particularly hard to
obtain as an international student, as they are less likely to have relevant
contacts based within UK public health roles to facilitate work experience.
As part of the program, four students completed a voluntary placement
scheme based with a public health team in the South West of England.
Despite commending the scheme, students felt that they needed a longer
period of work experience as a one-week placement would not satisfy the
requirements for a public health role.
I would like to stay in public health but I’m finding that most of the
jobs that I’m looking at, at the moment, and most people that I
speak to on my placement, are looking for experience. Yes, I have
nursing experiences, but that’s not the experience that they want or
the level of experience that they want. So, it’s difficult for me to say
‘I’ve got five days’ [placement experience], as that’s not enough.
It is possible that teaching staff do not have enough of an

appreciation of the personal difficulties experienced by students after
completing their qualification. When asked to identify challenges faced by
students, no staff commented on public health job prospects. This could be a
useful area for staff development. Staff responses were more focused on the
skills and outcomes associated with the academic program including
increased student confidence, improved critical thinking skills, improved
communication and presentation skills, and development of skills in
qualitative and quantitative research methodologies.
The findings presented here add to the evidence base on the academic,
personal and social experiences of postgraduate international students
studying at UK universities. The key contributions of this research lie in the
comparison of student and staff perceptions of the international student
experience, an area which is relatively unexplored to date. The study also
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considers the views and experiences of a diverse range of international
students, adding a new perspective to the literature which is chiefly
concerned with the experiences of Asian students (Institute of International
Education, 2014).
The finding that international students may find it difficult to adjust
to academic expectations and conventions is widely supported by the
literature (Bamford et al., 2002; Durkin, 2003; Kiley, 2003; Kingston &
Forland, 2008; Oliver, 2008; Wang & Shan, 2006). However, despite their
initial difficulties, students in this study were broadly positive about their
experiences and identified numerous improvements in their academic skill
set; a finding also reported by Hills and Thorn (2005). Students and staff
alike commented on the techniques used to assist international students in
adjusting to life at a UK university; for example, the use of interactive
seminars allowing students to actively participate and engage in small
groups. Interactive approaches to teaching and learning are encouraged in
training guidance by public health specialists (Association of Schools of
Public Health, 2004; Kim, Brown, Fields & Stichler, 2009) and such
techniques have been shown to facilitate the retention of new materials
(Nouri & Shahid, 2005), increase learner interest in the topic being covered
(Steinert & Snell, 1999), and overcome the issue of large class sizes (Light,
2001; Maringe & Sing, 2014).
The finding that international students expected to develop a purely
professional relationship with academic staff during their time at university
is not unique to this study and has been reported elsewhere (Durkin et al.,
2003; Wang & Shan, 2006). However, it should be noted that such anxieties
are also commonly reported among native UK students (Kingston &
Forland, 2008). Although the ‘student-teacher’ relationship did not meet
students’ pre-conceived ideas, the development of a positive rapport was
seen to be a positive experience, with students reporting that they felt
confident to approach staff with questions or concerns. This finding is
important in light of evidence to suggest that positive student-teacher
rapport is associated with improved communication (Heffernan, Morrison,
Sweeney & Jarrett, 2009), participation (Frisby & Martin, 2010), and
student motivation (Wilson, Ryan & Pugh, 2010).
One of the main findings from this research highlighted a
discrepancy between student and staff perceptions of students’ writing
ability and understanding of plagiarism. Staff perceived plagiarism as a key
area for concern, reporting that some students fail to fully interpret or
comprehend plagiarism in their work. It has been suggested that students
should face tougher penalties for plagiarized work (White, 1993), however,
it has also been suggested that the focus of university staff should be on
prevention (Park, 2004). Park proposes an institutional framework where
students are given an opportunity to learn from their mistakes and receive
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specific support and guidance to help them progress. Previous research with
university staff has also identified this as a pertinent issue (Kingston &
Forland, 2008; O’Reilly et al., 2013; Wang & Shan, 2006) and this suggests
that more work may be required to enhance student awareness,
understanding and compliance with university regulations. Therefore,
encouraging students and staff to engage with such a framework may help to
tackle some of the misconceptions identified in this study.
This study also highlighted the importance of considering
international students’ personal and social experiences and supports the
assertion that the student experience may be affected by more than academic
factors alone (Bamford et al., 2002; Edwards & Ran, 2006). Broadly
speaking, students reported positive personal and social experiences
associated with their time in the UK, however, all felt that they needed to
adjust to UK culture in some way. For example, some students attended
extracurricular activities and developed networks beyond the academic
setting. This has been shown to help students integrate into a new culture
(Carter, 2010; Spencer-Oatey, Dauber & Williams, 2014).
Staff responses suggested that staff are aware of the importance of
international students’ personal and social experiences as well as their
academic experiences, and it was interesting to note the numerous
suggestions for improving such experiences from the outset. For example,
one staff member suggested pairing an international student with a UK
student. Similar schemes are already in use at other universities and may
help to overcome initial feelings of isolation and loneliness frequently
experienced by international students (Bamford et al., 2002; Bamford, 2008;
Edwards & Ran, 2006). However, despite staff interest in international
students’ personal and social wellbeing, there was a sense among some that
students themselves are responsible for their experiences beyond academic
teaching, a finding reported elsewhere (Briggs & Pritchett, 2010; Miles and
Leinster, 2009). These inconsistencies within the programme team suggest
that staff may benefit from further discussion of their role in students’
personal and social experiences during their time at university.
In addition to making cultural adjustments, it was identified that
students were at various stages of planning for their future. The majority of
students expressed an interest in remaining in the UK to pursue further study
or a career in public health. Students recognized the importance of obtaining
work experience to increase their chances in the job market following
graduation (High Flyers Research Limited, 2013), with the majority of
students in this study actively seeking experience from a variety of
organizations. However, there was a sense that some of the work experience
obtained was insufficient to meet public health job specifications. For
example, placements arranged with local public health teams were perceived
to be enjoyable and beneficial, but were too short in duration. From a staff
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perspective, work experience opportunities were not identified as an
important aspect of the international student experience. This is suggestive
of a discrepancy in student and staff perceptions and highlights the need for
staff to respond to student responses and to consider ways to improve the
opportunities offered to students.
It is important to recognize that the findings from this study should
not be generalized to the wider international study body as the sample was
relatively small and the focus was specific to postgraduate study at one UK
University. The majority of international students in the study were aged
from 22 to 27, with one student aged 34 years. This has important
implications for how these findings are interpreted. Postgraduate courses in
the UK recruit students of all ages and it is possible that older students’
perspectives are not well-represented by this study; an area that could be
further developed in future research. The use of an open-ended survey with
staff was pragmatic in that it enabled staff to take part at their convenience,
as opposed to attending an interview or focus group which may have proved
problematic during the busy academic year. However, future research may
consider exploring staff perceptions using more traditional qualitative
methods to elicit in-depth responses and reflections which may be difficult
to articulate via open-ended survey items.
IMPLICATIONS
Despite its limitations, this study identifies numerous recommendations as

to how findings might be used to enhance the international postgraduate
student experience:
x University staff should continue to work to manage international
postgraduate student expectations and support their needs, notably in
relation to academic workload, approaches to teaching and learning and
academic conventions (e.g., plagiarism).
x University staff should continue to internationalize the program
curriculum, to aid international student comprehension of public health
concepts and to provide an opportunity for discussion among students
from diverse backgrounds.
x University staff should adopt a range of teaching and learning
approaches, ensuring opportunities for interaction, allowing for active
international student participation and engagement with the materials.
Notably, staff should continue to incorporate small group seminar
activities into module timetables, where possible.
x University staff may wish to further consider their role in supporting
international postgraduate student personal and social needs. For
example, staff may encourage students to engage with extracurricular
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activities, which may, in turn, have a positive impact upon their wider
university experience.
x University staff may wish to consider how to enhance international
postgraduate student employability beyond academic qualifications,
through further development of the placement scheme and signposting
to potential work experience opportunities.
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EMMA BIRD is a Senior Lecturer in Public Health at the University of the

West of England, Bristol, UK. E-mail: emma.bird@uwe.ac.uk
Manuscript submitted: December 7, 2015

Manuscript revised: March 30, 2016
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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 347-466
Digital Journeys: A Perspective on

Understanding the Digital Experiences of
International Students
Shanton Chang
Catherine Gomes
RMIT University, Australia
ABSTRACT
The authors in this conceptual paper draw on the literature on information
seeking behavior, social media use, and international student experiences to
propose Digital Journeys as a framework which helps us understand the
online behavior of international students. Here we theorize that the Digital
Journey is the transition that individuals make online from relying on one
digital bundle of information sources to a new bundle. This “new” digital
bundle possibly can base in the new host country or internationally. We
furthermore suggest that Digital Journeys is not only an under investigated
phenomenon but a thoroughly necessary space to examine in order to
improve the ways in which we present information to international students.
Keywords: digital journey, digital environment, information-seeking

behavior, social media
In the Asia-Pacific region, the most popular destination for Asian, African
or Latin-American international students is Australia (Gomes, in press).
There were, in the 2014-2015 academic year 525,172 international students,
including exchange students (Australian Department of Education and
Training, 2015). With the increase in volume and diversity of students,
many education providers seem to be turning to the digital space as a way of
communicating more efficiently with students.
Communicating with international students has been in focus for
international education providers. Whether providing marketing information
for potential new students or parents, providing support information for
wellbeing, or communicating across cultures within and beyond the
classroom, Australian educational institutions have to grapple with the
challenges involved in providing timely and relevant information to
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international students. The major International Education Conferences of the
world, , have been focusing on themes related to digital communication for
the last 10 years. For example, the following indicative list highlighted that
the use of digital technology has been of great interest to practitioners of
international education. ISANA International Education Association
Conference’s 2011 theme was “Innovations in Working with Diverse
Students”, NAFSA: Association of International Educators’ 2011
Conference theme was “Innovation and Sustainability in International
Education”, the European Association of International Education (EAIE)
Conference’s 2014 theme was “Stepping into a new era”, the Australian
International Education Conference’s (AIEC) 2016 theme was
“Connectivity – at the health of international education”, and the Australia
New Zealand Student Services Association (ANZSSA) Conference’s 2016
theme was “Inspire, Innovate, Involve: Insights into new horizons for
student experience & engagement”. The wide-ranging applications of digital
technology as a platform for communication and innovation in international
education continue to be of interest to education providers.
Despite the increasing practice of putting more information online,
there hasn’t been a correlated increase in the study of how effective these
practices might be in the literature. For example, Saw, Abbott, Donaghev,
and McDonald (2013) pointed to the lack of understanding about how
international students are actually using online sources for information.
More importantly, ensuring that international student access and use the
information they are provided within a timely manner is not well-
documented (Chang, Alzougool, Berry, Gomes, Smith & Reeders, 2012).
Much of this crucial information is now provided online (Mikal, Yang &
Lewis, 2015) as many institutions use the Internet to communicate with
students, especially for international students. Although there is evidence
that closely guided use of digital resources has been beneficial for
international students within the classroom and curriculum (Abrahamse,
Johnson, Levinson, Medsker, Pearce, Quiroga, & Scipione, 2015; Cowling
& Novak, 2012; Shao & Crook, 2015), there is lack of evidence that
international students are necessarily well-informed on non-curricular
matters as more and more information is moved online.
Previous studies have shown that due to the differences in the prior
experiences of international and domestic students, their adjustment to their
new tertiary institutions can vary (Bista & Foster, 2016; Hechanova-
Alampay, Beehr, Christiansen, & Van Horn, 2002; Khawaja & Dempsey,
2008,). Due to international students having different educational
backgrounds, cultural values, and expectations, they may sometimes
experience more difficulties in transition to a new environment than
domestic students. In addition, international students often experience
higher level of home-sickness than domestic students, and great social
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isolation in their new host countries (Poyrazli & Lopez, 2007). There are
well-documented reports in the literature on the challenges for international
students’ initial transition to their host country but there is little research on
international students’ online experiences.
Binsahl, Chang, and Bosua (2015) reported that much of the
research on the information seeking behavior of new international students
have focused on academic information rather than coping with daily life
(Sin & Kim, 2013). Given the challenges outlined previously, such
information is crucial for new international students’ wellbeing particularly
when it comes to them coping with the transition to a new cultural and
educational environment. Even before the age of social media, Song (2004)
pointed that it is crucial to understand the information seeking behavior of
international students in order to communicate with them in an efficient
way.
Esfahani and Chang (2012) and Song (2004) found that there are
good reasons why international students seek out information differently
when compared with domestic students. Song (2004) demonstrated that
international students are more likely to go back to generic sources of
information (e.g. Google or Yahoo!) they are familiar with, whereas
domestic students are able to use educational institutions’ library databases.
In addition, Esfahani & Chang (2012) highlighted that these differences in
information seeking behavior might exist because of different level of
intercultural adaptation, English proficiency, and digital literacy that
differentiate between international and domestic students. Esfahani & Chang
(2012) suggested an initial conceptual model to understand the information
seeking behavior of international students. They proposed several factors
that impact on an international student’s information seeking behavior,
including external context (e.g. available resources and time constraints),
cognitive (e.g. satisficing behavior) and internal (e.g. skill levels and
intercultural adaptation) factors. However, while the work here provided a
snapshot in time, they do not indicate what might happen over time.
Social media also plays a vital role as a source of information for
international students. There is evidence that international students use
various forms of social media and rely on a range of sources for information
that is different from domestic students, ranging from different news sources
and social media platforms such as Facebook, Qzone, Orkut, Mixi and Zing
(Gomes, Berry, Alzougool & Chang, 2015; Sandel, 2014). While many of
these studies have indicated the benefits of social media in helping students
make connections in new and sometimes isolating environments, others
mentioned that there was a few potential barriers this medium can create for
interaction with domestic students (Hodis & Hodis 2012; Lee, Lee & Jang,
2011; Olding, 2013). The interaction between international and domestic
students has been considered an important aspect of international education
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by a number of authors, pointing to the benefits to students’ social
acculturation, personal development, and global competencies (Arkoudis,
Yu, Baik, Chang, Lang, Lang, Pearce, & Watty, 2010; Hechanova-Alampay
et al., 2002; Leask, 2009).
Therefore, as more institutions (and governments) seek to put
information online, either on websites or through their social media
channels, there is a need to understand how international students might
actually be accessing, or of more concern, not accessing crucial information.
This accessing and not accessing of information is particularly important as
many governments and institutions that recognize the roles of international
students try to provide better services and information within their borders.
Such information ranges from work rights, health, accommodation, news,
entertainment, and banking (Binsahl & Chang 2013). However, while some
countries and institutions have had reasonable success in connecting with
their international students through face-to-face networks, the provision of
online information has been less successful (Chang et al., 2012).Therefore,
the guiding question for this paper is:
How might we understand the online experiences and information
seeking behaviors of international students as they move between
countries?
This paper sought to answer the question by proposing a conceptual model
for understanding the digital experiences of international students by
looking at what international students do online when they move to a new
country. It drew on existing literature on information seeking behavior,
international students’ online behavior, and social media use, including
previous studies on international students’ social networks. According to
Moody (2005), this approach can be placed in the Synthesis (analytical)
category because existing research findings will be synthesized into a
unified conceptual framework. We adopted this methodology to bring
together inter-disciplinary literature to understand the phenomenon from a
wide perspective.
BACKGROUND
More recently, the experiences of international students have been supported
by the Internet and social media which enable them to use sources of
information they are familiar with as well as keep in touch with their friends
from home (Chang et al., 2012; Gomes, 2014). Previous studies indicated
that international students in Australia use social media to maintain social
networks in order to create a space away from home for themselves in
addition to the friends they make while in sojourn (Gomes et al., 2014). The
dual experience of being physically in a foreign country but digitally
connected to home country has been termed ‘translocal’ by Martin & Rizvi
(2014).
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Translocal refers to “the transplanting of the home nation
experience overseas” (Martin & Rizvi 2014, p. 1023-1024). Martin and
Rizvi investigated how social media allows the international students who
live in Melbourne to connect with the home nations through their active and
daily use of non-English platforms (e.g. Weibo). Furthermore, they found
that verbally and visually communicating with family and friends in real
time through platforms such as Skype inadvertently leads to a fractured and
somewhat different engagement in their host city of Melbourne. This
disjuncture in the transient overseas experience may be a condition of time.
In Wong’s (2014) exploration of international students in Australia, he
provided an example of a respondent who used to have daily ‘live’ Skype
sessions with her family back in the home nation. These sessions took place
when she had her dinners so that the family could virtually have their meals
together. The respondent who was in her fourth year of study at the time of
Wong’s fieldwork, clarified that this was her routine only during her first
year in Australia. However, Qiu, Lin & Leung (2013) also suggested that
this state of translocality might also present opportunities for cross-cultural
comparison and negotiation, not to be seen as a deficit. However,
translocality is not a constant state. It may change over time due to the
nature of online behavior as people move across different websites and
social networks.
Therefore, we drew on the literature on online information seeking
behavior and online social networks to understand how international
students might experience the Internet. In addition, there are a lot of
practitioner research that looks at what are the most popular sites, sources of
information and social networks in different countries and cultures (e.g.,
kpcb.com, pewinternet.org, digitaltrends.com, and domo.com). China, in
particular, has completely different sets of social media and internet forums
(chinainternetwatch, 2016). In summary, although, other than China, much
of the world has access to similar internet sites and social media, netizens
are using these forums and platforms differently. For example, Na, Kosinski
& Stillwell (2015) found that cultural values can determine the nature and
construction of the online social networks and communities. This
unsurprisingly suggested that even where the same social networking
platforms are used, there is clearly a plethora of different online
communities that may never interact with each other, for a range of reasons
such as culture and country of origin. There is thus an urgent need to
understand the complexity of online behaviour of international students in
more depth.
Understanding the Internet and Borders

The Internet, especially in the developed Western world, is a
relatively borderless space where netizens can quite easily cross over into
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new websites and apps. In short, the Internet is a space where people can
choose what they access and behave in way they are familiar with.
However, although there are strictly speaking no borders on the Internet,
most netizens keep going to the same websites and apps for information.
Moreover, netizens rely on a limited number of results from online search. It
is due in part to the nature of web browsing.
Although there are millions of websites around the world, the
majority exist in obscurity because most netizens tend to use the ones they
are familiar with. For instance, web browsing was dominated by popular
search engines such as Google, Baidu, Yahoo! and Bing (NetMarketShare,
2016). In the early study on mobile searches, Church, Smyth, Bradley and
Cotter (2008) pointed out that netizens focus on top listed results when
doing online search despite there are tons of results available offered to
them. In the social networking space, researchers and practitioners are
working at building recommendation systems that sift through the Internet
for much relevant information based on pre-determined algorithms (Freyne,
Berkovsky, Daly, & Geyer, 2010). This creates an online environment ---
unless the certain website is remembered by netizens, it is unlikely to be
searched. Therefore, despite the lack of borders online, netizens do not
always cross them in order to go beyond what they are familiar with.
Profiles of International Students as Information Seekers

Moving away from the information provider, it is also important to
look at the nature of the information seeker, in this case, the international
students. In their study on health information seeking, Alzougool, Chang &
Gray (2013), showed that the information needs of the seeker is an
important determinant of what they might search for online rather than what
the information provider wants them to look for. They also showed that
information needs are not always clearly defined even by individuals
themselves. Alzougool et al.’s (2013) information needs model labels four
descriptors in a matrix: demanded, undemanded, recognized and
unrecognized information needs (See Figure 1). This model has been used in
informing the design of websites and social media strategies in public
health.
The model suggests that an individual might have recognized
information needs, which are the self-identified needs amongst individuals.
In the case of international students, this might occur when they recognize a
need for some information when they are in the host country. The model
also suggests that an individual might not even be aware of a particular
unrecognized information need. In the context of international students, this
might occur when they do not realize they need particular information
because of their new environment.
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Figure 1. A Framework of States of Information Needs (Adapted from
Alzougool, Chang and Gary, 2013)
Demanded Undemanded
Recognized Recognized Recognized

