Music in Public Space Changing Perceptio

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Acknowledgements
The effe t of a us i pe fo a e o people s pe eptio s o the ualit of

public s pace, .
Vivian Doumpa
Student number: 3764532
vivian.doumpa@gmail.com
Utrecht, The Netherlands

August 2012
Master Thesis GEO4-3313

Urban Geography
Department of Human Geography
Faculty of Geosciences
Utrecht University, The Netherlands
Cover Picture: Quino Supervisor: Dr. Brian Doucet
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Music in Public Space: Changing Perception, Changing Urban Experience?
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Acknowledgements
Acknowledgements
My grandfather bought me a piano at the age of four, to become a musician. And I did.
My father bought me LEGOs at the age of five to build cities and become an architect. And, again I
did (sort of).
Since then, and despite what other people say that my two passions cannot be combined, I managed
to prove them wrong and find ways to research their –for me very clear- interactions and
negotiations. This thesis is the outcome of an inquiry I have had for a very long time. Judging from
my own experience I have always felt that there is a connection between the way I perceive and
engage with public space and the presence of street musicians on the spot. The experience of
walking in the medieval city of Barcelona and around almost every corne r discovering a street
musician is one of the strongest memories that I have of my visit back then. Similar relations of
places and music events come up to my mind the more I try to recall of my experiences in the public
realm of any city. As a result, when I got the chance to familiarize myself with theoretical approaches
towards urban experience and perception during my classes of MSc. in Urban Geography I was sure
what my thesis was going to research.
Another thing that I was also sure about was that I wanted to do research in my hometown,
Thessaloniki. Though it might be negative for a researcher to be focused only on one city, I have to
admit that the more I dig in the history and culture of Thessaloniki, the more interest I find and the
more passionate I get to reveal every aspect of this city. My decision to research especially the
Navarinou Square was not a random one. It is a square that I have been observing for many years;
the different kinds of people, the two huge sycamore trees, the young people hanging out, the lovely
stray dogs, the children playing and from time to time people playing music, in its most simple form;
just a guitar. When I made all these connections of my interests and my passions in my mind I
decided on my theme and on my case study.
However, had it not been for some people who helped me structure and organize my thoughts as
ell as to olle t the data, I ould t ha e ee a le to o plete this esea h. Fi st of all, I ould
like to thank Brian Doucet, my thesis supervisor, for his structured and inspirational guidance, for his
tolerance to my deluge of questions and his supportive and enlightening answers. Also Dr. Irina van
Aalst, ho ga e e a e suppo ti g a d helpful feed a k du i g thesis id-term presentation.
Moreover I would like to express my gratitude for their feedback, support but most of all friendship
to Nezihan Asvaroglu, Louise Massart and Maja Olszewska, as well as to all my co-students from
Universiteit Utrecht who helped me a lot to feel as home.
This research would not have been completed without the help of my very talented friends Chris
Kosides, Yiannis Vakaloudis and Kostas Vaporidis who tolerated the burning sun of May (and me)
and performed their magical swinging tunes for me and my research. I aw e you the most!
Ch istia a Vei a d Efi Votsou, siste s, I do t k o hat I ould ha e do e ithout ou. Tha ks
for helping me with the data collection and with your scientific reflection on musicological themes
and issues of addressing questions in interviews. What is more, I would like to thank Tassos Vogiatzis
for his help on issues of cognition and cognitive linguistics and Angelos Angelidis for his perspective
on issues of psychology related to my subject. Athi a Ch istaki, p o , tha ks fo helping me once
again!
The support of all my friends and family in Greece is something that I will never forget. Thanks for
being there. And of course, thanks dad and grandpa for providing me with my first tools!
Last but definitely not least I would like to thank Aris Stathis for tolerating my high temper every
time I had to listen again and again the interview recordings, for making me coffees every time I had
to study through the night and for hugging me every time I wanted to give up.
Vivian Doumpa, August 2012
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Executive Summary
Executive Summary
Urban planners and policy makers recently seek for solutions for the revitalization and regeneration
of dead public spaces through creative practices. Public art is considered to be the main way of bring
life back to the public realm. However, there seems to be a neglect of the processes which make
public art efficient in this process. The perceptions and experiences constructed by similar practices
are considered to be the explanation behind the success of art-guided revitalization projects.
The aim of this research is to reflect on a specific mode of public art towards its effect on the
perceptions and experiences on the quality of public space. This form of public art is music in public
space, or else street music. This aim will be achieved by answering the main research question:
- To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the
quality of a public space?
Public music performance is argued to be more efficient than other forms of public art in
constructing perceptions and experiences, as it has the ability to transfer emotions and feelings in a
more direct and intensive way (Coburn, 2002). In order to evaluate the effect of music on
perceptions and experiences related to the quality of public space, four main attributes are
identified and translated in research sub-questions. These qualities are sense of comfort, sense of
community and sociability, accessibility and uses of the public space (Project for Public Spaces,
2012). By reflecting the effect of a public music performance on the perceptions constructed for
each qualitative attribute, it is possible to relate spatial practices with the lived and conceived spaces
of the public realm (Lefebvre, 1991).
In order to negotiate these sub-questions on a theoretical level, approaches related to the
production of –public- space (Lefebvre, 1991) and the construction of experiences (Tuan, 1977) have
been called and used as the cornerstones of the theoretical framework. Moreover, additional
theories and approaches of psychogeography, public art, culture -led and creative revitalization and
regeneration of public space and music cognition are discussed in order to create theoretical
e pe tatio s a out the effe t of usi pe fo a e o people s pe eptio o ea h att i ute of
space. The general theoretical assumption is that music has a significant and usually positive effect
towards those attributes.
In order to verify the theoretical assumption an empirical research has been conducted by
investigating a case study; Navarinou Square in Thessaloniki, Greece. By following a qualitative
research design into which psychogeographical tools are incorporated, the four attributes of the
ualit of spa e ha e ee tested i the pu li eal ith the p ese e of a usi pe fo a e
and without it. With semi-structured interviews and a psychogeographical practice it was possible to
collect 31 responses which reflect the theoretical assumptions on the empirical data and results.
By comparing and contrasting the responses of the two groups of interviewees and by applying a
discourse analysis it was possible to reveal the extent to which music in public space affects the
perception people have about those attributes of public space. The results do not seem to
correspond with the expectations stated through the theoretical research. Therefore there is a need
to reflect further on the theoretical approaches by incorporating the outcomes of the empirical
research and reach a conclusion.
At the level of conclusions the main research question is answered and it is possible to negotiate
possible reasons for the contradicting results of the empirical research. The most important
explanation seems to be the seriousness of the problems of the space, which does not allow people
to perceive -sub-consciously – the positive effect that music might have. Another possible reason is
the te de of people to e gage i li hés of pu li spee h and thus deny and neglect the reality
of the experiences (Tuan, 1977, p. 203). An interesting conclusion negotiates the importance of
revealing or not to the respondent the role of music; when the respondents were informed about
the importance of the music in the research they all immediately began to negotiate the value of the
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performance in a different way. They realized it and linked it with attributes of public space that they
did t do i the fi st pa t of the i te ie . A fa to that see s to ha e a g eat i flue e o people s
constructed perceptions is the quality of music. The last conclusion refers to the elasticity of the
cognitive process that constructs perception and experience, due to the critical effect that personal,
ultu al a d so ial ha a te isti s ha e o the audie e s usi og itio Kä pfe Θ., “edl eie P.,
Renkewitz F., 2011).
In a last level of comprehension of the processes which link the production of space with the effect
that usi has o the pe eptio of the ualit of pu li spa e, the e is a dis ussio of Κefe e s
spatial trial in view of the conclusions of the research.
In order to close the thesis, there is a suggestion of some policy guidelines on the revitalization and
regeneration of public space through music events in the public realm. Of course, the last chapter is
an evaluation of the research and recommendations for future research which provide a critical view
on the whole process of the thesis.
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Executive Summary
Contents
Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... 3
Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................... 5
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................. 10
List of Tables .............................................................................................................................. 10
List of Text Boxes........................................................................................................................ 10
List of Maps................................................................................................................................ 11
List of Pictures............................................................................................................................ 11
List of Psychogeographical Pictures.............................................................................................. 12
1. Introduction........................................................................................................................ 15
1.1 Music in Public Space ................................................................................................... 15
1.2 Academic and Societal Relevance ................................................................................. 16
1.3 Research Questions ..................................................................................................... 17
1.4 Empirical Research - Case Study.................................................................................... 18
1.5 Methods ..................................................................................................................... 19
1.6 Thesis Outline .............................................................................................................. 19
2. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................ 21
2.1 Public Space and Quality of Public Space ....................................................................... 22
2.2 The Production of –Public- Space .................................................................................. 24
2.3 Perception, Experience and Psychogeography ............................................................... 26
2.4 Public Art, Perception and Quality of Public Space ......................................................... 29
2.4.1 Culture-led and Creative Revitalization and Regeneration of Public Space................ 30
2.5 Music Cognition, Perception and Experience, and the Production of Space ..................... 32
2.6 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people s pe eptio ega di g o fo t ................ 36
2.7 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people s pe eptio ega di g sense of community
and sociability......................................................................................................................... 38
2.8 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people s pe eptio ega di g a essi ilit .......... 39
2.9 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people s pe eptio ega di g the use of spa e.... 40
2.10 Conceptual Model........................................................................................................ 41
3. Research Design - Methodology ........................................................................................... 43
3.1 Expectations................................................................................................................ 43
3.2 Methodology............................................................................................................... 44
3.2.1 Elaboration of the Methodology into a Working Plan.............................................. 44
3.2.2 Asking Questions .................................................................................................. 47
3.2.3 The Music ............................................................................................................ 49
4. Analysis – Case Study........................................................................................................... 51
4.1 Navarinou Square ........................................................................................................ 51
4.2 The Users and Respondents.......................................................................................... 56
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4.3 Methods ..................................................................................................................... 59

4.4 Data Analysis ............................................................................................................... 60
4.5 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about the Sense
of Comfort of Navarinou Square .............................................................................................. 63
4.5.1 Attractiveness of Navarinou Square ....................................................................... 63
4.5.2 Pleasure in Navarinou Square................................................................................ 70
4.5.3 Safety in Navarinou Square ................................................................................... 71
4.5.4 Conclusion on the Sense of Comfort in Navarinou Square ....................................... 73
4.6 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about the Sense
of Community and Sociability of Navarinou Square ................................................................... 75
4.6.1 Navarinou Square as a Meeting Place .................................................................... 75
4.6.2 Feeling Welcome in Navarinou Square ................................................................... 76
4.6.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Community and Sociability in Navarinou Square......... 77
4.7 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about the
Accessibility of Navarinou Square ............................................................................................ 79
4.7.1 Accessibility and Openness of Navarinou Square .................................................... 79
4.7.2 The Role of Navarinou Square in the Urban Structure of Thessaloniki ...................... 79
4.7.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Accessibility of Navarinou Square................................ 81
4.8 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about the Use of
and Activity in Navarinou Square ............................................................................................. 82
4.8.1 Navarinou Square as an Active Public Space ........................................................... 82
4.8.2 The Activities of Navarinou Square ........................................................................ 82
4.8.3 Willingness of Residency in Navarinou Square ........................................................ 85
4.8.4 Conclusions on the Uses and Activities of Navarinou Square ................................... 85
4.9 People s Pe eptio s o the Musi Pe fo a e ........................................................... 87
4.9.1 Music in Public Space and Pleasure........................................................................ 87
4.9.2 Perceptions towards the Busking Phenomenon ...................................................... 89
4.9.3 Music in Public Space and Sense of Safety .............................................................. 89
4.9.4 Quality Matters .................................................................................................... 90
4.9.5 Music and Attractiveness of Space......................................................................... 91
4.9.6 Music and Revitalization of Public Space ................................................................ 91
4.9.7 Co lusio s o People s Pe eptio s o the Musi Pe fo a e ............................. 92
5. Conclusions, Discussion and Policy Recommendations........................................................... 95
5.1 Conclusions ................................................................................................................. 95
5.1.1 R.Q.1: To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have
about the sense of comfort of a public space? ...................................................................... 95
about the sense of community and sociability of a public space? ........................................... 97
about the accessibility of a public space? .............................................................................. 98
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about the use of a public space? .......................................................................................... 98
5.1.5 Main Research Question: To what extent does music in public space change the
perception people have about the quality of a public space? ................................................. 99
5.2 Discussion ..................................................................................................................100
5.3 Policy Recommendations ............................................................................................103
6. Evaluation and Recommendations ......................................................................................105
Bibliography..............................................................................................................................107
Appendices ...............................................................................................................................113
Appendix 1: Semi-structured interview questionnaire ..............................................................113
Appendix 2: Overview and Profile of the Respondents .............................................................116
Appe di : Dis ou se A al sis of ‘espo de ts P io ities To a ds the Fa to s a d Values of
Attractiveness in Navarinou Square ........................................................................................118
Appendix 4: Tables of Discourse Analysis of the Empirical Research Data ..................................119
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List of Figures
Figu e : Κefe e s “patial T iad a d P odu tio of –public- Space. Source: (Lefebvre, 1991);
autho s edit............................................................................................................................... 25
Figure 2: Conceptual model of the research: Music in public space and its effect o people s
pe eptio of the ualit of pu li spa e. “ou e: autho s edit. .................................................... 41
Figu e : Dis ou se a al sis odi g. “ou e: autho s .................................................................... 62
List of Tables
Table 1: Analysis of the priorities of attractiveness of Navarinou Square as stated by both groups of
respondents. The numbers in the cells refer to the amount of responders who reflected on this
topic, while the number of quality refers to the prioritizing of each attribute. The values in the blue
cell are those which seem to have the highest importance, and therefore greater interest. Source:
autho s data a d edit................................................................................................................. 69
Ta le : E aluatio of the se se of Co fo t of Πa a i ou “ ua e a o di g to the espo de ts
opinion, with music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral
a d g ee fo positi e opi io /pe eptio . “ou e: autho s data a d edit. ................................... 74
Table 3: Evaluation of the Sense of Community and Sociability of Navarinou Square according to the
espo de ts opi io , ith usi a d ithout usi ei g p ese t. ‘ed sta ds fo egati e, o a ge
fo eut al a d g ee fo positi e opi io /pe eptio . “ou e: autho s data a d edit.................... 78
Ta le : E aluatio of people s pe eptio of A essi ilit of Πa a i ou “ ua e a o di g to the
espo de ts opi io , ith usi a d ithout usi ei g p ese t. ‘ed sta ds fo egati e, o a ge
Ta le : ‘espo de t s u o s ious p io ities a out the ai uses a d a ti ities of Πa a i ou s ua e.
“ou e: autho s data a d edit..................................................................................................... 84
Ta le : E aluatio of people s pe eptio of the Use of Πa a i ou “ ua e a o di g to the
espo de ts opi io , ith usi a d ithout usi ei g p ese t. ‘ed stands for negative, orange
Ta le : ‘espo de t s hoi e of the es to photog aph, a d hethe the paid attention to the
usi the sel es. “ou e: autho s data a d edit. ................................................................... 93
Ta le : ‘espo de ts pe eptio s o the att i utes elated to Musi i the pu li spa e. “ou e:
autho s data a d edit................................................................................................................. 94
List of Text Boxes

Te t do : Theo eti al f a e o k uilt o a i du ti e ethod. “ou e: autho s edit.................. 21
Text Box 2: Experience and its production through the mode which construct reality. Source: (1977,
p. 8) ........................................................................................................................................... 26
Te t do : Asso iatio of Tua s e pe ie tial t iad ith Κefe e s t iad of p odu tio of spa e.
Source: author s edit................................................................................................................... 26
Text Box 4: Policy Recommendations for Public Space Revitalization and Regeneration through Public
Musi Pe fo a es. “ou e: autho s edit .................................................................................104
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List of Maps
List of Maps
Map 1: Navarinou Square and the important places and landmarks. With the sign of the musical note
is he e the usi ia s e e pe fo i g. “ou e: di g Maps a d autho s edit .............................. 45
Map 2: Navarinou Square and its position in the historical centre of Thessaloniki. Source: Bing Maps
a d autho s edit. ....................................................................................................................... 55
Map 3: The position of the users in Navarinou Square. There seems to be a perceived border,
starting from the fountain that separates the daily users from the socially –and spatially-
a gi alized people. “ou e: di g Maps a d autho s edit............................................................ 58
List of Pictures
Picture 1: The Place Diagram, as developed by Project for Public Spaces. Source: (Project for Public
Spaces, 2012) ............................................................................................................................. 23
Picture 2: Example of a psychogeographical map, presenting the different perceptions and
e pe ie es p odu ed alke s of a ious Pa isia eigh ou hoods. Co e of Gu De o d s
Ps hogeog aphi Guide of Pa is . “ou e: http://goo.gl/ ΘΚjs .......................................... 28
Pi tu e : Musi has the po e to o e e otio di e tl . Pete a d the Wolf “e gei P okofie
–putting aside its political aspect- is a hild e s sto a d usi al o positio hi h p ese ts
intense alternations of emotions (fear, happiness) through the musical instruments, the harmonies
and the rhythms. This work is often used to teach children musicality and practice their music
cognition. Source: http://goo.gl/CSFu6 and http://goo.gl/yOJ5w................................................... 34
Picture 4: Django Reinhardt, the ambassador of gypsy-swing. Source: http://goo.gl/BI5IC .............. 49
Picture 5: The gypsy-swing musicians who performed during the research. (from left to right) Chris
Kosides, ηia is Vakaloudis a d Kostas Vapo idis. “ou e: autho s ............................................... 50
Picture 6: The A htse Medjid eigh ou hood, as it used to e u til s. I the e t e of the
pi tu e lies the eigh ou hood s fou tai . Πo ada s, i the e a t sa e positio lies Πa a i ou
“ ua e. “ou e: ο α ά , ................................................................................................ 51
Picture 7: Navarinou Square and the archaeological site (the Galerian Palace) in the late 80s, straight
after its construction. Source: Postcard from www.flickr.com ....................................................... 52
Pi tu e : ηou g hild e du i g a s hool t ip i the s ua e take pi tu es of peei g o . This
fou tai is o side ed to e the la d a k of the s ua e. “ou e: autho s .................................... 53
Picture 9: Navarinou Square today. Source: www.bing.com/maps ................................................. 54
Picture 10: Parents and grandparents enjoying the first days of summer in the playground under the
shade of the t ee Ma . “ou e: autho s ............................................................................ 56
Picture 11: With the first sun after a heavy winter elder people go to the square to enjoy the nice
eathe of Ma h a d the o pa of thei f ie ds. “ou e: autho s ................................ 56
Picture 12: Young people sitting at the terraces of the cafeterias on the perimeter of the square.
“ou e: autho s ......................................................................................................................... 57
Pi tu e : O e of the s ua e s st a , ut e f ie dl , dogs. “ou e: autho s .............................. 57
Pi tu e : The dista e et ee pe fo e s a d audie e: I the egi i g of the usi ia s
performance the children and parents were using only the playground area and the sitting area
u de the t ee. “ou e: autho s photo. ....................................................................................... 64
Pi tu e : Child e usi g the pa ed a ea to pla foot all, hile the usi pla s. “ou e: autho s
photo......................................................................................................................................... 65
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Picture 16: The boy, who some minutes ago was playing football with the other children, stopped
a d sat e t to the usi ia s to liste to the . “ou e: autho s photo......................................... 65
Picture 17: A grandfather with his granddaughter standing in a small shaded area next to the
usi ia s i o de to liste to the f o lose. “ou e: autho s photo. ....................................... 66
Picture 18: In the fou tai , the o de et ee the t o sides of the s ua e, hild e pla , hile
u de the s a o e t ee a e gathe the othe use s of the s ua e. ‘efe also to Map . “ou e:
Agelioforos Newspaper: http://goo.gl/O2qTS............................................................................... 72
Pi tu e : People ho a e o side ed to e the othe use s of the s ua e a e ha i g lu h i the
east side of the s ua e ‘efe also to Map . “ou e: autho s photo. ............................................. 73
Picture 2 : Old a sitti g o a e h a d feedi g the pigeo s of the s ua e. “ou e: autho s photo
.................................................................................................................................................. 75
Picture 21: March 2012 – As soon as the first spring sun came out in Thessaloniki, the square filled
with people of all ages ho e t to the spa e to e jo the eathe . “ou e: autho s ................... 79
Pi tu e : The o l histo i al uildi g left i the s ua e, hi h see s to att a t people s i te est
when discussing the topic of residency. Source: autho s .............................................................. 85
Pi tu e a d Pi tu e : “i gle a d g oup use s of the s ua e. “ou e: autho s photos............... 86
Picture 25: A young mother dancing with her baby girl to the sounds of a waltz song. Source:
autho s ..................................................................................................................................... 87
Pi tu e : Child e al a s stop to liste . A little gi l al ost e ha ted the usi has ee
listening to the musicians for more than 15 minutes. Source: autho s .......................................... 90
Pi tu e : Ma I at least u ou a offee? this o a suggests to the usi ia s he the said
that the do ot olle t o e , ut the pe fo fo pleasu e. “ou e: autho s ........................... 91
Picture 28: A park in Berlin gets revitalized through regular karaoke events. Source: (Smith, 2012) 103
List of Psychogeographical Pictures

Psychogeographical Picture 1: Playground equipment, and infrastructures not suitable for very
ou g hild e . “ou e: autho s photo take espo de t d ............................................... 67
Psychogeographical Picture 2: An empty glass of coffee. Respondent 3A took a picture of the glass of
coffee, in order to indicate the importance that this related activity has in her perception of the
pla e. “ou e: autho s photo take espo de t A ............................................................... 68
Ps hogeog aphi al Pi tu e : I ould like to spend some time in the square because I can sit on the
g ass. … it s ot eas to fi d it i the it … sa s a ou g ale stude t a d efle ts the i po ta e
of the g ee o people s pe eptio s of the s ua e. “ou e: autho s photo take y respondent
7A)............................................................................................................................................. 68
Ps hogeog aphi al Pi tu es a d : O e of the po t aits of the fou tai a d the pla g ou d: the
t o ost photog aphed pa ts of the s ua e. The little o s fou tai is a psychogeographical
efle tio of a ale stude t s pe eptio of the s ua e, a d the pla g ou d of a ou g fe ale
stude t, ho is also f o the ou t side. “ou e: autho s photos .............................................. 70
Psychogeographical Picture 6: Example of low-maintained infrastructures: a spring that does no
lo ge fu tio . “ou e: autho s photo espo de t d ............................................................ 70
Psychogeographical Picture 7: Musicians Performing. Picture captured during the
Psychogeographi al test a ou g gi l ho as alki g he dog. “ou e: autho s espo de t d
.................................................................................................................................................. 70
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List of Psychogeographical Pictures
Psychogeographical Picture 8: Company of mothers with children who have come to meet each
othe i the pu li eal a d allo thei hild e to pla . “ou e: autho s photo photo take
respondent 9A) .......................................................................................................................... 77
Psychogeographical Picture 9: The playground as portrayed by respondent 2A, a young mother and
photog aphe . “ou e: autho s take espo de t A ............................................................ 82
Psychogeographical Picture 10: A male student who was enjoying his coffee in the terrace, in the
presence of music, took this picture of the environment of the entertainment facility. Source:
autho s take espo de t d ............................................................................................... 83
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Introduction
1. Introduction
A good city is like a good party –

people sta lo ge tha eall e essa , e ause the a e e jo i g the sel es.
- Jan Gehl, Danish architect
…and, of course, a good party always has good music!
1.1 Music in Public Space

Music in public space is not a new public creative expression. Since ancient time, music has been a
part of public life accompanying celebrations, ceremonies or just daily life. There was a bidirectional
relationship between music and public life; musicians have been inspired by the city and their music
used to work as an inspiration for people. Public space used to be the scene where musicians had
the chance to present their work and express themselves.
Modern cities seem to seek for the values of the past in order to bring life back to the realm and
therefore contemporary urban culture renegotiates the use of public creative expression as a means
to achieve that. Urbanists and artists try to find ways of collaboration in order to revitalize the
streets; the veins of the city. Music in public space seems to be one of those tools in the toolbox that
are waiting to be used in order to construct a new urban reality. A more creative and vivid one!
Until now, the very promising outcome of those attempts is related to public art; street art, murals,
guerrilla. The question is what can music provide to the public realm that public art cannot? Coburn
(2002) suggests that it is the sound that allows this form of art to integrate further than other artistic
forms that are more static and elements of the architectural space. Music has the characteristic of
temporality; it is a performative art that is being created at the same time that the receiver
experiences it. Music has the power to convey emotion directly, intensively and in a dialectic form
between the producer and the receiver. In this way, people have the opportunity to generate a
perception and experience of space based on the emotion that music transfers.
So what happens if these functions and qualities of music are spread in the public realm? How does
music reflect those emotions on the walls, the pavements, the trees, the other people, the social
relations? Music in public space along with the physical, social and cultural elements of the realm
seem to influence the perception that people might have about its quality and eventually the way
they experience this space. This is what this research seeks to reveal.
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1.2 Academic and Societal Relevance