Demanded Undemanded
Unrecognized Unrecognized Unrecognized

Demanded Undemanded
A student who is actively seeking out information is shown to have

demanded this information. Conversely, there may be students who choose
to refuse or avoid information which can be seen as undemanded needs.
Therefore, there are four possible information needs amongst
international students. Students who actively seek out information they think
they need fall into the recognized demanded group. This would represent the
context where students actually seek out information on their own.
However, it is also possible to have recognized undemanded needs such as
when international students who might be aware of their failing health but
choose to ignore it, believing that they will get better, and thus will fail to
seek out help or information. In addition, an international student in the
unrecognized demanded category might not be aware of what exactly they
should be looking for but could still display exploratory behaviors in their
new environment and thus be open to new information. On the other hand,
other students might not search out the information in an uncertain
environment, falling into the unrecognized undemanded category.
The model suggests that individuals can move between the four
categories given the context they find themselves in. In addition, Alzougool
et al. (2013) argued that many websites are designed to disseminate
information with the assumption that users recognize their lack of
information and will actively seek it out. Therefore, they argued that many
information providers only address the needs of the individuals who fall in
the recognized demanded category. This model highlights that international
students have diverse information needs. It also implies that an information
provision strategy that relies on international students recognizing a need in
the first place, and then actually seeking it out on their own in every instance
they need information, is flawed.
In addition, as indicated earlier, even when international students do
seek out information online, they do tend to rely on tried and tested sources.
Alzougool, Chang, Gomes & Berry (2013) found that due to accessibility,
international students can continue to rely on home country sources for
online information. If students are able to find the information they are
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looking for in ‘home sources’, they are likely to be satisfied with that
despite any perceived risk of relevance or reliability. This is called
‘satisficing behavior’ where students ‘justify a conservative information
strategy, retaining established strategies as far as possible and completing
tasks with minimum information-seeking effort’ (Warwick, Rimmer,
Blandford, Gow, & Buchanan, 2009; p.2402). Warwick et al (2009) found
this behavior generally amongst undergraduate students – which applies to
international undergraduates too. There are clear indications that within the
online space, international students are more likely to stay in their comfort
zone, acquainted websites and communities (Gomes 2015). Therefore, while
people move physically all the time, they might not experience a
correspondingly digital move to their new destination.
For instance, Chang et al. (2012) and Gomes (in press) reported that
their international student respondents did not visit host countries’ news
sites but visited international ones (e.g. the British Broadcasting Corporation
(BBC), Cable News Network (CNN), and other news sites from their home
countries). International students from Gomes’ (in press) study have known
CNN and BBC from their home countries and would turn to them while in
the host countries more so than to nationally-based news sites from their
host countries. Further, Gomes’ (2015) respondents provided different
reasons for not listening to or reading news from host countries’ news sites.
These included disinterest in the politics and news of the host country unless
the news featured issues which directly affected them (e.g. changes in
permanent migration policies); an inability to identify with the issues
affecting the host society; and an inability to identify with the ways in which
English or their ethnic cultural languages were spoken in the host country
The research also points to an online behaviour that relies on sources
international students are already familiar with rather than new ones in the
host country.
Understanding Online Social Media and Connectedness

In recent years there has been interest in the area of mobility and
connectivity (Hjorth & Arnold, 2012). Social media platforms include blogs,
business networks, enterprise social networks, forums, microblogs, photo
sharing, products/services review, social gaming, social networks, video
sharing and virtual worlds (Aichner & Jacob 2015).
Social media plays an important role for international students.
Work in the area of migration often points to new permanent and temporary
migrants creating links to or participating in existing networks. These
networks link international students to their home countries and cultures
through new advances in communication technology, such as social media
and Skype. Such advances allow them to keep in touch with family and
friends in the home country (Hjorth 2011; Wong 2014). Gomes et al.’s
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(2014, p. 13) study on international students in Australia recognized the
importance of social media as a form of connectedness between migrant and
host country:
The use of social media to stay in contact with friends and family
from the home nation may assist students with forming imaginary
bonds with their homelands. Doing so provides international
students with virtual home-based support networks, which then
allow them the opportunity to pursue and form local social networks
with students other than those who come from their countries of
birth.
In addition, a number of studies indicated that international students

have shown a strong inclination to build online communities with their peers
in the home countries through social media (Binsahl et al., 2015; Chen &
Yang, 2015; Li & Gasser, 2005; Lin, Peng, Kim, Kim, & LaRose, 2012) as
previously indicated; the resulting translocal phenomenon is now well
recognised (Martin & Rizvi, 2014).
In summary, netizens are more likely to rely on a pre-existing set of
online information sources and social networks. Together, these sources and
networks make up what we term ‘a digital bundle of information sources’
that individuals have come to rely on. This digital bundle of information
sources only includes the sources that a person relies on time and time again
and does not include occasional visits a new site. It is important to note that
a person’s bundle of information sources can already be quite diverse and
international. At the same time, others might have bundles that are limited to
websites and apps based on their home country.
This means that when international students move across national
borders for a period of time, they do not automatically make the digital
move to new sources of information. Indeed, some studies have shown that
because there are no borders online, many international students do not
always make a corresponding digital move and continue to rely on
previously established bundles of information sources (Chang et al, 2012).
In order to better understand the phenomenon, we introduce the concept of
the ‘Digital Journeys’ to explain how and why international students might
or might not move digitally when they move physically across borders.
DIGITAL JOURNEYS
The term “journey” suggests an act of travelling from one place to another
(Pearsall, 2001, p. 764). In this paper, a Digital Journey refers to the
transition that an individual makes online from relying on one digital bundle
of sources to the other new bundle, perhaps based on the new host country
or internationally. Therefore, a Digital Journey is deemed to have been made
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when an international student starts to rely on a new digital bundle of
sources that is distinct from any pre-existing ones. Digital Journeys
represent the acts of moving to-and-from old and new digital bundles of
sources. It is arguable that where an international student continues to rely
heavily on pre-existing digital bundles of sources while experiencing the
new host country, they are in effect, the translocals that Martin & Rizvi
(2014) describe. On the other hand, it may also be possible for international
students to make the full digital journey and abandon their pre-existing
digital bundles of sources by relying only on what the new host country has
to offer.
In exploring the concept of Digital Journeys, we position the
international student as the central figure. The journey that the international
student makes are the online choices that they make and their motivations
for those choices. Hence, there are two key aspects of the Digital Journey: a)
the internal factors of the sojourner, which motivate or drive the
international student to embark on a Digital Journey, and b) the factors that
enhance the journey, which includes new online sites’ usability and
convenience, devices, and other online netizens. This is similar to Esfahani
& Chang’s (2012) conceptual framework which showed there are external,
internal and cognitive factors that drive the information seeking behaviors of
international students. However, they did not explore the likelihood of
students making the transition to new sites. The following sections explore
the factors impacting on the digital journeys of international students.
Internal Factors Driving the Digital Journey: Self-Identity, Collective-

Identity and Skills
Self-identity is an important determinant of where an international
student might go for information. For example, Cotê and Levine (2002)
described a typology for how individuals’ identity formation strategies
impact on the way they might interact socially. Therefore, in the case of the
international student, the self-identity of the international student is an
important determinant as to the extent to which they might start to rely on
different online sources. Questions that might arise here are: Do the
international students tend to rely on others for support and therefore follow
what their peers do? Do the sojourners think they are preserving their
cultural identity, or do they see themselves as adventurers? Do they see
themselves as followers or leaders when exploring new and unfamiliar
territory?
In addition, because the Internet is a social space, it is proposed here
that a useful perspective to take when examining how Digital Journeys are
made, is to look at social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Social
identity theory posits that an individual’s perception of the self goes beyond
themselves, and includes widening the social circles to which they belong.
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For example, He, Li, and Harris (2012) found that it was useful to look at
brand loyalty from a social identity perspective. This is further confirmed by
Wang, Yeh, and Yen (2015) who looked at how concepts related to self-
identity can impact on brand loyalty to particular online sites or social
networking sites.
Communities play an important role in the online space. The
collective-identity, as experienced by the international students can also
impact on how far they might travel online. Online collective identities are
closely related to both the online communities that sojourners belong to,
which includes other like-minded individuals. Zhou’s (2011) work showed
the importance of social connections and processes in determining online
community participation. If there is a similar community in the host country,
individuals are more likely to connect with like-minded people in the local
network. Some examples could include: gamers, LGBTIQ, pet owners,
independent music, sports, or political affiliations. Belonging is an
important part of the self-perceived identity. Do the international students
feel that they belong to a particular community and does that community
exist in the host country?
In summary, the concepts in self-identity and collective-identity
have been shown to have an impact on the Internet sources and online
behaviors of individuals in numerous contexts (ranging from health to
business, and the community sector). These related self-concepts can impact
on the extent to which international students will continue to rely on pre-
existing information bundles or start to rely on new information sources in
host countries. These findings are relevant for learnings in the international
education space where institutions are seeking to build new communities
and change online behaviors and sources of information for new
Furthermore, when an international student wants to make the
transition, it is important to acknowledge if they have the skills to make the
journey. One of the proposed key determinants regarding whether
international students might start the digital journey lies in the digital skills
and literacy of the international student themselves. Esfahani and Chang
(2012) pointed out that a number of studies have shown the importance of
the international students’ digital skills in determining their information
seeking strategies. In addition, based on ACRL Standards Committee’s
(1989) definition, Connaway, Lanclos and Hood (2013b) indicated that
digital and information literacy refer to the ability of students to recognize
and successfully seek out and evaluate the needed information. It is
important to recognize that upcoming international students have a range of
digital and information literacy skills, ranging from highly advanced to
basic, depending on the education systems they have come from. Therefore,
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the ability of the international student to make the initial step of the journey
requires some attention.
Factors that Enhance the Digital Journey: User Experience,

Communities and Devices
Like a real physical journey, international students will meet people
and have new experiences in their new host country. This can range from
the first host country representatives they meet (before or after they arrive),
to the people they interact with on a daily basis, and their fellow travelers (if
any) along the journey. For example, just like the reception one gets
entering a new country, first impressions are also important for digital
travelers. In the online space, the new experience refers to new websites,
apps and communities; the new people they meet in the new online
environment become representatives of those new sites. Therefore a number
of questions arise: How user friendly is host country sites for new users
from different countries, cultures, or languages? Are there trusted and
reliable digital guides (similar to tour guides or travel advisors), who can
help the international student through the new journey in unfamiliar online
territory?
An international student’s introduction to a new site is something
that many who study User Experience (UX) are concerned about. UX refers
to the experience of the user with the system they are interacting with,
including how they feel and their perception of the websites or apps (Law,
Roto, Hassenzahl, Vermeeren, & Kort, 2009). Lallemand, Gronier, and
Koenig (2015) pointed out that researchers and practitioners agree on the
importance of UX for design but there is no international consensus on how
to define it clearly across cultures and countries because of the subjective
nature of UX. However, not considering UX at all, is the surest way of
turning off potential users. Therefore the ability of new sites to provide a
positive experience for the newly arriving international student becomes
important. One only has to look at a range of websites of China, Japan,
Australia, India, and Saudi Arabia to note very quickly that they look and
feel very different. For instance, their aesthetic and tone, the way they are
laid out and available navigation tools are nationally unique. Hence, it is not
surprising that groups of international students have very different digital
experiences. If students go to a new host country with very different looking
websites and apps, the information provider needs to consider and
acknowledge this. Otherwise, students will be more likely to go back to their
established bundles of information sources.
It is difficult, if not impossible to completely redesign the websites
and apps of hosting countries to meet the diverse needs and expectations of
international students. The purpose of this section is not to suggest this as a
strategy but to indicate the differences that exist in the online environment.
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There are two possible strategies for dealing with the complexity of
providing a positive UX for international students: (a) designing for
usability, and (a) providing good transition strategies for international
students in a new online environment.
Research on website users have indicated that there are a number of
factors that keep netizens loyal to the websites they regularly visit. These
factors include usability of the sites, which impact on netizens’ trust and
satisfaction, thereby increasing their loyalty to a site (Flavian, Guinalíu, &
Gurrea, 2006). Clearly, trust in and satisfaction with new sites are important
for ensuring that the Digital Journey is sustained. More recently, Nusair,
Bilgihan, Okumus, and Cobanoglu (2013) found that usability also has an
impact on both the affective and calculative commitment of Gen Y netizens
to social networking sites. This means that having websites that appeal to
international students is important to create not only trust and satisfaction,
but also help form emotional attachments to new sites. This action could
have a positive pay-off if students have the perception that they are getting
something out of using the website. In short, at the very core of this strategy,
international students should be able to find the information they need easily
and quickly, with relevant and helpful results.
In addition, getting information quickly is one of the important
reasons why people reply on the Internet. Researchers have shown time and
again that people tend to do what is most convenient and possibly quickest
according to their established information seeking behaviors (Connaway et
al., 2013a; Warwick et al., 2009). This means that the more an international
student is looking for convenience and comfort, the less likely they might
make the digital journey. If making the journey includes understanding
websites in another language, there might be further impediments. Physical
journeys are the same--- people look for ways to create their comfort zones
when experiencing culture shock. Digitally, these comfort zones are much
easier to create through social media, than offline, which means that it is
much easy to go back to old online habits.
In addition, Guifoyle (2006) pointed out the importance of good
orientation and transition programs for new international students. Most of
the work on transition point to the need for programs that help international
students adjust to and become familiar with the new physical environment
of their host country. These works tend to make no reference to the digital
environment. It is suggested here that good digital transition strategies have
to be in place, to introduce international students to their new online
environment. Such digital transition strategies should be supported by well-
trained hosts (digital or otherwise) who can guide new international students
in the online space. Therefore, this paper argued that in considering the
Digital Journeys of international students, the digital transition is equally
important. We proposed the importance of having good digital hosts/guides
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to facilitate an introduction to the new online environment in a user-friendly
way. For example, orientation and transition programs at institutions might
include briefing sessions on new digital sources, and mentors who can take
new students through local sources of information. This might eventually be
supported by an online community (as discussed below). As making a first
impression is important (much like when one visits a new country), the role
of the host is essential in helping with the digital transition.
Therefore, communities play a vital role in facilitating engagement
with new sites. This is also potentially connected to the collective-identity of
the international student. Therefore, it is important to consider if the
international student might have fellow travelers along the journey. Chang et
al. (2012) found that an international students’ online social network
influences the type of information sources the student relied on. If an online
community has embraced new and diverse information sources, members of
that network also tend to benefit from the variety of information. However,
if an international student belongs to an online community that only uses
mostly home country sites, this student is likely to rely on the sources as
social network. It is unclear if this is because students only actively build
social networks with other like-minded students and display similar online
behaviors. Nevertheless, it points to the importance of the online networks
to international students. This is where the new the international student’s
new network is absolutely important. When international students
international student have a mix of home and host country friends, they are
more likely to make the Digital Journey than those who do not (Chang et al,
2012; Gomes et al, 2015). The question here arises as to whether there are
new opportunities for new online networks of communities that can
continue to support international students who are making a transition.
Finally, Connaway, Lanclos and Hood et al. (2013a) also suggested that it is
important to understand the devices that students might choose to use or
have been using. If the digital journey includes a shift in the use of different
devices (Smartphones, tablets, laptops), this might bring additional barriers.
For example, if an international student comes from an environment where
they are used to mostly accessing their information on a smartphone, are the
websites in the host country mobile friendly?
In summary, the initiation and sustaining of the Digital Journey
requires some attention in both research and practice in order to fully
understand the impact of the international student’s previous digital
experience on their ability to make any required digital transitions. The
concept of Digital Journeys helps to explain comprehensively/holistically
why international students often do not seem to rely on new information
sources and are misinformed. This concept also explores the online
experiences of international students as they move between countries and
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challenges the notion that all students will use new information sources
when they do so.
Research into the digital experiences of international students is relatively

recent given the widespread use of social media. Much of the work in this
field focused on what international students use social media for as well as
the benefits of social media for the students (Li & Gasser, 2005; Lin et al.,
2012; Olding, 2013; Rahman, 2014). Much has been discussed that social
media plays a vital role in on facilitating social connections among different
groups of peers. However, much of the research on international students
has been limited to their cross-cultural experiences and not necessarily
included their digital experiences (McFaul, 2016; Yan & Sendall, 2016).
The digital experience is a new consideration and much less researched.
This article hopes to address some of that deficiency by pointing to new
directions for research in this area.
One area of work on the digital experiences of international
students which has received some well warranted attention is the successful
use of social media and other online tools in supporting the learning and
intercultural interactions of international students (Arkoudis et al., 2010;
Cowling & Novak, 2012; Gray, Chang & Kennedy, 2010; Shao & Crook,
2015). These reports are based on case studies within the curriculum. They
are often characterized by clear scaffolding and guidelines within the
curriculum to help the student learner transition into a new online learning
space. They are often also supported by well thought out usable and
trustworthy sources of information and infrastructure.. In various ways,
these studies acknowledged the importance of user experiences, good digital
transition strategies, learning opportunities, considerations for the devices
used by students, and also support through the online learning community.
Despite the external factors stated above, research in this field also
pointed to the importance of acknowledging the internal needs of the
students (Zhao & McDougall, 2008). Therefore, while not explicitly talking
about the concept of Digital Journeys, success in the use of social
networking sites within curricular has shown that online models of
education need to factor in the international students’ needs. This is
necessary to help facilitate adoption of new teaching methodologies.
Carefully engineered and scaffolded sustained use of these social
networking sites could lead to successful learning outcomes.
Institutions and service providers catering to international students
need to realize that the contemporary international student is not only coping
with new or different physical environments encountered when they move
between countries but digital ones too. International students are not only
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adapting to a new country, a new culture, a new society, a new learning
system and sometimes to an unfamiliar or not well used language, but also
to a new digital environment. However, the digital environment is the one
area in which an international student has the most control over because
they can choose to ignore any new digital spaces in favor of pre-existing
ones. Indeed, the current research on the social networks and information
sources of international students has indicated that students are choosing to
ignore new digital environments in favor of familiar ones from home
(Chang et al, 2012; Gomes, 2014) as well as using social media to support
existing networks with friends from home cultures (Hodis & Hodis, 2012;
Lee et al., 2011;). Institutions and international student service providers
need to consider the digital journeys of international students when making
information available to them.
This conceptual paper brought together related research in the fields
of information seeking behaviors, social media and the experiences of
international students. The concept needs to be mapped out and empirically
tested in more detail and in stages. Therefore, future work is needed to
understand better the different aspects of Digital Journeys.
CONCLUSION
Digital journeys are expeditions that individuals may or may not undertake
as they sojourn across physical borders. In the case of international students,
this represents their use and reliance on different sources of online
information. The physical journey certainly does not result in the
international students leaving their pre-existing bundle of information
sources of their country of origin. Rather, international students may bring
this bundle with them. Therefore, each student balances different digital
environments which may well be as culturally diverse as their physical
environments. Thus, they may be challenged by their new digital
environment and not be able to adapt well. Hence they may not be able to or
know how to access the bundle of information sources available to them.
Moreover, maintaining connections to the home country’s digital
environment means that they need to stay up to date with the information
sources they are used to. The result is an international student who juggles
sometimes very different digital cultures.
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SHANTON CHANG, PhD, is an associate professor in Information