The literature overview has shown that there is a possible gap in the research regarding music in the
public urban realm within the field of geography and urban sciences. The majority of scientific
articles and reports focuses either on public art in general or on creativity and culture in the cit ies
(Creative Cities1) and the linkage of those with urban regeneration, integration, segregated areas.
Othe lite atu e efe s also to the a usi a d usi og itio ight affe t people s e otio s o
performances on some activities (e.g. sports, creati vity, reading etc.) However, no research has
examined the way music cognition changes the way people perceive , experience and/or feel about
their urban environment; whether it is a private or a public one .
The rest of the literature negotiates more innovative ways of adding music in everyday life, with
o te po a ea s of te h olog , ICTs a d ge e all o e a tisti a s, but in a rather
2
personalised and individual manner . Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to fill in the gap in the
academic debate and research regarding the role of music in public, as a means of public art, in
urban everyday life, viewed from the aspect of the civilians- audie e (Hall T., Smith C., 2004).
According to the literature research there has not been any report, article or study similar or tightly
related to the subject being studied in the thesis. As a result it is not possible to find original
approaches and aspects regarding the matter and make a clear comparison. In order to overcome
this barrier, there is an attempt to build on existing approaches in literature regarding relative
subjects and with an inductive method to create a proper theoretical framework. Afterwards, these
ideas and approaches are adapted to the structure of the framework, which is based on the four
research questions.
This thesis seeks to contribute to the research on the inherent potentials of the city to revitalize and
regenerate itself through its own dynamics. Street musicians are not the kind of artists who wish to
engage their art in a sort of a consumption process. They wish to offer their music as a public good
to the people of the city. They seek to participate in the urban rhythms and be a part of the city.
Street musicians want their music to mean something to the citizens and change the way they
experience the public realm. Therefore, it is considered that this research might function as a
reference and a tool for those artists and/or urbanists who wish to enlighten the links between the
musician, the citizen and the urban environment and take their ideas a step forward. This way they
will eventually manage to use the raw materials that the city provides in order to refurbish its image,
change the urban experience and achieve public space revitalization through a bottom-up procedure
(Landry C., 2000, p. 7).
What is more, the case study of this research focuses on a neglected public space, with lots of
potentials and dynamics. Navarinou Square in Thessaloniki, Greece, is one of the very few active
public spaces in the city centre, which has a lot of green and a significant historical and aesthetic
value. Therefore, one of the goals of this research is to start a conversation on the importance of this
public space and its potentials as a pole of public creative expression in the core of a metropolitan
area.
1
See La ndry C. (2000). The creative city; a toolkit for urban innovators
2
See: Coburn R. (2002). Composing space: the i ntegration of music, ti me, a nd s pace in multi-dimensional sound
i ns tallations; Gaye L., Ma ze R., Holmquist L.E., (2003). Sonic Ci ty: The Urban Environment as a Musical Interface; Lee, 2006.
Soni c Graffiti: Spraying and remixing music on the street;
16
Introduction
1.3 Research Questions

In order to fill in the literature gap, it is recognised that the main research question that needs to be
answered is:
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about
the quality of a public space?
The main issue under investigation is the extent to which music in public space changes the
perception that people –the audience- might have about their urban environment and quality of it;
in this case, public space. As the literature review has revealed music presented in public and the
perception of the citizens of the urban realm seem to be linked. In order to answer this main
research uestio , the att i utes that i flue e people s pe eptio o public space are firstly
identified and discussed under various theoretical approaches (in the Theoretical Framework) and
secondly empirically tested o field. This test is conducted with interviews of people at a public
space/case study (specifically Navarinou Square). In this way, their perceptions with and without
music about the place and its quality are examined. By comparing the results of both procedures, a
conclusion is made concerning the –hypothetical- ha ge that usi ight i g to people s
perception about a public space. Additionally to the interviewing, psychogeographical approaches
a d tools a e used to e ha e the possi le output a out people s pe eptio .
In order to answer the main research question, four research sub-questions are formed and used.
These, are based on the four respective attributes that have been recognised in the theoretical
research as indicative of a citizen s pe eptio a out a pu li spa e. The fou esea h su -questions
are:
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the sense
of comfort of a public space?
Sense of comfort in public space, is the first attribute of public space that works as an indicator of
people s pe eptio of the quality of space. This attribute is identified and evaluated by three further
aspects of comfort of public space. These are attractiveness, pleasure and safety. The sub-attributes
are stressed during the interviews with specific questions and the answers and opinions given by the
respondents function as factors, which apart from creating a perspective of people s pe eptio o
comfort they also assist to compare and contrast this perception on the occasion of music
performance being present in the space and without it.
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the sense
of community and sociability of a public space?
The second attribute that is tested both on theoretical level as well as on the field is the perception
of the sense of community and sociability that the pu li spa e s users have. It is discussed, that
there are three factors that indicate this attribute. First of all, to what extend the public space is
perceived as a meeting place, secondly how people perceive and use the playground as a means of
socializing and thirdly, to what extent people feel welcome in the square. These three sub-attributes
are addressed during the interviews and function as a measuring tool of the extent to which music in
public space changes the perception people have about the sense of community and sociability that
the place offers.
17
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the
accessibility of a public space?
Accessibility is an attribute of great importance for a public space as it is related with the public life.
The accessibility and openness of a public space, as well as the role of this space in the urban
st u tu e a e o side ed the ai fa to s i di ati g the alue of this att i ute. I te ie ees
perceptions on those two sub-attributes reflect the overall symbolic representation that the users of
the space have regarding its accessibility. What is more, the presence of musical stimuli or not seem
to ha e a efle tio o people s pe eptio o a essi ilit ; a h pothesis that is tested th ough the
field work.
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the use of
a public space?
The vitality of a public space as well as the way people use a public space are significant attributes.
The extent that a public space is considered an active space and the perceptions that people have on
the activities taking place there are two major indicative sub-attributes of the use of the space.
Additio all , the use s illi g ess to eside i the a ea of the pu li spa e is also taken into
account. Those three sub-attributes are firstly reflected in the academic discussion and then tested
both in the case of the music performance and without it, in order to measure the degree that music
affe ts people s pe eptio s o the use of square.
1.4 Empirical Research - Case Study

In order to answer the research questions, to reach a conclusion and fill in the literature gap a case
study research is scheduled. For this research it was necessary to choose a case where music
performance would be possible in this public space and where the thin lines of speech regarding
perception would be possible to define. Therefore, there was a need for a case that the researcher
would be familiar with. Thessaloniki, the esea he s ho eto , see s to e a proper choice, firstly
because of the familiarity with the general urban environment and secondly because it is more
safe to do all the esea h a d i te ie s i the esea he s othe la guage; Greek.
More specifically, the public space under case-study research is a square, Navarinou square, in the
historical centre of Thessaloniki. This public space has been a part of the esea he s daily life, and
there is a high level of familiarity with the characteristics and peculiarities of the space. Therefore
the app oa h to a ds othe people s pe eptio s o the spa e can be more delicate. Another
reason for choosing this square as a case study is the fact that this space carries very characteristic
features, and its structural role in the city centre of Thessaloniki is considered to be of great value.
Those attributes will be presented and analysed in the following chapters.
Despite any personal experience and familiarity with Navarinou square, there is also another reason
for choosing this public space particularly of Thessaloniki. The Greek city of Thessaloniki especially
the last year seems to be in a mood for public expression of its creative power, mainly through a
bottom up and procedure. The city is considered to be one of the most significant poles of music
creation in Balkans 3. The last two years, with volunteer participation, that sometimes was also
accompanied by the u i ipalit s suppo t, a st eet festi als e e a a ged i the it e t e.
These festivals many times took place in deprived areas of the city centre (mostly in Valaoritou Area,
3
See: Wilder, 2011. The Arts Bloom in Gree e s “e o d Ci t
18
Introduction
a former manufacture and industrial area in the city centre which is now on focus for future
regeneration programs) but also in developed districts like the port and the waterfront. Music had
most of the times the central role in these events. Apart from organized events, musicians –locals or
even from the neighbour countries- can be viewed in public in the city centre performing either solo,
or with their bands; a busking phenomenon that is recognised in many big cities. Navarinou square
and the streets around it is a pole of similar busking events that attract a lot of public interest,
especially during spring and summer.
1.5 Methods
The methodological approach proposed for this
research in order to answer the research sub-
questions and reflect on the main research question
is related to qualitative as well as psychogeographical
methods and data applied on a case-study. These are
focusing on the perceptions, experiences, feelings and
thoughts of the questioned people as well as on the
external characteristics, such as the qualities of an
urban environment, general discourses and space
reputation. The data are collected through semi-
structured interviews, in Navarinou Square, where
the majority of the types of users of the square are
asked to reflect their perceptions and experiences
towards music in public space.
The methodology followed in this research seeks to
extensively examine the perceptions and experiences
produced during a music performance in a public
space which carries specific characteristics and attracts specific people. By taking into account all
these characteristics that make this public realm as well as the people in it –probably- unique, it
might be possible to evaluate the attributes that play a significant role in perception and experience
of public realm in the presence of music.
1.6 Thesis Outline

The thesis structure consists of six main chapters. To begin with, the introduction, which is the
current chapter, gives an overview of the research aim, the sub-questions that seek to respond to
the main research question and structure the research design, as well as the methods and
techniques followed to answer the research questions.
The second chapter is about the theoretical background that supports the research. The theoretical
framework of the research is built based on literature research and analysis. For the backbone of the
framework, the four key qualities of space, as introduced by Project for Public Spaces (2012) and
William H. Whyte are used as the pylons on which all theories adapt in order to build the theoretical
background of the research. What is o e, Κefe e s app oa h to a ds P odu tio of “pa e (1991)
is also in the main light of the theoretical framework. However, since there is a literature gap
o e i g the e te t to hi h usi i pu li spa e affe ts people s pe eptio a out a pu li
space, there is a need to blend ideas and approaches from different topics and themes. Thus, by
19
following an inductive method, the themes approached in order to build the framework and
eventually the main argument of the thesis has public space as the starting point and through
literature research about public perception and experience, public art, music in public, and public
space revitalization and regeneration, reaches the final point concerning the effect of public music
pe fo a e o peoples pe eptio s to a ds the ualit of spa e . The theoretical framework
results in a detailed and tightly linked conceptual model, which shows all the theoretical aspects and
approaches related to the subject.
The third chapter is the Research Design and Methodology of the thesis. This chapter presents the
methods and techniques that have been followed in order to answer the research questions.
Starting from the description of the procedures followed (the expectations, the experiment and the
interviews) and heading to the data preparation this chapter provides the methodological
background that supports the thesis and leads to the data analysis.
The following chapter is the Analysis and the presentation of the Case Study of the research. In this
chapter are analysed all the attributes and concepts of the theoretical framework through the
presentation of the results of the case study. Here, the four research questions are answered
according to the empirical research, as well as an attempt for deep interpretation and evaluation of
the outcomes is made.
Following the results of the fourth chapter, Conclusions, Discussion and Policy Recommendations on
the theoretical approaches give a more critical perspective on the main research question. What is
more, by fo usi g o the applied output that this thesis is aiming to leave behind, the fifth chapter
includes also a structured list of policy recommendations on public space revitalization and urban
regeneration through music in public, based on bottom-up culture-led strategies.
The last, and sixth, chapter is an evaluation of the research procedure, the results and the proposal
for future research. This chapter is aiming to indicate possible factors that might change the results
and specify alternatives for the research procedure. Last, but not least, an attempt will be made to
propose related themes and subjects for further research.
The aim of this research is to provide insight into the linkage between music in public and the way
people perceive and experience the urban public realm and result in policies that would help the
revitalization and urban regeneration of public space.
20
Theoretical Framework
2. Theoretical Framework
As it has been mentioned before, there seems to be a gap in the literature regarding music in the
public realm, its effe t o people s pe eptio of space as well as its connection with revitalization
and regeneration policies. On the contrary, the literature review has revealed that a great amount of
researchers, from different academic perspectives have worked on the issue of art in public space
and its effect on the urban landscape as a regeneration policy tool. As a result, there was a need to
follow an inductive method in order to research and, eventually, build the theoretical framework
(Text Box 1). It was recognised that there are some levels of theoretical topics, which by researching
on them and picking the ideas and theories that are related, it was possible to build a theoretical
framework related to music in public space.
However, this theoretical framework should be based and produced by the research questions in
order to give perspectives on the research aim: the extent to which music in public space changes
the perception people have about the quality of public space. As a result, it was decided that the
four main attributes of public space, which also form the four research questions, are the main
pylons of the theoretical framework. Comfort in public space, the sense of community and
sociability, the accessibility the public space and the use of it work as four thematic units in which
topics related to public space, such as public perception and experience, public art, music in public
space and eventually revitalization and regeneration through public art and/or music are discussed .
Public Space and Quality of Public Space
Public Experience and Perception
Public Art and Perception
Music in Public Space
Regeneration &
revitalization through
public art and/or music
Text Box 1: Theo eti al f a e o k uilt o a i du ti e ethod. “ou e: autho ’s edit
21
2.1 Public Space and Quality of Public Space

Public space is the urban spatial unit that the research is being focused in this project. This urban
unit has been attributed with many and different definitions and functionalities throughout the
bibliography, some of them focusing on its clearly spatial and planning functionality as an open
space, serving urban needs of sustainability, practices and urban form, while others negotiating the
more societal, cultural and political aspect of public space and its effect on the urban social networks
and coherence ( (Tonnelat, 2010); (Patterson, 2010); (Burgers, 2000)). A more relevant approach to
the second kind of bibliography is followed in this research; probably the more geog aphi al o e,
without however neglecting totally the first aspect.
Apart from its functional purpose within a city network as a sha ed spa e used itize s as a
hole, a aila le to e e o e he e o o e i pa ti ula a e allo ed to usu p it (Alves, 2007),
public space is conceived as a net of relations and links, with social, financial, political, cultural as
well as real substance where people come into contact with other people and with the physical
environment on a daily basis (Baker S., Bennett A., Homan S., 2009). The degree to which people
come to these kinds of contacts has an effect on the experience of the public space as well as the
way people engage with it and perceive it.
Within a perspective of the public realm as a creative and active space, Sancar (2003) realises a
discursive shift from space to place. This shift has led to the emergence of an interest about the
e pe ie es that pla e ight efle t; the pe eptio of pla e. ‘esea h o pla e pe eptio is
associated primarily with environment- behaviour studies and aims at identifying the attributes of
pla e atego ies a d e aluati e a d affe ti e espo ses to the (Sancar, 2003, p. 270).
The variety of definitions regarding public space is also followed by a vari ation in the attributes of
public space theorized and identified by researchers in the bibliography. Tonnelat (2010) in an
attempt to discuss the sociology of urban public spaces indicates accessibility and communication as
the two most important and basic qualities of public space, onto which all other values rest (2010, p.
8). Follo i g a o e a hite tu al app oa h, Özle Tuğ a ηe i az a in her Master Thesis
(2010) follo ed a o pa ati e ethodolog i o de to e eal that pu li spa e usage
differentiates in different cultures with the different social and physical environments of Barcelona
a d Ista ul . I order to answer her research aim, Yenimazman identifies six criteria of space:
location and accessibility, neutral valuation relationship, urban functions and multifanctionality,
social environment and usage profile, urban, architectural and cultural value of the area as well as
public space quality (Yenimazman, 2010, pp. 4-5).
Carr, Francis, Rivlin and Stone (1992, p. 85) identify three dimensions and qualities of public space:
needs, rights and meanings related to space. These are attributes tightly related to the societal
ele a e of pu li spa e, as ell as the histo of the site, the t aditio of the use s a d the
elatio ship of oth to the o te t (1992, p. 85). Carr et al. (1992, p. 85) identify a tendency of
planners to negotiate mainly the physical attributes of public space, while neglecting the societal
ones, and therefore ending up with unsuccessful public spaces.
Richard Florida (2002), in the context of Creative Cities and Creative Class, evaluates the quality of a
place by negotiating three other dimensions: hat’s there, ho’s there and hat’s going on (2002,
pp. 231-232, italics in the original). Florida, compared to the perspective of Carr et al. (1992, p. 85),
gives an equal importance both to the physical environment of the square, as well as the societal
aspect of it; the social networks, the built environment, the activities hosted, the local community,
22
the everyday life etc (2002, pp. 231-232). He also suggests that spaces in order to be successful
should present and provide as many qualities and attributes as possible, as to give options of use
and pleasure to all potential users, of any kind (Florida, 2002, p. 233).
William H. Whyte ( (1988); (1979)), out of his personal experience and research, before Richard
Florida, has identified similar, but more specific attributes to the public space. I his o ie the
so ial life of s all u a spa es 1979) Whyte sums up the qualities and attributes that make a
public space successful. These qualities are: Sittable Space, Street, Sun, Food, Water, Trees and
Triangulation4 (Whyte, 1979, 42:34). These attributes refer not only to the physical environment
and design of the space (sitting areas, sun/shade, water, green etc) but also to the sense of
o u it a d the e e da i te a tio s st eet a d the u desi a les , se u it a d t ia gulatio
( (1988); (1979)).
Follo i g Willia H. Wh te s pe eptio on the attributes of public space and what makes a
successful site, the non-p ofit o ga izatio P oje t fo Pu li “pa es (2012) created a tool, a kind
of p oto ol that would assist to the identification and evaluation of those attributes. This
p oto ol has gi e the ai guideli es i o de to fo the esea h uestio s of th e thesis, as
well as to build the four pylons of the theoretical framework. Project for Public Spaces (2012) in an
atte pt to ide tif those att i utes that ake a pla e su essful has de eloped The Pla e Diag a
(Project for Public Spaces, 2012). The criteria, the four attributes stated in the orange circle of the
diagram (Picture 1) are the four qualities of space that are used in this research in order to evaluate
the effe t of usi o people s pe eptio about them. Comfort, Sociability (stated as Sense of
Community and Sociability in the research), Access and Linkages (Accessibility in the thesis) and Uses
and Activities are the four ke ualities of pla e under investigation. These four criteria/attributes
and the theoretical aspects related to them are discussed in the following sub-chapters.
Picture 1: The Place Diagram, as developed by Project for Public Spaces. Source: (Project for Public Spaces, 2012)
4
T i a gulatio i s e plai ed i hapte 2.4, pa ge 19.
23
The attributes and approaches discussed above lead to the evaluation of the quality of a public
space, each time according to the aspect of the researcher. However, it is believed that the Place
Diagram (Picture 1) manages to include all the aforementioned approaches, each time according to
the esea he s i te p etatio a d use of the att i utes.
2.2 The Production of –Public- Space

In a place such as a city or a neighbourhood, then, the various constitu ent spaces are not just
containers within which people live out their daily lives. It is the living out of these daily lives
which is itself a part of the making of the space: all those embodied ways of doing things,
often quite routinised things, and often quite small scales, and around particular
o stellatio s of o je ts, p odu e the spa es a d pla es of a u a a ea. ... “pa e is
constantly produced and modified. When you walk into an empty square you change, just a
little, its atu e as a spa e ; we, and material objects, continually and jointly produce space.
(Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 4)
The aforementioned attributes and values of public space (chapter 2.1) – of any approach, either
material or human - can be considered to be the resources and outcome of the production and
construction of the relevant space. According to Setha Low (1999) (T)he social production
[emphasis added] of space includes all those factors – social, economic, ideological, and
technological – hose i te ded goal is the ph si al eatio of the ate ial setti g. , ide tif i g
production as a procedure of historical, political and economic nature of urban space (Low, 1999, p.
112).
On the other hand, social construction of space includes the experiential processes and the
symbolisms of space. Low (1999) identifies social constru tio as the a tual t a sfo atio of
spa e , as it is tightly linked with and derives from the societal negotiation of the daily user with
space. It is important to highlight the emphasis that Low gives on the experiences and symbolisms of
space and how they are linked with, and actually lead to the construction of space (Low, 1999, p.
112). According to this approach, the attributes, values and criteria as well as the social processes
that might be related to them mentioned in the chapter before (chapter 2.1) can be categorized in
those t o t pes of p odu tio of –public- space. However, it is pointed out that the borders
between the two aspects are not always determined (Low, 1999, p. 114).
Henri Lefebvre (1991) i his o k The P odu tio of “pa e negotiates the social production of
space through the representations of the enclosed relations. As in the case of Low (1999), factors
and the relevant representations are the elements of the production which eventually lead to the
creation of the physical space. However, Lefebvre does not support the binary approach of Low -
e e if she states he ag ee e t ith Κefe e s holisti app oa h to a ds p odu tio of spa e
(Low, 1999, p. 114). O the o t a , he i t odu es a spatial t iad, a o eptual t iad (p. 33) which
negotiates the representations and practices of the social space and through them he actually
incorporates the societal and experiential aspect (the construction of space) in the production of
space (Lefebvre, 1991). These th ee ele e ts (p. 39) are tightly related and in constant
negotiation. According to Goheen (1998) this dialogical relationship of the elements is what creates
a ea i gful pu li spa e (p. 479).
The first element, spatial practice, or else the perceived space, refers to the physical space, the
networks and relations, the everyday p a ti es a d outi e (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 33, 38), and the
so ioe o o i p o esses hi h the ate ial it is ep odu ed (Leary, 2009, p. 195). The
perceived space is the production of urban physical environment and the result of it.
24
Secondly, the representations of space refer to the concepts related to the production of space. It is
the spa e as it is o ei ed the s ie tists, pla e s, u a ists, technocratic subdividers and
so ial e gi ee s, as of a e tai t pe of a tist ith a s ie tifi e t (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 33, 38) .
Drawings, concepts, plans, ideas are the essence of this aspect of the production of space.
The third element is the representational spaces (or spaces of representations). This peak of the
spatial triangle is related to the space as it is lived. Symbolisms, experiences, images are the main
elements of this aspect, creating an overlay of perceptions above the physical space (Lefebvre, 1991,
pp. 33, 39). While the representations of space are attributed to those who conceive and design
space, the spaces of representations correspond to those who use it, live it and experience it (Leary,
2009, p. 195).
It could be argued, that the attributes of public space, as indicated in the chapter above (chapter
2.1), while in the model of Low (1999) are categorized in the two types of production of space, in the
ase of Κefe e s spatial t iad, the sa e alues a e att i uted to ea h aspe t ut ot i a
deterministic way. As these three dimensions keep a dialogical relationship, accordingly, the values
of each dimension have the chance to be negotiated and eventually produced in space in a more
relevant way. For instance, the value of Comfort and Image, as introduced by the Place Diagram
(Picture 1), while at first can be attributed to Spatial Practices as it refers to the physical
environment of the public space, it can also be relevant either to Conceived Space (how a planner
designs a public space in order to provide comfort) or to the Lived Space (how everyday users
experience comfort in the public space). Leary (2009) from a planning perspective and Young (2012)
from an artistic one p o ide t o i di ati e, though diffe e t e a ples of ho Κefe e s t iad a
e i ple e ted to a ethodologi al tool a o di g to the esea he s goal a d eeds, which serves
for analysing space.
Figure 1: Lefe e’s “patial T iad a d P odu tio of –public- Space. Source: (Lefebvre, 1991); autho ’s edit
25
2.3 Perception, Experience and Psychogeography

Perception is the way people internally experience the external world. This is how Sch utz (2009)
defines perception and relates it with experience within a musicological context (p. 22). Perception
and experience are two very wide terms that can be attributed to a variety of topics from many
scientific and academic fields; they are a way of knowing and constructing a reality (Tuan, 1977, p.
8). What is more, due to the tight relationship that they have with the fields of psychology and
og iti e s ie es, pe eptio a d e pe ie e a e also highl i flue ed a pe so s ha a te a d
cultural background.
However, perception and experience have been also under research and negotiation in the field of
spatial sciences since the 70s, when the first sociologists and philosophers began to realize the
importance of those mental functions in the urban daily life. Yi-Fu Tuan (1977), through his interest
in phenomenological approaches of space and place, recognizes space as an object which people
perceive and experience because of their ability to move in it and sense its characteristics (p. 12).
Wunderlich (2008) ag ees ith this state e t ide tif i g alki g as the ai ode of
e pe ie i g pla e a d the it (p. 125). There is a variety of ways and levels that people
experience space, according to the symbols provided. These levels are mainly affected by the degree
of intimacy that the person has with space; the more one is related to a space on a daily basis the
o e i ti ate o e s e pe ie e is (Tuan, 1977, p. 6).
The experiences that present high intimacy, are the most psychologically and cognitively deep ones.
These experiences, according to Tuan, are difficult to express and to put into words, mainly because
they are not usually conscious (1977, pp. 136-137). The te d to easil es ape ou atte tio (p.
143) a d a e held o the a k side of ou i d a d o s ious ess i fa o of the li hés of pu li
spee h (p. 203). However, they can be brought to the surface of consciousness and feelings even by
a small stimulation. “u h sti ulatio a also e a pla e itself; Tua alls this spa e i ti ate pla e
and highlights the i po ta e of a pe so s o e tio to it despite of its conscious or unconscious
nature (Tuan, 1977, p. 141).
E pe ie e, a o di g to Tua , is p odu ed a pe so s
sensation, perception and conception of space (p. 8).
The more sensational an experiential mode is, the more
emotional it is. On the contrary, the levels of thought
used in the interpretation of the symbolisms of space
raise as the more perceptional and conceptive an
experience is (see Text Box 3).
The triad, which Tuan (1977, p. 8) suggests as a Text Box 2: Experience and its production through
mechanism through which experience is constructed, the mode which construct reality. Source: (1977,
p. 8)
can be associated with the o e of Κefe e s o the
production of space (Lefebvre, 1991) . This association
of the variable of each theoretical approach can be
viewed in Text Box 3. The sensational mode of
experience refers to the di e t a d passi e se ses of
human, such as taste, smell, touch etc (Tuan, 1977, p. 8).
Box 3: Asso iatio of Tua ’s e pe ie tial
This ode a e asso iated ith Κefe e s spaces of Text t iad ith Lefe e’s t iad of p odu tio of spa e.
representations, as it refers to the space as it is lived. “ou e: autho ’s edit
26
The sti ulatio s that p odu e a pe so s e e da e pe ie e of spa e a e elated to o e s se ses.