Systems at The University of Melbourne. His research areas include online
behavior, information needs, and social media, within the contexts of health,
education and business. Email: shanton.chang@unimelb.edu.au
CATHERINE GOMES, PhD, is a senior lecture in Media and

Communication. Her research interests include migration and mobility,
identity, and ethnic and cultural diversity.
Email: catherine.gomes@rmit.edu.au
Manuscript submitted: February 20, 2016

Manuscript revised: April 18, 2016
Accepted for publication: May 6, 2016
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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 367-394
Higher Education Institutions and

International Students’ Hindrances: A Case of
Students From the African Portuguese-Speaking
Countries at Two European Portuguese Universities
Susana Ambrósio
University of Aveiro, Portugal
João Filipe Marques

University of Algarve, Portugal
Lucília Santos
University of Aveiro, Portugal
Catarina Doutor
University of Algarve, Portugal
ABSTRACT
We present a study to comprehend if the support given by higher education

institution (HEI) to international students coming from the Portuguese-
Speaking African Countries meets their academic and social hindrances.
Our starting point was a set of semi-structured interviews focused on the
perspectives of these students, their Professors and Course Directors as well
as on the perspectives of HEI’ staff. Despite findings indicate a positive
institutional support, it seems there is still much to do in order to do it
properly with these students. These different perspectives will allow us to
reflect on the impact that those actions/resources have on the path of
students from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries and to systematize
suggestions to enhance their experiences in HE.
Keywords: International students’ hindrances; Portuguese-Speaking

African Countries; Higher Education Institutions; Institutional support.
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A research project on non-traditional students (NTS) has been carried out in

two Portuguese Higher Education Institutions (HEI), University of Aveiro
(UA) and University of Algarve (UAlg). The pertinence of this project,
which started in May 2013, comes from the absence (to our knowledge) of
systematized research on NTS in Higher Education (HE) in Portugal. The
project is composed of four research lines, which relate to four different
groups of NTS: (a) Mature students, (b) Students with disabilities, (c)
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’ students and (d) Post-secondary
technological specialization courses’ students. The third line of research
concerning students from the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries,
which is the focus of the present article, will allow a detailed analysis on
questions such as: who are these students, what are their hindrances, how do
they deal with them and how do they experience their adjustment in HE in
Portugal, particularly at the Universities of Aveiro and Algarve? Also, the
research project will allow a better understanding of the university’ role in
the integration of students that come from African Countries, and to draw
some suggestions at institutional level in order to make their transitions
more successful.
According to the Portuguese Law and its terminology, students from
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries are considered foreign students
instead of international students (Decree-Law 36/2014, of March 10). In
fact, these students are not ‘estudantes internacionais’ (international
students) strictu sensu due the fact that they come to Portugal under special
protocols for cooperation in the field of higher education (Decree-Law 393-
A / 99 of October 2) signed between Portugal and their countries of origin.
Nevertheless, since these students clearly fall within the definition
of international students that is provided by the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and by the Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), whether for scientific
perspectives (Ferro, 2010; Mourato, 2011) and/or for an easier
understanding and international comparison (Duque, 2012), we prefer to
maintain the designation of ‘international students’. Thus, according to the
UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS) (2009) and OECD (2008), an
international student is one who has left his or her country, or territory of
origin, and moved to another country for the specific purpose of studying.
Moreover, UIS and OECD, in collaboration with Statistical Office of the
European Union (Eurostat), state that international students have to gather
certain characteristics such as not have a permanent residence in the country
where they pursue their studies and having obtained the entry qualification
to their current level of study in another country (OECD, 2008; UNESCO
Institute for Statistics, 2009).
The literature underlines that studying abroad implies many
challenges and adjustments (Coates & Dickinson, 2012). International
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students face unique challenges (Poyrazli & Grahame, 2007) that are
common all over the world and in different contexts and realities since they
have to adjust to a new country and culture (Casa-Nova, 2005; Ferro, 2010;
Sovic, 2008), a new education system (Casa-Nova, 2005) and, most of the
time, to deal with a new language (Andrade, Evans, & Hartshorn, 2014;
Mourato, 2011; Semedo, 2010). Many students experience hindrances in
their integration, either academically or socially (Rienties, Beausaert,
Grohnert, Niemantsverdriet, & Kommers, 2012), such as homesickness
(Duque, 2012; Furnham & Bochner, 1986; Pacheco, 1996) or discrimination
and prejudice (Ferro, 2010; Poyrazli & Lopez, 2007).
It seems to be generally accepted that international students have to
have institutional support right from the beginning of their stay, since they
are far away from their cultural, social and linguistic environment and have
additional tendency to experience more difficulties than home students
(Sovic, 2008). In this sense, HEI have the responsibility to provide the
adequate support and enhance international students experience in the host
institution (Akanwa, 2015).
The study presented in this article focuses on the experience of
international students coming from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries,
i.e., students from Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique and
Saint Tome and Principe, in two Portuguese HEI (UA and UAlg). Its central
aim is to comprehend if the support given by the HEI to these students
meets their hindrances at academic and social levels. To achieve this goal,
we worked out an exploratory data collection of qualitative nature through
semi-structured interviews. These interviews focused mainly on the
perspectives of the students, their Professors and Course Directors as well as
on the perspectives of the HEI’ staff members. In more detail, we intend to:
(a) describe the main hindrances experienced by these students at UA and
UAlg; (b) identify the support structures and the actions promoted by both
HEI in order to facilitate the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’
students adjustment in the host university; and (c) present some suggestions
made by the students and their Professors concerning the institutional
support. These different perspectives will allow us to reflect on the impact
that those actions/resources have on the path of the students coming from
the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries and to systematize suggestions
to enhance their experiences in HE.
LITERATURE REVIEW
International Students and Their Hindrances

Among other skills, students develop in HE their ability to think
reflectively and critically, to develop their value structures and moral
sensibilities, their self-identity and their sense of career identity and
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vocational competence (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). On the other hand,
students are expected to make new friends, to have new social networks
with new rules of sociability, to have new hobbies and, at the same time, to
cope with new financial demands. University students usually face new
eating habits, and new diseases, as well as new places to live, new mobility
routines and new climates. However, some students are unprepared and/or
struggle to deal with all these changes that come with this new-found reality.
Balancing the new social life with the new academic life, besides all the
environment changes, may not be that easy, particularly to international
students, since they face unique challenges: the adjustment to a new country
and culture, a new education system and, most of the time, to deal with a
new language (Coates & Dickinson, 2012).
There are many studies which findings indicate the correlation
between homesickness and adjustment issues in international students.
Homesickness is defined as a state of distress experienced by those who
have left their homes and find themselves in a new environment, causing
related mental and physical health problems (Furnham & Bochner, 1986;
Van Tilburg, Vingerhoets, & Van Heck, 1996). It is seen as a negative
emotional state, related to the separation from home and close persons, as
well as to difficulties in adjusting to the new place and it is characterized by
obsessive thoughts about home and negative thoughts about the new
environment (Fisher, 1989; Stroebe, Schut, & Nauta, 2015). Accordingly,
the levels of homesickness seem to be higher in international students than
in home students (Poyrazli & Lopez, 2007) and also when international
students had left their family (wives and children) in their home countries
(Lewthwaite, 1996).
Another hindrance experienced by international students that
appears as the biggest obstacle to their adjustment are the language barriers
(Sawir, Marginson, Forbes-Mewett, Nyland, & Ramia, 2012; Smith &
Khawaja, 2011). Several studies highlight the difficulties that international
students go through regarding communication in the host language, namely
English. These difficulties, at an academic level, could be related with
understanding the lectures, taking notes, reading academic literature and
understanding the informal host language of home students and university’s
staff (Lewthwaite, 1996; Poyrazli, 2003; Yeh & Inose, 2003). Therefore, the
host language proficiency held by international students plays a crucial role
for them to successfully complete their studies in a foreign language-
speaking learning environment (Andrade et al., 2014; Kwon, 2009; Poyrazli
& Grahame, 2007; Poyrazli & Kavanaugh, 2006). Language proficiency is
important not only for academic purposes, but also for the social adjustment
of international students (Akanwa, 2015; Andrade, 2006), namely with
home students (Peacock & Harrison, 2009; Sherry, Thomas, & Chui, 2010)
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and locals (Daroesman, Looi, & Butler, 2005; O’Reilly, Ryan, & Hickey,
2010; Sawir et al., 2012).
Social support is another hindrance international students endure.
Several studies indicate that social support may arise from various sources,
including family, peers (host students and co-nationals), faculty staff or
locals and could enhance the well-being of these students (Ward, Bochner,
& Furnham, 2001). Social support is also seen as an important predictor in
the psychological adaptation during cross-cultural transitions (Brisset,
Safdar, Lewis, & Sabatier, 2010; Kenyon, Frohard-Dourlent, & Roth, 2012;
Ward & Rana-Deuba, 2000). Studies’ findings indicate that students with
higher levels of social support experience lower levels of acculturative stress
(Poyrazli, Kavanaugh, Baker, & Al-Timini, 2004; Yeh & Inose, 2003) and
experience less risk of depressive feelings (Dao, Lee, & Chang, 2007;
Sumer, Poyrazli, & Grahame, 2008).
Social interactions with home students are another adjusting issue
concerning international students (Andrade & Evans, 2009; Ward et al.,
2001). Friendships with home students are considered vital for international
students since they allow practicing the host language, learning the host
culture and feeling accepted (Andrade et al., 2014; Gu, 2011; Ruble &
Zhang, 2013; Ryan, 2005; Zhou, Jindal-Snape, Topping, & Todman, 2008).
However, some studies indicate that home students are not disposed to make
the effort to make friends with international students, particularly if the
conversation turns to be difficult (Ryan, 2005) and rather prefer to work and
develop friendship with other home students (Peacock & Harrison, 2009).
These conclusions are underlined by the findings of Poyrazli and Grahame
(2007) which seem to indicate that international students’ social
interactions, mainly with U.S. students, are not very frequent. Nevertheless,
Trice (2004) findings indicate that the frequency of interaction between
international and home students, in this case U.S. students, is extremely
variable according to the home country of the international students. Her
findings conclude that coming from Western Europe and having good
English proficiency has a positive impact in the frequency of social
interaction that international students have with U.S. students.
Perceived prejudice and discrimination practice, often related with
ethnicity and the students’ home countries, affects the adjustment of
international students enrolled in host universities, as indicated in some
studies (Constantine, Anderson, Berkel, Cadwell, & Utsey, 2005; Sodowsky
& Plake, 1992), which conclude that international students reported higher
levels of discrimination than home students (Poyrazli & Lopez, 2007).
Additionally, research findings stress that international students also
experience different forms of discrimination and prejudice outside the
university’s campus (Poyrazli & Grahame, 2007), often related to language
proficiency barriers (Sawir et al., 2012).
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The international Students From Portuguese-Speaking African
Countries
The Portuguese-Speaking African Countries are former Portuguese
colonies: Angola, Cape Verde, Saint Tome and Principe, Mozambique and
Guinea-Bissau. This five countries share the inherited language and some
cultural traits of a common history from the colonial relation with Portugal
together with their sovereign interests today.
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’ HE still has some
disadvantaged situation or even does not exist, which contributes to the
large number of students deciding to proceed their studies abroad, namely in
Portugal (Faria & Costa, 2012). Since 1975 (terminus of the Portuguese
colonization) Portuguese universities host students from these new countries
whose number never stopped increasing since then (Faria, 2009; Semedo,
2010).
Most students from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries choose
Portugal due to the shared Portuguese language, historical issues and
previous connections with Portugal and Portuguese relatives or friends, the
prestige of the Portuguese HEI or because of the guarantee that they can
enroll in the Portuguese universities due to cooperation agreements (Costa,
2012; Elimbi, 2012; Faria, 2009; Gusmão, 2011; Jardim, 2013; Mourato,
2011; Palma, 2004; Pessoa, 2004). Some students from Portuguese-
Speaking African Countries choose Portugal also due to good references
from former students from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries in
Portugal (Ferro, 2010).
As international students, those from Portuguese-Speaking African
Countries experience some hindrances. According to the literature, on one
hand they are seen, by home students and universities staff, as ‘regular’
Portuguese students since they ‘share’ the same language, the Portuguese
(Ferro, 2010), so it is assumed that students from these countries know the
Portuguese culture and language (Casa-Nova, 2005). On the other hand, the
literature review also reveals that these students’ difficulties in their
academic and social life in Portugal are mostly shared with other
international students. Pereira and Motta (2005) state that students from
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries face the first hindrance when they
arrive in Portugal since, due to bureaucratic issues related to their visa, they
start the school year much later than their peers. This late arrival influences
these students’ adjustment to the new academic and social environment
(Pereira & Motta, 2005). Some studies also indicate that they experience
feelings of nostalgia and homesickness (Pacheco, 1996; Duque, 2012) and
also seem to have difficulty in finding accommodation (Figueiredo, 2005;
Pacheco, 1996; Pereira & Motta, 2005; Rocha, 2012).
Although Portuguese is the official language of these students’
home countries, most of them rarely use it in their everyday life. On a daily
- 372 -
basis, they tend to use their mother languages, such as Creoles. And if they
use Portuguese, it is a Portuguese variation, different from European
Portuguese. In this sense, the major hindrance faced by these international
students is the language barrier, as it affects both academic and social life
(Brito, 2009; Ferro, 2010; Mourato, 2011; Pacheco, 1996; Pereira & Motta,
2005; Semedo, 2010).
Among the hindrances experienced by these students, financial
issues are also on the top difficulties. Some studies’ findings indicate that,
most of the time, scholarships are received very late (up to 5-8 months after
the student’ arrival in Portugal) and that the amount of the scholarships from
their home countries is insufficient to cover accommodation costs, food,
clothing, educational materials and university fees in Portugal (Duque,
2012; Ferro, 2012; Figueiredo, 2005; Jardim, 2013; Pacheco, 1996; Pereira
& Motta, 2005).
Most of these students experience difficulties regarding the teaching
and learning processes. To begin with, the Portuguese education system is
very different from what exists in their home countries (Casa-Nova, 2005).
These differences originate that they lack some important prior learning,
which adds to the difficulty of dealing with the new academic demands
(Brito, 2009; Casa-Nova, 2005; Ferro, 2010; Jardim, 2013; Mourato, 2011;
Pereira & Motta; 2005; Santos, Lamares & Fernandes, 2012). The shortage
of important basic knowledge, namely in mathematics, originates feelings of
frustration and affects academic performance and achievement, underlining
the importance of prior learning in academic performance (McKenzie, Gow,
& Schweitzer, 2004; McKenzie & Schweitzer, 2001). Likewise, also the
Portuguese methods of teaching and learning are very different from those
that students from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries are used to
(Ferro, 2010). Differences take place not only at the curriculum level and
extension but also, for instance, in what concerns the methodologies used,
often supported in on-line resources not available in their home countries, or
the emphasis in experimental work usually accomplished in cooperative and
collaborative team work.
On top of these differences, some studies conclude that these
students also have some difficulties to become members of the work groups
during classes, as they experience some prejudice and discrimination among
peers (Ferro, 2010; Marques, 2010; Mourato, 2011; Pereira & Motta, 2005).
The Role of Higher Education Institutions in Supporting International

Students
Nowadays, every HEI has an International Office. It is widely
recognized that international students are an asset to HEI, namely at
academic, social and financial levels. HEI should be able to identify
potential problems and solutions regarding international students, since they
- 373 -
gather or should gather different perspectives (institutional, staff, home
students and international students’ perspectives) and, in this sense, they
should promote joint work of different departments and services in order to
provide appropriate support to these students. It is important that
international students have institutional support right from the beginning of
their stay and that this support meets their diverse academic and social needs
to allow them to achieve an easier adjustment to university and to decrease
the potential negative situations and feelings (Akanwa, 2015; Sovic, 2008).
However, despite the fact that HEI are ever more sensitive to
international students’ difficulties, there are still many issues to solve. In the
literature there are some studies focusing on the institutional support to
international students with findings that reveal that there is still much to be
done. The majority of the studies emphasize the students’ perspectives
defending, for instance, that the main focus of the research regarding
international students should not be on the students’ ability to adjust but
rather on their feelings related to satisfaction with their academic program,
academic appointment and their nonacademic social relationships (Perrucci
& Hu, 1995). Moreover, it is argued that HEI should offer specific programs
to international students (Akanwa, 2015; Suzuki, 2002), namely to provide a
variety of programs of English as a second language for international
students, taking into account each students’ needs (Akanwa, 2015; Andrade
et al., 2014; Li, Chen, & Duanmu, 2010; Mamiseishvili, 2012; Perrucci &
Hu, 1995; Sawir et al., 2012; Suzuki, 2002). These programs may include
on-site English language programs to help students improve their levels of
English proficiency prior to their arrival (Andrade, 2011) or a careful
screening to determine if English language support is needed. A process
should also be implemented that allows HEI to track both the success of
these students and to what extent students who need this language support
actually do receive it (Andrade et al., 2014).
HEI should also promote the relationships between home and
international students, by organizing social gatherings, picnics, and other
group activities (Perrucci & Hu, 1995; Ruble & Zhang, 2013), since it is
understood that this kind of activities increase the interactions between the
two groups, benefits both parts (Ruble & Zhang, 2013) and may strengthen
several of the positive predictors of satisfaction (Perrucci & Hu, 1995). The
literature suggestions concerning the HEI’s International offices emphasizes
its role in the organization of more welcoming sociocultural events at the
beginning of the academic years (Li et al., 2010) as well as its crucial role
keeping international students informed about their new academic life
(Akanwa, 2015). HEI are also invited to reinforce the close collaboration
between their different structures so that supporting international students
becomes a joint responsibility of an extended HEI community, including
faculties and academic advisors (Mamiseishvili, 2012). HEI must provide
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workshops, retreats and other activities concerning diversity and
multiculturalism (Suzuki, 2002) in order to promote a better understanding
of international students’ specific needs (Akanwa, 2015).
Regarding the teaching and learning processes, the importance of a
Tutor figure is underlined, since it is understood that Tutors’ advices may
reduce students’ stress and improve their confidence to carry on their studies
(Li et al., 2010). It is also proposed that HEI, namely their Professors, could
incorporate more cooperative learning activities into their classes in order to
meet the academic and social needs of international students (Akanwa,
2015; Mamiseishvili, 2012; Rienties, Nanclares, Jindal-Snape, & Alcott,
2013).
In the case of Portugal and its students coming from Portuguese-
Speaking African Countries, the literature seems unanimous denouncing the
common sense idea that there are no cultural and social differences between
them and their Portuguese colleagues because, allegedly, they know the
Portuguese language and culture (Casa-Nova, 2005). As a result, and in
accordance with Casa-Nova (2005), there has been some negligence from
HEI regarding the socio-cultural specificities of these students. In this sense,
there’s a need that the universities develop and implement strategies to
improve the reception and the integration of the students from the
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries. In order to improve their
adjustment, some studies mention the importance of actions such as:
rethinking the welcome programs (Santos et al., 2012), implementation of
tutorial programs (Rocha, 2012; Santos et al., 2012) and improving the
social support, namely financial support (Mourato, 2011; Santos et al.,
2012).
RESEARCH METHOD
The study is a part of a broader research project, which main goal is to make
recommendations in order to steer institutional change and, therefore,
enhance nontraditional students’ support system within Portuguese HEI. It
focuses on two Portuguese HEI: University of Aveiro (UA) and University
of Algarve (UAlg) and comprises the data analysis from the academic year
2013/2014.
Setting
Located in the southern part of Portugal, the UAlg is a young public
university. Founded in 1979, the UAlg arose from the merging of two
preexisting institutions – the University of Algarve and the Polytechnic
Institute of Faro – which makes it somewhat different from most universities
given that faculties and schools of both systems co-exist, a common
characteristic with UA. In the academic year of 2015/2016, there are 7,332
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students enrolled in graduate and post-graduate programs (3 Faculties, 4
Polytechnic schools and 1 Department).
According to institutional data, in the academic year of 2013/2014
there were 129 students from the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries
attending the UAlg, in Bachelors (n = 91) and Masters’ degrees (n = 38).
Regarding the nationality of these students, the majority were from Cape
Verde (n = 78), Angola (n = 21), Mozambique (n = 12), Guinea-Bissau (n =
12) and, lastly, Saint Tome and Principe (n = 6). Concerning the masters’
degrees with more students from the Portuguese-Speaking African
Countries they are Biology, Electronic and Telecommunications
Engineering. In relation to degrees, the most chosen by these students are
Civil Engineering and Marine Biology.
The UA, located in the center of Portugal, near the Atlantic Ocean,
is a public university founded in 1973. The UA soon became one of the
most dynamic and innovative universities in the country with around 15.000
enrolled students in graduate and post-graduate programs, having a unique
model of governance (16 Departments, four Polytechnic Schools and
various training centers).
The UA has an International Cooperation for Development policy,
which supports several cooperation agreements in the Education field
between the University and the governments of the five Portuguese-
Speaking African Countries. According to the institutional data, in the
academic year of 2013/2014 there were 248 students from the Portuguese-
Speaking African Countries attending the UA, most of them in Bachelors
and Masters’ degrees (n = 185). Regarding the nationality of these bachelors
and masters’ students, the majority are from Cape Verde (n = 68) and
Mozambique (n = 54). There were 36 students from Saint Tome and
Principe, 18 students from Angola and only nine from Guinea-Bissau. The
three degrees with more students from the Portuguese-Speaking African
Countries are Management, Meteorology, Oceanography and Geophysics
and Public Administration. Regarding the masters’ degree, the three most
chosen by these students are Languages, Literatures and Cultures,
Accounting and Public Administration and Management. In short, there
were 185 students from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries enrolled at
UA and other 129 at UAlg, in a total of 314, attending bachelor and master
degrees. PhD students, students attending specializations courses and
technological specialization courses are not included in this study. From
those 314 students, 146 were from Cape Verde, 66 from Mozambique, 42
from Saint Tome and Principe, 39 from Angola and 21 students were from
Guinea-Bissau.
A qualitative approach was taken for this study. As Bogdan and
Biklen (1991) said, a qualitative research allows researchers to understand
different perspectives of the same reality, since qualitative methods give
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primacy to the social actor’s subjective experience as a source of knowledge
(Almeida & Freire, 2003). In this sense, we conducted a broad set of semi-
structured interviews with Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’ students,
with their Professors and Courses Directors and also with the HEI’ staff.
These interviews occurred during the first year of the research project, the
academic year of 2013/2014.
Data validation was achieved through triangulation, which, in this
study, refers to the use of multiple data sources (interviews with Students,
Professors, Courses Directors and HEI’s Staff). This means examining the
consistency of different data sources from within the same method (Denzin,
1998; Patton, 1990) in order to develop a comprehensive understanding of
the phenomena (Patton, 1999). According to Denzin (1998) data
triangulation allows enriching the findings and therefore provides
researchers with a deep and wide understanding of reality (Denzin, 1998;
Patton, 1990).
Participants
In relation to the students interviewed, the study sample consists of
31 students (10% of the 314 enrolled in both HEI), which were selected by
contacts provided by the Social Services or through personal contacts.
Regarding students’ nationality, 17 were from Cape Verde, four students
were from Angola, four were from Mozambique and other four were from
Saint Tome and Principe. Two students were from Guinea-Bissau. The
sample comprises 19 females and 12 males, aged between 18 and 38 years.
21 students were attending Bachelor degrees and ten were attending Master
degrees. Regarding the length of their stay in Portugal, the interval varies
from five months to 16 years. The other interviewees were 15 Professors
and Course Directors and nine members of different support offices of both
Universities (Cooperation Office - Rectory (R), Social Services (SS),
Pedagogical Office (PO) and Student Ombudsperson (SO)).
RESULTS
Main Hindrances Experienced by International Students Coming From