The second mode, perception, is tightly related with perceived space (spatial practices). The mode of
pe eptio is a se satio ualified thought (Tuan, 1977, p. 8). Accordingly, perceived space is
the elaboration of the lived space into a space that carries meanings of practices. The mode of
conception seems to be related to the representations of space (conceived space). Conception is
the i di e t ode of s olizatio , the o e that a ies the highest deg ee of thought (Tuan,
1977, p. 8). It refers to the way people think about a space and the experiences that it cre ates and
p o ides. Κefe e s o ei ed spa e has a si ila defi itio . It is elated to the p odu tio of spa e
through the thought of it. People may produce and experience a space inside their minds and
thoughts. It seems that there is a link between these two approaches, and that by combining them it
is possible to create a complete approach about the production and experience of space.
Yi-Fu Tuan (1977) supports that it is i possi le to dis uss e pe ie tial space without introducing
the objects and places that define space (p. 136). These objects and places within a space are the
architectural features of it, the attributes and values that transform a space into a place. These
values, when referring to a public space and the experience of this realm, might as well be the
attributes discussed in subchapter 2.1. More specifically, in terms of this research, the attributes
that defi e a pu li spa e s ualit a e Co fo t, “o ia ilit , A essi ilit a d Uses a d A ti ities.
These att i utes a e espe tfull elated to the th ee peaks of Tua s e pe ie tial t iad. However,
as i the ase of Κefe e s t iad these alues annot definitely be attributed to only one mode of
experience. Oakeshott (1933) states that experience functions as a whole, and the modes that
defi e it a ot e sepa ated f o o e a othe fi all a d a solutel (pp. 10-11). In this way, it is
possible to describe the perceptions and experiences created in a public space and even evaluate
them.
In the former sub-chapter (2.2) there was an attempt to relate the attributes of public space with
the ways that space is produced, according to Lefebvre (1991). “i e Κefe e s spatial t iad a e
asso iated ith Tua s e pe ie tial triad it could be argued that the second approach fills the –mere-
experiential gap in the first one and the opposite. By evaluating the attributes of public space in
terms of both approaches (production of space and modes of experience) it is possible to reach a
co lusio o e i g the i pa t of usi i pu li spa e o people s pe eptio of it.
Additionally to the attributes of –public– space, Sancar (2003) suggests that people experience a
pla e f o a u i ue ie poi t and that the reaction of each individual varies from place to place.
Some factors that affect this viewpoint are age, background and personal interests (Sancar, 2003, p.
271). Merleau-Ponty considers the body and the whole of the senses to be the vessel and the sensor
of the experiences which also turns these experiences into mental perceptions (Seamon, 2010, pp.
1-2). Tuan (1977) also suggests that diffe e es i people s ultu al a kg ou d a e elated to
different personal approaches of life, perceptions and experiences (p. 34). From a similar point of
view, Low (2003) i di ates as i flue tial fa to s to o e s pe eptio a d e pe ie e, o e s e otio s
a d state of i d, se se of self, so ial elatio s a d ultu al p edispositio s (p. 10). Overall, it could
be argued, that both factors related to the physical and social attributes of space as well as personal
characteristics are the ones affecting the perception and experience that a person might have.
Therefore, perception and experience of space can be described strongly subjective processes
(Doucet, 2009), which vary from place to place and from person to person.
27
As it has been mentioned before, perception and experience of space, and especially of urban space,
have attracted the interest of many researchers and theorists of a great variety of scientific – and
not only - fields. Young (2012) in her work seeks to relate the production of space, as introduced by
Lefebvre with the experience and perception of space, from an artistic perspective. In order to reach
her aim, she introduces to her theoretical framework the ideas and approaches of the Situationist
Movement (1957-1972) and its founder, Guy Debord (Young, 2012, p. 6). The Situationists were
viewing the urban environment and city life through a philosophical and artistic - avant-garde -
prism, which allowed them to have a different focus on the experiences of urban life and the
symbolisms of the urban environment. Therefore, their approaches are also tightly related to the
way people perceive and engage with the urban realm; an aspect of main interest for this research.
The Situationists in order to translate their philosophical approaches to empirical results and works
of art have developed three methodological tools: Dé i e, Psychogeography and Détou e e t,
which are linked to each other and based on urban walking (Young, 2012, p. 6).
Dé i e is asso iated ith the urban drifter5; it is the action of moving instinctively and playfully in the
city while observing the urban environment and the involved interactions. It is a dialogical
relationship, almost a seduction, et ee the alke s od a d the asso iated environment (
(Young, 2012, p. 6); (Bassett, 2004, p. 401); De o d, Theo of the Dé i e, ; (Barnard, 2004, p.
108)).
Psychogeography within Situatio ists philosoph is the stud of the p e ise la s a d spe ifi
effects of the geographical environment, consciously organized or not, on the emotions and
behaviour of individuals (Debord, 1955, p. 1). Psychogeography functions as the analytical progress
of interpreting the activity of Dé i e. Its outcome is a cartographical product which represents
perceptions, experiences and feelings related to urban environment (Bassett, 2004, p. 402).
Détou e e t is the att i utio of

a different meaning and use to an
original object (Bassett, 2004, p.
401). These objects and their
reformed –usually artistic -
meanings are present in the urban
environment and are the building
stones of Psychogeography and
Dé i e (Young, 2012, p. 7).
Picture 2: Example of a psychogeographical map, presenting the different perceptions and experiences produced by
alke s of a ious Pa isia eigh ou hoods. Co e of Gu De o d’s Ps hogeog aphi Guide of Pa is 9 . “ou e:
http://goo.gl/2JLjs
5
Ho e e , The dé i e was also distinguished from flâ e ie or mere voyeurism by its more critical attitude
towards the hegemonic scope of modernity. (Bassett, 2004, p. 401)
28
In the present research - as it is revealed later in the methodological chapter (3.2) - a modified
interpretation of psychogeography is used as a methodological tool, in order to reveal and record
people s pe eptio a out the u a e i o ent/square of the case study. What is more, an
artistic perspective of space, such as the psychogeographical one, seems to be relevant with the
research theme, which negotiates music – an artistic expression – in public realm.
2.4 Public Art, Perception and Quality of Public Space

Contemporary approaches towards public space and place tend to link this realm with studies on
experiences and perceptions within a more artistic and creative context. Gaye, Maze and Holmquist
(2003) describe the connection between the urban environment and the experience of it:
Everyday urban experience involves active interpretation and impels creative response –
consider the meaning of a screeching noise, the smell of burning rubber and a car headed
ou a ! As a ph si al i te fa e , the it p o ides a uilt i f ast u tu e a d esta lished
a s of usi g it eati el . Ga e Κ., Maze ‘., Hol uist Κ.E., , . .
Accordingly, Durao (Embodied Space: a sensorial approach to spatial experience, 2009, p. 400) states
that F o spa e to e e pe ie ed as pla e, o po eal e ide e a d e pe ie e is e ui ed , aki g
lea that the e is a tight li k et ee the se se of spa e a d people s t a slatio of it i to pla e
and the experience of it. It see s, that the pu li eal , the uilt i f ast u tu e , p o ides a a as
where people may express their, sometimes repressed from the daily routine, creativity. The
outcome of such creative expressions is not only of materialistic nature (public art) but also of
psychological one as these actions seem to affect the way people experience and perceive public
space and engage with place.
Modern cities are claimed to be boring and therefore a failure. However, it could be argued that
waves of creativity flowing in the urban environment may have the power to change this situation.
Urban play and creativity are used as tools to rejuvenate the public realm and bring interest to
everyday life (Degen, M., DeSilvey, C. and Rose, G., 2008, pp. 1914-1915). One expression of urban
creativity is public art or street art (McClish, Orange Houses and Tape Babies: Temporary and
Nebulous Art in Urban Spaces, 2010, p. 860). Public art is able to change the way people perceive
and experience their everyday lives. It seems to serve as a symbolic means of interpretation and
production of human feelings and therefore creates its own space and its own mental
representation (Tuan, 1977, p. 162). Accordingly, these mental as well as physical representations
lead to eli it espo ses f o the side of the audie e; these a e pe eptio s hi h e e tuall lead
to an experience of public space, generated by the image and symbolism of public art (Zebracki,
2011). The new u a ele e ts g a people s atte tio a d ake the spa e/pla e o e i te esti g
by providing new perspectives of how urban environment could be, physically and socially, except
for its nowadays most common function; consumption (McClish, Orange Houses and Tape Babies:
Temporary and Nebulous Art in Urban Spaces, 2010, pp. 852-853).
As Tuan (1977) indicates, public art has the power to create and produce its own space. In terms of
production of space, as introduced by Lefebvre (1991), public art creates its own conceived space
and representations of space; the artist or the architect first comes up with an idea, a concept of a
project for a publi spa e that ould gi e … s oli fo to the u a st u tu e (Tuan, 1977, p.
164). What is o e, pu li a t is a spatial p a ti e; a o je t ithi a pu li eal that sti ulates
the senses, attracts attention and creates an experience, a spatial perception, and gives identity to a
space (Wagemans, 2011). Public art, transforms the lived space by attaching a new meaning to the
daily life and the urban rhythms; it gives a new symbolic interpretation of the use and function of
29
the public space (Young, 2012). Lived space, is the space of artists and therefore of public art (Radice
M., Morgan K., Nagler S., 2011).
McClish (2010) argues that public space should be interwoven with democracy, and creativity is the
way to sustain and develop further this value. Creativity allows people to participate in activities
within the public realm and eventually to engage deeper with urban space and even lead to an
intimate experience of space that they might not have had before (Tuan, 1977). Public art is the tool
to achieve spatial and place engagement that is tightly connected with the perception and the
experience that people get from the urban environment (McClish, Orange Houses and Tape Babies:
Temporary and Nebulous Art in Urban Spaces, 2010, p. 862). What is more, public art may have a
social or even a political output, since community is participating in related actions and there is a
possibility of raising a public debate ( (Tornaghi, 2007, p. 4); (Earl, 2011, p. 123)). Social diversity is
also an outcome of public art as well as a necessary condition for the truly public character of art
(Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 19). Artists creating public works seem to have this goal in mind: to
provoke new experiences and social interaction (Coburn, 2002).
Public art not only produces space and activates perception, experiences, feelings, creativity and
social interaction and diversity but also is an indicator of high public space quality. William H. Whyte
(1988) sig ifies the i po ta e of t ia gulatio i the it a d the ole that it pla s fo a su essful
public space (p. 154). T ia gulatio is a iti al fa to fo a su essful pu li spa e, hi h i ludes
the p a ti es a d a ti ities of the pu li eal that eate a li kage et ee people; ... that
process by which some external stimulus provides a linkage between people and prompts strangers
to talk to othe st a ge s as if the k e ea h othe (Whyte, 1988, p. 154). Especially performative
arts in public, such as live music performance, enhance triangulation by bring peop le together in
proximity (Lavrinec, 2011, p. 72). There is a variety of stimulations and practices that could lead to
t ia gulatio ; f o u p edi ta le e e ts to o ga ized a ti ities a d spe ta les, eithe egati e o
positi e o es, a o je t o a pe so . Pu li a t is o side ed to e a ea s of t ia gulatio , a
attribute of public space 6, which prompts people to interact with its physical and symbolical nature
and most importantly with each other (Whyte, 1988, pp. 145-146, 154).
2.4.1 Culture-led and Creative Revitalization and Regeneration of Public Space

Due to the variety of positive outcomes that public art seems to have in the public realm, there has
been a lot of scientific research since the 80s which has focused on the way public art may be a
driving force for urban development (Zebracki, 2011). Urban regeneration and public space
revitalization policies tend to negotiate more and more the effect of public art in public space and
use it as a tool. Charles Landry, one of the pioneers of culture -led and creative regeneration supports
that by focusing on the cultural perspectives and possibilities of a city in order to achieve
regeneration, planning becomes humanized and therefore successful (Landry C., Greene L.,
Matarasso F., Bianchini F., 1996).
According to Hall and Robertson (2001) public art carries six attributes- powers. The first one is that
art in public promotes the sense of community and clarifies the cultural identity of the place.
Furthermore, it promotes social cohesion by developing social networks and social inclusion. Also,
when it comes to more experiential attributes, art in public enhances the senses that a place
provides as well as the connections between communities and places. This attribute is tightly linked
with the perception and the experience of public space and place. So, it could be argued that public
6
In the present research tri angulation is i o po ated i the att i ute of Uses a d A ti ities see hapte 2.1)
30
art promotes and enhances the perceptions linked to space. A fourth power is the one that is linked
to the individual and the fact that public art allows to develop and promote civic identity. In that
way, people that are being affected by public art may have the chance to engage further and deeper
with space and their sense of belonging. Moreover, apart from its social, spatial and political
functions public art may also have an educative purpose. Last attribute in this list is that public art
a a t as a p o o atio fo so ial ha ge , hi h is e i po ta t he e elate pu li a t ith
regeneration policies (Hall T., Smith C., 2004, pp. 175-176).
Furthermore, Hall and Smith (2004) recognise that public art may have three more outcomes. Firstly,
the spatial and aesthetic output that public art has on public space. Of course, public art is tightly
connected to social issues but its aesthetic attribute and contribution should also be regarded as of
high importance. They also argue that a t i pu li a ts as a ediu fo the o u i atio of
s oli ea i gs . Of ou se, the ajo it of a tists that o k o pu li p oje ts ha e i i d to
transfer a meaning with their artistic interference, sometimes political, others social, cultural e tc.
The third outcome is that public art enhances and promotes participatory and cooperative activity.
This power of public art is of high interest for modern cities and regeneration strategies, as it allows
people to participate in regeneration procedures and eventually engage deeper with space and
place (Hall T., Smith C., 2004, p. 176). Tornaghi (2007) also agrees with the participatory aspect of
public art regeneration policies. “he a gues that pa ti ipato pu li a t a ette p o ote
ulti ultu alis a d itize s e gage e t i so ial issues, i teg ati g its pote tials i to the deli e
of the ege e atio poli (Tornaghi, 2007, pp. 5-6).
Culture-led regeneration and Creative Cities seem to be the new tools in the toolbox for
contemporary planners and policy makers. There are many examples of good practices around the
western world, and especially Europe (Landry et al., 1996). For instance, the Commission for
Architecture and the Built Environment and Arts & Business published in 2008 in UK a report of the
isio a d st ateg that the ha e follo ed i o de to e gage eati e i ds i ege e atio
through public art and cultural events (CABE, 2008). However, Samantha Earl supports that public
art should not be used as a panacea to critical urban problems, because in that way it loses all its
power as a creative, social and/or political statement (2011, pp. 126-127).
It seems that there is a clear purpose of what public art seeks to achieve within the public realm.
However, Hall (2003), Hall and Smith (2004) and Zebracki (2011) reveal that there is a gap in the
research. Hitherto researchers have answered questions regarding the production and content of
public art but they have not yet managed to focus enough on the audience, the people of the city.
Earl (2011) suppo ts that ith pu li a t, the fi st uestio s asked eed to e a out audie e (p.
126). How does the audience perceive and experience public art? Accordingly, the present research
wishes to shift the scope from public art (in the specific project from music in public) as a means of
creativity and culture to the recipient, who is the man that experi ences the urban daily life.
31
2.5 Music Cognition, Perception and Experience, and the Production of Space
The present research differentiates from any former project on public art because it negotiates a
performative art, music, which is tightly connected with the sense of hearing and the mental process
that follows the sense (music cognition). What is more, music performance is a process that is
synchronized spatially and temporally with the audience; the audience, in order to experience music
in public space, must be at the same place, at the same time with the musicians that perform.
Therefore, the way people perceive and experience this form of art in public space has a striking
difference even from its production and creation in contrast to a mural, or a sculpture which are –
usually - permanent (Coburn, 2002).
Music cognition is basically a psychological, musicological and
cognitive research field, which seems to be tightly related with the
present research aim: the extent to which music in public space
changes the perception people have about the quality of public space.
However, since there is no solid theoretical background on the
cognitive topic –f o the esea he s aspe t – and in order to avoid
a de ail e t f om the aim, there is a limited reference on the
issue of music cognition, purely for supporting reasons.
Bibliographical research within this field has shown that even there are a lot of works related to
perception and experience, they all seem to negotiate purely musicological themes or psychological.
What is more, the majority of works tends to negotiate music perception and experience only from
the aspect of the musician and less of the listener. There seems to be no literature relating directly
music cognition and the perception or experience of spatial units and attributes. Nevertheless, it is
possible to – conservatively - deduce assumptions and arguments of related topics to the research
aim.
Music is a term that it is difficult to define, not because of its ph si al structure, but mostly
because of the codes and symbolisms that carries, which tend to differentiate among cultures.
However, Ilie and Thompson (2011) propose a definition that seems to incorporate this symbolic and
cultural aspect of music (and speech): Musi a d spee h a e oth a ousti sig als that a
communicate emotional meaning and induce emotional states. As such, they may share a common
ode fo e p essi g e otio (p. 247). By attributing emotion to the definition and nature of music,
Ilie and Thompson (2011) clearly negotiate the link between music and experience through a
communicative process that uses o o a ousti odes to sti ulate eu al p o edu es of
cognition (p. 257).
… sou d e o es usi o l ithi the i d of the liste e (Schutz M. , 2009, p. 26). Through
this quotation, Schutz (2009) describes in the simplest way the function of music cognition. Mind
carries all the cultural background that is needed in order to translate a sound into music. Therefore,
music, according to the process of translation and the mind that is completing the process presents a
variety of functions.
Yi-Fu Tuan (1977), negotiating issues of senses, experiences and space, indicates that sounds have
the ability to enhance the sense of space and allow people to specify their spatial position, to
i sti ti el al ulate the ph si al e tit of su ou di g spa e as ell as to o st ue audito
spa e ; se se of hea i g fu tio s as a so t of su stitute o even enrichment of sight (pp. 14-15).
What is o e, ... sou d d a atizes spatial e pe ie e (Tuan, 1977, p. 16). It could be argued that
32
sound has the power to give texture and life in a space, and therefore enriching the stimulations that
the listener receives, perceives and eventually experiences.
Music has the ability to convey emotion directly (Sancar, 2003, p. 273) either through its structural
features, such as tone, rhythm, harmony or through the symbolical meanings that is carries
(Hargreaves D.J., North A.C., 1999, p. 74). It is an often practice of music teachers to train children on
the understanding of major and minor harmonies according to the feeling that they provoke; if it is a
happy one, it is major, while the sad is minor. Experiments have shown that it is possible to change a
pe so s ood th ough usi e posu e eithe fo ette r or for worse (Ilie G., Thompson W.F., 2011,
p. 247). What is more, it might be the case that the feelings that are embodied in music are related
to personal memories and emotions and therefore bring them to mental and sentimental surface
(Krumhansl, 2002, p. 45). However, Krumhansl (2002) suggests that even if one would expect that
the representations and feelings produced by music cognition are unique for each individual, this
does not seem to be the case; instead, there seems to be homogeneity in the emotions provoked in
different people by the same music (p. 45).
It seems, that musicians have the opportunity to generate perception and experience based on the
emotion that music transfers. Kä pfe, “edl eie a d ‘e ke itz (2011) by researching the effects of
a kg ou d usi o people s pe eptio see to o lude that while exposure to music enhances
emotional responses and pleasant feelings, it also restricts mental processes, such as reading and
memory (p. 441). What is more, they indicate that music does not always have the same effect on
people s og iti e p o esses; it ight e the ase that usi auses e e o e e o effe t (p. 441).
This outcome should be kept in mind for the expectations and potential result s of the present
research, even if background music differs a lot from live performing music, whe n additional senses
are also activated (i.e. sight). Even if in this research there will be no musicological analysis on the
type of music that is performed during the empirical research, some main and general
characteristics of it and their possible effects are discussed in chapter 3.2.3 The Music .
33
Picture 3: Musi has the po e to o e e otio di e tl . Pete a d the Wolf “e gei P okofie –putting aside its
political aspect- is a hild e ’s sto and musical composition which presents intense alternations of emotions (fear,
happiness) through the musical instruments, the harmonies and the rhythms. This work is often used to teach children
musicality and practice their music cognition. Source: http://goo.gl/CSFu6 and http://goo.gl/yOJ5w
It is i po ta t, at this poi t, to i di ate a diffe e tiatio of the e pe ie e of usi liste i g a d

usi pe fo a e . The fi st ase, is that of e e da usi liste i g o a kg ou d usi
Kä pfe J., Sedlmeier P., Renkewitz F., 2011), through the stereo or other technological means, and
does not always include social interaction, as it might be a purely intimate activity deriving from the
hearing sense. On the other hand, music performance, or the attendance of a music event involves
not only the hearing sense but also that of vision. Schutz (2009) supports the importance of the
usi ia s gestu es a d p ese e o the o e all pe eptio of usi (p. 25). This statement is also
supported by Thompson, Graham and Russo (2005) who are researching the contribution of visual
aspects of music, such as gestures, body movements and facial expressions, to the communication
between musicians and audience (p. 177). In the present research the focus is on the second
experience, that of music performance, and even more specifically the one of informal music event
(Prato, 1984), which demands both performer and listener to be simultaneously affected by music
cognition.
Music materializes in space (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 869). People usually use the
e p essio takes pla e fo a usi e e t. E e f o this e e -day expression it could be argued
that usi has also a ate ialisti atu e as it o su es spa e i o de to e p a ti ed. The
physical space for music making- for musical performance- is, then a potential: a thing that is
pe fo ed a d so al a s i the aki g. (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 869). Though Wood
34
et al. (2007) negotiate music performances in private, closed spaces, and highlight a literature and
research gap in this aspect of music performance (p. 873), their approach towards the materialistic
aspect of music could also be applied in public space.
Another ability that music has is to efle t so ial, e o o i , politi al a d ate ial aspe ts of the
place that it is produced ( (Cohen, 1995, p. 444); (Sancar, 2003, p. 273); (Duffy, pp. 3, 7-8)). Music
functions as a means of transformation and transportation of symbolisms and codes that are carried
in the music form from the composer to the performer (those two might be merged) and eventually
to the listener. These embodied symbolisms create a sense of identity and belonging to those who
are familiar with them and an intriguing – either positive or negative- feeling to those who are asked
to perceive them for the first time.
Musi also p odu es pla e a ti g as a o te t fo so ial gathe i gs, itual and celebrations.
(Sancar, 2003, p. 273). In many traditions production and consumption of music is tightly related
with social and –often- public events, as it not only carries aesthetic value but also cultural codes and
symbolisms (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 872). Prato (1984) negotiates the importance and
historical decline of music expression in public space not only in terms of everyday practices but also
in terms of –subjective- quality of music (p. 152).
Overall, it could be argued that music performance, either in public or private realm, produces space
in a Lefebvrian approach. Music produces its own conceived space and representations of space
(Lefebvre, 1991); the composer and/or the performer has a conceptualization of the meanings,
symbolisms, codes and emotions that the music piece should carry and transmit to the audience. In
this way, not only does the audience receive the symbolisms of the music but the music itself gives
symbolic form to the space (Tuan, 1977, p. 164). In the present research there is also another aspect
of the conceived space; that of the researcher. The researcher, as a planner and/or geographer who
wishes to apply a music performance in public space and develop conclusions out of this practice,
has created a specific image and concept of how this practice should be implemented and what the
possible results could be. Therefore it could be argued, that in the present research there is a
dualistic aspect of conceived space: the one of the musician who is performing in public space and
the other of the researcher/planner/geographer who has created an image of expectations related
to the music performance in public space (see 3.1 Expectations).
Music is also a spatial practice; the materialistic nature of music performance consumes space,
either public or private, and through the sense of hearing and process of music cognition creates an
experience that is highly related to and influenced from spatial perception. Therefore, it could be
argued that music either transforms or gives identity to a space (Wagemans, 2011). Prato (1984) also
highlights the spatial, rather than temporal, nature of musical performance in public realm and
attributes to it architectural form and meaning in order to indicate the sense of environment that
music in public space creates (p. 155). Music performance, additionally, enhances social interaction
and creates a –even short-termed- network in space. It is interesting that Kushner and Brooks (2000)
identify musical performance as a purely social process that derives from the interactions between
performer and audience (p. 67). Besides the interaction between performer and audience, there is
also the interaction within the audience. This spatial practice of music performance can be
att i uted to Wh te s t ia gulatio (1988), and therefore be considered as a practice that
enhances public space quality. A further negotiation of how music in the public realm affects the
35
attributes of the quality of public space as identified in chapter 2.1 Public Space and Quality of Public
Space will be presented in the following chapters (2.6, 2.7 and 2.8).
As for the lived space of a music performance, which is also the space of artists (Radice M., Morgan
K., Nagler S., 2011), music gives new symbolic interpretation and function of space (Young, 2012).
Music in space, and especially in public space, seems to have the ability to attach new meanings to
urban daily life and rhythms (Young, 2012). The derived perceptions and experiences of music
performance in public space, the lived space, are discussed later on, and on the b asis of the
empirical research.
2.6 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people’s pe eptio ega di g o fo t