Portuguese-Speaking African Countries
Awkward arrival time due to visa issues

According to the interviewed students, their main hindrances are
related with the transition to Portugal, since they have serious difficulties to
obtain their visas due to bureaucratic issues. These visa issues have serious
repercussions in academic and social life, since they define when students
arrive to the Portuguese Universities. They arrive mostly in the middle of
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the first semester, which affects very negatively their academic and social
adjustment.
When I was on my way to Portugal, I had many problems with the

visa. When I finally arrived, the first semester had already finished
(UA, Female, 20, Cape Verde, BS in Meteorology, Oceanography
and Geophysics)
When you arrive in January or February [because of the delay
obtaining the visa] you’ve already lost a whole semester. This
means you’re left behind. It’s complicated. When I fall here, I
didn’t know anybody and, of course, the professors didn’t know
me (UA, Female, 22, Cape Verde, BA in Political Science)
The Professors of these international students are aware of this ‘visa issue’,
regretting that the Portuguese Foreign Affairs Ministry as well as the
students’ home countries do not solve the problem and also regretting the
negative impact that it has in the students’ academic life.
Most of the students arrive after the beginning of the academic

year. That’s an old problem that should have been solved many
years ago. Someone should press the government so they can, at
least, arrive on time. The agreements between the States should
foresee this, in order to simplify the visa issues. At this level, the
Universities don’t have much capacity to negotiate. (UA, Director
of BS in Account)
This late arrival also implies that the students from these countries
miss the freshmen reception (praxe, in Portuguese), which, as all the social
activities developed, intends to promote the freshmen integration in the
academia. Thus, international students’ relationships with home students are
not made easier. However, some Professors stated that the main reason why
these students do not socialize with home students is related to financial
issues, as they experience serious economic problems and they do not have
extra money to spend in going out, dinners, and so on.
They don’t integrate faster because they have financial issues. Due
to these financial difficulties they can’t go out with their
colleagues (UA, Director of BA and Master in Languages and
Cultures)
Financial problems
Most of the interviewed students reported these financial problems
since they subsist with scholarships from the governments of their home
countries, which are normally received with a delay of several months.
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Moreover the amount of the scholarship in most cases is not enough to cover
all expenses in the Portuguese reality.
In the beginning, with the delay of the payment of the scholarship

[my life] was very complicated. For instance: I arrived in
September and I only got the scholarship in November. It was
very complicated to pay for the dorm. It was difficult to pay for
the photocopies…I didn’t have any money. I managed to buy the
copies, but I felt terrible. (UAlg, Female, 19, Cape Verde, BS in
Orthotics and Prosthetics)
These financial problems are also recognized by both universities’ Social
Services and by the Professors.
We know that the amount of the scholarships is not enough for

them to pay for everything: the University fees, food, clothes,
learning materials, etc… (UAlg, Member of the Social Services
Staff)
The delay in the scholarships’ payment is really a huge problem.
That’s why here, in the Social Services, we always have our doors
opened to help the African students who ask us for help. Right
now, we have a few being [financially] helped. (UAlg,
Administrator of the Social Services)
They face economic problems. Firstly because normally they
come with scholarships and… well, I don’t know the exact
amount of the scholarships but I think its little money. So what
should they do? They try to find a job here, and they work while
they’re studying. That’s why they only obtain very low grades
(UAlg, Director of the BS in Marine Biology)
Homesickness
Another hindrance experienced by the students coming from
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries is the feeling of homesickness, as
they are far away from home and from their relatives and friends.
In the beginning, it was very hard for me. I came in the 25th
September and until the 6th December everything was okay. That
day I start crying and I call my parents. I told them I wanted to go
back and my father said to me: « - Okay, no problem, I’ll send you
the ticket and you’ll study here». But I said: «- No, I’d rather stay
here». I cried for a couple more days. But now it’s solved, I learnt.
(UAlg, Female, 20, Cape Verde, BS in Pharmacy)
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It was very hard in the beginning, I confess. It was very difficult to
stay away from my family, especially from my mother. Then I got
used to it. (UAlg, Female, 21, Cape Verde BA in Tourism)
The students from the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries also have to
deal with some prejudices and discrimination behaviors, namely when they
try to find accommodation.
When the owner came to give us the key and to receive the money
– because it was a kind of an emergency - he said: «- But I didn’t
know you were Africans…». And my friend said «And so, what’s
the problem? ». «No, because you Africans, you’re noisy, you
don’t know how to get along with other people». He said this and
that, he call us pigs and he didn’t give us the key. (UAlg, Female,
22, Cape Verde, BS in Dietetics and Nutrition)
Language barriers
Despite the fact that these students come from countries where
Portuguese is the official language, the interviewees stated that they mainly
use their mother tongues, such as local creoles. They assumed that European
Portuguese is very different from the Portuguese they know. Therefore, the
language barrier is one of the main hindrances experienced by these
students, since it affects their academic and social life.
In Cape Verde, we only speak Portuguese at school. We speak

Portuguese in conferences or when we’re in contact with
Portuguese people or with other people that speak Portuguese,
otherwise, among Africans, we use the Creole. Creole is our
mother tongue. The fact that Portuguese is our official language
doesn’t imply that we stop using our mother tongue. (UAlg,
Male, 21, Cape Verde, BA in Culture and Heritage Studies)
I’m telling you, in the first year I thought to myself: «Speaking
Portuguese is so difficult that feels like having a rope around your
neck. Well at least for me it’s difficult. (UAlg, Female, 22, Cape
Verde, BS in Nutrition Sciences)
I really had problems [with the Portuguese language]! When I
arrived, I listened to the people speaking and I didn’t understand a
thing. It looked as everybody was speaking so fast! But I don’t
feel it anymore. (UAlg, Female, 23, Guinea-Bissau, BS in Marine
Biology)
It must be said that the language barrier has a deep impact in academic
success. In the perspective of these students, on one hand, it is very difficult
to understand the Professors and, on the other hand, they don’t feel
comfortable to put questions and to be active in classes.
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We Capeverdians, we do speak Portuguese but, in my case it’s
difficult to speak it. Sometimes people use vocabulary that I don’t
know and I feel lost. This, hampers the comprehension of the
message the Professor wants to transmit. (UA, Male, 24, Cape
Verde, BA in Public Administration)
[The mastery of the Portuguese language] is really a constraint.

Sometimes I want to say something, but my language is not in
accordance with what you Portuguese people are used to listen or
say; sometimes I use expressions that cause astonishment: «what
is he trying to say?» Do you understand? It’s embarrassing when
all the class gets astonished by something we’re saying, by an
expression we’re used to use, something normal for us (UA, Male,
24 Saint Tome and Principe, BA in Public Administration)
According to the Professors, some of these students have a low profile
participation in the classroom, they’re even considered shy, but their silence
is due to the lack of language proficiency, as they feel insecure and
sometimes ashamed to speak Portuguese.
In the beginning they are very shy, they don’t participate, they
don’t speak. But how could they participate? Everybody is
speaking in Portuguese and they’re foreigners. Usually, they don’t
participate much, they tend to stay in their corner. But it depends
on the personality of each one, on the self-confidence (UAlg,
Professor of Mathematics in the BS in Pharmacy)
They face problems concerning the language. Despite the fact that
they come from Portuguese speaking countries, they have a very
elementary knowledge of the language. They write poorly, they
have oral comprehension problems. They don’t understand well
the things we ask them. At the end of the classes, when they come
to us with questions, there’s where we realize they don’t master
the language even orally. If they can’t express themselves orally,
they can’t express themselves through writing. Normally they face
huge problems writing their Master’s thesis (UAlg, Director of the
BS in Marine Biology)
Relationship with home students
The relationships with home students are not always easy.
Nevertheless, the interviewees referred that they have very good friends
among home students and that they were very supportive.
As soon as they realized I arrived late, everybody came to me

saying: «- you’re going to need this and that, class notes etc.» And
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thanks to them I managed to integrate in everything. (UA, Male,
27, Saint Tome and Principe, BS in Management)
All my colleagues were asking if I was following the matters; if I
was following the lecturer and taking notes. Whenever I couldn’t
take notes they gave them to me. (UA, Male, 24, Cape Verde,
Bachelor in Public Administration)
On the other hand, some students indicate that it was very difficult for them
to establish relationships with home students in classes, for instance in
group work, or outside the classes.
When I enter the classroom and sit nobody speaks to me. Only if I
speak to anyone, he or she speaks to me. Until now. We may even
work together, but when they see me on the street they act as if
they don’t know me (UA, Female, 21, Cape Verde, BS in
Meteorology, Oceanography and Geophysics).
We have great difficulties to form work groups with them. I had
great difficulties. I wanted to form a group, but the people put me
by. (…) There is some kind of prejudice (UAlg, Male, 27,
Mozambique, BS in Civil Engineering)
The difficulties experienced by students from Portuguese-Speaking African
Countries during classes are also perceived by some Professors and Course
directors, namely when students have to work in groups.
It’s harder for them [to work in groups]. They tend to form groups
among them. Of course there are some nice exceptions of the
popular students that easily integrate themselves. But generically,
they hardly integrate in home students groups (UAlg, Director of
the BS in Dietetics and Nutrition)
Prior learning and teaching and learning methods
Another hindrance faced by the students from African Portuguese-
Speaking Countries is related to the differences between their home country
Education System and the Portuguese one. These students feel that their
prior learning is not enough to deal with the new demands of the Portuguese
Higher Education, which originates feelings of frustration and sadness.
[The educational system] is different. In terms of Algebra, there

were some things I didn’t know. When I arrived, I realize I really
had no bases. At school I didn’t learn Computer Science, I knew
nothing about Programming (UA, Female, 21 Cape Verde, BS in
Meteorology, Oceanography and Geophysics)
Sometimes the professor says: «- I’m not going to talk about this
because you’ve already studied it in the secondary». But there are
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subjects you study here in Portugal that I’ve never heard about.
(UA, Female, 20, Cape Verde, BS in Meteorology, Oceanography
and Geophysics)
This ‘prior learning problem’ is also identified by Course Directors and
Professors, as well as by the Head of the Social Services. They were
unanimous when indicating that the lack of some basic knowledge
negatively affects the academic success of these students.
They have difficulties related directly to their lack of prior

preparation, therefore is very hard for them to follow the courses
(UAlg, Director of the BS in Marine Biology)
The academic preparation they bring from their countries has
nothing to do with our demands. (UAlg, Administrator of the
Social Services)
Another issue is the teaching and learning strategies, which in the host
country are very different from those at the home country.
Here, subjects are taught in a very fast pace. We were not used to
it. (UAlg, Male, 25, Angola, Master in Biology)
When I arrived to the math’s class I found it so different. The
Professor spoke too fast and passed through the things so fast.
Back in those days I almost felt depressed. I was used to do
everything in the right time, I never left anything behind. I came
with those habits. That’s a kind of obligation, so I felt a bit like a
fish out of the water. (UAlg, Male, 19, Cape Verde, BS in Civil
Engineering)
Support Structures and Actions Offered by the two Universities

Taking into account the data collected through the interviews with
some members of the universities’ staff, it became clear that the delay in the
payment of scholarships originates serious difficulties regarding food and
accommodation, among other aspects of these students’ life.
According to the institutional interviewees, the main support
structures of both HEI are the Social Services. The support given by these
offices comprises accommodation, social scholarship, food support and
social merit scholarship. It is important to refer that Social Services are the
‘face’ of institutional support in what Portuguese-Speaking African
Countries’ students are concerned. It is also this office that boost sports
activities within campus.
In relation to the support given by the Student Ombudsperson, its
main role, regarding these particular students, is to connect them with the
different structures of the universities taking into account each one’s needs.
It works in the perspective that there is a partnership and cohesive
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connection with all the structures of the university, which allows integrated
responses to the problems, namely those of the students from Portuguese-
Speaking African Countries.
Another support structure is the Pedagogical Office (PO). It
provides support to students in matters related to general aspects of their
academic and personal lives, while respecting confidentiality. Regarding
students from the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries, most of them
come to this office with scholarship’s problems and from there they are sent
to the Social Services. Some students can, for instance, appeal to the PO
looking for academic support since the Educational System in their home
country is very different from the Portuguese one; in these cases, the PO
provides academic support through its network of volunteers.
Considering the Rectory’s perspective, it is important to analyze
and to improve the welcoming and the integration of these students,
underlining that it’s important that they know where and with whom they
can solve their problems. Moreover, both HEI have strong Students
Associations, which have specific structures dedicated to the students from
the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries and that are managed by them.
Additionally, in order to better support these students, the different
structures of both HEI also articulate with several national and local
institutions, such as: (a) The Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras - SEF
(Portuguese acronym to Emigration Services), a security service organized
vertically under the Ministry of Home Affairs; (b) the Health Center; (c) the
Municipalities of Aveiro and Faro – the cities where the universities are
located. It is also important to refer that in both HEI their International
Offices have no relation with students from the Portuguese-Speaking
African Countries as they are dedicated to other mobility programs such as
ERASMUS (European Mobility Program) and to Brazilian students.
Interviewee’s Suggestions to Improve Institutional Supporting Services

The suggestions made by students from the Portuguese-Speaking
African Countries and their Professors are related to different aspects of the
academic and social life of these students.
a) Institutional support
Some Professors stressed the need to improve the dissemination of
the existing institutional support structures among the Academia in general
and the Professors in particular, as they argue that when more informed they
could better support students from the Portuguese-Speaking African
Countries.
I think the teaching staff doesn’t really know all the efforts made
by the University to support this students, namely at the Social
Services level. I know we could spread it more… The students are
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immediately taken to the Social Services, so they know what their
benefits from the Social Services are. But the teaching staff stays
at out of this process. (UA, Director of BA in Language and
Cultures).
We don’t have the slightest idea of the support that is being given
to these students. But we should know, don’t we? I may have
colleagues for whom the least they know, the better. But I think
it’s the kind of information that could help us to deal with them.
(UA, Director of Master in Public Administration)
Similarly, the students from the Portuguese-Speaking African
Countries refer the need of a better dissemination of the institutional support
available among the other students. They suggest that at the moment of the
enrollment the Academic Services could provide more information
regarding the institutional support.
In relation to the delay with which students coming from the
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries arrive at the beginning of the
academic year, it is suggested that the host institutions organize a specific
welcome program, providing all important information and to make them
feel welcome and informed.
In the beginning of the academic year we should have a welcome
ceremony for the students coming from abroad, - because there are
always lots of students from abroad with a brief explanation about
the University of the Algarve and about the region. This and other
information that may be important to them. (UAlg, Female, 21,
Cape Verde, BA in Tourism)
b) Financial problems
Since financial problems are a serious hindrance experienced by
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’ students, which have impact in
their academic life, as well as in their subsistence in Portugal, there were
some suggestions to improve these students’ life regarding this issue,
namely: to increase the number of accommodations provided by the HEI
and design a new support system to help those who lose their scholarship.
The University - maybe in cooperation with the Portuguese

government and the government of Cape Verde - should help,
reducing the academic fees for African students. When we compare
the standards of living of Cape Verde and Portugal… it’s difficult
for us to pay the fees and live with what remains from the
scholarship. There are people that come, spend a year and go back
because they can’t manage to survive. The families in Cape Verde
don’t have the conditions to help their children here. (UAlg,
Female, 18, Cape Verde, BS in Biomedical Sciences)
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The system of attribution and renovation of the scholarships
[should change]. We, African students, we are a kind of
immigrants. When we don’t have money to pay for the
academic fees we must work. We don’t have relatives here.
We can count only on ourselves. There are students who lost
their scholarships and had to stop studying. All those aspects
of the attribution of the scholarships should be revised.
(UAlg, Male, 38, Mozambique, BA in Corporate
Secretaryship).
c) Teaching and learning process
Regarding the teaching and learning process, the implementation of
a Tutorship program was referred by some students and by some Professors.
It is understood that this Tutor could support students both academically and
socially, which means that since the moment students coming from
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries arrive in the Portuguese HEI, there
is someone who could help and guide them in every matter, since the
process of enrollment and accommodation, to the academic difficulties that
these students may experience.
It shouldn’t be difficult to give all of them [to the students from