The first attribute of public space, as indicated by Project for Public Spaces (2012) is Comfort and
Image –from now on it is referred as Sense of Comfort – and seeks to answer the first sub research
uestio . This att i ute fu tio s as a i di ato of people s pe eptio of the ualit of spa e i the
presence of music performance. However, due to sincere limitations of the available literature on
the exact research field, there will be an attempt to inductively negotiate the extent to which music
in public space changes the perception people have about the sense of comfort of the public space.
Comfort is a quite vast term and therefore difficult to define. It is considered to be one of the basic
human needs (Carr S., Francis M., Rivlin L.G., Stone A.M., 1992, pp. 92-95). However, when focusing
on the meaning of comfort in urban and specifically public realm it becomes more feasible to define
it and identify the factors that produce comfort in space. Carr et al. (1992), when referring to
comfort, negotiate the physical and architectural elements of the public space, such as relief from or
access to sun and seating areas, as well as more social and psychological characteristics (pp. 92-95).
In the present research Sense of Comfort is ide tified a d easu ed i the e pi i al pa t of the
thesis by three further aspects of comfort of public space, which have been identified through the
bibliographical research; attractiveness, pleasure and safety, which incorporate both physical and
social-psychological characteristics.
Durao (2009) highlights the i po ta e of sti ulatio s a d pe eptual data i spa e -in this case
physical and architectural ones- that would form the sense of attractiveness and pleasure within the
pu li eal . It ould e a gued, that si e a hite tu e p o okes e otio al ea tio that
i flue es the od (Durao, 2009, p. 405), the same result might also be achieved through another
aesthetical practice, such as music performance. Hall and Smith (2004), also emphasize the
contribution of public art, and accordingly music, in the aesthetical enhancement of urban
environment (p. 176). What is more, it has been argued that music allows people to identify better
their position in - public – space; an ability that seems to affect the sense of comfort (Tuan, 1977, pp.
14-15).
Pleasure in public space, might as well be linked not only with physical features of space, but also
with experiential ones. It has been aforementioned that music has the ability to revitalize memories,
emotions and perceptions ( (Sancar, 2003); (Hargreaves D.J., North A.C., 1999); (Krumhansl, 2002)).
Additionally, people participating in a public music performance might have more chances for
enjoyment and pleasure as well as even relief of stress (Guetzkow, 2002, pp. 2-3). Anna Minton
(2009), i he ook G ou d Co t ol egotiates safet i pu li spa e of e -built and privatized
areas of d itai . Withi this o te t, she highlights the i po ta e of the u e pe ted a d the
pleasure that it creates (pp. 53-54). “he des i es, pa ti ula l , a agi al e pe ie e that she
36
personally had while visiting the Latvian city of Riga, when during a drifting in the old city she got
seduced by a melodic sound:
I was wandering around the old town when I heard a saxophone from around the corner and,
following the sound, found the musician playing a lone in a snow-covered square. The
pleasure of the experience was that it was so unexpected, unlike the feeling that buskers
today are placed in strategic spots, which takes away the joy of the moment of discovery.
(Minton, 2009, p. 53)
Musi pe fo a e i pu li see s to e highl elated ith the “ituatio ists philosoph of Dé i e
and Psychogeography; it is an element of the public realm that enhances the playfulness and
creative expression and therefore the pleasant experiences in the city. Therefore, for some listeners,
music in public space might create a sense of pleasure and eventually comfort due to the
symbolisms and emotions that it carries. Consequently, the presence of music in public space as a
practice which produces – positive or negative – emotions and reactions seems to influence the
perception of attractiveness and pleasure in the square.
When it comes to the sense of safety, as a critical factor of comfort in public space, there is a lot of
negotiation of what provokes fear and what not. However, it is not within the terms of the present
research aim to present approaches related to public space safety; instead the focus is on the
relationship between the music performance and the perception and se nse of safety in the public
realm.
Overall, it could be argued, that privatization and exclusion practices of public space tend to lead to
the opposite effect of the desired and planned one; of safety and control (Low S.M., Taplin D., Scheld
S., 2005, p. 1). Thereby, when specific social groups are marginalized and some people are restricted
access to the space, or even are afraid to visit a public space, the realm lacks in life and social
interaction and as a result the perception of safety declines drastically (Jacobs, 1961). Accordingly,
Goheen (1998) suggests, that security policies in modern cities prompt the citizens to be afraid in
the public realm, to engage in a perception of high criminality, and avoid public life even when there
are a lot of people in the public sphere (p. 483).
However, music in public space is argued to enhance inclusivity and social interaction (Massey D.,
Rose G., 2003, p. 19). Landry et al. (1996) also support that cultural events are inhibiting factors for
criminal practices due to their inclusive character (p. 16) and thus help to change the perception of
safety in the public realm. What is more, music performance in its materialistic form reassures the
physical presence of people in the public space. So, even if the musicians are the only people in the
square, it is still not empty, and therefore the perception of safety and comfort changes.
Massey and Rose (2003) also ide tif the se se of safet a d a ho age th ough the feeling of
familiarity of space as a very important process of the public realm (p. 3). It has been argued, that
music in public, as well as public art, is a spatial practice (Lefebvre, 1991) which gives identity to a
space (Wagemans, 2011) and creates a sense of belonging and familiarity. Therefore, it could be
assumed, that music in public space provides a sense of familiarity and belonging to space, which
enhance the perception of safety in the public realm, as Massey and Rose indicate (2003).
In conclusion, it seems that music performance in public space changes the perception of safety, for
better, since it enhances the sense of belonging and familiarity as well as the liveability and physical
presence in the public realm.
37
2.7 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people’s pe eptio ega di g se se of

community and sociability
The second attribute that is important for the quality of public space is the sense of community and
so ia ilit that the pu li spa e s use s ha e. di liog aphi al esea h o the fa to s that affe t the
perception of the sense of community and sociability reveals that there are three factors that
indicate this attribute. First of all, to what extend the public space is perceived as a meeting place,
secondly how people perceive and use the playground as a means of socializing and thirdly, to what
extent people feel welcome in the square. These three sub-attributes are relevant to the empirical
research and are used to reveal the extent to which music in public space changes the perception
people have about the sense of community and sociability of a public space.
William H. Whyte ve su essfull states: What att a ts people ost, it ould appea , is othe
people (Carr S., Francis M., Rivlin L.G., Stone A.M., 1992, p. 105) and since music is performed by
othe people it ould e suggested that music in public space is a means of social attraction. It has
been argued that one of the most important qualities of music performance in the public realm is
that it produces social activity and social space ( (Tuan, 1977, p. 162); (Sancar, 2003, p. 272); (Hall T.,
Smith C., 2004)). Cohen (1995) suppo ts that su h usi al p a ti es ha e ee sho to esta lish,
maintain, transform social relations and to define and shape material and geographical settings for
so ial a tio (pp. 444-445). Her agreement with the production of social relations through music
performance states Sancar, who considers music to be a symbolic interpretation of social processes
(2003, p. 272). This production of social space through music might as well have a therapeutic
outcome for urban societies and communities. Wood et al. (2007) promote the use of music as a
means of building social relations and creating social networks in the same way that it is used in
health a d ps holog s ie es to idge the gap et ee i di iduals a d o u ities (2007, p.
885). While planners and policy makers shift their interest towards the experiences and the
emotional representations of public space in order to enhance sociabili ty and sense of community,
public events such as a musical performance seem to make a difference.
Additionally, public art, and thus music performance, might also provoke public debate; a practice
which enhances the democratic role of public space ( (Tornaghi, 2007, p. 4); (Earl, 2011, p. 123)). As
e tio ed efo e o the effe t of usi o people s pe eptio o safet , so ial di e sit is also a
result of public music performance which enhances the sense of community and sociability in the
realm (Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 19). It is the inherent definition of public space, which promotes
the ope ess a d i lusi it of this eal , ega dless of eth i o igi , age o ge de a d hi h
allows people to feel welcome in this realm (Cabe Space, 2011, p. 12). In this context, Guetzkow
(2002) apart from the production of social space through music performance signifies the positive
effe t that su h e e ts ha e i the o u it pe eptio s of di e sit , tole a e a d f ee
e p essio i pu li eal (pp. 2-3). Therefore, it could be suggested that music is a spatial practice
which produces social space, social networks and sense of community in a Lefebvrian approach
(Lefebvre, 1991).
Music in public space is also a way to bring playfulness in the urban re alm. Urban play is not only
restricted in playground equipment or similar facilities, but also includes the sense of creativity and
carefree. Music is a mode that allows urban play, especially in its performative form. It seems to
affect adults, but mostly children who get stimulated by the sounds and rhythms and therefore
38
engage themselves in a more immediate way in this urban play. Urban play, just like a playground,
allows children to develop social skills as well as emotional intelligence (Cabe Space, 2011, p. 8).
The extent to which a public space is used as a meeting place signifies the sense of community and
social networks of the realm. Cabe Space (2011) identifies physical factors (p. 12), as well as
practices of cultural and social interest that enhance the identity of a space as a meeting place (p.
13). A meeting place is not only conceived as a space where people physically meet each other, but
also a space where social and cultural trajectories are met and interact with each other (Massey D.,
Rose G., 2003, p. 4). A music performance is such a practice, that allows space to be also produced
as space of representations –lived space- (Lefebvre, 1991), and attach to it new experiences and
meanings of urban daily life, such as the one of a meeting place and sense of welco me, and
the efo e ha ge, fo ette , people s pe eptio ega di g se se of o u it a d so ia ilit .
2.8 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people’s pe eptio ega di g

accessibility
Accessibility is an attribute of great importance for a public space. The accessibility and openness of
a public space, as well as the role of this space in the urban structure are considered the main
factors indicating the value of this attribute. Accessibility is tightly related with the Sense of
Community and Sociability in the public realm, as they are both the main characteristics that define
a public space both from the physical as well as the social and political aspect (Cabe Space, 2011).
This attribute and quality of public space does not only refer to physical and architectural
characteristics of the square, such as infrastructures for disabled and/or transportation and traffic
regulations, but also to emotional and perceptive factors, like the way people are encouraged or not
to be in the square.
Factors such as the design and safety of a space (here included also to the attribute of Comfort –
chapter 2.6-) are those who create a perception on the accessibility (physical and social) and
openness of square. So, as in the case of the sense of comfort, accordingly in the perception of
accessibility music in public space seems to create a positive perception and experience towards the
design and safety of the realm.
What is more, music has the ability to produce sense of identity and belonging with the space that it
is performed, and especially when it is a public one (Sancar, 2003, p. 273). Even though familiarity of
space is attributed basically in the sense of comfort, it could be argued that it has also a strong
connection with accessibility as it allows people to feel safer and therefore more approachable.
Openness of a public realm is highly related to the perception of inclusivity. The important role of
openness and accessibility of public space is highlighted by Low, Taplin and Scheld (2005) who
negotiate social tolerance and integration in urban settings and the ways to achieve it (p. 3).
Tornaghi (2007) supports that public art, and thus music performance, is a participatory process
hi h p o otes ulti ultu alis a d itize s e gage e t i so ial issues a d the efo e
inclusivity and social integration (pp. 5-6). As a result, when people feel welcomed to participate and
atte d pu li e e ts, e e the u e pe ted o es (Minton, 2009), they perceive public space as an
open and accessible one.
Public art has the ability to create and produce its own space (Tuan, 1977). It could be argued, that
music in public space, as an expression of public art, produces representations o f space, which
change the conception and perception that people have about the role of a public space within the
39
urban structure (Lefebvre, 1991). Approaches of city branding and placemaking and urban identity
are related to the perception that people have about the public realm and the creative expression
and openness of it. As a result, it could be argued that music in public space has the ability to change
the perception of the role of a public space, usually in a positive way.
2.9 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people’s pe eptio ega di g the use of
space
The way people use a public space, as well as the degree to which they use it, is a significant
attribute. The extent that a public space is considered an active space and the perceptions that
people have on the activities taking place there are two major indicative sub-attributes of the use
and quality of the space.
Mode ities, i o de to a hie e safe a d lea u a e i o e ts te d to e d up ith dead
public spaces. Anna Minton (2009) negotiates this death of public life for the sake of security and
o t ol, a d oti es that the ause fo that is the la k of eal histo i a d ultu al ide tit i the
planning process (p. 52). Therefore, it could be argued that the presence of creative activities in
public space can enhance the overall impression and perception of the vitality of the public realm.
Landry et al. (1996) support this statement –even though they refer to urban renewal in general-
a gui g that pla es a e ade li elie esta lishi g ultu al a ti ities (p. 21). Public art and
music performance can lead to community participation and in this way to enhance social activity
and vitality in public realm (McClish, 2010, p. 862).
It has been mentioned before that public art and music performance tend to enhance social
interaction and comfort in public space. However, the activities that the users of the square engage
in seem to be very indicative of the quality of a public space and the perception related to it. Carr,
Francis, Rivlin and Stone (1992) argue that public space is where people engage either in social
a ti ities, hi h e ha e the se se of o u it , o i p i ate a ti ities su h as u i g o selli g
things, (for) gardening, (for) self-improvement through exercise, or (for) simply finding a place to
e ist (p. xi). Music in public space is an activity of both public and private character; the music
performance for the civics is a public event which enhances social interaction, while for the musician
oneself, is a private creative activity. Nevertheless, in this research the scope is not focused on the
private activity of the musician, rather than both public and private activities of th e civics.
Additionally, public space might also host activities which provoke fear, crime or protest (Carr S.,
Francis M., Rivlin L.G., Stone A.M., 1992, p. xi).
What is more, the use of a public space is conditioned by itize s pe eptio s, ha its, histo ies a d
e otio s (Gaye L., Maze R., Holmquist L.E., 2003, p. 109). These perceptions and emotions are
subject to change in the presence of music performance, as it has been negoti ated before (chapter
2.5), and therefore change the way people perceive the use of space. If we accept that music in
public space enhances social interaction and the perception of meeting place ( chapter 2.7), then it
ould e a gued that usi pe fo a e ha ges people s pe eptio of the uses to a ds o e
community- and social-related uses. Accordingly, if music has the ability to enhance the perception
of safety, then the perception of uses related to criminality and fear tend to decline. .
40
2.10 Conceptual Model

The whole process of bibliographical research and construction of the theoretical framework in
order to achieve the research aim and answer the research sub-questions -at least on a theoretical
level- ends up in the production of a conceptual model, which negotiates the basic argument of this
research.
Figure 2: Conceptual model of the research: Music in public space and its effect on people’s pe eptio of the ualit of
pu li spa e. “ou e: autho ’s edit.
The starting point of the theoretical argumentation of the research is that space is socially produced
through the representations of the enclosed relations (Lefebvre, 1991). Κefe e s spatial t iad
negotiates the representations and practices of the social space, by categorizing space according to
its production; the perceived space (spatial practices), the conceived space (representations of
space) and the lived space (spaces of representation). With this triad, Lefebvre incorporates the
symbolisms, perceptions and experiences of public space into a model which negotiates social
practices. By applying this concept into the production of public space, it is possible to identify and
negotiate the representations and practices that produce social public space.
Since the present research is focusing on reflecting on the perceptions regarding the attributes of a –
successful- public space (Comfort, Sense of Community-Sociability, Accessibility and Use), which are
also the main aspects of the research questions, Κefe e s t iad is used to egotiate these ualities
and highlight their experiential aspect.
However, the system of the representations of the qualities of spa e a d Κefe e s app oa h is
intersected by the presence of music performance in the public space. Music performance is a
41
creative practice which stimulates the hearing sense and provokes a mental process; that of music
cognition. At this moment the user of the space, the citizen, the listener receives both the
representations and practices of space (along with its attributes) and the music signal. Therefore, the
listener is asked to interpret the qualities of public space through the filter of music.
As a result, it could be argued that music in public space might change the perception people have
about the quality of a public space and modify the experiences of space. The bibliographical research
seems to point to the direction that music performance in public affects public space perception for
a variety of reasons (chapter 2.6, 2.7, 2.8 and 2.9).
Eventually, the argument results in a discussion of public space revitalization and regeneration
poli ies as a out o e of usi pe fo a e i the eal . Κefe e s t iad is agai u de
negotiation in terms of how the conceived space is related to the lived space and to the spatial
practices and vice versa under the effect of a creative and cultural process and production of space.
The conceptual model and the overall argument that seeks to answer the research aim and its
research questions are empirically tested on a case study; Navarinou Square in Thessaloniki, Greece
is the urban public space where the qualities of public space are negotiated and researched in the
presence of music performance.
42
Research Design - Methodology
3. Research Design - Methodology

3.1 Expectations
As it is later further discussed, for the specific research a qualitative approach has been chosen and
applied in order to get a deeper understanding and reflection of the perceptions and experiences
produced. Therefore, it is not possible to have hypotheses which would be tested and negotiated as
a quantitative research design would have had. However, it seems to be helpful to introduce the
expectations that the theoretical research has provoked, in order to be possible to reflect back on
them at the state of the conclusions and discussion (chapter 5).
Bibliographical research and the corresponding theoretical outcome seem to indicate that music in
public space has a – probably positive – effect on the way people perceive and experience comfort in
the public realm. It has been argued that music is a creative practice which produces positive –or
negative– emotions and reactions and therefore, due the cognitive process of interpreting these
usi al s ols, people s pe eptio of the se se of o fo t ha ges espe ti el ( (Durao, 2009);
(Hall T., Smith C., 2004); (Guetzkow, 2002); (Minton, 2009)). Additionally, the safety factor of the
sense of comfort seems also to be –positively – affected by the presence of music, as a result of the
enhancement of the sense of belonging and familiarity as well as the sense of livability and physical
presence in the public realm ( (Massey D., Rose G., 2003); (Landry C., Greene L., Matarasso F.,
Bianchini F., 1996)).
The sense of community and sociability of a public space se em also to be highly influenced by the
presence of a creative practice, such as music performance in the realm. The perceptions and
experiences that are produced under the effect of music are considered to change the way people
socialize and interact with each other ( (Tuan, 1977); (Sancar, 2003); (Hall T., Smith C., 2004); (Cohen,
1995); (Massey D., Rose G., 2003); (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007); (Guetzkow, 2002)). William
H. Whyte (1988) a d his app oa h of t ia gulatio i the pu li eal suppo ts st o gl th is
expectation and considers people to be the most important factor of attractions in public. Therefore,
a social and creative practice not only is expected to allow people to interact more, but also to
enhance social qualities such as cultural diversity and inclusion.
A public space is considered to be accessible and open when it mainly presents qualities of
inclusivity, multiculturalism and public participation to events. Therefore, public space is considered
to be worthy of its definition only when it presents these qualities. Music is expected to play a
significant role in the perception of these critical qualities; an open and public event such as the
music performance allows people to participate unconditionally and therefore feel more welcome
and perceive space as a more accessible, inclusive and open one ( (Low S.M., Taplin D., Scheld S.,
2005); (Tornaghi, 2007)). What is more, it is expected that music in public space changes the
perception that people have of the role of the public space in the urban structure, probably in a
positive way.
Last, but not least, the perception that people have regarding the uses and activities of a public
space, under the influence of music, are expected to enhance the use of it. This expectation derives
from the former estimation that music in public space enhances social activity and interaction, and
therefore community- and social-related use ( (McClish, 2010); (Minton, 2009); (Landry C., Greene L.,
Matarasso F., Bianchini F., 1996)).
43
Overall, it seems that the result of the empirical part of the research should be expected to point
towards a positive effect of musi pe fo a e o people s pe eptio a out the ualit of pu li
spa e. Ho e e , it should e st o gl a ied i i d hat Kä pfe, “edl eie a d ‘e ke itz (2011)
suggest and have concluded in their research; music does not always have the same effect on
people s og iti e p o esses. We should e pe t that the e pi i al esults ight also p ese t a e e
effect of music on perception or even no effect (p. 441).
3.2 Methodology
In order to answer the research questions, a case study research design is being followed (Bryman,
2001, p. 52). As mentioned before in the theoretical framework, space perception and experience
research is tightly related to the identification and evaluation of the attributes of public space
(Sancar, 2003, p. 270). Accordingly, the methodological approach of this research seeks to
extensively examine the perceptions and experience s produced during a public music event in a
public space which carries specific characteristics and attracts specific people. By taking into account
all these characteristics that make this public realm –probably- unique, it might be possible to
evaluate the attributes and the variables that play a significant role in perception and experience of
public realm in the presence of music.
The general research design comprises of two, more specific empirical projects. The first one
evaluates the perceptions and experiences of the case-study-area without the presence of the music
performance, while the second one during the event. After serious considerations regarding the
approaches and methods that should be followed for each research project, it is decided that for the
in-depth evaluation and interpretation of the perceptions and experiences – while keeping in mind
time limitations and capability constraints- a qualitative strategy with some psychogeographical
tools will be followed for both cases.
3.2.1 Elaboration of the Methodology into a Working Plan

As mentioned above, in order to answer the research sub-questions and eventually achieve the
research aim, a double-parted research strategy is followed. The first one seeks to describe the
present perception of the public space and the second one the perception during the music
performance.
The public space under case-study research is a square –Navarinou Square- in the city centre of
Thessaloniki, Northern Greece. As it is revealed in the following chapter (4.1) Navarinou square is a
historical place in a residential and commercial neighbourhood with a contemporary tradition as a
place of socializing and public expression. However, throughout the years, and due to severe neglect
of the local authorities the square presents social and criminality problems that lead to the decline
of the inclusivity and accessibility of the square. As a result, the case study is a public space in need
for revitalization and regeneration through procedures that would not harm the inclusivity and
openness of the realm.
44
Map 1: Navarinou Square and the important places and landmarks. With the sign of the musical note is where the
musi ia s e e pe fo i g. “ou e: Bi g Maps a d autho ’s edit
For both parts of the research strategy, a qualitative and psychogeographical approach is followed.
The goal of the research is to define the perceptions and experiences that the users of the square
have on a daily basis, based on the four attributes and pylons that characterise a public space;
comfort, sense of community, accessibility and use of the square . As mentioned before, these four
attributes are elaborated into the four research questions of the corresponding aim (chapter 1.3).
For the empirical part of the research, these research questions are translated into empirical
questions in order to match the case study. As a result, the empirical rese arch questions of the case
study are:
1. To what extent does the public music performance change the perception people have
about the sense of comfort of Navarinou Square?
about the sense of community and sociability of Navarinou Square?
about the accessibility of Navarinou Square?
about the use of Navarinou Square?
These empirical questions are researched through on spot, semi-structured interviews conducted at
the square under two different circumstances: with the music performance in the square and
without it. Of course, in the case of the absence of music, the questions do not reflect –at first – the
factor of music; they rather sea h to e o d people s ge e al pe eptio s of the s ua e, ased o
the four attributes and their sub-attributes, in order to compare and contrast the responses with
45
those of the people who got interviewed in the presence of music. As Massey and Rose (2003)
suggest concerning the attributes of space:
(Finally), spaces and places, of course, have both material characteristics and immaterial
o es. A d the eeti gs hi h p odu e spa es a d pla es, the egotiatio s, a e a p odu t of
both. On the one hand there are (say) the buildings, the lampposts, the rubbish bins, the
railings, the noise and patterns of o e e t … o the othe the e a e the so ial elatio s,
and the understandings and emotions – the way people congregate or avoid each other, the
differential welcoming and repelling of different groups in different sites, the common
understandings of ho to eha e, feeli gs of ei g at ho e o feeli gs of fea . These
aspe ts a e li ked a d pla off ea h othe . (Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 4)
Respectively, the group of people that is interviewed is asked to criticise and argue about those
attributes of space, both physical and social ones that seem to ha e a efle tio i ea h pe so s
perception and appreciation of the square; the material and the immaterial ones. Those perceptions
need to be elaborated within a cultural context, in order to evaluate them properly. As Tuan (1977)
suggests, social scientists, who do research on space perception, experience, engagement and/or
meaning, should always reflect their methods and results i to the lo al ultu e of thei sa ple , as
e e ultu e is u i uel de eloped i hu a ei gs (p. 5) 7. The attributes that have been
selected in this research as well as the respective questions and methods are researched within a
context of a western culture, and more specifically they are elaborated in a way, which reflects the
Greek sense of space and place and especially urban public space.
The interviews are conducted on the spot, because of the need to aptu e the a e otio s that
people e pe ie ed du i g the pe fo a e (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 879). Wood,
Duffy and Smith (2007), who have conducted a very similar to this research project, suggest that on-
the-spot i te ie s ight ot e e lea a d e tall st u tu ed, ut the efle t the heat of the
o e t ; a ualit that see s to e of g eat i po ta e he a eati e e e t is i ol ed, e ause
of the cognitive process that it provokes (see chapter 2.5).
What is more, in order to apply a more psychogeographical methodological tool, all respondents are
given a camera and are asked to take two pictures of objects, landmarks, people, activities in the
square; anything that attracts their attention in a good way, or a bad way. The goal is to capture in
two pictures what each person finds stimulating in the square. Thus, it is possible to make a
comparison between the general perception of the square without the music performance and
during it. It should be mentioned that Psychogeography does not suggest specific methods of
esea h a d e aluatio of the pe eptio s a d e pe ie es of spa e. Ho e e , the p opose the
stud of the ph si al effe ts of the geog aphi al e i o e t o i di iduals e otio s a d
eha io , hi h a e apped i a eati e a s, su h as photog aph ( (Barnard, 2004, p.
108); (Bassett, 2004)). Moreover, si e it is ot possi le to appl the Dé i e i the spe ifi ase
study, because of the stability of the event and the specific spatial unit under investigation,
photography is considered to be the most proper tool to capture people s pe eptio s i a
psychogeographical way.
Additio all , oth espo de ts g oups a e researched on their opinion regarding the role of music
in public space and its potential influence on their perception. This aspect is examined both in the
presence of the music performance as well as without it. However, there is a small differentiation on
7
Ho e e , Tua , apa t f o the i po ta e of the ultu al f a e o k, fi l suppo ts the alue of s ha e t aits a d
u i e sal a lues hi h a e usuall egle ted i esea h. (Tuan, 1977, pp. 5-6)
46
the questions asked during the interviews (for those without music, the questions are in a
hypothetical context and form).
For the second part of the strategy, the one with the music performance, a gipsy-swing band,
formed for the specific research by professional musicians8 and aware of the aims of the project is
performing live in the square. The event takes place during morning and noon hours that the central
shops are open and the city centre is at its most vivid time.
As the band performs, along with the interviews, since it is legally allowed, a general videotaping of
people s ea tio s and expressions is carried out. Wood et al. (2007), during a research which seeks
to efle t o a o eptio of usi that emphasizes its being and doing its nonrepresentational,
eati e, a d e a es e t ualities , ha e used the ethodologi al tool of ge e al ideo e o di g (p.
868). They negotiate the methodological quality of video recording by characterizing it on the one
hand as a unilateral way of observation, as the researcher subjectively chooses what to record, while
on the other a video-recorded data set allows the researcher to analyse the observation in a more
controlled way; to view the material multiple times and to observe it as much as possible (Wood N.,
Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, pp. 880-881).
Overall, it is important to note, that a multi-methodological research design is considered to be the
most proper one for this research, i o de to p io itize p a ti e a d e pe ie e (Wood N., Duffy
M., Smith S., 2007, p. 882). This ethodologi al app oa h, hi h is alled o ep ese tatio al
thi ki g Wood et al. (p. 882)), is considered to reflect better the angles of perception and
experience, while additionally, it enhances the whole research philosophy and design with a twist of
creativity; a matching research component for a topic related to arts and culture.
3.2.2 Asking Questions

The research strategy, as it has been aforementioned, is based on on-spot, semi-structured
interviews. The themes of the interview have derived from the theoretical framework research, and
a e ai l ased o the fou ke ualities that P oje t fo Pu li “pa es o side s as being
important for a successful place (Project for Public Spaces, 2012). It should be mentioned, again, that
these four attributes apart from being the four pylons on which the theoretical framework is built,
they also are the focus of the four sub-research questions of this thesis.
All the attributes examined have been chosen based on bibliographical research concerning the
evaluation of perception and experience of public space as well as of public art (i.e. (Project for
Public Spaces, 2012); (Zebracki, 2011); (Zebracki, 2007) ; (Coeterier, 1996); (Sheikh, 2004); (Massey
D., Rose G., 2003)).
In order to answer the research questions, regarding the perception and experience of the public
space, the concepts/attributes that are being examined in both parts of the strategy are presented
in the following list. These concepts and attributes have already been introduced and argued in the
theoretical framework (chapter 2.1: Public Space and Quality of Public Space & chapters: 2.6, 2.7, 2.8
& 2.9).
8
Pra to (1984, p. 159) s i gnifies the importance of the musical quality and vi rtuosity for outdoors musical events in terms of
eva l uating an a esthetic experience.
47
- Empirical Research Question 1: To what extent does the public music performance change
the perception people have about the sense of comfort of Navarinou Square?
o comfort
 attractiveness
 pleasure
 safety
the perception people have about the sense of community and sociability of Navarinou
Square?
o Sense of Community-Sociability
 meeting place
 playground
 welcome
the perception people have about the accessibility of Navarinou Square?
o Accessibility
 accessibility and openness of square
 role of square in the urban structure
the perception people have about the use of Navarinou Square?
o Use
 active public space
 activities
 residency
As well as foresheet information like:

- Name - Place of residency
- Age - Occupation
- Gender - Education level
- Place of origin - Frequency of visits in a month
It should be noticed, that the same attributes are also examined during the interviews without the
music event in order to compare and contrast the results and reach a conclusion.
What is more, links between music, perception, experience and regeneration are researched. The
questions related to the investigation of these links are stated at the end of the interview, in order to
avoid any preoccupation of the interviewee with the subject of research. As stated before, these
questions differ among the interviews conducted with music and without music (those without
music are on a hypothetical basis), but overall seek to reveal the same links.
Overall, 31 semi-structured interviews with users of the square have been conducted – 16 with
music and 15 without. It has been estimated that around a 30% of the people that was requested to
participate in the interviews finally agreed. There have also been some interviews that it has not
been able to complete them, for both interview sets, due to external reasons 9. Of course, these
interviews had not been included in the data analysis, but are implicitly taken into consideration.
The respondents were approached during their presence in the square and were interviewed on
spot. The sample consisted of all types of users of the square during morning hours, as it is described
9
Al l of these cases have to do with parents or gra ndparents that their a ttention was more on watching and chasing their
young chi ld, ra ther than a nswering the questions. As a result the interviews were not completed.
48
in chapter 4.2, in order to give a representative view of the variety of perceptions and experiences of
the square. The semi-structure interview guide consisted of 32 questions, based on the guid e
presented above, while of course giving rise for more questions when needed or changing the order
of the questions (see Appendix 1: Semi-structured interview questionnaire). They were all conducted
during the first two weeks of May 2012, when the weather was –supposed to be – neither too cold
nor too warm; a time when people use more the public spaces of Thessaloniki. There were four daily
sessions of interviews, two with music and two without music. Finally, all interviews have been
transcribed in Greek, analysed, coded and eventually processed as themes which correspond to each
empirical research question and its attributes (see chapter 4: Analysis – Case Study).
3.2.3 The Music

When deciding on the music genre that was to be
presented, and which of course sincerely affects the
research procedure and results, the aim was to choose
something of general acceptance, neither too pop nor too
alternative; a genre that would be matching with the
routine of the day. So, since personal experience of the
citizen s taste o usi is g a ted, g psy-swing is
considered to be the most suitable genre as it is facing a
revitalization phase at the moment in the music and
dancing circles of Thessaloniki (it is almost a mainstream
genre). What is more, people of older ages are familiar to
it, since it is a genre that originates back in the 30s through
the 50s and their majority tends to like it (indication from Picture 4: Django Reinhardt, the ambassador
personal experience). of gypsy-swing. Source: http://goo.gl/BI5IC
Gypsy swing music, for all generations of listeners, seems to have a quite specific cognitive output
that is tightly related with old nostalgic memories for the older ones, and retro and romantic feelings
for the younger ones who might have seen movies, read books and heard stories (Prato, 1984, p.
157). Additionally, many gypsy-swing songs are of intense rhythm, fast and vivid; a characteristic
which seems to attract a lot the children. It could be argued that music produces space and sense of
place, which is highly influenced by the representations that the particular music genre carries
(Duffy, pp. 3, 7-8). The sweet melodies of the music, along with the distinct sound of violin seem to
eate a et ospe ti e at osphe e, hi h i gs i to og iti e a d e otio al elatio , tu es i ,
three different involved participants of the performance; the composer of the song back from the
30s, the musician and the audience from present (Schutz A. , 1999). Despite the great interest that
such a phenomenological approach seems to have, it would not be wise to negotiate it further in this
thesis, as it might lead the discussion into more musicological and cognitive depths. However, the
atmosphere and the cognitive relations that this music genre produces are of high importance and
are kept in mind for the analysis and results.
As, for the musicians, according to what Prato (1984, p. 159) suggests, they are professionals and
thei a ilities appl to hat he alls te h i al i tuosit i o de to satisf the aestheti e pe ie e
of the event. The swing band consists of three young, male musicians, two of them playing guitar
and the other one, violin. The session is almost acoustic and therefore of a discreet and natural
sound presence in the square. What is more, even though the whole event has the main features of
49
a busking performance, the musicians do not collect money and they have no sign that they do so
(open case, bag, hat, box etc). Therefore, the people in the square -the potential audience- does not
have to oblige themselves in a mechanism of consumption, when the listener has to pay the
usi ia i o de to e jo the usi ; the pe fo a e has the fo of a pu li good and this fact
might have an influence on the final results (Kushner R., Brooks A., 2000, p. 66).
Picture 5: The gypsy-swing musicians who performed during the research. (from left to right) Chris Kosides, Yiannis
Vakaloudis a d Kostas Vapo idis. “ou e: autho ’s
50
Analysis – Case Study
4. Analysis – Case Study

As it has been discussed in the Theoretical Framework, a usi pe fo a e takes pla e (Wood N.,
Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 869), a d i this ase the pla e is Πa a i ou “ ua e; a pu li spa e of
great rarity in the dense historical city centre of Thessaloniki. In this chapter are presented the main
aspects of the empirical research.
Firstly, there is a presentation of the characteristics of the case study. The details of the historical,
cultural, spatial, economic and social background of the area give a better reflection of what Tuan
(1977) recognizes as an important value for the analysis of perceptions and experiences: the local
culture. Secondly, there is an explanation of the analytical procedure that is followed and the whole
philosophy behind it. It was decided that a discourse analysis of the interviews and the relative data
see s to e the ost p ope o e, i o de to i g to the light all the aspe ts of people s
perceptions and experiences as portrayed in their words and expressions. The last part of this
chapter negotiates the results of the analysis of the qualitative data: the interviews, the
psychogeographical photos and some interesting clues from the video recording. The empirical
esea h uestio s a e a s e ed a o di g to people s espo ses a d the esults a e also elated to
some theoretical approaches.
4.1 Navarinou Square

Navarinou Square is one of the few and newest
squares in the city centre of Thessaloniki. Its
design and development goes back only to the
1970s, when the local authorities and
archaeological services decided to start excavation
works in the area in order to bring to light the
roman Galerian Palace. The excavation works
lasted more than a decade and revealed a
historical site of great importance and beauty.
However, it was only until the end of the 1980s
that the square took its modern – ut ot toda s-
form, as an accompanying public space –with no
archaeological interest- next to the historical site.
Today, visitors and residents enjoy the historical
site, which is part of a linear archaeological zone in
the city centre (composing the so-called Galerian
Complex ) on a daily basis.
However, even though the site had not always
been a designed public space, it used to facilitate
as an open space for many years (even before
Thessalo iki s li e atio f o the Otto a E pi e Picture 6: The A htse Medjid eigh ou hood, as it
in 1912). Before the excavation works of the 70s, used to e u til 9 ’s. I the e t e of the pi tu e lies
the area used to be a hilly, open, green space with the eigh ou hood’s fou tai . No ada s, i the e a t
same position lies Navarinou Square. Source: Το α άς,
a mosque –the White Mosque- and a fountain 1997)
ο α ά , , . . What see s to e of high i te est fo the a ea s histo i al a d ultu al
a kg ou d, is the ulti ultu al ide tit of the eigh ou hood. The eigh ou hood s a e as
51
A htse Medjid a d the people living in the area were of Turkish, Jewish, and Greek –Christian10 -
origin. This area, as any area in Thessalo iki du i g those ti es efo e the it s li e atio as a
eth ologi all i ed a ea, he e people despite ea h othe s eth i it a d eligi on were enjoying
ea h othe s o pa a d espe ti g the diffe e t origin. The open, public space in the middle of
the residential area was a place of cultural diversity expression, where all people were included in
the rhythms of the daily –hard and poor- life. Kostas Tomanas ο α ά , , . in his
e oi es f o his hildhood a k i the egi i g of the th e tu sa s that The ig fou tai
was for all the nationalities of the neighbourhood. Jewish and Christi ans used to take water during
all day, while the Turkish women, with their breeches and their veils, used to go only at dawn, so
that o o e ould see the . ο α ά , , . 11
.E e he , afte the it s li e ation, the
Turkish population had to abandon their houses ό ο , , the neighbourhood was still
e ali e, a d so as the s ua e . I the place of the Turkish families were now residing (in the
decade 1923-33) Greek immigrants from Smyrni (Izmir) and the rest of Minor Asia, who were also
forced to leave their homes during the Greek-Turkish wars. The new population managed to mix
with the old one, and they were expressing their public life every night in the small taverns around
the s ua e ο α ά , , . .
Until the e d of the s, he the square took its final form, the majority of the old houses have
been demolished in order to build new blocks of flats that could provide housing to the h uge
amount of people coming to live to the big city from the countryside. Even though the modern
square seems to have lost any resemblance to the old one, there are still two perennial sycamore
trees and a fountain underneath to bring back memories of the multicultural history not only of the
area, but also of the historical city centre of Thessaloniki.
Picture 7: Navarinou Square and the archaeological site (the Galerian Palace) in the late 80s, straight after its
construction. Source: Postcard from www.flickr.com
10
Duri ng those ti mes i n the Balkan region, i t was religion that signified a n identity a nd not the place of origin as such.
11
Free tra nslation from the a uthor
52
“i e the late s the e ha e ee so e ha ges to the a ea. Fi st of all, the ajo st eet that as
in front of the historical site –Gounari Street12- was transformed into a strictly pedestrian road in
order to link the Galerian Palace with the other sites of the Galerian Complex that lie on the
northern part of the road. Because of this transformation, the streets around the square, even
though the authorities did not change the traffic regulations, stopped having as much traffic as they
used to have. Today, those streets are rarely used by vehicles a d a o di g to lo al s opi io this
fact has made the square probably the safest public space in the city centre.
During the last 20 years there have been some conservative changes to the landscape design of the
square, with the most important change being the construction of a small playground. A decorative
fou tai at the e t a e of the s ua e ith a a iatio of the delgi an Manneken Pis is considered
to be the landmark of the place, while the pavement around the square is now used as a leisure
area, with cafe and restaurant terraces.
Picture 8: Young children during a school trip in the square take pi tu es of peei g o . This fou tai is o side ed to
e the la d a k of the s ua e. “ou e: autho ’s
12
Toda y, i n everyday l ocal talk, people refer to this pedestrian street also as Navarinou Square, or Na varinou Street.
However, the official name of the road is Gounari Street.
53
Picture 9: Navarinou Square today. Source: www.bi ng.com/maps
Navarinou square is in the eastern e d of hat ould e alled the o e ial a is of Thessalo iki s
city centre. While the square itself does not have any commercial activity, except for that of leisure,
the neighbouring streets are the financial heart of the city. Small family stores, as well as world-wide
known brands and multinational enterprises have stores in the wider area, placing the square in a
zone of very intense everyday activity. The everyday activity of the square is also enhanced by the
very big amount of people that have their offices or work in the service sector of the area. Public as
well as private services are based within a small radius from the square an d it should not be
forgotten that this square has a significant touristic value. As a result, people use the square on a
daily basis either for recreational reasons, or just as passers-by. What is more, it seems like the last
few years there is a tendency for many businesses and organizations which are related to the
creative industry to settle in the area. Young artists, non-government organizations, shops related to
arts and radio stations seem to get inspired by the place and of course leave a feedback to the place
by giving the area a more alternative, creative and vivid mood 13 . However, Navarinou Square has a
bad reputation in the local population and press. The reasons behind this discourse as well as the
identity of the users of the square are discussed in the following chapter (4.2).
13
Unfortunately, there has not yet been any a cademic research related to these fa cts. These statements are based on my
pe s o al a d othe s people pe eptio a d u offi ial esea h. “o e of these usi esses a d o ga izatio s that a e
es tablished in the a rea of Na varinou Square a re:
1. Na va ri no Network - www.navarinonetwork.org/
2. The Box Ga llery – www.theboxgallery.com
3. Ts elios Musical Instruments - http://www.tseliosmusic.gr
4. Up Κoud e a dio - http://www.upnloud.gr/
54
Map 2: Navarinou Square
and its position in the
historical centre of
Thessaloniki. Source: Bing
Maps a d autho ’s edit.
55
4.2 The Users and Respondents
As it has been aforementioned, the qualitative research design with the semi -structured interviews
is referred to all users of the square during the morning hours. As a result every type of user of the
square that is described below refers also to a type of respondent. But, who are the users of
Navarinou Square?
To begin with, there are three main groups of users during the morning hours, more or less of the
same quantity. First of all, there are many parents (or grandparents) with their (grand-) children
during the morning and noon. As soon as the schools are out, the square, which has a part of it
designed as a playground, fills with children and their parents. This group of users tends to locate
itself in the square at the northwest part, where the playground equipment is, as well as the main
part of the square with the benches (see Map 3).
This group seems also to be the most socially and
culturally active one. Some parents who use this
square on a daily basis formed two years ago a
non-go e e tal o ga izatio alled Paidi sti
Poli – Child i the Cit . In the last two years they
have organized a couple of children-associated
events in the square in order to raise the
awareness of the importance of this public space
for the down-town residents to the local
authorities and media, who seem to neglect the
square. Moreover they have tried to rearrange a Picture 10: Parents and grandparents enjoying the first
few facilities of the space in order to make it more days of summer in the playground under the shade of
the t ee Ma . “ou e: autho ’s
pleasant and clean. The fact that there is a group of
people who support the role of the square so intensively indicates that the square is socially and
culturally alive and that there are people who really recognize the value and importance of the
square.
The second group of users are the elders. These
are mainly residents of the city centre who like to
take a walk and sit somewhere where they can
enjoy some trees and maybe some old friends. Of
course Navarinou Square, as most squares, has
many pigeons, which are mainly taken care of from
older people (Whyte, The Social Life of Small Urban
Spaces - The Street Corner, 1979). The elders
usually use the main part of the square, where the
benches and the shades of the trees are (see Map
3 and Picture 11). Picture 11: With the first sun after a heavy winter elder
people go to the square to enjoy the nice weather of
March (2012) and the company of their friends. Source:
autho ’s
56
The last morning users are the students and young professionals. This group uses mainly the
cafeterias and the terraces at the northwest perimeter of the square. Navarinou Square is in close
proximity with the University area 14 and therefore serves as a very convenient destination for
leisure. What is more, the area around the square hosts many offices and public services and thus
attracts young professionals who tend to have their break in the cafeterias or cross the square on a
daily basis in order to go to work.
Picture 12: Young people sitting at the terraces of the cafeterias on the perimeter of the square. “ou e: autho ’s
However, there are also two more groups of users,

which have not been mentioned yet. The first one
is the group of dogs. There are many stray dogs in
the wider area of the square that are not under
a o e s autho it o atte tio a d a de
around. The dogs tend to use the green surfaces of
the square, where they make a lot of dirt. Apart
from the stray dogs, though, there are also the
private ones. The square is a frequent meeting
point for dog-owners and their animals, on a daily
basis. Picture 13: O e of the s ua e’s st a , ut e f ie dl ,
dogs. “ou e: autho ’s
As it might have been noticed, until now the research tends to focus on the daily activities and users.
This is because as soon as the sun goes down, a new group of people uses the square. Drug addicts,
homeless people, immigrants and other marginalized people tend to gather at the southeast part of
the square, near the historical site. This meeting point has been established many years ago, almost
14
Ari s totle University of Thessaloniki a nd University of Ma cedonia
57
as soon as the square was constructed. Since then, the criminality in the area seems to have risen,
with drug dealing and incidents of pick pocket and burglaries being common news for the local
community. The reasons behind this phenomenon vary, but no official research has been conducted
on the topic until today as well as –almost- no official measures. The perceptions towards this effect
are also reflected in the research analysis and will be discussed in the following chapter ( 4.5).
By the fact that so many different groups of users find their place during the day in Navarinou
“ ua e, it ould e a gued that this pu li spa e is a eeti g pla e he e u e ous t aje to ies of
all kinds (are) brought together in physical proximit (Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 4). However, the
o e all dis ou se that efle ts the s ua e s ad eputatio i the lo al populatio a d edia is tightl
linked with the gathering of the marginalized people. The way every group uses the square reflects a
so ial a gi alizatio hi h is also t a slated i to a spatial o e. Ea h use s g oup has its o pla e
in the square and they try not to interfere with each other. It seems like the users of the square have
not yet managed to overcome the challenge of negotiating the trajectories and set the differences
aside (Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 4). As it will be discussed later, there are constant conflicts
among almost all groups of users of the square –even within the groups - and tolerance as well as
diversity seems to be a discussion that no one wants to start first.
Map 3: The position of the users in Navarinou Square. There seems to be a perceived border, starting from the fountain
that separates the daily users from the socially –and spatially- a gi alized people. “ou e: Bi g Maps a d autho ’s edit
In respect of the identity of the respondents (see also Appendix 2: Overview and Profile of the
Respondents), the majority belongs to the groups mentioned above. They are young parents who
visited the square for the playground, elder people who are also accompanying children or came to
the square to relax, people walking the dog, students and young professionals. Moreover, even
though the research was not a quantitative one, it seems that the square is used more by women
rather than men. The ages vary from 18 to 65+ and the people who responded to the interviews and
58
belong to the financially active population tend to be high educated and employed. Their
occupations are of great variety but there are also many students. As for the place of origin and
present residency the majority of the respondents replied that they were born i n Thessaloniki and
also live in the city. Moreover, most of the respondents are regular visitors and users of the square
with a presence of 3-4 times per week. Nevertheless, since the semi-structured interviews have been
conducted only during morning and noon hours it should be kept in mind that it was not possible to
e o d the a gi alized people s pe eptio s to a ds the esea h the e.
However, it should be noticed, that it is ot this esea h s ai to highlight a d dis uss the p o le s
of Navarinou Square, such as marginalization or cultural diversity and democracy. The goal is to
egotiate people s pe eptio s and experiences, which are probably tied to these problems, under
the prism of a music performance.
4.3 Methods
For the analysis of the empirical data it is believed that a discourse analysis is the most proper
method in order to reach into deep people s pe eptio s to a ds the ualit of the s ua e a d
highlight their opinions (Bryman, 2001, pp. 499-500). Κa guage eates ealities a d these ealities
reflect the perceptions of the respondents (Hajer, 2006). Additionally, through a discourse analysis it
is possible to take into consideration the cultural background of the respondents, as Tuan indicates
(1977). Even if the interviews have been conducted in Greek, a language which carries much of its
meaning in voice tone and expressions, there is an attempt to transfer the gist and essence of the
discourse in English.
What is more, the photographs taken during the psychogeographical collection of data are analysed
following a visual methodology of discourse analysis (Rose, 2001, p. 135). Gillian Rose (2001) makes
a distinction among two forms of discourse analysis. The first one, which is also used in this research,
egotiates o e the dis ou ses p odu ed isual i ages a d e al te ts hile the se o d o e
deals more with institutional practices (pp. 140-141). The first approach is tightly related with the
social representations that people produce of space (Rose, 2001, pp. 161-162). Therefore, it is
considered to be the most appropriate methodological tool to analyse the psychogeographical data,
hi h efle t espo de t s pe ei ed a d li ed spa e (Lefebvre, 1991). I this ase, espo de t s
psychogeographical data and the included representations are also negotiated in relation to the
interviews and the respective responses. What seems to be the interest of the psychogeographical
photos is not the object pictured rather than the choice of the specific object and the reasons behind
its choi e; the i te est is o the espo de t s ie to a ds the s ua e.
Moreover, it is not only the psychogeographical data that are analysed and reflected through a
discourse-related approach, but also the accompanying photographical dataset that was captured
during the experiments/musical performances by the researcher and wishes to reflect aspects of the
attributes of the square and the social interactions.
59
4.4 Data Analysis

By following a discourse analysis, it was possible to go into depth of what the resp ondents say, and
ho the sa it. Dis ou se a al sis, as a ethodologi al e p essio of Mi hel Fou ault s philosoph ,
has the power to analyse the dis ou ses of spee h that depi t a d f a e the a e o p ehe d
the object under study (Bryman, 2001, p. 499). Especially when the respondents are called to
evaluate attributes and objects related to their urban environment, as it is in this case, discourses
seem to have a great value as they are also tightly related to perceptions; discourses are perceptions
put into words in a specific way, using specific words in order to describe and evaluate an attribute.
However, since all interviews have been conducted into Greek it seems hard to translate and
transform into English the discourses used and identified in the data analysis. Therefore, apart from
translating the quotations, there is an attempt to put all quotations and discourses into a context
that would allow the data analysis to be of better value.
In the following diagram is presented the coding that has been followed in order to analyse the
qualitative data. The coding derives from the interview themes as well as the answers that the
respondents gave, and is based on the four attributes of space, the pylons of the theoretical
framework, that are investigated by the research questions and here, by the empirical questions.
In order to answer the first empirical question, regarding the perceptions of the sense of comfort in
the square, the sub-attributes that are tested are those of attractiveness, pleasure and safety. Each
sub-attribute is reflected on respect of other more specific values and factors that are tightly related
to the ase stud as the ha e de i ed f o the espo de t s a s e s. Fo i sta e, o the s ubject
of safety, the issue of the drug addicts and the marginalised people is not firstly mentioned by the
esea he , ut the i te ie e e pe ts the i te ie ee to efe o o e s o o the issues that a e
perceived as important and continue the discussion. The expectations of the analysis of these
attributes are related to an enhancement of the sense of comfort due to the music performance. In
the next sub-chapter (4.5) these expectations are further discussed.
The se o d e pi i al esea h uestio seeks to efle t o people s pe eptio s a out the se se of
community and sociability of Navarinou Square. As in the first case, the three sub-attributes that are
tested have been negotiated in the theoretical framework (chapter 2.7) and the values that evaluate
the ha e ee o st u ted out of the i te ie ees espo ses. The expectations for the effect of
music performance on this spatial quality seem to be also positive. However, the result of the
discourse analysis is presented in chapter 4.6.
Accessibility and the role of Navarinou Square in the urban structure of Thessaloniki is the third
pylon of the empirical research. According to the two previous empirical questions and their coding,
the nodes of these sub-att i utes a e also de i ed f o the espo de s pe eptio s.
The fourth pylon of the quality of public space and its translation into an empirical question seek t o
highlight the uses of the square as well as the perceptions of the liveability of Navarinou Square. All
uses included as nodes of the coding have been mentioned by the respondents. Moreover, in this
e pi i al uestio the use s illi g ess to eside i the area of Navarinou is also considered
valuable, as it seems to indicate the intimate feelings, perceptions and experiences that an individual
might have for a place.
Apart from the empirical questions which are developed and coded into nodes, there are also some
f ee odes, hi h a e elated to the espo de t s ge e al pe eptio o the su je t of usi
60
performance in public space as well as their opinion on the perspective of music performance in
Navarinou Square. These questions are common for both sets of interviews with music and without
music in the square, and it is the moment when the respondent understands the purpose of the
research and efle ts o e s o s ious ie to a ds the su je t. O the o t a , the fou e pi i al
questions – during the interviews with music- are discussed without mentioning, from the
esea he s side, that usi pe fo a e pla s a ole, i o de to aptu e the su o s ious effe t of
usi o people s pe eptio s a d e pe ie es.
Last, but not least, the analysis of the ps hogeog aphi al data efle ts espo de t s pe eptio s
towards the experience of Navarinou Square. There has been an attempt to relate text to image, as
Rose indicates, in order to apply discourse analysis. Therefore, there have been attributed specifi c
key-words to each picture which derives not only from what the respondent captured in the
photograph, but also what he/she stated during the interview. In this way, it is possible to analyse
visual, psychogeographical data and simultaneously link them to the espo de t s dis ou se.
However, they are not discussed in a different coding; rather they are embodied in the discourse
analysis of the text data.
In order to analyse the data and reach a solid conclusion it is important to always keep in mind to
make connections and comparisons between the two sets of interviews: with music and without
music. For this reason, an attempt has been made to develop and use a tool in order to compare
discourses. While in quantitative research the comparative methods are far more clear and specific
due to the use of numbers and percentages to describe a phenomenon, in qualitative it is more
complicated. Apart from the comparison that is made between the discourses used to evaluate the
attributes of the coding diagram below, there is also an attempt to compare discourses used to
describe situations, people, habits and other attributes and factors that came up spontaneously
during the interviews and should be evaluated.
61
Figure 3: Dis ou se a al sis odi g. “ou e: autho62
’s
4.5 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about
the Sense of Comfort of Navarinou Square
Comfort in public space, is one of the four main key qualities of a successful place according to
Project for Public Spaces (2012). The main attributes into which comfort is deconstructed in order to
evaluate the sense of comfort that Navarinou Square provides are attractiveness, pleasure and
safety. These attributes, along with more specific values are discussed in order to make conclusions
regardi g the e te t to hi h usi i pu li spa e affe ts people s pe eptio a out o fo t.
4.5.1 Attractiveness of Navarinou Square