Portuguese-Speaking African Countries] the phone number of
someone they should contact in case of necessity, to find a room, for
instance… This is to say to found someone [among the teaching
staff] to be responsible for two or three persons, to go get them at
the airport etc. I think this would improve their sense of comfort and
safety. This is very important. And this person or another one
should keep up with these students during their graduation. A kind
of personalized support (UAlg, Director of the BA in Heritage and
Cultural Studies)
Another suggestion regarding the teaching and learning processes

underlines the lack of prior knowledge, in particular subjects such as
mathematics, for instance. It was suggested that those who do not have the
needed prior knowledge could have the possibility to attend intensive
courses, prior to the main course or during all the semester.
People that feel they don’t have enough preparation for one
particular course, they should have the possibility to attend
propaedeutic classes were they could learn the basic concepts.
There are lots of people who don’t have the basic preparation to
University courses. (UA, Male, 24, Saint Tome and Principe, BS
in Management)
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Since most of the students coming from Portuguese-Speaking
African Countries experienced learning difficulties for several reasons some
Professors suggested the implementation of “zero year” as a preparation
year, before the freshmen year. According to these Professors this ‘zero
year’ would be a year of adjustment and pedagogical preparation. In this
‘zero year’ students could improve their knowledge in particular subjects as
mathematics or physics.
[With this ‘year zero’ system], if they have difficulties in

Mathematics or Physics they can attend those preparation classes.
Or to refresh some subjects that are absolutely fundamental to the
courses (UAlg, Engineering Professor)
d) Language barriers
Language barriers are one of the major hindrances that students
from the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries experience. Students and
their Professors are well aware that it is essential to implement some
strategies in order to decrease the negative impact that the lack of European
Portuguese proficiency has in students’ academic and social life. It was
suggested that HEI could provide, for instance, additional European
Portuguese language training, preceded by a diagnostic test to identify what
are the specific difficulties students have.
The University should offer complementary training in

Portuguese. Even short duration courses proceeded by a diagnostic
assessment. Most of my colleagues agree that this would be of
great value, not only for the African students, but for all. (UAlg,
Professor in the BS in Dietetics and Nutrition)
Some Professors also suggested that in the first semester of the first
year, Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’ students should have an
intensive six months course of immersion in the language.
In my opinion they need an intensive immersion in Portuguese, in

the first year, even before they enter in the University. Lots of
reading, writing and text interpretation. This should be something
natural for them: to spend a semester reading good texts in
Portuguese, discussing them with the Professor, writing essays…
one semester that would help them a lot. Even at the Master’s level
they need the same thing, but it would be harder for them to accept
spending a whole semester just studying Portuguese (UA, Director
of Master in Public administration)
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Students from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries also
defended the implementation of intensive courses not only in Portuguese,
but also in chemistry, informatics and English in order to cope with their
difficulties.
The University should offer computer science, chemistry etc. They
could use voluntary Professors to explain the harder subjects and
also Portuguese (UAlg, Female, 22, Cape Verde, BS in Dietetics
and Nutrition)
The institution should look after us in order to understand that most

of us have problems with English. English private courses are very
expensive. [The University should promote] English courses for
students with economic difficulties at a price we could pay. That
would help us a lot. (UAlg, Male, 25, Angola, Master in Biology)
Taking into account the hindrances stated by international students coming

from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries in this study, it is possible to
argue that they seem to be very similar to the hindrances experienced by
other international students, with different home countries, or even
experienced by other Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’ students in
former Portuguese studies. Our findings indicate that these students
experience homesickness as other international students (e.g., Furnham,
1997; Poyrazli & Lopez, 2007). Similarly to the findings from Li et al.
(2010) and some Portuguese studies (e.g., Brito, 2009; Ferro, 2010;
Mourato, 2011) regarding the implications of lower proficiency in host
language, our results indicate that the low proficiency in European
Portuguese seems to contribute to lower levels of academic and social
success. Our findings are also consistent with the studies that indicate
prejudice and discrimination as a hindrance experienced by international
students (Poyrazli & Grahame, 2007) namely outside the university’s
campus (Sawir et al., 2012). The difficulty to establish relationships with
home students is another hindrance identified in our study that was also
mentioned in previous studies (Andrade & Evans, 2009; Peacock &
Harrison, 2009; Poyrazli & Grahame, 2007; Ryan, 2005; Ward et al., 2001).
Our findings emphasize the importance of prior learning (McKenzie et al.,
2004; McKenzie & Schweitzer, 2001) in the academic success of these
students. Due to the fact that the Portuguese Education System is very
different from those Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’ students have
in their home countries, it is clear in our results that the majority lack some
needed knowledge to their new academic demands, as mentioned in other
studies (Brito, 2009; Jardim, 2013; Mourato, 2011). Our findings also
- 388 -
indicate that international students from Portuguese-Speaking African
countries have serious financial problems with implications in their
personal, social and academic life (Duque, 2012; Ferro, 2012; Jardim,
2013). Another hindrance experienced by students from Portuguese-
Speaking African Countries that emerged in our findings is related to the
transition to Portugal, namely the difficulties to obtain their visa due to
bureaucratic issues in their home countries. These results are consistent with
the findings of Pereira and Motta (2005).
Despite the support services provided by the two HEI appear to be
well-structured and organized, it is clear that they are not enough to cope
with these students’ needs. The suggestions given by the students
themselves and their Professors in order to improve institutional support
reinforce the findings of former studies, such as the increase of the host
language support (Akanwa, 2015; Andrade et al., 2014; Li et al., 2010;
Mamiseishvili, 2012; Perrucci & Hu, 1995; Sawir et al., 2012; Suzuki,
2002); to implement welcoming programs to the students from Portuguese-
Speaking African Countries (Santos et al., 2012); to put into service tutoring
projects (Rocha, 2012; Santos et al., 2012) and to review the policies of
social support to students, namely financial support (Mourato, 2011; Santos
et al., 2012). Other suggestions that emerged in our study are related to the
implementation of intensive courses according to the students’ needs and the
dissemination of the institutional support among students and their
Professors, underlining the importance of an ‘active institutional voice’.
In his study Akanwa (2015) states that international students “seem
to be left on their own upon enrollment as they have to navigate the complex
and challenging educational and cultural landscapes of their host universities
with little or limited support services” (pp. 280-281). Some
recommendations based on this study are:
Support in European Portuguese Language

Once and for all, Portuguese HEI have to understand that the
majority of these students do not have proficiency in European Portuguese.
HEI should offer to these students the opportunity to improve their
Portuguese skills by providing intensive courses, with free-access, in class
and online. Just as HEI provide Academic English Courses, they should also
provide Academic Portuguese Courses. Besides the course, it is also
important to obtain a true measure of students’ language skills, before and
after the intensive course.
Support in the acquisition of missing prior knowledge

It is important that the students coming from Portuguese-Speaking
African Countries can have the same opportunities to achieve academic
success as their Portuguese peers. Providing intensive courses, namely on
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mathematics or chemistry, could help these students to stay up to date with
these and other particular subjects.
Support in social interactions on campus

The implementation of a dedicated welcoming program is very
important, since these students arrive very late in the academic year and
miss all the reception activities dedicated to the freshmen.
Better dissemination of the institutional support provided among HEI staff

and students
HEI should provide all necessary dissemination procedures to better
inform the Professors and other HEI staff about the support that students
may benefit in order to make them a mean of dissemination of the provided
students support. At the same time, it is imperative that students from
Portuguese-Speaking African Countries are informed by institutional
channels, since the moment of their enrollment at the academic services.
Acknowledgments
This paper was financed by National Funds provided by Foundation for Science and
Technology (FCT) through project PTDC/IVC-PEC/4886/2012 and project
UID/SOC/04020/2013.
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SUSANA AMBRÓSIO, is a PhD student in Education at the University of

Aveiro (Portugal). Currently she is a researcher at the Research Center
“Didactics and Technology in Education of Trainers” (CIDTFF) at the
University of Aveiro. Her PhD research, which is in the last year, focuses on
the non-traditional adult students at the University of Aveiro and how their
plurilingual repertoires are constructed in a lifelong learning perspective.
Her main research interests are Adult Education, Lifelong Language
Learning and Plurilingual Repertoires. Email: sambrosio@ua.pt
JOÃO FILIPE MARQUES holds a PhD in Sociology by the École des

Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales of Paris. He is Assistant Professor at the
Faculty of Economics of the University of Algarve, Director of the
Sociology Master Program and researcher of the Centre for Spatial and
Organizational Dynamics (CIEO – UAlg). Email: jfmarq@ualg.pt
LUCÍLIA SANTOS, PhD, is a Professor of Physics. Associate Professor

Tenure integrates the Department of Physics of the University of Aveiro.
She has taught courses and supervised dissertations/theses in Science and
Engineering, Health and Teacher Training Courses at the level of Bachelor,
Masters and PhD. Main interests in research are: teaching and learning in
Physics and non-traditional students in Higher Education. Email:
lucilia.santos@ua.pt
CATARINA DOUTOR, is a PhD student in Education at the Institute of

Education of the University of Lisbon (Portugal). Her research interest
includes the non-traditional students in Higher Education, namely the
transition of Portuguese-Speaking African Countries’ students to Higher
Education, their experiential learning challenges and identity process.
Email: catarinadoutor@gmail.com

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Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 395-420
College Experiences and Outcomes Among

International Undergraduate Students at Research
Universities in the United States: A Comparison to
Their Domestic Peers
Young K. Kim
Christopher S. Collins
Liz A. Rennick
Azusa Pacific University, USA
David Edens
California State Polytechnic University, Pomona, USA
ABSTRACT
Using a large dataset from a state education system, this study examined the
experience of international college students in the United States as well as
the connection to their cognitive, affective, and civic outcomes. The study
utilized data from the 2010 University of California Undergraduate
Experience Survey (UCUES) and a sample of 35,146 junior and senior
undergraduate students across 10 campuses. The results of this study
showed that international students may uniquely experience college and
may not benefit from those experiences as much as their domestic peers.
Furthermore, this study identified a broad range of college experiences that
contribute to the key outcomes for international students. The study
discusses the theoretical and practical implications of the findings.
Keywords: International students, college experiences, college outcomes,

research universities
Due to the increasing number of students who move across borders to

study, international students draw much attention in the United States and in
global discussions of higher education. This cross-border education often
contributes substantially to institutional revenue. The Chronicle of Higher
Education recently featured an article entitled, “Fess Up: Foreign Students
are Cash Cows,” which emphasized that tuition revenue is a primary interest
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when recruiting international students (Fischer, 2012). However,
international students do not always recognize the financial motivation
associated with their enrollment, and the revenues are rarely reinvested to
create a better educational experience for these students. The Institute for
International Education’s annual Open Doors Report (Institute of
International Education, 2013) estimated that international students
contributed $24 billion to the United States economy in the year 2013 alone.
Although the United States is slowly losing dominance to Australia and
Canada in terms of attracting international students, almost one third of
students studying in a foreign country come to the United States. The
massive opportunity for revenue has led several institutions to outsource
overseas recruiting to agents who are paid commissions for acquiring
applications and enrolling international students, which has created a
market-oriented environment. Given the vast market and interest in
international students, an ongoing question looms about their educational
experiences and outcomes when compared to their domestic peers. For the
purpose of this study, domestic students are defined as United States citizens
or those with permanent resident status attending higher education
institutions in the United States while international students are foreign
students who are in the United States on a temporary basis (e.g., student
visa) while attending a United States institution.
The tension between the market-driven pursuit of international
students and the differences in educational experiences serve as the
background for the purpose of this study, which is to improve our
understanding of college experiences and outcomes of international students
at research universities in the United States in comparison to their domestic
counterparts. Using a statewide college student dataset, this study is
designed to explore three research questions: (1) What are the differences
between international college students and their domestic peers at United
States research universities in the development of select college student
outcomes over time? (2) What are the differences between international
college students at these institutions and their domestic counterparts in the
patterns of engagement in college experiences? (3) What college
experiences predict select student outcomes among international college
students at these institutions?
BACKGROUND AND LITERATURE REVIEW
Cognitive Outcomes of College Students

One of the main outcomes of a college education is students’
cognitive or intellectual development. Although there has been a lack of
evidence in the literature about the effect of the college experience on
cognitive development (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005), some researchers
- 396 -
have provided insight into how students develop cognitively in college. In
general, students gain cognitive skills/abilities by attending college. Most
notably, students’ self-confidence increases in verbal skills, math skills, and
critical thinking skills while attending college (Carini & Kuh, 2003;
Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005; Volkwein, Valle, Parmely, Gary, & Zhou,
2000). While these studies have examined a general influence of college
attendance on students’ cognitive development, other researchers have
identified individual aspects of the college experience that affect student
development in this area.
Perhaps academic engagement is among the most influential college
experiences that contribute to college students’ cognitive or intellectual
development. When students are more engaged in their learning (e.g.,
attending more classes, investing more hours in studying, participating more
frequently in classroom discussions), students obtain greater gains in their
cognitive/intellectual outcomes (Astin, 1993; Harper & Quayle, 2009;
McCormick, Kinzie, & Gonyea, 2013; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). Also,
students’ academic engagement with their faculty members and peers
facilitate their cognitive development over the college years (Kim & Sax,
2009, 2011; McCormick, Kinzie, & Gonyea, 2013; Umbach & Wawrzynski,
2005).
Students’ learning and development in college is also affected by both
the structural diversity of the campus and the introduction of diversity topics
into the curriculum. Studies found that students attending institutions that
have higher levels of structural diversity (i.e., more heterogeneous student
body) reported higher levels of learning and cognitive development compared
to their counterparts who attended institutions with more homogenous student
demographics (Chang, Witt, Jones, & Hakuta, 2003; Cole, 2011). When
diversity topics were more frequently introduced with the pedagogy and
curriculum, students also tended to report higher levels of learning and
cognitive growth (Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin, 2002).
Students’ academic major field is another college experience that
possibly affects their cognitive development during college. Research has
demonstrated that college students’ academic major tends to be associated
with their levels of development in cognitive outcomes. Astin (1993) found
that students who were in social science or humanities majors tended to
report greater gains in their cognitive outcomes compared to their peers in
other academic major fields. Similar results have been also noted by other
studies that examined the relationship between students’ academic major
and cognitive development (Cole, 2007, 2011; Schreiner & Kim, 2011;
Strauss & Volkwein, 2004).
Beyond the classroom environment, extracurricular activities have
been shown to affect college students’ cognitive development. Studies suggest
that some extracurricular activities such as social interaction with peers and
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service learning projects seem to be positively related to larger growth in
cognitive and intellectual outcomes among college students (Busseri, et al,
2010; Cleg, Stevenson, & Willcott, 2010; Gellen, 2003; Tieu & Pancer, 2009;
Tieu, et al, 2010). Conversely, other studies have found that participation in
athletics and membership in a fraternity or sorority tended to have a negative
effect on college students’ cognitive development (Astin, 1993; Tieu &
Pancer, 2009). When it comes to work experience, some mixed findings exist
in the literature. Pascarella & Terenzini (2005) noted that work experience,
either on- or off-campus, had little effect on student learning and cognitive
outcomes development. However, Lundberg and Schreiner (2004) noted that
student learning was negatively affected by their off-campus work experience.
Affective Outcomes of College Students

Considering that college is a social (as well as academic)
environment, affective outcomes are another set of desirable college
outcomes. Research has shown that college’s sub-environments such as
students’ academic majors, departments, or disciplines, have often created
unique social environments for students and that various types of interactions
with socializing agents (e.g., faculty, staff, peers) have enhanced students’
development in affective outcomes, including interpersonal skills, leadership
skills, and college satisfaction (Rubin, Bommer, & Baldwin, 2002; Umbach &
Wawrzynski, 2005; Vowell, 2007). Furthermore, studies noted that certain
pre-college characteristics such as student gender, race, and socioeconomic
status also affect the development of interpersonal skills among college
students (Hausmann, Schofield, & Woods, 2007; Hausmann, Ye, Schofield, &
Woods, 2009; Ostrove & Long, 2007).
The pedagogy of classes, working with faculty, and studying with
peers are also related to students’ affective development. For example, Astin
(1993) found that certain classroom activities such as group projects and
presentations tended to improve students’ sense of leadership, a specific
domain of affective development. Studies have also shown that
meeting/working with faculty, such as discussing ideas and attending
conferences and workshops, were positively associated with interpersonal
skills development among college students (Astin, 1993; Elkins, Forrester, &
Noel-Elkins, 2011; Sax, 2008; Strayhorn, 2012).
Civic Outcomes of College Students

One of the major goals of a college education is to develop a student
as a member of the greater community (Sax, 2000). Early research on the
civic outcomes of college students found a significant, positive relationship
between students’ college experience and their humanitarian values
(Pascarella, Ethington, & Smart, 1988; Rockenbach, Hudson, & Tuchmayer,
2014). Astin (1993) also noted that students’ experiences in college affected
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their social values and involvement in community action programs, as well
as how students participated in the political process and promotion of racial
understanding. Similarly, Lopez and Kiesa (2009) found that college
attendance was positively associated with voter turnout in elections and
volunteerism within the community.
Beyond the college attendance, some studies have also identified the
specific college experiences that contributed to students’ development in
civic outcomes. Studies have shown that classroom experiences integrated
with community service and faculty interactions positively affected
students’ civic engagement and outcomes (Astin, 1993; Hurtado, Ruiz, &
Whang, 2012; Lott, 2013). Research also found some significant
relationships between students’ academic major and their civic engagement.
Students majoring in the social sciences tend to report higher levels of civic
engagement during college as compared to their peers in other academic
major fields (Lott, 2013; Pascarella, Ethington, & Smart, 1988; Schreiner &
Kim, 2013), while students in STEM majors have often shown lower levels
of civic engagement (Astin, 1993; Rhee & Dey, 1996; Sax, 2000).
College Outcomes and Experience of International Student

While higher education literature has well documented the net
effects of college attendance on students’ growth or development in
affective, cognitive, and civic outcomes, the vast majority of the studies
have focused on domestic college students, relatively ignoring the
examination of such college effects on the international student population.
However, given the increasing number of international college students in
the United States and the lack of institutional support systems for this
population, it is imperative to improve our understanding of college
outcomes and experiences among international students.
Although some studies of international students’ perceptions
suggest that students admire the academic culture in the United States
(Chow, 2011), other investigations indicate that international students face
difficulties in an environment for which they have not been prepared (Bauer,
1998; Fischer, 2011; Harper & Hurtado, 2007). Several recurring difficulties
for international students have included country of origin (related to
language and culture), lack of social support from host country nationals,
difficulty in socializing, and associated negative experiences (Hechanova-
Alampay, Beehr, Christiansen, & Van Horn, 2002; Lee & Rice, 2007; Mori,
2000). Li (2012) found that the primary needs of international students were
psychological, linguistic-academic, and sociocultural. International students
often battle feelings of isolation from familiar surroundings, challenges
associated with the combination of demands on their academic skills, and
the need to experience the host culture. Bartram (2008) demonstrated that
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international students have distinct needs that are related to cultural barriers
when compared to their domestic peers that are related to cultural barriers.
Literature on international students’ experiences has often attributed
international students’ difficulties to the need to adapt, transition, and cope,
implying that the burden is on the students to overcome and integrate into
the host culture (Bevis, 2002; Klineberg & Hull, 1979; Pritchard & Skinner,
2002; Zhao, Kuh, & Carini, 2005). In one study, students who adapted to the
host culture were portrayed as having developed greater intercultural
competence (Pritchard & Skinner, 2002); another study associated
difficulties with the lack of assimilation to American culture (Al-Sharideh &
Goe, 1998). Framing negative international students’ experiences as an issue
of personal responsibility carries an underlying assumption that the host
campus and country do not play a role in contributing to the exclusion or
marginalization of these students. For example, some studies have outlined
how Chinese students in particular have experienced a gap between
expectations and reality and, ultimately, an unsupportive educational
environment that could be perceived as exploitation (Li & Collins, 2014; Ho
& Ho, 2008; Zhao, Kuh, & Carini, 2005).
However, Lee (2010) found that perceived discrimination, quality of
campus services, and financial difficulties were highly influential in
international students’ attitudes about their United States educational
experience. Studies have shown that non-Western students studying in
Western societies like the United States experienced a kind of neoracism,
which Lee (2007) defined as “discrimination based on culture and national
order” (p. 389). Given the increased focus on diversity in higher education
following post World War II massification, any special focus on equity for
international students has been seen as suspect because the students are
voluntary minorities. Lee (2010), however, critically challenged institutions
to engage with international students in meaningful ways and “value them as
vital contributors to international exchange and diplomacy” (p. 77).
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS
The conceptual and theoretical frameworks used to guide this study are
based on Astin’s (1993) Input-Environment-Outcomes (I-E-O) model and
Schlossberg’s transition theory (Schlossberg, Waters, & Goodman, 1995).
Using Astin’s (1993) I-E-O model as a conceptual framework of the study,
we address the unique effect of college experiences on college students’
development in cognitive, affective, and civic outcomes by minimizing the
confounding effects of student inputs. Also, the current study assumes that
international students have a unique set of college experiences that impact
their development. Particularly, we hypothesize that international students
are transitioning into a new country and a new culture, as well as their new
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college environment; the degree to which an individual can cope with
transitions is dependent upon the resources available and the individual’s
utilization of those resources. We employ Schlossberg’s transition theory to
explain the possible impact of transitions on international students’ college
experiences and outcomes.
RESEARCH METHOD
Data Source and Sample

For this study, we utilized data from the 2010 University of
California Undergraduate Experience Survey (UCUES). The survey
instrument is administered to all students system-wide (i.e., all ten UC
campuses) on a biennial basis though the Office of Student Research and
Campus Surveys at UC Berkeley, with support from the UC Office of the
President. The UCUES collects information on a broad range of educational
experiences, including academic and co-curricular activities, instruction,
advising, and student services, as well as student background characteristics,
academic and personal development, and evaluation of the academic majors
(Brint, Douglass, Flacks, Thomson, & Chatman, 2007). The UCUES 2010
population includes all undergraduate students at 10 UC campuses who
were enrolled in winter quarter 2010 or spring semester 2010 (at Berkeley
and Merced). The response rate for the 2010 survey was 43%, yielding
74,410 cases. Because this study was designed to examine student
development or gains in select college outcomes over the college years, we
limited our sample to only junior and senior students (n = 35,146) who had
been fully exposed to college experiences. Within that sample, 917 (2.6%)
students were identified as international students while 34,229 (97.4%) were
identified as domestic students.
The student characteristics between the two samples varied. Among
the domestic students in the sample, a majority of the participants self-
identified as Asian, Pacific Islander, or Filipino (41.6%) or White (35.5%),
while a smaller number of students identified as Chicano or Latino (15.2%),
African American (5.3%), American Indian or Alaskan Native (0.7%) or
some other race/ethnicity (1.7%). Nationality or ethnicity of international
students was not included in the dataset. The sample of international
students consisted of 39.5% female students and 37.4% male students while
the domestic student sample consisted of 48.4% female students and 34.1%
male students. When it comes to socioeconomic status, the international
student sample was 12.8% working class or low income, 38.8% middle
class, and 27.9% wealthy, upper middle, or professional class while the
domestic sample was made up of 31% working class or low income, 33.2%
middle class, and 20.2% wealthy, upper middle, or professional class. More
domestic students (20%) were first-generation college students (i.e., neither
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parent had attained more than a high school degree) than international
students (15.6%). There was a wide gap between students with transfer
student status: 61% of the international sample were transfer students while
25.4% of the domestic sample were transfer students.
Variables
The dependent variables of this study included three variables, each
of which represented cognitive, affective, and civic outcomes among college
students, respectively: (1) cognitive skills, (2) interpersonal skills, and (3)
civic attitudes. Cognitive skills was a five-item factor scale that included
individual survey items that asked students to rate their current cognitive
abilities in five areas: (1) analytical and critical thinking skills, (2) ability to
read and comprehend academic material, (3) ability to be clear and effective
when writing, (4) understanding of a specific field of study, and (5) ability
to speak clearly and effectively in English (Chronbach’s alpha = .85).
Interpersonal skills was an individual item on the UCUES survey that asked
students to rate their current ability in interpersonal or social skills. Civic
attitudes was a three-item factor scale that included individual survey items
that asked students to rate their current civic ability to (1) appreciate,
tolerate, and understand racial and ethnic diversity, (2) appreciate cultural
and global diversity, and (3) understand the importance of personal social
responsibility (Chronbach’s alpha = .84).
Independent variables of this study included pretest measures,
students’ demographic and background characteristics, academic
disciplines, and college experiences. The pretest measures represent
students’ self-assessment of their cognitive, affective, and civic abilities
when they entered the college in the same survey items as the dependent
variables (See Table 1 for factor loadings and internal consistency on
composite outcome and pretest measures). Students’ demographic and
background variables included gender, socioeconomic status, language
heritage, and transfer status. Students’ academic disciplines were organized
into five major categories: (1) arts and humanities, (2) engineering and
computer sciences, (3) physical and biological sciences, (4) social sciences,
and (5) professional schools. This study also included a broad range of
college experiences that might have possibly affected our dependent
variables. Those college experience variables were organized into four
distinct categories: (1) satisfaction (i.e., satisfaction with the quality of
instruction and courses in the major, academic advising and communication
with faculty), (2) faculty involvement (i.e., academic engagement with
faculty, involvement with faculty research), (3) learning involvement (i.e.,
critical reasoning classroom activity, curricular foundations for reasoning,
elevated academic effort), and (4) peer involvement (i.e., participation in
clubs or organizations, collaborative work on class projects). These college
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experience variables included both individual survey items and factor scales.
Refer to Appendices A and B for coding schemes and variable definitions of
all variables used in this study.
Analysis
Data analysis for this study was conducted using IBM SPSS
Statistics 22. Prior to the main data analysis, data cleaning techniques were
employed to remove outliers and ensure data normality, linearity, and
homoscedasticity. To examine the differences in the development of select
college student outcomes between international and domestic college
students, we computed gains (changes) from pretest and posttest measures
and analyzed them with independent samples t-tests. In addition, we
conducted paired-samples t-tests on the pretest and posttest scores to see if
the longitudinal gains (changes) were statistically significant. Next, to
examine the differences in the patterns of engagement in college
experiences between international and domestic students, we conducted
independent samples t-tests (for continuous variables) and cross-tabulations
with Chi-square tests (for categorical variables). Finally, to examine the
predictors of select student outcomes among international students, we
conducted a series of hierarchical multiple regression analyses on each of
our three dependent variables. The independent variables for the regression
analyses were organized into temporal blocks according to Astin’s (1993) I-
E-O model in the following order: (1) pretest measure, (2) students’ entering
characteristics, (3) academic discipline, and (4) college experiences.
RESULTS
Patterns of College Outcomes

We first examined if the patterns in the development of select
college outcomes over time were different between international college
students and their domestic peers at United States research universities. The
results in Table 2 show that while international students experienced
significant gains in all select cognitive, affective, and civic outcomes over
the college years, there were some statistically significant differences in
terms of the magnitude of the gains when compared to their domestic peers.
Specifically, international students experienced less gains than their
domestic peers in interpersonal skills (t = 3.06, p < .01) during their college
years, whereas they seemed to obtain statistically equivalent gains to their
domestic counterparts in cognitive skills and civic attitudes. Also, compared
to domestic students, international students reported lower mean scores for
all three outcome measures of the study (i.e., cognitive skills, interpersonal
skills, and civic attitudes) both in their freshman year and in their junior or
senior year.
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Table 1: Factor Loadings and Internal Consistency on Composite Outcome
Measures
Factor Internal
Factor and Survey Items
Loading Consistency (Į)
Cognitive Skills Factor Scale: Posttest .85
Please rate your current level of proficiency in
the following areas:
Analytical and critical thinking skills .84
Ability to read and comprehend academic
material .83
Ability to be clear and effective when
writing .81
Understanding of a specific field of study .73
Ability to speak clearly and effectively in
English .73
Cognitive Skills Factor Scale: Pretest .84
Please rate your level of proficiency in the
following areas when you started at this
campus:
Analytical and critical thinking skills .84
Ability to read and comprehend academic
material .85
Ability to be clear and effective when
writing .84
Understanding of a specific field of study .68
Ability to speak clearly and effectively in
English .69
Civic Attitudes Factor Scale: Posttest .84
Please rate your current level of proficiency in
the following areas:
Ability to appreciate, tolerate and .90
understand racial and ethnic diversity
Ability to appreciate cultural and global .88
diversity
Understanding the importance of personal .84
social responsibility
Civic Attitudes Factor Scale: Pretest .86
Please rate your level of proficiency in the
following areas when you started at this
campus:
Ability to appreciate, tolerate and .91
understand racial and ethnic diversity
Ability to appreciate cultural and global .88
diversity
Understanding the importance of personal .85
social responsibility
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Table 2: Differences in Gains for Cognitive, Affective, and Civic Student

Outcomes Between Domestic and International Students
Mean Score in
Mean Score in Mean Change
Junior or Senior
Freshman Year (Gains)
Year
Dome Internati Dome Internati Domest Internatio
Student Outcomes
stic onal stic onal ic nal
Cognitive Skills 4.01 3.51 4.80 4.30 .79 .79
Scale
Interpersonal 4.05 3.71 4.71 4.25 .66 .54
skills
Civic Outcomes 4.50 4.16 5.03 4.65 .53 .49
Scale
Note 1: Paired samples t-tests show that all longitudinal changes were significant (p
< .001) across racial subgroups. t-scores varied by international student
status as follows: Domestic (83.12 – 199.74); International (13.57 – 29.36).
Note 2: Independent samples t-tests indicate significant mean change differences
between groups in interpersonal skills (t = 3.06, p < .01) only.
Note 3: Sample sizes for each group varied depending on the outcome measure. The
sample size ranges were as follows: Domestic (28,471 – 29,004);
International (703 – 718).
Patterns of College Experiences

In terms of patterns of engagement in college activities, we could
observe statistically significant differences between international students
and their domestic peers in the domains of student satisfaction and learning
involvement (see Table 3). Compared to their domestic peers, international
students tended to report less satisfaction with the quality of instruction and
courses in their major (t = 6.38, p < .001) and with academic advising and
communication with faculty (t = 4.49, p < .001). In other words,
international students were, on average, less satisfied than domestic students
with the quality of lower- and upper-division courses, faculty instruction,
and teaching by graduate student teaching assistants. International students
were also less satisfied than their domestic counterparts with advising on
academic matters by faculty, peer advisors, and college or departmental
staff. In addition, they were less satisfied with faculty channels of
communication, fair and equitable treatment by faculty, and faculty
feedback on students’ work.
When it comes to learning involvement, international students
tended to report relatively lower levels of learning involvement than their
domestic peers in critical reasoning classroom activity (t = 6.39, p < .001)
and in curricular foundations for reasoning (t = 7.98, p < .001). International
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students reported a lower frequency in the academic requirements of such
activities. In other words, compared to their domestic peers, international
students seemed to perceive less institutional emphasis on cognitive
activities, such as recalling specific facts, terms and concepts, as well as
higher-order cognitive activities such as judging the value of information,
ideas, actions, and conclusions based on the soundness of sources, methods,
and reasoning.
Table 3: Patterns of College Experiences by International Student

Status
Percentage/Mean
t Ȥ2
Internation
Factor Scale Items Domestic
al
Satisfaction
Satisfaction with the quality of 5.04 4.58 6.38*
instruction and courses in the major
Satisfaction with academic 5.10 4.80 4.49*
advising
and communication with
faculty
Faculty Involvement
Academic engagement with faculty 2.65 2.63 .93
† 31.6% 31.9% 2.04
Involvement in research projects
Learning Involvement
Critical reasoning classroom 4.90 4.42 6.39*
activity
Curricular foundation for reasoning 4.95 4.30 7.98*
Elevated academic effort 4.93 4.96 .91
Peer Involvement
Collaborative work 4.80 4.78 1.37
† 58.0% 59.5% 2.92
Participation in clubs/organizations
*p < .001
†
Items are dichotomous measures
Note: Sample sizes for each subgroup varied depending on the outcome measure.
The sample size ranges are as follows: Domestic (29,260 – 26,406); International
(676 – 740).
Predictors of College Outcomes

In this study, we were also interested in identifying college
experiences that contributed to gains or development in cognitive skills,
interpersonal skills, and civic attitudes among international college students.
To address this question, we conducted a series of hierarchical multiple
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regression analyses. Table 4 summarizes the results of the analyses. The
adjusted R2 for each regression model ranged between .42 and .58. In
general, results indicated that most college experiences had positive
relationships to at least one of the selected outcomes, while some other
college experiences were not statistically related to any of the college
outcomes and were not included in the final analyses. In addition, some
aspects of faculty involvement and learning involvement positively
predicted all three outcome measures while other college experiences had
more mixed relationships with the outcome measures.
Satisfaction. There were mixed results with regard to the

relationship between college satisfaction and our college outcome measures
among international students. The results show that satisfaction with
advising and out-of-class contact was not significantly related to any of the
select outcomes for international college students. However, satisfaction
with the quality of instruction and courses in the major was a positive
predictor of cognitive skills (ȕ = .16, p < .001) for this population. This
result would seem to indicate the importance of international student
satisfaction with the quality of courses in the major (both lower and upper
division), faculty instruction, and teaching by graduate student teaching
assistants. When international students were satisfied with these aspects of
college, they also reported a higher level of cognitive skills development,
such as analytical and critical thinking, ability to read and comprehend
academic material, and ability to be clear and effective when writing.
Faculty involvement. There were similar mixed results when it

came to the effects of faculty involvement on the select college outcomes.
Our results indicated that participation in faculty research did not have any
statistically significant effect on the select outcomes. However, other forms
of academic engagement with faculty (such as talking with faculty outside
of class, interacting with faculty during class, and communicating with
faculty by email or in person) were shown to positively affect all three select
outcomes. Among international college-goers, students who had higher
levels of such academic engagement with faculty tended to report higher
levels of cognitive skills (ȕ = .11, p < .001), interpersonal skills (ȕ = .16, p <
.001), and civic attitudes (ȕ = .08, p < .01) in their junior or senior year,
even after taking into account their initial levels in these outcome areas and
the confounding effects of other college experiences.
Learning involvement. Learning involvement seems to have the

most positive and consistent effects across the select outcome measures. The
results revealed that students’ engagement in critical reasoning classroom
activity was positively associated with all three outcome measures of this
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study (ȕ = .09, p < .01 for cognitive skills; ȕ = .12, p < .001 interpersonal
skills; and ȕ = .11, p < .001 for civic attitudes).
Table 4: Results of Regression Analyses on College Student Outcomes

Among International Students
Cognitive Interpersonal Civic
Skills Skills Attitudes
(n = 560) (n =790) (n =604)
Pretest
Pretest Variable .59*** .54*** .69***
Demographics
Gender (Male) .08** -.06*
Social classa (Working/Low-Income) -.08**
Transfer status (transfer student) -.10** -.14*** -.10***
College Experiences
Satisfaction
Satisfaction with the quality of .16***
instruction and courses in the major
Faculty Involvement
Academic engagement with faculty† .11*** .16*** .08**
Learning Involvement
Critical reasoning classroom activity† .09** .12*** .11***
Elevated academic effort† .11** .06*
Peer Involvement
Participated in clubs or organizations .06*
Collaborative work on class projects .10**
Adjusted R2 .54 .42 .58
a
Reference = Professional Class/Wealthy
*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
In other words, international students who were more frequently engaged in