To begin with, the respondents have been asked to evaluate the attractiveness of the square.
Navarinou is considered to be one of the few open public spaces in the city centre of Thessaloniki
and therefore, its importance is very high for the downtown residents and users. I like that it is
quite, (...) that it is cool to sit under the sycamore tree and that you can enjoy a little se nse of green!
It is a good u a la ds ape! , sa s a -year old male respondent. However, the majority of the
respondents seem to be unsatisfied with the attractiveness of the square (see Table 2). The s ua e s
design and the overall cleanliness and maintenance of the environment and the infrastructures seem
to be the major problems of the square. People seem to be really frustrated with the condition of
the s ua e: The e s othi g that I like! The e i o e t, the fou tai is a shame, the playground is
a shame, the flowers are wilted, the grass is yellow, the dogs shit a d piss e e he e! , espo ds a
furious young man, without the presence of music. Of course, this is the most exaggerated response
ega di g the s ua e s att a tion; however it is indicative of how people perceive its attractiveness.
In terms of design, people sa that it is ot e ad, ut it ould ha e ee ette . It ould ha e
ee ette is a e p essio that has ee epeated a espo de ts i o th cases: with and
ithout usi . ηes, I elie e that the s ua e is a i ely designed space, it could have been better,
but it is ot a eas thi g to ha ge o states a iddle-aged woman, without music, while a 50-
year old woman with her grandchild suggests that ... it is a ig spa e, ut it is ot a ell-exploited
spa e . F o the dis ou se a al sis ega di g that it ould ha e ee ette a i te esti g esult
came up: the respondents with the presence of music while stating their complaint the y also
suggested what could have been better. On the other hand, the respondents without music just
stuck on the complaint and did not make any further suggestions. There seems to be tendency for
those people who answer under the effect of music to be more explanatory and descriptive when
referring to the design problems of the square.
Alo g ith the e p essio it ould ha e ee ette , a othe ofte o plai i g ph ase that is
elated to the i stitutio al st u tu e of the autho ities is that i G ee e othi g s ight . People i
Greece, generally, tend to say that a lot when asked to comment on issues of everyday life and
pu li life. A ou g ale ook ith a alte ati e st le states that i G ee e othi g is ight a d
othi g is i e he asked to omment on the attractiveness of the square in the presence of
music. Even if the responses between those who said this expression with music and those without
do not have any difference, it is interesting to mention that this negative position of Greek peo ple
towards anything of public interest is a common discourse, especially the last four years with the
recession moving deeper and deeper in all aspects of everyday life. This state of Greek psychology
seems to play a significant role on how people produce their conceived and lived space, as it reflects
what Tuan (1977) calls the cultural background, and there will be a further reflection on the issue in
the conclusions (chapter 5).
63
What was also noticed during the field-work is that the paved area of the square, which is in the
middle of the space, is almost not used. It is a dead public space. It is assumed that the main reason
is the very intense sun and the fact that there is no overshadowing. However, during the field-work
that was conducted with the music band (which spatially was facing this paved area) there seems to
be a slight change on this observation. Usually, people tend to gather around street musicians in
order to o se e the , ut i this ase it did t happe ; people p efe ed sitti g i a shado
area and listening to the music from a distance. As you can also see from Picture 14 not only is the
paved area empty, but also the benches next to the musicians. However, after a while that the music
was playing, children started to gather around the musicians, but not in order to observe them, at
least not obviously, but to play football (Picture 15). From time to time, there were some of those
children who took some time to turn their heads to see the musicians, or even sit next to the band.
I pla the ioli too. I like this usi a lot! said the o i Picture 16 ho a a do ed the foot all
game in order to sit next to the band and observe them. There were also some other girls that left
the playground and moved to the fountain to play so that they can also see the music (Doumpa,
2012). A grandfather with his granddaughter was strolling and decided to stand in a small nearby
shaded area to watch the band (Picture 17). There were many similar incidents of people stopping
for a while to observe the band, but because of the intensity of the sun and the lack of shadow
ea the ould t stop fo a lo g ti e. It seems that even if the musicians did not manage to
gather any people around as a proper audience, the music managed to gather at least the children
on the paved area. This is what William H. Whyte, calls the ualit of t ia gulatio ( (1979);
(1988)); it is the stimulations that are provided to the people in order to bring life to public spaces
and provoke social interaction. Street music is one of these stimulations and activities that Whyte
also recognizes as being very efficient towards this aim.
Picture 14: The dista e et ee pe fo e s a d audie e: I the egi i g of the usi ia s’ pe fo a e the hild e
a d pa e ts e e usi g o l the pla g ou d a ea a d the sitti g a ea u de the t ee. “ou e: autho ’s photo.
64
Picture 15: Children using the paved area to play football, while the usi pla s. “ou e: autho ’s photo
Picture 16: The boy, who some minutes ago was playing football with the other children, stopped and sat next to the
musicians to listen to the . “ou e: autho ’s photo.
65
Picture 17: A grandfather with his granddaughter standing in a small shaded area next to the musicians in order to listen
to the f o lose. “ou e: autho ’s photo.
The problem of the lack of shado a eas is also elated to the espo de t s e uest fo o e
g ee i the a ea. E e though the s ua e has a pe iphe al zo e of t ees a d g ass, this a ea is ot
used by the users, mainly due to cleanliness reasons and because there are no sitting are as in the
green zone. The only bench underneath a tree and protected from the sun is in front of the
pla g ou d a d, of ou se, this is the ost popula pla e i the s ua e. However, the majority of
the respondents recognize that compared to other open spaces in the city centre of Thessaloniki,
this square has a lot of green; but they always wish for more! I ould t i d a little o e olou .
One more tree, two, three, four, something! , sa s a -year old man. From a view Table 2, there
seems to be a difference among the respondents with music and without music. The respondents
answering without the presence of music seem to have referred more to the environmental
conditions in contrast to those being interviewed in the presence of music performance.
When it comes to the matter of cleanliness and maintenance, all of them are very decisive: the
s ua e la ks a lot i this field! People s pe eptio of lea li ess a d ai te a e of the s ua e is
tightly related to dogs littering everywhere, infrastructures not being cared of and no public cleaning
se i es. I ill take a pi tu e of hat sleeps he e... the shit... e ause e all this pla e... e all it
the park with the shit... where shall we meet? At the pa k ith the shit! says humorously a middle
aged woman who was there with her friend and their children. When this woman was asked to take
a picture of what she thinks as more indicative of the square, well, her first choice was indicative of
what she describes in her quote. Unfortunately, neither the municipality, not the dog owners take
care of the place according to their responsibilities, making the place very inappropriate for young
children. Many parents referred to this problem as a reason for not perceiving the square as an
attractive place. Respondents of both interview groups seem to firmly agree that the place lacks in
66
cleanliness and maintenance, and no significant difference between their responses is recorded,
probably because of the seriousness of the problem.
In terms of equipment -a factor which refers mostly to
the parents and grandparents with children-
respondents of both sets seem to agree that the
infrastructures are not sufficient. The main reason is
that because this place is one of the few squares and
playgrounds in the city centre, the demand is very
high. As a result, during rush hours (i.e. after school)
there is not enough space and equipment for all the
children. There were some respondents who took a
picture of the playground equipment in order to state
this problem with the overcrowding and lack of proper
infrastructures, such as in Psychogeographical Picture
1, where a grandfather spent both his shots in order to
portray the problem of the equipment.
Another very important factor for evaluating the
effe t that usi has o people s pe eptio ega di g
comfort and in this case attraction of the square, was
Psychogeographical Picture 1: Playground
the historic aspect of the square. It seems very equipment, and infrastructures not suitable for
important to indicate whether people are aware and e ou g hild e . “ou e: autho ’s photo
recognize the historical validity of the area, since the taken by respondent 15B)
conceived space and its accordingly representations of space is supposed to impose a historical
sense of lived space and spatial practices (Lefebvre, 1991). It could be argued, that unfortunately,
people do not pay much attention to the historical site. There were only a few people , from both
sets of interviews, referring to the site and most of them did not know what it is exactly (naming it
with different –wrong- names). Some of them complained about the poor condition of the site and
that it is ot a tuall a essi le: ... the should ha e take o e ad a tage of the a ie t site
says a male student who was resting at the square. There were also a very small percentage of
people who took a picture of the archaeological site in the psychogeographical practice, indicating
the lack of perception of the square as a part of a historical place. What seems of high interest is that
this small percentage derives only from the respondents of the group without music.
Another factor that at first was not considered to be important for the perception of attractiveness
is the human factor. The majority of the respondents of both sets of interviews when asked about
hat the like a d/o do t like in the square referred to the people, the users of the square. Most
of the efle ted a positi e attitude to a ds this fa to : I like that ... the e a e lots of people,
hild e , a d all this oise is i e, e ause ou feel that the e is life! , responds a middle-aged
female lawyer. However, there was a portion of the respondents who said that they avoid being at
the s ua e e ause of the people: What I do t like is the people that is he e... es pecially during
ight ti es... ; this female student who was walking her dog reflects a perception that many
respondents have concerning the people using the square after sunset. This issue is tightly related to
the sense and perception of safety that the respondents have, and which is elaborated a few
paragraphs later. “o, o e i g the att i utes a d fa to s that P oje t fo Pu li “pa e s Pla e
67
Diag a (2012) suggests to be important for the quality of a place, it could be argued that people
play a significant role and should be added as factor of comfort in the diagram.
The last two factors of attractiveness that people
evaluated are the entertainment facilities that lie
peripheral to the square and the spatial position of
the square. In both sets of interviews, interviewees
evaluated in a positive way those two factors.
Especially for young people and students, the cafes
and restaurants of the square are those that
characterise the place and make it a landmark of
stude t life i Thessalo iki: … ousi , se e
years ago, used to be a student here and she used
to come in this area and she told me that here is
he e the stude t s ha gout is. “o, as a stude t Psychogeographical Picture 2: An empty glass of
coffee. Respondent 3A took a picture of the glass of
self, I ha e to lea a out this pla e… si e I a coffee, in order to indicate the importance that this
also f o a othe to … he e else a I go? related activity has in her perception of the place.
Here! This female stude t s uote, who also comes “ou e: autho ’s photo take espo de t A
from the countryside, reflects the perception that young people and students have about the
square. It is a place where other people, of the same age hang out, drink their coffee, play table -
games, eat and spend their time between study breaks. This perception of the square is also
visualized in Psychogeographical Picture 2, where the female student respondent captured this glass
of frappe coffee as her most intense impression. As for the s ua e s positio , people highl
appreciate its location in the heart of the commercial, service and residential area of Thessaloniki.
Some of them highlight the importance of its location, as it allows them to multitask; as a young
mother reflects: I like the fact that it is in the city centre, because I have the ability to shop
something if I need to .
Another aspect that it is thought to be valuable is to
research the priorities that the respondents had in
mind when asked about the attractiveness of the
square (see Appendix 3: Discourse Analysis of
‘espo de ts P io ities To a ds the Fa to s a d
Values of Attractiveness in Navarinou Square). The
interviewees did not get guided towards the subject
that they should first talk about. Therefore, it is
considered that the first things that they talked
about when discussing about the attraction of the
square are also those which seem to be of greater
importance to them. This prioritizing of the values Psychogeographical Picture 3: I ould like to spe d
and factors of square are presented in Table 1 and is some time in the square because I can sit on the
g ass. … it’s ot eas to fi d it i the it … sa s a
structured in a way so that conclusions regarding the young male student and reflects the importance of
comparison among the two groups can be made. As the g ee o people’s pe eptio s of the s ua e.
“ou e: autho ’s photo take espo de t A
it is illustrated in Table 1, the respondents of both
groups seem to have the value of design as the most important one for the square, but it seems that
for the respondents under the music cognition process, design might be a little more important,
68
since a bigger amount of people has also stated this value as a second one. Another interesting
aspect is that of environment; people without music gave higher importance to this value than those
with music, who referred to that only later in the discussion. It also seems that people with the
p ese e of usi see to gi e highe i po ta e to the fa to of people o pa ed to those
without music, and thus giving a little more clarity to this comparison, as in the first stage of
discourse analysis both groups seemed to have the same perceptions of this value.
Priorities of Attractiveness
without music
quality 1 quality 2 quality 3 quality 4 quality 5 quality 6
clean./maint. 1 3 1 4 0 0
design 6 3 2 0 4 0
entertainment 1 0 3 0 0 1
environment 3 5 1 4 1 0
equipment 0 0 6 2 0 0
historical site 1 0 0 2 1 1
people 1 4 1 1 1 3
position 1 0 0 1 2 0
with music
quality 1 quality 2 quality 3 quality 4 quality 5 quality 6
clean./maint. 0 3 4 1 1 0
design 6 5 1 1 2 1
entertainment 0 1 1 0 1 0
environment 0 1 6 2 0 0
equipment 3 1 1 2 0 0
historical site 0 1 0 0 1 1
people 5 1 1 2 0 0
position 2 2 0 1 0 1
Table 1: Analysis of the priorities of attractiveness of Navarinou Square as stated by both groups of respondents. The
numbers in the cells refer to the amount of responders who reflected on this topic, while the number of quality refers to
the prioritizing of each attribute. The values in the blue cell are those which seem to have the highest importance, and
therefore greater interest. “ou e: autho ’s data and edit.
From the psychogeographical process there has been also another interesting result related to the
attractiveness of the square. By analysing the pictures that the participants of both sets of interviews
captured, it can be concluded that the majority perceives the little- o s fou tai a d the
pla g ou d as the ost do i a t sti ulatio s a d o je ts of the s ua e. doth these o je ts
function as landmarks of the square. Especially in the case of the fountain, Carr, Francis Rivlin and
Stone (1992) suggest that the presence of water elements in a public space attracts people and
interest (p. 113). Jane Jacobs (1961) considers the presence of landmarks of high significance, in the
sense that makes those places distinct and recognizable to all as well as that it gives the space a
sense of identity; landmarks enhance spaces to places.
69
Psychogeographical Pictures 4 and 5: O e of the po t aits of the fou tai a d the pla g ou d: the t o ost
photographed parts of the s ua e. The little o ’s fou tai is a psychogeographical reflection of a male stude t’s
perception of the square, and the playground of a young female student, who is also from the countryside. Source:
autho ’s photos
As it is reasonable, people also captured in the

frame the problems of the square: low-maintained
infrastructures and poor equipment, dirt, bad
condition of the green spaces are the major
problems identified through the photographical
lens. Especially in the case of the water spring
(Psychogeographical Picture 6) many mothers
referred to it, since there is no water provided in
order to clean their children. What is more, for the
historical background of the square, this water
spring seems of great importance, since it is in the
place where the old, traditional spring of the Psychogeographical Picture 6: Example of low-
maintained infrastructures: a spring that does no
ottoman years used to be (see chapter 4.1) lo ge fu tio . “ou e: autho ’s photo espo de t
14B)
4.5.2 Pleasure in Navarinou Square
When it comes to evaluating the pleasure of being
in or crossing-by the square, the responses of both
sets of interviews reflect a positive perception.
However, by looking at Table 2 it could be argued
that with the presence of music people feel more
pleasant. There were some respondents –a small
minority- who at this point mentioned by
themselves the existence of the music band in the
square and the pleasure that they offer: I do t
usually spend time in the square. But today that I
liked it I thought of sitti g fo a hile… a d I sat.
And I liked it a lot that there are swing musicians Psychogeographical Picture 7: Musicians Performing.
Picture captured during the Psychogeographical test
toda ! reflects a young male engineer who by a young girl who was walking her dog. Source:
enthusiastically referred to the music. The pleasure autho ’s (respondent 13B)
that the music performance adds to the perception and experience of the square is also identified in
the psychogeographical data. An important amount of the respondents captured in the ir first picture
70
the musicians, indicating that it was the first thing that stimulated them in a creative way and that
there might be a strong connection between pleasure in public space and musical performance.
On the other hand, those who do not find any pleasure in being in the square are those who do not
feel o fo ta le ith the people that use the s ua e: It depe ds o the people ho ill e i the
s ua e at the o e t says a male student. The issue of the othe use s of the s ua e o es up
again when talking about safety, indicating that feeling nice in a place is related to the safety that
one feels.
4.5.3 Safety in Navarinou Square

The next and very important attribute that strongly affects the perception of comfort is safety. As it
can be identified from Table 2 there is no such difference between the perceptions indicated by the
responses with music and without music. However, since the issue of safety in public space is of high
importance for this square, it is suggested that a wider discussion on the subject should be made.
While all the respondents feel safe during morning hours, the majority of them answered that they
feel unsafe and uncomfortable after the sunset. Some of them did not want to specify the reason,
but most of them implicated the othe use s of the s ua e; the d ug addi ts a d ho eless people
that find shelter for many decades in the benches and sitting areas of the square after the sun goes
down. Since a discourse analysis has been followed, it is important to mention that there was huge
variety of characterizations used by the respondents in order to refer to this social group. It is
speculated that people were avoiding naming this so ial g oup as d ug addi ts , ho eless people
or something relevant, in order to be politically correct. However, the discourse analysis has shown
that the people who were interviewed in the presence of music used more negative and slung words
than the respondents without music, who were more general and neutral in their characterizations.
It could be argued that the cognitive process of the music performance might make people more
relaxed in the way they express themselves, and therefore use much more intense and less
politi all o e t o ds i thei dis ussio of the a gi alized population. This result is discussed
in the conclusions chapter (chapter 5) in order to reflect the factor of social tolerance and inclusivity
in terms of music performance in public space.
What seems as a controversy towards the general discourse on the marginalized population is that
from the thirty one interviewees who were asked about the safety issue no one referred to any
incident that would justify their reasons for feeling unsafe. On the contrary, there are a f ew people
who admit that the drug addicts have never harmed them. Even in the case of a mother with her
child –pa e ts is the g oup of people that o plai the ost a out the safet issue - she admitted
that ηes, I feel safe. E e though e had so e i idents, the drug addicts never disturb the parents
and the children. This point of view is also reflected in an article of the local press: referring to
Picture 18 where drug addicts share the square with children, the journalist says that
This pi tu e, ho e e , does ot sho k the hild e s pa e ts, ho let thei kids pla i the
playground and observe them. Besides, the drug addicts seem to be trying not to disturb in order not
to be disturbed, up to a point tha t they also accept to chat with old ladies who try to give them
ad i e. This pi tu e of oe iste e of hild e a d d ug addi ts i the s ua e of Thessalo iki s it
centre, which has been related to the alternative history of the city, is the same for man y years, if
15
not decades. (unknown, 2011).
15
Translation by the author
71
d efle ti g the espo de t s pe eptio a out safet o hat the lo al p ess te ds to p ese t
about the square there seems to be a consensus of views. For many years the local press presents
Navarinou Square as a place where criminality is in high levels, drug addicts and homeless people
ause a lot of so ial p o le s a d so o . As a esult the s ua e s eputatio fo a ea s is tightl
connected to the notion of a place whe e out asts ha g out, esulti g ot o l to those people s
a gi alizatio ut also to the hole a ea s fall of pu li life a d u de de elop e t.
Ho e e , the e is a po tio of people ho ag ee ith Willia H. Wh te s opi io that the so alled
u desi a les a e ot the p o le . It is the easu es take to o at the that is the p o le !
(Project for Public Spaces, 2012). Some respondents, of both interviewing groups, opened a
conversation regarding the issue of the drug addicts and their marginalization and seemed very
conciliatory and sympathetic to them. A retired man, who uses the square regularly to relax and
eet f ie ds dis usses i a s patheti a : What I a sa i g is al a s ith lo e… e a ot
marginalize any a , hoe e he ight e… e ause “o iet , I a ou i age, a d I look like
you! as Galatia Kaza tzaki sa s… so, i the sa e a , e, the so alled ou geoisies, eate the
16
so ial a gi .
Picture 18: In the fountain, the o de et ee the t o sides of the s ua e, hild e pla , hile u de the s a o e
t ee a e gathe the othe use s of the s ua e. Refer also to Map 3. Source: Agelioforos Newspaper:
http://goo.gl/O2qTS
16
«… ι ο α αβιο ά ιο α ί ι
ό ω ο ο χα ο .
α ό ό α ο ο φω ά ω:
- ι ό α ο ί αι οι ω ία αι ο οιά ω!»
α ά ια α α ά .
72
Picture 19: People ho a e o side ed to e the othe use s of the s ua e a e ha i g lu h i the east side of the
square Refer also to Map 3. Source: autho ’s photo.
Whilst drug addicts and homeless people are considered to be the main safety issue of the square,
some parents have also stated that the legal and illegal traffic (some motorcycles tend to cross over
the square from the pedestrian area) are an important factor of insecurity in the square, mostly
because of the children. However, a negotiation of the safety problem of the square is not within the
research aim of the thesis, and therefore there will not be any further discussion at this point.
4.5.4 Conclusion on the Sense of Comfort in Navarinou Square

Overall, it could be argued that the perception people have about comfort in Navarinou Square is
not a very positive one, and does not seem to be much affected by the presence of music or not. No
matter if they find the presence of music being a pleasant addition to the environment or not, they
still think that the place could have been better in terms of attractiveness and that for many of them
the use of the square is a necessary evil. Gehl Architects (2004, p. 29) suggest that when the quality
of a place is low, then the use of the space and the sense of pleasure that it provides is respectively
low a d the a ti it is li ited to the ost e essa isits a d alks . The same seems to be valid
for Navarinou Square; it is a public space that does not provide all the comfort qualities that the
users would have wanted, but they still use it because it is a necessary evil. The discourse analysis
has shown that those who referred to the use of the square out of necessity indicate its crucial
position as the reason behind their selection.
Another interesting result out of the general discourse analysis on the sense of comfort is that
people in both interviewing groups tend to start talking about the positive aspects of the place and
then the negative ones. However, a small differentiation can be identified, in regard of the
respondents with music who seem to answer slightly in a more positive way in the beginning rather
than those without music (see Appe di : Dis ou se A al sis of ‘espo de ts P io ities To a ds the
Factors and Values of Attractiveness in Navarinou Square).
73
Table 2: Evaluation of the se se of Co fo t of Na a i ou “ ua e a o di g to the espo de ts’ opi io , ith usi a d
without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral and green for positive opinion/perception.
“ou e: autho ’s data a d edit.
74
the Sense of Community and Sociability of Navarinou Square
The sense of community and the ability for socializing is one of the most important qualities of
public space. As Sennett (1976) suggests, public space is the stage where people perform their roles
as public entities; where people socialize and negotiate their position in the public realm. The
interactions among the people, their tendencies to talk to each other, the eye contact and the
willingness to use this space as a place where they meet with familiar or unknown people are the
attributes that define the sense of community of place.
4.6.1 Navarinou Square as a Meeting Place

F o the i te ie s analysis it could be argued that people do not tend to use the square as a
meeting place very much. The people who consider the square to be a meeting palace are mainly
parents who arrange with other parents to meet in the playground so that their childre n can play.
Young people seem also willing to use the square as a meeting place, but not so much for the paved
and green area, rather than the entertainment facilities on the periphery of the square. However,
some of them stated that they would also gladly use the square ansd the e hes ut the do t so
often. The possible reason for not using the square as a meeting place seems to be again safety
reasons. As a female student who was walking her dog states: I ha e f ie ds ho ha g out he e,
and sometimes I sit ith the ... it s just that I a o e a eful… . Another possible reason is that
Navarinou Square does not stand as a strong meeting place landmark in Thessaloniki , despite the
little-boy fountain that is a landmark of the place. In a five- i utes walk from the square is the
monument of Kamara, which is also a part of the roman Galerian Complex. Kamara, as local people
usuall sa , is the pla e that a o odates ou dates i Thessalo iki si e AD . As a esult,
Kamara is the most common place that, especially,
young people and students would use. The perception
of Navarinou square as a meeting place does not
seem to differentiate among the respondents who
e e liste i g to the usi a d those ho did t.
Some people seem to feel that the square is an age-
oriented place because of the specific entertainment
facilities which attract mostly young people and
students. As mentioned before, the cafes and
restaurants of Navarinou are considered to be one of
the hea ts of the stude t so ial life of Thessaloniki.
Respondent 1B, a woman at her middle ages says:
ell... the s ua e is ot fo people of age e ause
it is ostl fo stude ts. , hile a ou g gi l d i ki g
he offee sa s that: ell... people o thei si ties,
fifties will not sit in the spe ifi s ua e . Afte looki g
around and at the playground for a few seconds she
o ti ues ho e e , I do see people of this age... o
matter what, it still has to do with the hour of the day
I thi k... . Those o e uotatio s see to efle t a Picture 20: Old man sitting on a bench and feeding
age orientation in the square according to the place the pigeo s of the s ua e. “ou e: autho ’s photo
75
and time. They seem to have a perception that the entertainment facilities refer only to young
people, while the rest of the square and the playground is a place for all the ages. This perception
seems to be verified also by a ou g o a s uotatio : I thi k that generally, all people feel
el o e i a so t of a , a d that s h this is the pla e he e a fello ships of a age eet.
We ha e e e fa ed a p o le ith that... it s ok. The discourse analysis did not reveal any
diffe e tiatio a o g the espo de t s pe eptio s to a ds the se se of the s ua e ei g age
oriented.
As stated above, even if young people do not use the paved part of the square as a meeting point,
parents with children seem to do so. As a result, it could be argued that the playground i s a
landmark for the square in the social cycle of the young parents. Playground is a much appreciated
facility that the square offers, since there is no other similar infrastructure in the ci ty centre. All
other squares and open spaces downtown either do not have playground equipment, or are not
protected from heavy flows of vehicles.
From a different point of view, as it has been aforementioned, the perception of Navarinou Square
as a meeting place should not only be discussed in physical terms, where people physically meet
each other, but also as Massey and Rose (2003) suggest, as a pla e he e u e ous t aje to ies of
all kinds (are) brought together in ph si al p o i it (p. 4). However, it seems that the
marginalization of people and a few internal conflicts (such as the sense of age oriented space) do
not allow the square to function as a multicultural stage where all people can express their public
roles (Sennett, 1976).
4.6.2 Feeling Welcome in Navarinou Square

As for the sense of being welcome to the square, the majority responded in a positive way. They said
that there is no reason that they would feel that something or someone repels them from being in
the square. However, the respondents who seemed to be concerned about the issue of the drug
addicts in terms of safety a gued he e that the othe use s ight e easo fo the to not feel
el o e i the s ua e; (the only thing that could repel me from coming to the square) is the
people... o l the people... othi g else. , says a young male student who has insisted a lot on the
atte of the othe people . It seems interesting, that there is no differentiation among the
respondents of answering with music and without music when it comes to evaluating the sense of
being welcome in the square.
76
4.6.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Community and Sociability in Navarinou Square

Regarding the sense and perception of socializing in
the square, some respondents through their
statements have noticed how important this factor is
for the quality of this public space. Respondent 10A,
a ou g fathe sa s: What I like i the s ua e
is...that a people gathe togethe hile
respondent 2A, a young mother signifies the
i po ta e of so ializi g: ... I ha e ade
friends...with other moms... we have made
friendships, my child has made friends, and as result
my day goes on more pleasantl . Some respondents
Psychogeographical Picture 8: Company of mothers
have evaluated the importance of this function of the with children who have come to meet each other in
square as a space of social activity and interaction the public realm and allow their children to play.
and pictured it in their psychogeographical practice “ou e: autho ’s photo photo take espo de t
9A)
(see Psychogeographical Picture 8). With, or without
music, people seem to appreciate the importance of a public space in their everyday lives and the
significance of socializing in the public realm.
Another aspect of the sense of sociability of the square is that even the fact that peopl e get to see
other people in the public realm has its own importance, especially in the Greek culture. For people
of all ages the chance to sit somewhere and just watch and observe –and sometimes gossip – the
people who are crossing by is a social activity of its own, which has been recognised in the discourse
analysis. However, in this case too, there has been no differentiation among the two interviewing
sets.
77
Table 3: Evaluation of the Sense of Community and Sociability of Nava i ou “ ua e a o di g to the espo de ts’
opinion, with music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral and green for positive
opi io /pe eptio . “ou e: autho ’s data a d edit.
78
the Accessibility of Navarinou Square
The accessibility of a square is the third important attribute related to the quality of a public space.
Issues such as linkages, connections, how walkable the place is and its proxi mity with other places of
interest are some of the values evaluated while discussing about accessibility (Project for Public
Spaces, 2012).
4.7.1 Accessibility and Openness of Navarinou Square

Overall, the respondents seem to be pleased ith the s ua e s a essi ilit . The majority of them
believe that it is a public space that can be approached very easily and it is open to anyone who
would like to come and use the square. However, there is a percentage of the people who believe
that in terms of accessibility from disadvantaged people, the design and infrastructures provided
might not be the most suitable ones. Other respondents referred also to the fact that the tables and
chairs of the entertainment facilities cover the whole peripheral pavement of the square, making the
access of the square more difficult. Another suspending factor for not being able to access the
s ua e is that of the othe people ho a o di g to so e espo de ts eate a se se of i se u it
and fear that does not allow them to approach and use the square as much as they would have
wanted to.
The discourse analysis did not reveal any critical differences among the respondents of the two
groups; with music and without music. This result seems to come to contradiction with the
theoretical approaches. Further discussion and reflection on this incompatibility will be presented in
chapter 5.
4.7.2 The Role of Navarinou Square in the Urban Structure of Thessaloniki

What seems to be very interesting is the perception
people ha e a out the s ua e s ole i the it e t e
of Thessaloniki. The opinions are quite various, but
the majority, of both sets of interviews, agrees to one
thing: that the city lacks in public spaces and the
importance of Navarinou Square in those terms is
non-negotiable. The s ua e as a spa e is a oasis i
the it e t e, that s h I hose to li e he e! sa s
respondent 8B, a middle-aged woman who resides in
o e of the s ua e s uildi gs. ... it is a very dear Picture 21: March 2012 – As soon as the first spring
place for the people. It has lots of people; as soon as sun came out in Thessaloniki, the square filled with
people of all ages who went to the space to enjoy the
the su o es out pop! e e o e o es he e i the eathe . “ou e: autho ’s
square. The square fills immediately. (see Picture 21)
The square...is the centre, it is... where everyone gathers. (...) Navarinou Square is a trademark!
mentions enthusiastically a young mother with her child. As Willia H. Wh te puts it, it is ot just
the number of people using them (the small spaces), but the larger number who pass by and enjoy
them vicariously, or even the larger number who feel better about the city centre for knowledge of
the . Fo a it , su h pla es a e p i eless, hate e the ost. (Project for Public Spaces, 2012). It
seems, that even the knowledge of the e iste e of s all ope spa es i the haos of the it
e t e is a o f o tatio a d a elief fo it people. I thi k it is e i po ta t to ha e su h spa es
i the it e t e; the gi e life! says a female student who was passing by the square.
79
However, it should be mentioned that –almost- no one at this point referred to the historical
importance of the square. The fact that this place apart from being a site of archaeological interest is
also one of the oldest public spaces in Thessaloniki that remains to date is expected to be
highlighted i people s pe ei ed spa e. It seems that there is a need not only for a better design of
the square in order to conceptually blend better with the historical site, but also a rise of the
awareness of what this open space used to be. Cultural and musical events have the ability to push
to this direction. This aspect will be discussed on the next chapter, Chapter 5: Conclusions,
Discussion and Policy Recommendations.
The dis ou se a al sis to a ds people s pe eptio of the ole of Πa a i ou “ ua e i Thessalo iki s
structure revealed that there are five main reasons of the importance of the space: its public nature,
its position, its uses, its crucial role for socializing and its cultural and historical value. Despite the
attempt to make an in-depth a al sis of the dis ou ses efle ti g the s ua e s ole a d highlight a
differences among the two interview sets, this was not the case. The only slight difference is that –
unexpectedly- the value of the square as a cultural and historical place is only reflected in
espo de ts uotatio s ithout usi , hile it as assu ed that people i the p ese e of a
cultural event would have been more prompted to discuss about this role of the square.
80
4.7.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Accessibility of Navarinou Square

Overall, the perception that people have on the accessibility, openness and importance of the
square is positive. However, it seems that people under the presence of the music performance
evaluate the accessibility and openness of the space slightly more negatively than those without the
music. Nevertheless, since this analysis is purely qualitative, it is not possible to proceed t o a
conclusion that is based on poor quantitative data.
Table 4: E aluatio of people’s pe eptio of A essi ilit of Na a i ou “ ua e a o di g to the espo de ts’ opi io ,
with music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral and green for positive
81
the Use of and Activity in Navarinou Square
The fourth and last key qualities of public space are the uses and activities hosted in the square. As
Project for Public Spaces (2012) states A ti ities a e the asi uildi g lo ks of a pla e. Ha i g
something to do gives people a reason to come to a place – and return. When there is nothing to do,
a space will be empty and that generally means that something is wrong .
4.8.1 Navarinou Square as an Active Public Space

The respondents were asked to evaluate the extent to which they consider the s quare to be an
active public space. In both sets of interviews people held a mediocre position (see Table 6), a fact
that is of high interest; it was expected that people would consider the space more active in the
presence of music. The majority of them stated that the square has some activity, but it could have
been better, and it used to be better. Some respondents said that before the Greek recession there
used to be much more people in the square, but due to financial limitations people prefer to stay at
home. A ou g othe ith he hild states that ηes, the e is life. Ho e e , much less than before,
but it has life. … da k i the da s it used to ha e o e people, it used to o e t ate o e people.
Now there is not so much. Nowadays people also have difficulties (financial), so it is reasonable that
the do t go out as u h as the used to do . The G eek e essio see s to e a e t a eous
factor which was not reflected in the theoretical framework, but seems to have a great effect on
people s pe eptio s o pu li spa e a d the deg ee that usi pe fo a e affe ts the . A fu the
discussion on the issue is presented in chapter 5.
4.8.2 The Activities of Navarinou Square

At a second level, the interviewees were asked to
discuss their opinion about the most dominant
activities of the square. The playground
(Psychogeographical Picture 9) and entertainment
facilities seem to be the spaces which host the most
dominant facilities, at least o people s pe eptio s.
Respondent 2B, a woman at the end of her 20s, says
et ee laughte that the afete ias a e the ost
do i a t a ti it ! The e s othi g else! . E e fo
an older woman, who used to be resident of the city
centre, entertainment is the one and only use of the
spa e: it is fo stude ts! To d i k offee! . Psychogeographical Picture 9: The playground as
portrayed by respondent 2A, a young mother and
The activities of relaxation and meeting friends and photog aphe . “ou e: autho ’s take espo de t
2A)
fa il see to e also high i people s pe eptio s.
As fa as people s pe eption about the most common use of the square are concerned, it seems
that people who were interviewed in the presence of music tend to refer more on the cultural
activity of the square, and with a more critical way, than the ones without the music (see Table 6).
What is more, people under the music stimulation seemed to express their opinion about this
activity, even without being asked. It seems that the fact that there was a music event present at the
same time with the interviews prompted them to talk about this topic. Thus, it could be argued that
a spatial practice, which was developed from a representation of space (conceived space of the
82
researcher), developed a lived space, the one that the respondent experienced and was cognitively
urged to talk about culture.
A othe i te esti g o se atio ega di g people s
activities perception, is that people without the
presence of music tend to refer to the use of the
playground as the first and foremost activity of the
square, while the ones with music, most of them,
stated first the use of the entertainment facilities as
the primary one (see Psychogeographical Picture 10
and Table 5). This result might also be the outcome
of a cognitive process deriving from external
stimulations. For instance, the fact that there is no
music in the soundscape of the square, and the
hild e s laughte a e the do i a t sou d, Psychogeographical Picture 10: A male student who
p o a l p o okes people s pe eptio s to a ds a was enjoying his coffee in the terrace, in the
presence of music, took this picture of the
space dominated by children. On the other hand, environment of the entertainment facility. Source:
when music is performing the cognitive autho ’s take espo de t B
environment of the square is much more related to entertainment than to children; one would
hardly refer as the dominant use of the square the cultural activities, but one can make a connection
with the most related one, which is entertainment. However, it should be noticed, that this
explanation is just an assumption since no theoretical approaches have been found in order to
support this argument.
Overall, even both groups of interviewees seem to believe that the square is an active place, but it
could have been better , the interviewees under the music stimulation have stated a much bigger
number and greater variety of activities hosted in the square (Table 5). This result might also be
related to the aforementioned explanation; that the stimulations received during a music
performance are more and of richer meaning and therefore are translated into a much bigger
amount and variety of uses of the square.
83
No a cti vi ty 1 a cti vi ty 2 a cti vi ty 3 a cti vi ty 4 a cti vi ty 5

1A pl a yground
2A pl a yground cul ture meeting place rel a xation
entertainment
3A cul ture meeting place facilities
wa l k
4A pl a yground rel a xation wa l k

5A pl a yground entertainment facilties
6A pl a yground cul ture

entertainment
without music
7A facilities rel a xation

entertainment
8A cul ture facilities
9A pl a yground
10A drug addicts/homeless
entertainment
11A facilities
12A wa l k pl a yground rel a xation cul ture
13A pl a yground
14A pl a yground
entertainment
15A facilities
entertainment
1B facilities
wa l k
entertainment
2B pl a yground
facilities
entertainment
3B wa l k rel a xation meeting place
facilities
entertainment
4B cul ture facilities wa l k rel a xation meeting place
entertainment
5B cul ture facilities wa l k rel a xation meeting place
6B pl a yground meeting place rel a xation cul ture

7B cul ture
with music
8B wa l k meeting place cul ture

entertainment
9B drug addicts/homeless
facilities
10B rel a xation meeting place
entertainment
11B pl a yground facilities
entertainment
12B facilities rel a xation meeting place cul ture
entertainment
13B pl a yground
facilities
entertainment
cul ture
entertainment
16B drug addicts/homeless
Table 5: Respo de t’s u o s ious p io ities a out the ai uses a d a ti ities of Na a i ou s ua e. “ou e: autho ’s
data and edit
84
4.8.3 Willingness of Residency in Navarinou Square

The interviewees have also been asked if they would
like to live in one of the houses of the square, as their
response might indicate the intimate feelings,
perceptions and experiences that an individual might
have for a place. The majority responded in a negative
a , ot so u h e ause the do t like the s ua e,
but mainly due to their repulsion for the down-town
city life. Respondent 2A, a young mother and
photog aphe e tio s that Πo I ould t a t to
li e i the s ua e . Πot e ause I do t like the a ea…
it would have been very convenient for me and my
daughte . It s just that I thi k it s est to li e a little it
outside the it e t e .
A minority referred to the safety reasons for not
Picture 22: The only historical building left in the
wanting to reside in the area. However, people who s ua e, hi h see s to att a t people’s i te est
would like to have their residence on the square when discussing the topic of residency. Source:
autho ’s
stated reasons related to the openness of the square
and the green space. Some of them also pointed out their desire to live in the only historical bui lding
left on the square (Picture 22). The two sets of interviews do not seem to bare any significant
difference.
4.8.4 Conclusions on the Uses and Activities of Navarinou Square

Overall, it could be argued that Navarinou Square is an active public space where people have the
opportunity to participate in these activities. There seem to be further potentials for the square to
become a core of public life and expression in the city centre of Thessaloniki. As it has been
mentioned before, in the evaluation of Attractiveness, the square is not being fully used, in terms of
surface; the paved area in the centre of the space is not sufficiently used. Keeping in mind also the
fact that the space is used by all genders and ages, it could be argued that the realm has a – mere -
inclusive character. What is more, the space is used and has activities all day long, even if it is from
different social groups and marginalized people.
Project for Public Spaces (2012) suggests that a spa e i o de to e su essful should e used
both singles and people in groups (...) because it means that there are places for people to sit with
f ie ds, the e is o e so ializi g, a d it is o e fu . This o po e t see s to e confirmed
a o di g to people s pe eptio s as ell as to so e pe so al o se atio s 17 (see Picture 23 and
Picture 24).
17
However, i t s hould be noticed, that no proper observa tion method has been followed for this research design.
85
Picture 23 and Picture 24: Single and group users of the squa e. “ou e: autho ’s photos.
Table 6: E aluatio of people’s pe eptio of the Use of Na a i ou “ ua e a o di g to the espo de ts’ opi io , ith
music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral and green for positive
86
4.9 People’s Perceptions on the Music Performance

Until now, all the results presented before do not seem to indicate any significant difference among
people s pe eptio about the quality of public space with or without music. So, in order to be more
specific with the interviewees and clarify the topic of the research to them it was decided that a
third part of the interview should be included that would contain themes related tightly to music18 .
It is very interesting to mention that as soon as the respondents understood that the music played a
role in this research and interview they all became very excited and willing to talk about this topic
(for both sets of interviews). As a result, the conversations that were conducted within this context
have a lot of interest.
4.9.1 Music in Public Space and Pleasure

To begin with, people s excitement and positive attitude towards the topic is obvious in Table 8,
where the majority of people, with or without the presence of music, stated that they enjoy music in
public space (code: 5E: Music & Pleasure). Respondent 5B, a young female student in the presence
of music, stated that I eall like st eet musicians), because time goes on pleasantly and it is nice to
liste to the hile ou e alki g .
Not only do people s state e ts efle t the pleasu e
that music provokes to them, but also their actions.
There was an incident of a young mother dancing
with her baby girl in her arms all over the square to a
waltz song that the musicians were playing (see
Picture 25 (Doumpa, 2012). It was an indication of
how much music may affect the audie e s ood.
Especially in the case of the gipsy-swing music that
was performed, a music-cognition related aspect
suggests that intensive rhythms of music (such the
one of gipsy-swing) attract more attention than low-
te po o es. We a e d a i to the event in order to
e pe ie e its h th (Duffy, pp. 3, 7-8). Duffy also
suggests that the usi ge e a d the f a i g of the
pe fo a e p o pt the liste e to e gage o eself
to a specific related identity and position, which could
Picture 25: A young mother dancing with her baby
even be related to another time and place (pp. 3, 7-8). gi l to the sou ds of a altz so g. “ou e: autho ’s
Gipsy-swing music has that retro feeling and nostalgic
emotion that apparently is transported to the public audience and produces respective cognitive
responses. It is a genre that might bring back memories to elders, or even make cognitive
connections with stories heard, movies watched, books read etc by younger people.
Discourse analysis on the way people refer to the pleasure of music in public space seems to also
reflect the depth of the cognitive processes. When people were asked to evaluate this potential
attribute of music, they tend to use different types of expressions according to their exposure to
music or not. The respondents who were listening to the music tend to describe their pleasant
perception of music with expressions and idioms that are more related to the urban environment,
18
For the fi rst and second part of the interview people were unaware of the importance of the music for the research a nd
the i nterviews, in order to ca pture the sub-conscious reactions and perceptions.
87
the physical presence of the musicians in the square and the produced pleasant atmosp here. Musi
is as att a ti e as the flo e s! , states i e ite e t a d elates usi to e i o e t a fe ale
student who visits the square on a regular base. Another young girl explains: I ea , ou at h the
music, you watch the people sitting and obse i g… it is i e! . It is e i te esti g the fa t that this
respondent refers to the musicians as a visual stimulation. This is related with what Wood et al.
(2007, p. 869) discuss about the materialistic aspect of music performance, which also includes the
physical presence of the musicians and the perceptions that they construct. The materialistic aspect
of music and its perception as an object is also very clearly reflected in the response of a middle -
aged wo a : … usi ela es. ηou feel that so ethi g e ists . What is more, the same
espo de t o e ts that st eet usi ia s ake a ette at osphe e, ake a ette ood! ,
and thus creates a chain relationship between music, urban atmosphere (perception) and
experience.
On the other hand, people without the stimulation of music used expressions that are more related
to their potential personal experience. Musi akes e happie , Musi t a sfo s ood ,
Musi e ites e! a e so e of the e p essions that the respondents without music used in order
to state their sense of pleasure towards music in public space. The se quotations seem to be more
related to the intimate feelings and perceptions that music provokes.
Despite this esult s o e li guistic and cognitive related nature, it seems to reflect a very
interesting aspect, which links music performance with the perception and sense of the urban
environment both in its physical, social and experiential form. This position is reflected in chapter 5.
What is more, it was noticed that while conducting the interview set without music, few of those
who were interviewed referred on their own to the performance which was conducted one week
ago as a very pleasant experience, though they did not know that it was an event scheduled for the
purposes of this research. A young, female private employee recalls: fe da s ago I a e up ith a
band that were playing the violin... it was very nice, because we were in the park on the one hand,
but on the other we were also listening to music... and yes, and the children were dancing … .
A othe ale espo de t efle ts his o e pe ie e: ηes, usi i pu li spa e is so ethi g
very pleasant, and sometimes in the square there are people who either sing opera songs, or play
a o dio a d ge e all I elie e that these e e ts gi e a diffe e t tou h… . This espo de t, e e
though he does not seem to have been present in the events of this research, has kept a vivid
representation of his intimate experience and it seems that he has connected pleasant feelings of
being in the square with music performance in the public. As a result, the overall experience
remained in his memory. These statements describe not only the representations that music
produces, but also the power that music has to create memories and feelings, and link spatial values
ith e pe ie tial o es. This esult ill e fu the dis ussed a d ie ed th ough Κefe e s (1991)
and Tua s (1977) scope in chapter 5.
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4.9.2 Perceptions towards the Busking Phenomenon

A significant difference between the respondents of the two sets was their perception towards
street musicians –the buskers19 . While the interviewees of the set with the music claimed that they
usually stop and listen to street musicians and that they give money, the people of the other group
did not answer as positively as the first one. One reason for this differentiation could be that the
group with the music had a vision, a representation of how a similar experience could be and
managed to put themselves into the situatio . O the othe ha d, those ho did t ha e a si ila
activity to stimulate them and engage with it, were not much willing to stop and listen to the –
imaginative- band, or give them money. H , I do t al a s stop to liste to st eet usi ia s ,
e ause I ight… I ight e alki g i o de to get so e he e at this ti e, a d I ju st continue
liste i g to the hile alki g. … so eti es I do gi e o e … he I like the usi that
the e pe fo i g a d it s a little it o igi al, I ill stop to gi e o e , dis usses espo de t A, a
30- ea old o a ho did t ha e the sti ulation of music at the time of the interview.
This aspect of street music, the financial one, was considered to be an important factor towards
people s ea tio s to usi . Espe iall i G ee e, o that the o e fo the dail e pe ses is
reduced to the minimum, people tend to feel uncomfortable when asked to give money to a
performer. However, they do enjoy the presence of a creative action, but they try to avoid physical
contact with the artists to escape themselves of the difficult position of observing and not being able
to donate. These observations have been conducted on a preliminary stage of the thesis, and since
they did not correspond to a formal methodological form, they are not used as data, rather than just
plain indications and assumptions.
4.9.3 Music in Public Space and Sense of Safety

A similar situation is repeated for the sense of safety and the presence of a music performance.
People who were experiencing the music event in space and time could be more certain about
whether a music event helps them to feel safer in the square; and overall it could be argued that it
does t. O the o t a , the othe g oup of i te ie ees as ot definitely sure about their sense
of safet du i g a usi e e t, a d that s h their answers are more under negotiation. A young
ale stude t f o a it outside Thessalo iki oti es: ell… es I ould feel safe i the p ese e
of usi pe fo a e … I guess, that he people are gathered, it has positive aspects as well as
negative; I ea that ou do t k o hat ki d of people is gathe i g… it depe ds o the o e ts…
I do t thi k I a tell ou so ethi g o e spe ifi … I thi k that e ause of the o e t ated people,
I ould feel o e safe, ut… ithout k o i g the usi ge e a d hat ki d of people ill gathe
he e, I a ot tell fo su e… . This stude t s pe spe ti e efle ts clearly the uncertainty of the
respondents without the presence of music, towards the effect of music on the potential sense of
safety.
This result of the conscious discussion of safety in the presence of music is consistent with the result
of the dis ou se a al sis of people s u o s ious se se of safet i the p ese e of usi .
Therefore, it could be argued that when there seems to be a serious problem of safety in an area,
the musical cognition does not have any effect of the perception of space. This aspect is further
dis ussed i the o lusio s hapte hapte 5)
19
dus ke is a te usuall efe ed to st eet usi ia s ho e gage the sel es i a elatio ship of ha it ith the
a udience ra ther than that of producer- o su e . It efe s to st eet usi ia s ho ask of the audie e s good ill to pa
them the amount of money that they think is suitable.
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4.9.4 Quality Matters

It was also very interesting to watch how children
respond to the sound and view of a music
pe fo a e o pa ed to the adults. Child e
al a s stop to liste . It s us the g o -ups that we
e e liste to ou hild e , states espo de t 4B, a
father with alternative style and opinions, when
asked about whether he stops to listen to street
musicians –in general- or not. This quote, relates also
to o e of the esults of the e pe i e t that the
Washington Post conducted in a metro station with Picture 26: Child e al a s stop to liste . A little
girl almost enchanted by the music has been
the world-famous violinist; the children always pay listening to the musicians for more than 15 minutes.
attention to street musicians and in this case it was “ou e: autho ’s
only one or two children who turned their heads to look at the violinist.
The afo e e tio ed e pe i e t as ai i g to e aluate the aestheti isis of people to a ds
music in a different context than the one of the music hall. A factor that was not at first taken into
consideration but was almost catholically stated by the respondents is that of the qualitative
characteristics of the musical performance. Almost all respondents stated that the extent to which
the music in public will capture their attention and appreciation depends on the quality of the
usi ia s pe fo i g, the usi ge e a d the o igi alit of the usi . If the usi ia s a e good
and they sing nicely, and they play properly they change my mood... we might as well hang out
around them with a glass of alcohol etc., but if they are out of tone and their music is bad, then I will
lea e! states respondent 4B, a 23 year old man interviewed with music, who seemed very excited
about the music-related discussion. ηes, I gi e o e to st eet usi ia s, as lo g as the ha e
something interesting to present , sa s a othe fe ale espo de t ho oti ed the usi f o the
beginning of the interview.
Even the physical features and the personality of the musicians seem to count. A young woman
walking her dog reflects on the occasion: (...) if I get attracted by their music and their behaviour, if
they smile to the person, if they are sociable, then yes, I would give money. Because I have seen
many musicians, who just stand like that, you approach to listen and they just look at you, as if
the e sa i g h a e ou liste i g to e ? A d that s he ou go uts! . In the specific case of
performance, it is of interest to mention that even though the band did not have any case or box in
front of them, so that people would give them money, there were some people who came closer to
give money. There was a middle-aged lady, who as she was passing through the square she noticed
the band, approached them and asked them if they take money (see Picture 27). Despite the
usi ia s de ial, she i sisted o gi i g fi e Eu os to d i k a offee! and thus generously awarding
the usi ia s effo t a d ualit (Doumpa, 2012). It see s that P ato s (1984, p. 159) opinion that
the musical quality and virtuosity for outdoors musical events is very important in terms of
evaluating an aesthetic experience is valid in this occasion.
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Picture 27: Ma I at least u ou a offee? this o a suggests to the usi ia s he the said that the do ot
olle t o e , ut the pe fo fo pleasu e. “ou e: autho ’s
4.9.5 Music and Attractiveness of Space

All respondents of both sets agreed that the presence of musicians in the square makes the place
look more attractive, and thus verifying – at this stage – the assumption that music in public space
changes for better the perception that people have on the att a ti e ess of spa e. the usi
performance makes the square) much more attractive, more humane, more cultural; it generally
upgrades the square as well as the li i g o ditio s of the eside ts a d isito s , states espo de t
8B, a female lawyer who resides on the square, and at this morning visited the square because she
got attracted by the music that she was listening from the window. However, it should be noted
here, that while their conscious response reflects positively towards this power of music, their
u o s ious e aluatio s of the s ua e s att a ti e ess i the p ese e of usi do ot see to
correspond.
4.9.6 Music and Revitalization of Public Space

When it comes to their attitude towards any potential music events in the square, the majority
responded that they would like to attend those events and participate. They also agreed that music
events in the square on a regular basis would prompt them to come more often to the square. A 45-
year old father reflects on the effect that music in Navarinou Square would have had for his children:
It ould ha e ee e i e if it as possi le fo usi ia s o othe pe fo e s to o e he e f o
time to time, without being chased by the police. It is certainly better for the children, because they
get more sti ulatio , a d the lea o e… it is good fo the hild e . A o di gl , f o he o
perspective, a young student relates public performances with the identity of the square as a
stude t s hot spot: I elie e that if so ethi g like this as to e o ganized here, in the square, it
ould ha e ee e i e e ause… Thessalo iki is a stude t it , a d usi is so ethi g fo the
ou g people, thus I ould eall like it! … I ould o e o e ofte i the s ua e, e ause I
believe that it would have been very nice! Especially in summer, it is much nicer to sit in the square
he e it is ool, u de eath a t ee, athe tha goi g to a losed a o lu . . it see s that e e
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t pe of use of the s ua e ide tifies o eself a d o e s eeds ith a usi al e e t in the square.
Therefore, it could be argued that music performance in the public realm can lead to public space
revitalization and regeneration. This proposal is reflected and presented in the following chapter
(chapter 5).
4.9.7 Co lusio s o People’s Pe eptio s o the Musi Pe fo a e