critical reasoning classroom activities (such as judging the value of
information based on the soundness of resources and creating new ideas or
new ways of understanding) obtained greater gains in their cognitive skills,
interpersonal skills, and civic attitudes over the college years compared to
those students who were less engaged in critical reasoning classroom
activities. Students’ elevated academic effort was also positively associated
with their gains in both cognitive skills (ȕ = .11, p < .01) and civic attitudes
(ȕ = .06, p < .05). In other words, international students who demonstrated
greater academic effort (e.g., raised their standards for acceptable effort due
to the high standards of faculty, and extensively revised papers at least once
before submitting for a grade) experienced larger growth in their cognitive
skills and civic attitudes during their college years compared to their peers
who indicated less academic effort.
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Peer involvement. Results show that students’ participation in
student clubs or organizations was positively related to the growth in civic
attitudes for international students (ȕ = .06, p < .05). This result indicates
that international students who participated in student clubs or organizations
were more likely to adopt meaningful civic attitudes, such as elevated levels
of understanding and appreciation of racial and ethnic diversity, cultural and
global diversity, and the importance of social responsibility compared to
international students who did not participate in clubs or organizations. In
addition, working collaboratively with other students on a classroom project
had a positive impact on the development of interpersonal skills for
international students (ȕ = .10, p < .01).
Although not the main focus of this study, it is also worth
mentioning how students’ entering characteristics and college experiences
were related to each of the outcomes for international students. When it
comes to entering student characteristics, it appears that male international
students obtained greater gains in cognitive skills (ȕ = .08, p < .01) than
their female international peers, while female international students obtained
greater gains in civic attitudes compared to their male counterparts (ȕ = -.06,
p < .05). In terms of students’ socioeconomic status in relationship with
college outcomes, working class or low-income international students
experienced less gains in civic attitudes (ȕ = -.08, p < .01) compared to
professional class or higher-income (wealthy) international students.
Transfer status was found to have a negative relationship with all outcome
measures, suggesting that transfer students seemed to obtain fewer gains in
cognitive, affective, and civic outcomes over the college years compared to
their first-time student peers. When it comes to academic majors, our results
indicated that there was no statistically significant relationship between any
of academic majors and the select college outcomes of this study; hence, the
academic major variables block was removed from the final regression
equations.
DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS
Set in the context of a research university system in the United States, this
study examined the patterns of cognitive, affective, and civic outcomes
development among international students as compared to those of their
domestic peers and the predictors of these outcomes for international
students. Overall, this study found that both international and domestic
students experienced significant gains in all three domains of development
during their college years. However, international students experienced
significantly less gains in interpersonal skills during their college years
compared to their domestic peers. International students often insulate
themselves from the greater campus community and face problems such as
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isolation, loneliness, and lower levels of satisfaction (Al-Sharideh & Goe,
1998). Beyond isolation, language proficiency can also be a factor that
hinders international students’ greater development in interpersonal skills.
International students often face language barrier issues when interacting
with their socializing agents on campus, which may cause additional reasons
to keep these students from integrating with the greater campus community
(Lee, 2010).
Another pattern we found in college outcomes of international
students is that this population reported relatively lower mean scores for all
of three outcomes, both in their freshman and junior/senior years, compared
to their domestic peers. Given this discrepancy, college faculty and
administrators should pay particular attention to programs that support
learning and development of international students. The multiple regression
analysis in this study showed that academic engagement with faculty and
high order cognitive activities during class are the key areas that can enrich
the international students’ experiences and yield better results in all of the
three outcomes. Therefore, higher education institutions and their members
need to acknowledge the importance of these institutional practices to
international students and should provide college environments where these
students can fully engage in those practices.
In this study, international students also reported less satisfaction
with the quality of instruction and courses in their major and with academic
advising and communication with faculty than their domestic peers. Student
satisfaction is one of the desirable outcomes of college students because it
tends to be significantly related to other meaningful outcomes, such as
retention, persistence, and academic engagement (Edens, 2011; Kuh, Kinzie,
Buckley, Bridges, & Hayek, 2006; Suhre, Jansen, & Harskamp, 2007;
Schreiner & Louis, 2006, 2008). Specifically, researchers have found that
satisfaction with advising was the strongest positive predictor of cognitive
skills development among international students (Kim, Edens, Iorio, Curtis,
& Romero, 2015). Given the importance of student satisfaction as related to
other college outcomes and the lower levels of academic satisfaction among
international students compared to their domestic peers, higher education
academia and professionals need to pay greater attention to international
student’s psychological well-being, including college satisfaction as they
consider how they can best serve this population.
Another key finding of this study is that international students
reported relatively lower levels of engagement in higher-order cognitive
activities during class, such as critical reasoning/problem-solving, compared
to their domestic peers. This finding is consistent with previous research on
international students (Kim, et al., 2015). It appears from the findings of this
and other studies (Kim, et al., 2015; Lee & Rice, 2007) that international
students benefit most from individual academic activities beyond the
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classroom environment. On the other hand, while international students
reported lower levels of engagement in higher-order cognitive activities as
compared to their peers, our results from the regression analyses showed
that these activities were significant, positive predictors of all three
outcomes (cognitive, affective, and civic outcomes) among international
students. These findings point out the need for further studies on why
international students might be hindered from engaging in high-order
cognitive activities and what types of institutional interventions can
facilitate higher levels of engagement in these activities.
Consistent with previous findings, the results of this study also
showed that academic engagement with faculty was positively associated
with all three select outcomes of the study. Studies have shown that student-
faculty interaction is important for a variety of positive college outcomes
among college students (Astin, 1993; Cole, 2007, 2008, 2011; Kim & Sax,
2009, 2011, 2014; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). Utilizing a statewide
college student dataset, this study found that student-faculty interaction is
also a significant and positive predictor of select college outcomes for
international students. This finding suggests that colleges and universities
that serve international students should provide this population with quality
experiences that allow frequent and meaningful faculty interactions, both in
and out of the classrooms. Similar to their domestic peers, research
opportunities, seminars, conferences, and faculty advising can be of
particular value for the international student population (Elkins, Forrester, &
Noel-Elkins, 2011).
While this study found that academic engagement, such as student-
faculty interaction and high-order cognitive engagement during class tended
to improve international students’ gains in select college outcomes, it is also
important to note that increased academic effort has a downside. Findings of
this study revealed that elevated academic effort is negatively associated
with the development of interpersonal skills among international students. In
other words, the findings suggest that as international students work harder,
they tend to isolate themselves. Academic achievement is one of main
reasons that international students attend colleges and universities in the
United States (Lee & Rice, 2007; Mamiseishvili, 2012). Research has
identified this achievement-oriented approach to college education
sometimes leads to isolation of international students from the campus (Al-
Sharideh & Goe, 1998; Kim, et al., 2015; Lee, 2010). Therefore, practices,
such as study groups or group projects in the classroom, should be more
actively used to support not only the academic growth of the international
student, but also their affective and interpersonal development during
college. Indeed, findings of this study support the use of collaborative
learning activities to develop interpersonal skills among international
students. Our regression analysis results showed that collaborative work on
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class projects was positively related to interpersonal skills for international
students.
LIMITATIONS
This study was limited in several ways. We used a secondary dataset which
presented several distinguishable limitations. The dataset we used was not
longitudinal; therefore, we could not measure gains or development over an
actual time period but could measure a proxy of the gains or development.
That is, to gauge the change in our select college outcome measures, we
relied on self-reported information about current and retrospective ability
levels when they started at the institution (i.e., as freshman). Given that both
the current and retrospective ability levels were collected simultaneously,
the change or gains in outcomes assessed in this study may not reflect actual
change or gains. In addition, the data was collected from one research
university system in California and may not be generalizable to other types
of institutions or to institutions in other states. Also, while the dataset used
in this study provided a broad range of college experiences and student
outcomes that were important to traditional college students, more relevant
cultural nuances on college experiences and outcomes for international
college population may not have been well-captured by the dataset and may
have been overlooked. Another limitation concerns transfer status and their
gains over time. Because our sample included a significant amount of
transfer students, we felt it was important to include them in our study.
However, because transfer students usually start at the institution in their
junior year, they are less exposed to institutional experiences than non-
transfer students. Therefore, transfer students may not report gains or
development at comparable levels as native students. Lastly, international
students are not a monolithic group. Smaller groups (e.g. country of origin)
would yield more culturally responsive results; however, in the absence of
that information, an aggregated analysis of all international students yields
important, but limited results.
CONCLUSION AND FUTURE RESEARCH
International student recruitment is a high priority at many institutions due

to the accompanying financial gains. However, this increase in revenue
paired with the asymmetrical experiences that international students report
in comparison with their domestic peers raises some questions about
inequities in the quality of educational experiences and their associated
benefits. An implication of our paper and an important trajectory for future
research centers on the role of culture in international student success, as
well as the importance of reinvesting revenue from international student
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enrollment into programs that facilitate their success. A financial and policy
environment that requires revenue from a group of students who do not
experience the same benefit as domestic students represents a short-term
strategy that will eventually suffer from the recognition of a low quality and
expensive education. One strategy to reduce the inequality is to develop a
cultural bridge, which connects education with diverse learning experiences
(namely, the knowledge brought with students from other countries).
Leveraging diverse learning experiences as an important component of the
learning environment will potentially acknowledge the value of culture and
provide learning gains for all students.
The economic interests of the United States and of higher education
institutions remain a primary motivation for attracting international students.
However, the results of this study suggest that international students may
uniquely experience college and may not benefit from those experiences as
much as their domestic peers. Given the propensity of educators to frame
negative experiences as issues of personal responsibility for international
students, we hope the results of this study will encourage higher education
professionals to take notice of the institutional environments and practices
that contribute to a more satisfactory and more effective educational
experience for international students.
Given the lucrative practice of international student enrollment,
additional exploration might protect the educational environment and the
overall student experience. In these cases of oversight regarding the
educational environment, the students who are not well served are not the
only ones who suffer; instead, the entire campus suffers. Altbach and
Teichler (2001) highlighted the dangers of international exchange including,
"exploitation, either financially or through poor-quality
programs...overemphasis on easily marketable products...[,and] neglect of
features of learning" (p. 21). International student exploitation is damaging
to the educational environment and the purpose of higher education. This
study revealed some positive similarities in international and domestic
students on two outcomes, but important discrepancies in interpersonal
skills and satisfaction. Future studies may focus on how to reproduce the
most positive outcomes and dig deeper into discrepancies, even at selective
institutions. Attention to the experiences of these students will aid in more
than a superficial measure of satisfaction, but will add an overall enhanced
learning environment for all students and a prevention of any potential
exploitation.
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Appendix A. Variable Definitions and Coding Schemes

Variables Coding Schemes
Outcome Measures
Cognitive outcomes scale Factor (range from 2 to 6)*
Interpersonal skills Likert scale: 1 = very poor, 6 = excellent
Civic attitudes scale Factor (range from 2 to 6)*
Pretest Measures
Freshman cognitive outcomes scale Factor (range from 1 to 6)*
Freshman interpersonal skills Likert scale: 1 = very poor, 6 = excellent
Freshman civic attitudes scale Factor (range from 1 to 6)*
Student Background Characteristics
Gender 0 = female, 1 = male
Socioeconomic status (Ref: Professional class/wealthy)
Working class/Low-income All dichotomous: 0 = no, 1 = yes
Middle-class
Transfer Status 0 = Native student, 1 = Upper division
transfer student
Parental education level 0 = High school diploma or less,
1 = AA degree or more
Language heritage 0 = English not native language,
1 = English native language
Academic Discipline (Ref: Social sciences)
Engineering and computer sciences All dichotomous: 0 = no, 1 = yes
Physical and biological sciences
Arts and humanities
Professional schools
College Experiences
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Quality of instruction and courses in the Factor (range 0 to 9) †
major
Satisfaction with advising and out-of-class Factor (range 0 to 10) †
contact
Academic engagement with faculty Factor (range 1 to 6)
Involved in faculty research projects 0 = no involvement, 1= some
involvement
Critical reasoning classroom activity Factor (range 0 to 9) †
Curricular foundation for reasoning Factor (range 0 to 8) †
Elevated academic effort Factor (range 0 to 9) †
Participated in clubs or organizations 0 = no participation,
1 = participation
Collaborative work on class project Likert scale: 1 = never, 6 = very often
*See Table 1 for information on factor loadings and internal reliability on out-
comes/pretest factor scales.
†
See Appendix B for information on factor loadings and internal reliability
Appendix B. Factor Loadings and Internal Reliability on Factor Scales

Factor Internal Con-
Factor and Survey Items Loading sistency (Į)
Satisfaction with the Quality of Instruction and Courses .76
in Major*
How satisfied are you with each of the following as-
pects of your educational experience in the major?
(Likert scale: 1=very dissatisfied, 6=very satisfied)
Quality of lower-division courses in your major .64
Quality of upper-division courses in your major .74
Quality of faculty instruction .73
Quality of teaching by graduate student TA’s .59
Satisfaction with Advising and Out-Of-Class Contact .81
How satisfied are you with each of the following as-
pects of your educational experience in the major?
(Likert scale: 1=very dissatisfied, 6=very satisfied)
Advising by faculty on academic matters .78
Advising by student peer advisors on academic .70
matters
Advising by school or college staff on academic .78
matters
Advising by departmental staff on academic mat- .80
ters
Please answer the following questions about your
major (Dichotomous: 1=yes, 2=no):
Are there open channels of communication be- .59
tween faculty and students?
Are students treated equitably and fairly by facul- .48
ty?
Do faculty provide prompt and useful feedback .51
on students work?
Academic Engagement with Faculty .80
How frequently have you engaged in these activities
so far this academic year? (Likert scale:
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1=never,6=very often)
Talked with the instructor outside of class about .84
issues and concepts derived from a course
Interacted with faculty during lecture class ses- .80
sions
Communicated with a faculty member by email .77
or in person
Worked with a faculty member on an activity .74
other than coursework
Taken a small research-oriented seminar with .69
faculty
Critical Reasoning Classroom Activity* .86

Thinking back on this academic year, how often have
you REQUIRED to do the following? (Likert scale:
Judge the value of information, ideas, actions and .74
conclusions based on the soundness of sources,
methods and reasoning
Create or generate new ideas, products or ways of .73
understanding
you done each of the following? (Likert scale:
Used facts and examples to support your viewpoint .70
Incorporated ideas or concepts from different courses .76
when completing assignments
Examined how others gathered and interpreted data .84
and assessed the soundness of their conclusions
Reconsidered your own position on a topic after as- .80
sessing the arguments of others
Curricular Foundation for Reasoning* .75
you REQUIRED to do the following? (Likert scale:
Recognize or recall specific facts, terms and concepts .81
Explain methods, ideas, or concepts and use them to .86
solve problems
Break down material into component parts or argu- .74
ments into assumptions to see the basis for
different outcomes and conclusions
Elevated Academic Effort* .52
How frequently during this academic year have you done
each of the following? (Likert scale: 1=never,6=very of-
ten)
Raised your standards for acceptable effort due to .81
the high standards of a faculty member
Extensively revised a paper at least once before .82
submitting it to be graded
*
Factor scale was developed by the Center for Studies in Higher Education, UC Berkeley.
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Authors’ Note
The authors presented an earlier version of this paper at the annual meeting of the American
Educational Researcher Association, Chicago, IL, in April 2015.
YOUNG K. KIM, Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of

Higher Education at Azusa Pacific University. She received her Ph.D. in
Higher Education at the University of California, Los Angeles. Her research
interests include college student development, conditional effects of college
experience, and diversity and educational equity in higher education. Dr.
Kim has published in prestigious peer-reviewed journals in the field of
higher education, including Research in Higher Education and The Review
of Higher Education. Email: YKKim@apu.edu
CHRISTOPHER S. COLLINS, Ph.D., is assistant professor of Higher

Education at Azusa Pacific University. His research interests include the
role of higher education related to poverty reduction, knowledge extension,
public good, and social rates of return. Recent publications include Higher
Education and Global Poverty: University Partnerships and the World Bank
in Developing Countries (Cambria Press, 2011) and Education Strategy in
the Developing World: Revising the World Bank's Education Policy
Development (Emerald Publishing, 2012). In addition, he has published
articles in The Review of Higher Education, Higher Education, and the
Journal of Higher Education. Email: CCollins@apu.edu
LIZ A. RENNICK is a research and assessment analyst at the University of

Arizona, as well as a doctoral student and graduate research assistant in the
Department of Higher Education at Azusa Pacific University. Her research
addresses equity and opportunity in higher education, community college
students, transfer students, and Latino college students. Email:
lizarennick@gmail.com
DAVID EDENS, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the Human Nutrition and Food

Science at Cal Poly Pomona. He received his Ph.D. in Higher Education at
Azusa Pacific University. His research has focused on student success and
learning among diverse student populations including international students,
non-traditional students, and students attending for-profit colleges and
universities. Dr. Edens has presented at conferences such as AERA and
CSRDE, as well as published for Noel-Levitz and in the Journal of
Hospitality & Tourism Education. Email: Dredens@cpp.edu

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Reflection

Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 421-428
The Perils of Multi-lingual Students:

“I’m Not LD, I’m L2 or L3.”
Kioh Kim
Derrick T. Helphenstine
University of Louisiana at Monroe, USA
ABSTRACT
As more companies and families expand to the global market an increasing
number of students are entering international schools outside of their home
countries. Each international school is governed and run according to their
own policies, but one overarching element remains: the language of
instruction is usually English. When English Language Learners enter
English dominant environments they often have difficulties acclimating to
the language and the classroom. In this paper the authors intend to address
some myths about ELL students in the classroom, and shed light on why
some students are wrongly identified as having possible SLDs and how we
can better help students by looking further at their characteristics.
Keywords: English Language Learners (ELL), specific learning

disabilities (SLD), native language (L1), newly acquired language (L2)
While teachers in international schools have historically worked with many

English Language Learners (ELL,) due to an influx of immigration to the
United States for multiple reasons, including cultural, social, and religion-
based, there has been a recent increase of ELL students in both international
and U.S. public education systems. This increase has resulted in teachers
questioning English instruction practices for these students in addition to
how to properly define or identify the necessary procedures to provide
optimal instruction. A few questions teachers generally have when gaining
new ELL students are 1) how will this influx of ELL students change
teachers’ teaching styles, and 2) how will the influx of ELL students change
the Student Support Services team in a school?
Over the years, there have been many immigrants coming to the
United States from many other countries. Some seeking political or religious
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asylum, some looking for ways to make a new life for themselves or their
families. According to the Migration Policy Institute, the U.S. Census
Bureau's 2009 American Community Survey reports the U.S. immigrant
population to be was 38,517,234 (Batalova, and Terrazas, 2010). Nearly
100% of the immigrants arriving on U.S. soil have one thing in common.
Each immigrant brings with him his own cultural and linguistic background,
many of which are very different from the majority of people and students in
the United States. MPI reports “In 2009, 80 percent of the entire U.S.
population age 5 and older said they speak only English at home. The
remaining 20 percent (or 57.1 million people) reported speaking a variety of
foreign languages. Of them, Spanish was by far the most commonly spoken
language (62.1 percent), followed by Chinese (4.6 percent), Tagalog (2.7
percent), French (including Cajun and Patois, 2.3 percent), Vietnamese (2.2
percent), German (1.9 percent), Korean (1.8 percent), Russian (1.5 percent),
and Arabic (1.5 percent) (Battalova & Terrazas, 2010).
Of the 38.5 million foreign born in the United States in 2009, 40.5
percent entered the country prior to 1990, 27.9 percent between 1990 and
1999, and 31.6 percent in 2000 or later (Battalova &Terrazas, 2010). The
majority of those immigrants are families with children. Each child that
enters the United States adds one to the growing population of ESL/ELL
students that are currently being served in the U.S. school systems. ELLs are
the fastest growing segment of the student population. In fact, in 2008 ELLs
comprised 10.5 percent of the nation’s K-12 enrollment (NCTE, 2008).
It is important to define the term learning disability. According to
“The State of Learning Disabilities” and the IDEA, the term 'specific
learning disability' means a disorder in 1 or more of the basic psychological
processes involved in understanding or in using language, spoken or written.
This may be a disorder, which can manifest itself in the imperfect ability to
listen, think, speak, read, write, spell, or do mathematical calculations
(Cortiella & Horowitz, 2014).
Currently 2.4 million students are diagnosed with SLD and receive
special education services in schools. This population represents 41% of all
students receiving special education. Of the 2.4 million, 66% are males
identified with SLD. In public schools, 51% are males. Research shows that
an equal number of boys and girls share the most common characteristics of
LD- difficulty with reading (IDEA, 2010.)
This paper is intended to look at many of the problems about ELL
students, which may first appear to be specific learning disabilities (SLD).
This paper is intended to help provide useful information for classroom
teachers and school personnel working with ELL students with these
difficulties, but is not intended as a diagnosis for a learning disability. In
fact, the only way to diagnose a Specific Learning Disability (SLD) is to
have the child in question tested through a school or a district student
- 422 -
support services team, special education department, or through an official
outside testing diagnostician/center, preferably in the student’s native
language, to give the most accurate reading.
Myth 1:
If we label an ELL as learning disabled, at least they will get some help.
We are giving the child a label, usually attached with a stigma that
does not necessarily fit their actual case. Interventions that are specifically
geared to help processing, linguistic, or cognitive disabilities often do not
help child acquire second language. In fact, special education services can
actually limit the kind of learning that ELLS need (Gersten & Woodward,
1994). Special education can complicate the learning process for ELLS
since they need a meaningful context in order to process and understand the
language around them. They often do not get this due to the fact that in
many special education programs, skills are selectively narrowed for
mastery and discrete skills are practiced out of context. This is often due to a
child’s IEP (Individualized Education Plan.) In an IEP, skills and objectives
are written for a student based on testing results, and areas of disability.
Then the student is given objectives, which may or may not coincide with
their language learning needs. If a student is placed into a special education
classroom setting, their peers are likely students who are for one reason or
another, unable to be good language models. (IDEA, 2010)
According to Artiles and Ortiz (2002) the dropout rates for English
language learners are 15-20% higher than the overall number of non-English
language learners. This lack of academic success is also the cause for
referrals of English language learners to special education, which does not
increase the rate of ELLs who graduate (Fernandez, 2013.) According to
Sullivan (2011) ELL students placed in special education settings and
labeled as learning disabled or speech and language impaired are less likely
to be placed in the least restrictive environment (Fernandez, 2013.) This of
course goes against national policies instituted by the Individuals Disability
Education Act (IDEA, 2010) which was reinstated in 2004 to help maximize
the learning for all students by placing students in the least restrictive
environment.
Myth 2:
Children Learn a New Language Quickly and Easily
The second and probably most misunderstood myth about ELL

students is that a child will learn a new language quickly and easily. The
thought is that students who take longer to learn English must have some
sort of learning disability. While it often seems to be true that children learn
- 423 -
language quicker than adults, there are a variety of factors, such a language
distance, and fluency in native language that can greatly affect language
learning. Children often respond to new languages with curiosity and
impartiality while adults increasingly look to their own learning and life
experiences to help them learn the words, structures and concepts of a
foreign language (Degener, 2011).
ELL students often face challenges such as acclimating to a new
culture, and status. This can, and often does, interfere with a student’s
ability to learn English. According to the NCTE, “instructors should strive
to use culturally relevant materials to build on students’ linguistic and
cultural resources, while teaching language through content and themes.
Students should be encouraged to use native language strategically, and will
be motivated by student-centered activities. English language learning is a
recursive process, educators should integrate listening, speaking, reading
and writing skills into instruction from the start.” (NCTE, 2008)
Several factors determine how quickly a student learns a new
language, such as English. One of the most important is their proficiency in
their native language. Students that are less proficient in their native
language usually take longer to learn a new language. In fact, in a study
conducted, it was found that the most significant variable in how long it
takes to learn English is the amount of formal schooling students have
received in their first language (Thomas & Collier, 1997).
Another important factor to consider is the language distance.
Language distance is the gauge of how different the two languages are from
each other. The Defense language institute in Monterrey, California places
languages into four categories depending on their average learning difficulty
from the perspective of a native English speaker. Indo-European languages,
such as Dutch and Spanish are much closer than languages such as Arabic,
Korean, or Vietnamese. Because of the large language distance between
families that use different writing systems from English, students from other
language families outside of the Indo-European language family will on
average take longer to learn English (Walqui, 2000).
There are also different timelines for learning social and academic
language. Under ideal conditions, the average second-language learner will
acquire Basic Interpersonal Communication Skills (BICS,) social
communicative language, in as little as two years. On the other hand,
Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP,) or the context-reduced
language of academics takes five to seven years under ideal conditions to
develop a level of that of native speakers (McKibbin & Brice 2005).
Myth 3:
An ELL student can read, write, or speak well, but not all 3. It is important
to note that these separate skills develop at different rates. ELLs share
- 424 -
common challenges with learning to read English as a second or third
language that can in fact mirror or imitate characteristics of LD.
Phonological awareness tasks become much more challenging when a
student’s first language does not include the English phonemes addressed in
the task (Klingner, 2008). Due to the language distance mentioned
previously, it is very difficult for a student to develop or mimic the phoneme
being pronounced if it is not present in their first language.
Children with learning disabilities in reading and youngsters who
are English language learners are both at risk for low reading achievement,
but for different reasons. Children with genuine LDs in reading have
intrinsic learning differences often related to problems in processing that
impact their word identification skills. ELLs usually learn to read normally
in their native language, but they lack sufficient exposure to both written
and spoken English (Spear-Swerling, 2006).
ELL students may also struggle with decoding. Letters may look
similar across languages within the same rank of language distance, but this
doesn’t necessarily mean that the letter pronunciations are the same. For
example, although most consonants in English and Spanish have similar
sounds, the vowels sounds differ (Klingner, 2008). This can cause much
confusion in the way that a word is pronounced, or decoded. Often times,
languages outside of English rarely work with silent consonants or vowels.
When a word with a silent consonant or vowel is being decoded ELL
students may actually make the silent sound. For instance, in the English
word high, the –igh cluster forms the long sound for the vowel i. In many
other languages high would be decoded and pronounced as /h/i/g/h/ which
would lead to confusion on the adult and child’s part.
The process of learning new sound-symbol correspondence can
often seem abstract and confusing. When teaching children to read, we often
ask them to think about a word that might make sense when they come to a
word they do not know. We call this using context clues to figure out a
tricky word. ELLs would also be at a disadvantage when trying to figure out
how to decode new words using context clues if the meaning of the words
isn’t understood (Klingner, 2008).
When writing a new language, students must learn and imitate the
words they wish to write, or use decoding and chunking strategies for
spelling unknown words. When students do not have a firm handler on the
letter-sound correspondence for a language, it is impossible to expect them
to be able to write a word using decoding strategies. Likewise, many words
in English are words that have strange and unfamiliar vowel or consonant
patterns. This would mean that in order for the student to correctly write the
word, they would have to memorize the vowel pattern like other English-
speaking students. This sounds simple enough.
- 425 -
Then we must take into account that not only are they memorizing a
specific spelling or vowel pattern, they must also be able to associate the
correct word with the correct meaning. Homophones such as rock, bank, and
bend are words that are confusing to ELL students because they are spelled
the same, but depending on context can have very different meanings. For
instance, you can deposit money in a bank, or sit on a riverbank, or even
bank a shot in basketball. These many different meanings can cause
confusion in ELL students when trying to use decoding to figure out an
unfamiliar word.
Often times, direct instruction of the word and definition helps to
clear up confusion, but then other irregularities are placed before the child.
Homonyms are likely going to be tricky for ELL students as well. If the
specific vowel pattern and meaning of the word are not understood, it may
cause an ELL student frustration and a lack of desire to read or write.
Speech is often another tricky area for ELL students. This has to do with
knowledge of vocabulary and terms, but ELLs are more likely to be
confused by figurative language, pronouns, conjunctions and false cognates
(Klingner, 2008).
Myth 4:
ELL students should only be instructed in English.
Many teachers may have the feeling that ELL students will learn English
faster if they are only instructed in English. This simply is not the case. In
fact, students who receive some home language literacy instruction achieve
at higher levels in English reading than students who do not receive it
(Klingner, 2008).
Instruction in English and interaction with English speakers is
certainly an important part of an ELL student’s education, however, students
who are new to English likely find it challenging, and frustrating. There is a
point, where a student stops becoming an active listener and participant, and
becomes a passive one.
Child may manifest a common second-language acquisition
phenomenon called the silent period (McKibbin & Brice, 2005). This “silent
period” is a time, which may be very brief, or could last upwards of a year,
when students are more focused on listening and comprehension, rather than
speaking, much the way an adult might when visiting a foreign country
without knowing the language. Generally speaking, this period is longer for
a younger child, and usually shorter for an older learner. At this point, if
possible, instruction on the same topics in their native language would
lessen the burden of the student for learning the content. When students are
passive observers, rather than active participants, they may actually regress
in their knowledge.
- 426 -
ELL children make transferences in their knowledge between their
native language (L1) and their newly acquired language (L2.) This means
that students who are learning a new language may make English errors due
to the direct influence of their L1 structure. For example, in Spanish “esta
cases es mas grande” means “this house is bigger. However, a direct more
literal translation would be “this house is more bigger” (McKibbin & Brice,
2005).While this of course is not grammatically correct, we can see right
away where the transference is and how best to help the student fix those
grammatical errors. This situation may lend itself to look like a common
language deficiency or lack of transference problem that would indicate
difficulties in language acquisition, but in reality, the student is making
relevant connections between the L1 and L2, which in the long run will help
them to be more fluent in both languages.
Some ELL children undergo a phenomenon referred to as
subtractive bilingualism. This phenomenon is when a student learning and
L2 such as English are not reinforcing their L1 skills and fluency. Therefore
their L1 is not maintained. This can be cognitively and linguistically very
detrimental to children’s language learning and to family life, especially if
parents are only able to speak their L1 and not English. Ideally, students
should learn via additive bilingualism. Additive bilingualism is where a
student learns English while their first language and culture are being
maintained and reinforced (McKibbin & Brice, 2005).
CONCLUSION
There are many language-learning issues that exhibit the same

characteristics as a student with a learning disability. This paper is of course
not intended to diagnose or dismiss a diagnosis of a learning disability in a
second language learner. If you feel that a student is having specific
difficulties or exhibiting signs of a learning disability, the first and most
reliable place to begin your search would be by discussing the issues with an
ELL teacher. Your ELL teacher colleague can observe the student and
suggest ways to help you further that student’s language ability and
knowledge in English. If you have discussed issues with your ELL teacher
colleague and put interventions into place, but the student is still having
difficulties, the next place to check would be with your learning support
services team. The support services team, along with the ELL teacher can
begin to look at the issues more objectively and decide if there is a further
issue to assess. Then, your support services team can begin to look at
particular tests for the student to help diagnose a possible learning disability.
REFERENCES
Artiles, A., & Oritz, A. (2002). English language learners with special needs. Washington,
D.C.: Center for Applied Linguistics.
- 427 -
Batalova, J., & Terrazas A (2014). Frequently requested statistics on immigrants and
immigration in the United States. Migration policy institute. Migration policy
institute, Retrieved from http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/frequently-
requested-statistics-immigrants-and-immigration-united-states-1
Cortiella, C., & Horowitz, S. (2014). State of learning disabilities: Facts, trends and
emerging issues. New York: National Center for Learning Disabilities.
Degener, J. (2014). The role of age in learning foreign languages. Panorama-language and
society. Retrieved from http://www.goethe.de/ges/spa/pan/spg/en7142444.htm
Fernandez, N. (2013). Disproportionate classification of ESL students in U.S. special
education. Teaching English as a Second or Foreign Language, 17(2). Retrieved
from http://www.teslej.org/wordpress/
issues/volume17/ej66/ej66a1/
Gersten, R., & Woodward, J. (1994). The language-minority student and special education:
Issues, trends, and paradoxes. Exceptional Children, 60(4), 310-322.
Klingner, J. (2008). Distinguishing language acquisition from learning disabilities. Retrieved
from www.ldonline.org/article/6065/
McKibbin, C., & Brice A. (2005). What’s "normal," what's not: Acquiring English as a
second language. Retrieved from www.colorincolorado.org/article/5126
NCTE, (2008). A policy research brief produced by the national council of teachers of
English. Retrieved from NCTE National Council of Teachers of English website:
http://www.ncte.org/library/NCTEFiles/Resources/
PolicyResearch/ELLResearchBrief.pdf
Sullivan, A. (2011). Disproportionality in special education identification and placement of
English language learners. Exceptional Children, 77(3), 317-334.
Spear-Swerling, L. (2006). Learning disabilities in English language learners. Retrieved from
http://www.ldonline.org/spearswerling/Learning_
Disabilities_in_English_Language_Learners
Thomas, W. P., & Collier, V. (1997, December). School effectiveness for language
minority students. Retrieved from
http://www.thomasandcollier.com/1997_Thomas-Collier97-1.pdf
Walqui, A. (2000). Contextual factors in second language acquisition. Center for Applied
Linguistics. Retrieved from http://www.cal.org/resources/
digest/digest_pdfs/0005-contextual-walqui.pdf
KIOH KIM, PhD, is as associate professor of instructional technology at

the University of Louisiana at Monroe. He is also the coordinator of doctoral
degree (EdD) in Curriculum and Instruction. E-mail: kim@ulm.edu
DERRICK T. HELPHENSTINE is a graduate student in master’s degree

program at the University of Louisiana at Monroe.
Manuscript submitted: October 20, 2015

Manuscript revised: March 2016
Accepted for publication: October 27, 2016
***
- 428 -
Book Review

Volume 7, Issue 2 (2017), pp. 429-431
International Higher Education's Scholar-

Practitioners: Bridging Research and Practice
Edited by BERNHARD STREITWIESER & ANTHONY C. OGDEN

Oxford, 8.: Symposium Books Ltd
2016 paperback 340 pages, £42.00 ISBN 978-1-873927-77-9
Reviewed by: Soni Adhikari, Stony Brook University, USA
The number of international students around the

world has increased from below two million in
2000 to five million plus in 2016, and it is
projected to exceed 7 million in less than a
decade. Of that, the US hosts more than a million
now, and the number is (or, likely, was) rising.
The internationalization of higher education in
the United States—both in terms of students
arriving here and going for education abroad, as
well as in terms of responding to globalization
through curriculum/pedagogy and student
support—could be impacted by ongoing political
volatility here and around the world. For
instance, if political tensions heighten between
the US and China (which is a source of one-third
of all international students here) or, worse, with all major Asian countries
that are collectively a source of more than two-thirds of a million plus
students, then the 15-year trend in the internationalization by numbers could
be dramatically impacted. The same geopolitical dynamics could also
undermine American universities’ ability for internationalization by
impacting research funding in this area, making it harder to advocate for a
more global view of education or prohibiting support for international
students as well as reducing funding for domestic students’ study abroad.
In response to dynamics like the above, readers expect international
higher education research and scholarship to be situated in the broader
global context and address geopolitical dynamics on transnational scales.
- 429 -
Unfortunately, in the United States, scholarly responses to changing global
dynamics are usually slow and weak. The convention here is for scholars to
discuss “internationalization” in the abstract without situating national
discourses in the international context or using transnational perspectives.
The exception is for a few scholars in the UK and Canada to be included and
for edited collections to assume that the contexts and challenges in these
places are all the same, perhaps adopting a cultural grand narrative while
ignoring educational contexts and issues/perspectives (from) beyond this
triangle.
The edited collection International Higher Education’s
Scholar-Practitioners: Bridging Research and Practice continues the
mainstream tradition of American scholars’ accounting of the
internationalization of higher education here. In spite that classic problem,
however, this collection of essays is insightful as it covers a significant
range of issues on a focused topic: bridging the scholar-practitioner
dichotomy. The book is quite strong in the central argument that the gap
between what the academics learn (and teach) versus how the
administrative workforce implements that knowledge must be brought
together by creating a new cadre of “scholar-practitioners.” 7his volume
explores diverse approaches and perspectives of different scholar/
practitioners working to promote internationalization of higher
education in their institutions. Editors Bernhard Streitwieser and
Anthony Ogden frame the collection by situating their advocacy for the
“hybrid professional in today’s higher education context . . . propos[ing]
a model and definitions of the scholar-practitioner’s role” (p. 19).
The hybrid practitioner’s role is illustrated in the personal experience
shared in the book’s preface by Hans De Wit: “I left the practitioner
function of [senior international officer] and became a full-time scholar as
a professor of internationalization of higher education, culminating in my
current position as director/ professor of the Center for International
Higher Education at Boston College” (p. 12). Such personal-professional
experiences, which permeate the book, make the collection both
engaging to read and a useful as a resource to students, instructors,
advisors, and administrative staff—including those who aspire to be
future leaders in international higher education.
The first few chapters offer definitions and theoretical perspectives,
including the book’s key proposals, with two of them also providing
a historical background behind the central problem. The contributors
offer insights about how hybrid professionals can create meaningful
knowledge “particularly in newer areas of research, such as around
the substance, methods and outcomes of mobility, internationalizing
curricula, cross-cultural learning and skill building, and others” (Hudzik,
p. 52). The second section focuses on the perspectives and problems
related to international students, community colleges, non-academic
- 430 -
UHVHDUFK RUJDQL]DWLRQ ,Q WKLV section, Giselda Beaudin and Louis
Berends emphasize the need to empower and encourage scholar-
practitioners by recognizing and rewarding their roles “within higher
and international education internally, on campuses and in
organizations, and externally, particularly in professional organizations
and publications” (112). Stories and reflections of scholar-practitioners
are again included, followed by chapters about cost, curriculum,
and innovation in academic support (such as interdisciplinary models).
The book then moves to instructional theories and practices in a few
chapters, including issues about graduate education,
research/scholarship, and the future trajectory of international education. A
brief and unique section at the end includes personal narratives of the
contributors who describe “diverse pathways that [they have] taken to
becoming scholar-practitioner[s]” today. These narratives also highlight
non-linear academic journeys, implying that the field needs more diversity
in the future. The narratives also help to encourage new professionals to
follow this profession by illustrating it as a promising field.
With visuals and numbers (alongside narratives and examples),
the book is engaging enough to finish reading it 340 pages in a few sittings.
The format and layout of the print are also done well, making reading
fast and easy. If anything is lacking/disappointing, then it is the book’s
failure to really even define “internationalization” in concrete terms—not
to mention glossing over the one million international students with a
mention or two and never truly addressing issues like how institutions
engage domestic students with their international counterparts
as part of “internationalization” right here at home. The book
doesn’t really fulfill the promise of a globe on the cover page, set
against the background of an American university in the background in
the cover.
There are a few places in the book where the authors write thought-
provokingly about the broader/global and cross-cultural dynamic of
international higher education, even as they primarily focus on the local.
Michael Woolf, for instance, describes the American higher education as
“conservative,” urging the scholar-practitioner to “critically interrogate the
unholy trinity” of the “traditional ways of defining knowledge,” the reliance
on notions of culture that “distorts learning objectives” and benchmarking as
incapable of facilitating “intrinsically innovative educational models” for
internationalized higher education (p. 222).
SONI ADHIKARI LVDOHFWXUHURIZULWLQJDQGUKHWRULFDW6WRQ\%URRN

8QLYHUVLW\6KHIRFXVHVRQJOREDODQGWUDQVQDWLRQDOLVVXHVLQKHUWHDFKLQJ
DQGVWXGLHVRIFROOHJHOHYHOZULWLQJ
- 431 -

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JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS

Vol. 7/ No. 2 March/April 2017

A Quarterly Publication on International Education

Access this journal online at: https://jistudents.org/

Journal of International Students

1. Abu Kamara, Acadia University, Canada

Editor-in-Chief - Dr. Krishna Bista, University of Louisiana at Monroe, USA

Authors and Submissions

The Journal audience includes international and domestic students, faculty,

Please e-mail your manuscript to the Editor, Dr. Krishna Bista at

For further information

This book will examine a wide range of international student

Publisher– Routledge (Taylor & Francis, USA)

Editor – Krishna Bista (The University of Louisiana at Monroe, USA)

 April 20, 2017: Proposal Submission Deadline

Submit your manuscript to the editor at contact@jistudents.org

For more information,

This book will examine recent trends in global student mobility in

Intercultural Awareness in Student Mobility

Publisher – Hersey, PA: IGI Global, USA

Submit your manuscript to the editor at contact@jistudents.org

Invited Editorial I-III

ISSN: 2162-3104 Print/ ISSN: 2166-3750 Online

Resilience for a World in Flux

There is no question that global student mobility faces significant

Association of Governing Boards (2016). Governing board accountability

CHRIS R. GLASS, PhD, is Assistant Professor and Graduate Program Director

ISSN: 2162-3104 Print/ ISSN: 2166-3750 Online

Brazilian and Nigerian International

Keywords: conceptions of learning, international students, Brazilian

When investigating international students’ conceptions of learning, culture

This study was carried out in an urban university in the Southwestern

Participants’ entries in their reflective diaries and responses to interviews

Learning as increase in knowledge. Participants talked about learning in

I think I would say learning is picking up something I didn’t know

When talking about gaining new knowledge in the learning process,

Central to this application-based conception of learning is practice and the

Learning as memorization, reproducing and studying. This conception of

I learn when I remember, to me, learning is like remembering when

To me I think, if I am able to remember something I have been told

Learning as understanding. This conception of learning focused on

Hmmm, well I would say, understanding, making sense of it, in a

Learning I think is when where you have the possibility to really

Learning as a process not bound by context or time. This conception of

We can learn outside of school…I think the school is 30% percent,

In response to Research Question 2, “Are there differences and/or

To me it should be cooperative, competitive makes everyone want

No we are not encouraged to compete, errr, I think it’s a social,

Statements such as this convey the discrepancy between

So it’s a little difficult. In Nigeria, we didn’t have so much to do

These statements indicate a stark difference between their home

Embedded in these views on diversity are beliefs about the benefits

Very hard, like if I should put it on a scale of zero to ten, I would

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

IMPLICATIONS AND SIGNIFICANCE

Information on international students’ conceptions of learning is significant

CAROL ASHONG, PhD, is an instructor of education. Her research focuses on

NANNETTE COMMANDER, Ph.D. is a Professor in the Department of

ISSN: 2162-3104 Print/ ISSN: 2166-3750 Online

April 20, 2017: Proposal Submission Deadline