William H. Whyte (1979) has stated that one of the most important key qualities of a good public
space is triangulation: the provided stimulations and attractions to the users of the space, which
allows them to engage to deeper level with the space and have a more pleasant and memorable
experience. Music in public space is an expression of triangulation and it seems that the presence of
something new and intense –like music- that cannot be unnoticed in the public realm disrupts the
intense and mechanical urban rhythms that are related to the daily routine and consumption and
brings spontaneity and excitement to the public life (McClish, 2010, p. 853).
According to Table 7, the –slight- majority of the respondents of the interviewing set with music
noticed the presence of the musicians on their own; they either refe rred to them or they took a
picture of them during the psychogeographical practice. What is more, it was expected that more
people would take pictures of the music band performing; a hypothesis that was not verified.
Another interesting clue is that even if the results that came up from the first part of the interview
(the unconscious negotiation of the attributes) do not verify the major hypothesis that music affects
people s pe eptio a out thei u a pu li e i o e t, the espo de ts see to ha e o ticed
the music one way or another. In Table 7, except for the respondents who did not refer to the music
at all (red colour) or clearly mentioned the musicians (green colour) there are also those who
referred to the music indirectly (orange colour with star). For instance, respondent 5B, a female
stude t ho as d i ki g he offee i o e of the s ua e s te a es, efe ed o he o ut i a
indirect way to the music activity when asked about the uses of the squa e: the e should e o e
a ti ities, a little it of usi . It see s that e e though she did t e tio at all the musicians
performing in the square, she probably got stimulated by their performance and she produced this
conception of space. Accordingly, respondent 7B, who is a 38-years old teacher, in the discourse of
a ti ities a d uses of the s ua e states: The e a e a lot of o e ts du i g the su e … . Though
she does not refer to present musicians, she seems to have gotten the idea for this statement from
the music stimulations. Therefore, it could be argued that music performance, most of the times, has
a di e t o i di e t effe t o people s og itio a d the efo e pe eptio s a d e pe ie es.
92
Table 7: Respondent’s hoi e of the es to photog aph, a d hethe the paid atte tio to the usi the sel es.
“ou e: autho ’s data a d edit.
93
Table 8: Respo de ts’ pe eptio s o the att i utes elated to Musi i the pu li spa e. “ou e: autho ’s data a d edit.
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Conclusions, Discussion and Policy Recommendations
5. Conclusions, Discussion and Policy Recommendations

The process of analysis has revealed very interesting and unexpected results concerning the effect of
usi pe fo a e o people s pe eptio ega di g the ualit of Πa a i ou Square. In this
chapter, the research process will be completed, as the empirical outcomes will be reflected and
discussed in the critical view of the theoretical approaches and the respective arguments that have
been discussed in chapter 2: Theoretical Framework.
The chapter consists of three subchapters. The first subchapter sums up the results of the empirical
research, reflects on the main arguments that were stated during the theoretical and empirical
research and concludes with the answers to the research questions as well as the conclusion for the
research aim. The second one is a discussion of the topic within the theoretical aspects of Henri
Κefe e s p odu tion of space (1991) and Yi-Fu Tua s o st u tio of e pe ie e (1977). The last
part of this chapter suggests policy recommendations for the revitalization and regeneration of
public space through music performance, in respect of the conclusions of this research.
5.1 Conclusions
This present research is aiming at revealing the extent to which music in public space changes the
perception that people have about the quality of a public space. The whole research, both in a
theoretical as well as in empirical level has been structured upon four research sub-questions. These
questions are based on four attributes of public space which function as the pylons on which the
whole research has been built. Throughout research on relevant theoretical approaches as well as
empirical study of a case it is now possible to give answers to those questions and reflect on their
aspects.
about the sense of comfort of a public space?
Project for Public Spaces (2012), i a o da e to Willia H. Wh te s (1988) guidelines, identifies
comfort as one of the most important attributes of a public space. Sense of comfort is produced
through a series of factors, which might vary from research to research. In this thesis, there has been
an investigation and evaluation of three factors: attractiveness, pleasure and safe ty, which reflect
both physical and socio-psychological aspects of the urban realm. These factors have been
researched on their capacity to get affected by the presence of music in the public realm.
It is suggested that music has the ability to produce emotions and reactions which influence in a
o espo di g a e people s pe eptio of att a ti e ess a d the efo e the se se of o fo t
(Durao, 2009); (Hall T., Smith C., 2004); (Guetzkow, 2002); (Minton, 2009)). However, in the
empirical results this does not seem to be the case. The bad maintenance conditions and the lack of
many basic infrastructures in Navarinou Square, seem to create a very strong, negative perception of
the – minimal – attractiveness of the square, that does not seem to be easy to re-negotiate.
Therefore, it could be argued that problems of great seriousness, such as cleanliness or even safety,
and their respective perceptions and experiences cannot be reversed from the presence of a musical
performance in the realm.
On the other hand, the fact that all respondents, consciously, reflected positively towards the
attractiveness of the square because of a music performance causes questions about the depth of
peoples egati e pe eptio s to a ds att a ti e ess. It seems that even though they would like to
see the public space from a more positive perspective, this is not feasible due to their deeply rooted
perceptions of space. This contradiction carries a lot of interest. However it is not possible to reflect
o e o it due to the esea he s la k i k o ledge of og iti e e ha is s a d the espe ti e
theoretical approaches.
95
The empirical research revealed a gap in the model proposed by Project for Public Spaces (2012).
The discourse analysis showed that another factor which is related to the sense of attractiveness and
o fo t is that of the people . Mo eo e , usi see s to ha e a effect on the perception of this
factor, by elevating it to the subconscious priority list of people of the important attributes of a
public space.
Pleasure, is a quality of space, which includes both physical features of space as well as experiential
ones. It has been argued that music has the power to revitalize memories emotions and perceptions
and therefore is tightly linked with the sense of pleasure ( (Sancar, 2003); (Hargreaves D.J., North
A.C., 1999); (Krumhansl, 2002)). I deed, it see s that usi pla s a sig ifi a t ole o people s
perceptions of the pleasure derived from being in the public space. According to the music genre
and quality representations of time and place are transported to the listener and seem to produce
respective perceptions and experiences. However, the respondents, of either group, who do not find
pleasure in the square, negotiate their discomfort in terms of safety and the marginalized pe ople.
Therefore, it could be argued that people who hold a strong negative perception towards a p roblem
of a public space and do not find pleasure in a public space do not seem to get affected by the music
performance. However, people who hold a mediocre of positive perception towards the physical and
social conditions of a public realm are open to change their perception of pleasure in the event of a
music performance.
What is more, discourse analysis has added an extra argument in the theoretical approach of music
in public space. It seems that people who produce representations of the public space through a
musical cognitive process tend to negotiate their experiences through external factors such as the
urban environment, the physical and materialistic presence of the musicians as well as the produced
pleasant atmosphere. The reason behind this aspect might be the engagement that the listener
develops with his urban environment which not only includes materialistic objects but also cognitive
ones, such as the atmosphere of a place.
Guetzkow (2002) suggests that a music event apart from the pleasure that it evokes, it also causes a
relief of stress. This assumption, even it responds to more cognitive and psychological research
fields, seems to be verified. The people who got interviewed in the presence of music seemed to be
fa o e ela ed tha those ithout usi . This o lusio is efle ted o people s espo ses
towards their perceptions of the marginalized people, where most of the respondents with music
referred with slung expressions and felt freer to express their rather negative opinions. What is
more, the respondents seemed to be more willing to explain themselves and describe their feelings
and thoughts during the interviews with music in comparison with those who did not get affected by
music. Therefore, it could be argued that music performance and the following cognitive process
allows people to express themselves more openly and relaxed.
Another argument of great importance is that music has the ability to function as a connecting link
between spatial experiences and perceptual experiences, such as memories and feelings. The
empirical research has revealed that people tend to connect spatial and temporal po ints with
intimate feelings and thoughts through a creative event such as a music performance. This argument
is related to the engagement that music produces with space and time through its symbolisms (
(Cohen, 1995, p. 444); (Sancar, 2003, p. 273); (Duffy, pp. 3, 7-8)) as well as the identity that music
provides to a space and time (Wagemans, 2011).
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Comfort in public realm is also highly related to the sense of safety of the space. Approaches
towards the effect of music in the sense of safety imply that the enhancement of the sense of
belonging and familiarity as well as the liveability and physical presence in the public space caused
by the music tend to change the perception of safety for better ( (Wagemans, 2011); (Massey D.,
Rose G., 2003); (Low S.M., Taplin D., Scheld S., 2005); (Landry C., Greene L., Matarasso F., Bianchini
F., 1996). Though this argument seems to be solid and realistic, in the present empirical research
does not get confirmed. Instead, as in the case of attractiveness and pleasure , people who are
strongly determined against the perceptions of insecurity that a space holds, do not seem to get
affected by the music performance.
about the sense of community and sociability of a public space?
The second attribute that is evaluated through the research is people s perception of the sense of
community and sociability. It has been argued, that there are three indicating factors. The extent to
which public space is perceived as a meeting place, how people perceive and use the playground as
a means of socializing and last, to what extent people feel welcome in the square.
The theoretical research has revealed that music in public space functions as a cataly st for social
relations, networks and interaction ( (Whyte, 1988); (Tuan, 1977, p. 162); (Sancar, 2003, p. 272);
(Hall T., Smith C., 2004); (Cohen, 1995); (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007)). The function of music
performance in public space as a t ia gulatio (Whyte, 1988) is merely verified. In the empirical
research there was no indication from the responses that music enhances social relations, networks
and interaction. However, some informal observations of Navarinou Square during the events seem
to reveal such social production through the music performance.
Music is also supposed to have a positive effect in perceptions related to diversity, social tolerance
and free expression (Guetzkow, 2002). However, this assumption seems to fall in the prese nt
research. As it has been aforementioned, people who processed their perceptions towards the
marginalized people through a musical cognition seemed to be less tolerant, according to their
discourses. The fact that music allowed them to feel more relaxed and comfortable, and express
themselves more openly and thus in a more negative way than the other respondents who used
o e politi all o e t ha a te isatio s i di ates that usi does ot see to ha ge people s
perceptions towards inclusivity and social tolerance.
It could also be argued, that public music performance enhances the sense of space as a meeting
place, not only of people in their physical form, but also of social and cultural trajectories (Massey
D., Rose G., 2003). As far as the physical form of the public space as a meeting place is concerned,
the discourse analysis of the empirical research revealed that music does not affect at all the
respective perception. Accordingly, the argument that music enhances the perception of public
space as a place where social and cultural trajectories meet, though it sounds very promising, does
not seem to be verified in the case study either. So, as in the case of the perceptions of social
inclusivity and tolerance, music does not seem to have any effect at all.
Another quality of music is that of the promotion of creativity and play in the public realm. Children
seem to be the ones who get more stimulated by the sounds and rhythms and thus get more easily
related with the public realm. Throughout this process, children have the chance to develop social
skills as well as emotional intelligence (Cabe Space, 2011). It could be argued that this assumption is
verified through the empirical research. Even though the children in Navarinou Square were not
97
interviewed, their physical presence, their actions and sometimes their words gave lots of clues
about the way music transforms a public space into a creative and playful space.
about the accessibility of a public space?
The quality of accessibility and openness of a public space, as well as the role of this space in the
urban structure are considered the main factors which indicate the overall perception of accessibility
of a place. This attribute, as well as that of comfort, include physical as well as social and cultural
aspects.
In terms of physical accessibility of the public space it is expected that as in the case of the design
and sense of safety of a space, music has a positive reflect on it. However, this assumption has fallen
for both design and safety as well as for accessibility. Again, the reason behind this alternation of the
expected outcome is that when perceptions of problems of the public realm are strong and solid it is
very difficult to reverse them with a creative activity such as the music performance. People
somehow tend to prioritize their negative perceptions against the positive ones and use them as a
block towards any stimulation that could change their perceptions for better.
The sa e o lusio de i es f o people s pe eptio s to a ds the ope ess of the pu li eal .
Even from a more social aspect, music in public space does enhance the openness of a public space,
as it is was expected to do according to Low et al. (2005) and Tornaghi (2007). As it has been
mentioned before, perceptions related to tolerance, multiculturalism and inclusivity do not seem to
get affected by the music performance.
As for the role of the space in the urban structure, music is considered to change the perception that
people have about his space in a positive way. However, the empirical results do not reflect on this
argument. It seems that, in contrast to what many policy makers and planners suppose, creative
performing practices in the public realm do not change the perception people have about the role of
the square. On the other hand, it might be the case that Navarinou Square already has a positive and
established role and perception in the urban structure of Thessaloniki, and therefore a single music
e e t did ot ha e a fu the positi e effe t o the s ua e s pe eptio .
about the use of a public space?
The activities hosted in a public space as well as the perceptions that people have about the use of a
space seem to be important for the quality of a space.
The presence of a music performance in a public space is argued to enhance the overall impression
and perception of the vitality of a space, as a factor which produces material space as well as social
participation ( (Minton, 2009); (Landry C., Greene L., Matarasso F., Bianchini F., 1996); (McClish,
2010)). Despite the logical causality of this argument, the results of the empirical research do not
verify it. Even in times when the square was full of children the respondents perceived the space as
one of low or limited activity. Conclusively, it seems that even if music produces material space it
seems very difficult to produce a respective perception of vitality of space. It might be the case that
one and only event does not change the perception that the everyday users of the square have
about its activity.
In the theoretical framework, it was also assumed that since music has the ability to enhance social
i te a tio a d the pe eptio of eeti g pla e, the a usi pe fo a e ha ges people s
98
perception of the uses towards more community- and social-related uses. This assumption is merely
not verified by the empirical research. On the one hand, it has be en discussed, that music did not
see to ha e a effe t o people s pe eptio to a ds so ial i te a tio a d i lusi it . O the
othe ha d, dis ou se a al sis of people s state e ts a out the uses of the space reflect a tendency
to negotiate more on the cultural activities of the square in the presence of music, compared to
those without it. It could be argued, that the musical stimulation which empowered the respective
cognitive process resulted in the engagement of the respondent with related topics.
5.1.5 Main Research Question: To what extent does music in public space change the
perception people have about the quality of a public space?
O e all, it see s like usi i pu li spa e does ot ha e a di e t effe t o people s pe eptio s
about the quality of a place. It could be argued that the more intensive the problems of a square are
(like the safety and maintenance issues) and the more deeply rooted the perceptions towards those
problems are, the less powerful a music event is.
Yi-Fu Tuan (1977) also supports that people tend to deny and neglect the reality of their experiences
i o de to e gage i li hés of pu li spee h (p. 203). It might also be the case that in the
empirical research the respondents tend to establish and discuss the general discourse towards the
quality of Navarinou Square and deny the intimate experience that it is offered to them with the
usi pe fo a e. Mo eo e , Tua s app oa h (1977, p. 143) supports the research outcome
concerning the consciousness of the experience; when the respondents were informed about the
importance of the music in the research they all immediately began to negotiate the value of the
performance in a different way. They realized it and linked it with attributes of public space that they
did t do i the fi st pa t of the i te ie .
A iti al fa to fo the effe t of a usi pe fo a e i to peoples pe eptio a out the ual ity of a
public space is the quality of the music. Prato (1984, p. 159) has reflected towards this argument,
supporting that the musical quality and virtuosity for outdoors musical events is very important in
terms of the negotiation of an aesthetic experience.
Kä pfe, “edl eie a d ‘e ke itz (2011) give a sufficient explanation for this conclusion; music does
ot al a s ha e the sa e effe t o people s og iti e p o esses (p. 441). This means, that if the
same empirical research was to be applied in a different population and a different public space, the
results might have possibly been consistent with the theoretical approaches and expectations.
Therefore, it could be argued that music cognition is a very delicate process and vulnerable to
minimum changes.
However, the elasticity of this cognitive process does not mean that each attempt to link it with
other factors (such as quality of public space) is a failure. On the contrary, by interpreting and
embodying the cultural background into the analytical process, as Tuan (1977) indicates, produces a
unique result and conclusion for each culture.
In regard to the specific empirical research, there is a critical cultural factor which changes radically
the cognitive process of the subject people; the Greek economic crisis, which at the moment is
strongly translated into a social and psychological crisis. A variety of scientific and journal articles as
well as reports seek to reveal the way Greek people experience their everyday lives. Unfortunately,
the so far discussion on the topic reflects a deeply pessimistic position of the average Greek towa rds
subjects of daily life. As a result, it seems reasonable that the responses of the interviewees in the
99
empirical research of this thesis reflect a pessimistic and negative aspect. What is more, the
interviews were conducted during the pre-election and post-election period of May 2012. Therefore,
it could be argued that the economic crisis along with the political instability of the period that the
data as olle ted o st u t a espe ti e f a e o k a ou d peoples pe eptio s a d e pe ie es.
5.2 Discussion
I the theo eti al f a e o k of the esea h the e has ee a solid egotiatio of Κefe e s T iad of
Production of Space (1991), in order to support the perceptual and experiential aspect of the
research aim. In the stage of the negotiation of the theoretical approaches it seemed that the triad
would be of great importance for the analysis and the results as well. Therefore, during the whole
empirical research and analysis, there was an attempt to constantly keeping i i d Κefe e s
approach. The outcome of this attempt is a discussion on the results and conclusions of the
e pi i al esea h th ough the p is of Κefe e s “patial T iad.
Henri Lefebvre, through his spatial triad negotiates the representations and practices of the social
space. These representations and practices are the means through which perceptions and
experiences are used to produce social space (Lefebvre, 1991). The spatial triad, as it has been
mentioned in detail in chapter 2.2, consists of three elements in constant dialogical relationship. The
first concept is that of the spatial practices, which refers to the space as it is perceived, at its physical
form along with the networks and relations and the daily routines (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 33, 38). The
second concept refers to the representations of space. That is the conceived space, the space of the
planners, geographers, urbanists etc. The last concept is that of the lived space and the
corresponding spaces of representations. This aspect refers to the experiences, the symbolisms and
the images of space.
This concept, which manages to relate spatial and physical procedures with cognitive ones, is of
great importance for the negotiation of the present research topic. It has been argued (in chapter
2.2), that the qualities of space, as proposed by Project for Public Spaces (2012)can be attributed to
at least one aspect of the production of space. Therefore, it is possible to evaluate them for the case
study in the context of the production of social space.
The argument under discussion here is that in the case of Navarinou Square the production of social
space through the music performance in public explains the reasons behind the failure of the initial
expectations for the results and conclusions. In other words, the reasons why music in publ ic space
does ot see to ha e a sig ifi a t effe t o peoples pe eptio s to a ds the ualit of spa e i
the ase stud a e efle ted th ough Κefe e s spatial t iad. As it has been mentioned, music
produces space and therefore it can be reflected through the triad.
The discussion begins with the representations of space. Music produces its own conceived space. In
the present case, the researcher who applied the case study is the one who came up with a concept
of a music event in Navarinou Square in order to collect data and reach some conclusions towards
the research aim. Thus, the researcher has created an image, a representation of how the Navarinou
Square should be like with the presence of the musicians. The expectations of the thesis in chapter
3.1 reflect the representations of space of the researcher. This means that the conceived effect that
music was expected to have on each attribute of the square, constitute the representations of
Navarinou Square with music.
100
However, it should not be neglected that in this case there is also another factor which produces its
own conceived space; the musicians themselves. The gipsy-swing triplet, while performing in the
middle of the square, produce a conceptualization of the meanings, symbolisms, codes and
emotions that their music should transpose to the audience. Gipsy-swing music has that romantic,
retrospective sense which is transferred to the people of the square in a direct way. They do not
have to turn thei heads so eho o go so e he e to e ei e the usi ia s ep ese tatio s. The
are available as long as the hearing sense is powerful.
The second aspect of the triad is that of the spatial practices. The spatial practices of Navarinou
Square refer to the perceptions that the users of the space have for the spatial attributes. These
attributes are the values which indicate the quality of public space and reflect both physical facets of
space as well as social relations, networks and interactions of the daily life of the square. Moreover,
in the case that the conceived space is produced by the musicians, and not the researcher, music is
considered to be a spatial practice too, as the musicians are part of the system of the spatial
practices, while the researcher is not.
The third concept is that of the lived space and the corresponding spaces of representations.
Navarinou Square throughout its spatial practices reflects experiences, symbolisms and images of
space, which result from the embodiment of the perceptions of the qualities of the square and are
received by the users of the realm.
The result of the empirical research indicates that music in public space does not seem to change the
perceptions that the users have on those attributes of quality of public space. This argument can be
translated in a Lefebvrian problematique: the conceived space comes to contradiction with the
perceived and lived space of the square. The spatial practices of the daily life of Navarinou Square
are so intensely constructed and translated to experiences of the lived space that it is almost
impossible for the representations of space (conceived space) to alter the lived space and eventually
the perceptions about the quality of the public space. This is the main reason why the majority of
the expectations have been disproved.
However, it could be argued that this Lefebvrian reflection of the problem of construction of space
through the representations of music in the case study refers only to the conceived space of the
researcher who seeks to reveal sub-conscious links between music and perception of space . In the
first part of the empirical research, the respondents were not aware of the role that music played
and therefore they did not sub-consciously filter their perceptions and experiences through the
music cognition process. Yi-Fu Tuan (1977) adds to this pe spe ti e, suggesti g that people te d to
supp ess that hi h the a ot e p ess , a d o fi s that if the i po ta e of a e pe i ence is
not communicated in a direct way to the respondent, then he/she will not take it into account (pp.
6-7; 143).
On the other hand, the conceived space of the musicians seems to be in a more conscious,
dialectical and positive negotiation with the perceived and lived space. The emotions, feelings and
representations of space that the musicians wanted to offer to the users of the square, the
audience, seem to have been transported and translated into temporal spatial practices (people
observing the musicians, listening and dancing to the music) and lived space. Especially in the case of
the lived space, the symbolisms and emotions of the gipsy-swing music seem to have been easily
produced into experiences of the public space, as the majority of the respondents reflected in a very
positive and expected way on the conscious pleasure and attractiveness that the music performance
101
offers20. This result might be due to the fact that from this point of view, the musicians are regarded
to be part of the system of the production of space. From this perspective, it can be argued that
music produces public space and gives new symbolic interpretations and functions of space (Young,
2012), which are more related to aesthetic appreciation rather than environmental (as in the case of
the esea he s o ei ed spa e .
The fo e dis ussio of Κefe e s spatial t iad i the o te t of usi pe fo a e i pu li spa e
seems to have two outcomes. The first one is that music served a double role in this empirical
esea h: that of the ep ese tatio of spa e f o the esea he s poi t of ie , a d that of the
spatial practice as perceived by the musicians. Ea h aspe t of usi s ole i the production of space
is elated to a aspe t of Κefe e s t iad. Musi as a ep ese tatio of spa e see s to e o e
related to the spatial practices, despite the minimal effect that the first has to the latter in the case
study21. On the contrary, music as a spatial practice presents a strong connection with the lived
space 22.
The second outcome is related to the first one. It has been argued that music in public space can
either be a representation of space or a spatial practice. The empirical research see ms to reflect that
each form of production of space is related to the cognitive process that the music was interpreted.
I the fi st ase, of the usi as a ep ese tatio of spa e, the effe t of usi o peoples
perceptions towards the quality of public space has been examined in the first part of the interview
through questions that did not reflect the importance of music on the evaluation of the attributes of
the quality of space. The aim was to reveal the sub-conscious processes of cognition that relate
music with the perceptions of space and highlight the intimate experiences constructed, despite
their difficulty to be expressed (Tuan, 1977, pp. 136-137). Thus it can be argued that music as a
representation of spa e a ages to efle t o peoples su -conscious lived spaces and spatial
practices23. Accordingly, in the second case, when music is a spatial practice, it can be assumed that
the fact that the role of the music was indicated to the respondents allowed them to negotiate the
production of space in a more conscious way towards the representations of space but mostly
towards the lived space.
20
In the empirical research this has been achieved by i mplying the i mportance of the music to the respondents.
21
In a ny other case, which might reflect a different cultural background (Tuan, 1977), music as a representation of space
mi ght have a sincere effect on the s patial practices.
22
Thi s a rgume t see s to e also suppo ted Cohe , ho s tates that olle ti e usi al s ols asso iate pla es ith
pa ti ula i ages, e otio s, ea i gs a d the p o oke o s hape so ial a tio . Cohe , , p.
23
For i nstance, people under the music stimulation seemed to express their opinion a bout this a ctivity, even without being
a s ked. It seems that the fa ct that there was a music event present at the same time with the i nterviews prompted them to
ta l k about this topic.
102
5.3 Policy Recommendations

Κa d e og ises that ultu al esou es, su h as pu li a t, a e the a ate ials of the city
a d its alue ase; its assets epla i g oal, steel o gold p. . Public art and generally creative and
cultural practices in the public realm are often used as catalysts for the revitalization and
regeneration of public spaces (Tornaghi, 2007). Especially, within a context of Creative Cities and
Culture-Led Regeneration expressions of creativity in the public space seem to enhance the
humanization of planning and therefore the production of successful and qualitative urban realms
(Landry C., Greene L., Matarasso F., Bianchini F., 1996).
However, a unilateral imposition of creative activities in the public realm by the planners and policy
makers, without the participation and appreciation of the experiences constructed by the civilians
leads to a decline of the value of public life as well as an underestimation of the creative, social
and/or political statement that the creative activity presents ( (Earl, 2011, pp. 126-127); (Baker S.,
Bennett A., Homan S., 2009, p. 162)). Minton (2009) reflects on this problem of public space by
spotting the source of the issue on the persistence of planners and authorities in general to have
everything under control. This tendency denies any sense of creativity and spontaneity out the
public realm and does not allow the user of the space to engage with it (pp. 22-23). People s
participation in revitalization and regeneration procedures is very important to the successful, or
not, outcome of such a strategy (Laopodi, 2002, p. 23). Bottom-up procedures, such as public art,
that can later be included in a top-down strategy seem to be promoted as a very successful tool for
urban regeneration and public space revitalization. In this research, the main research question is
tightly linked to this perspective. By identifying the extent to which music in public space (a bottom-
up procedure) affects the perception and experience of public space, urban planners and policy
makers may take this power of music and use it as a tool for regeneration (top-down procedure).
In the wider context of public space revitalization and regeneration through cultural and creative
practices, music in public space seems to be one of the forms of public art which carries much
potential. The attributes and powers of public art, as proposed by Hall & Robertson (2001) and Hall
& Smith (2004) (see chapter 2.4.1) can relatively be reflected on music on public space.
Based on the qualities of music performance in public
space as well as the perceptions and experiences that
were reflected through the present research it is
possible to propose policy recommendations towards
public space revitalization and regeneration through
public music events. When the respondents of the
empirical research were asked to reflect their opinion
towards public music performance in the square the
majority responded that they would like to attend
those events and participate. They also agreed that Picture 28: A park in Berlin gets revitalized through
regular karaoke events. Source: (Smith, 2012)
music events in the square on a regular basis would
prompt them to come more often to the square. As a result, the empirical data seem to verify the
approaches of revitalization and regeneration through cultural and creative activities. The only thing
left to do is incorporate the results of the empirical research about the perceptions and ex periences
of space into a short guideline of policy recommendations.
103
The most important recommendation is that the planner should be aware that his/her role is limited
only to toss the stone in the pond and wait. The following guidelines reflect the cataly tic moves of a
strategy, which would lead to public space revitalization and regeneration through public music
events within a bottom-up procedure.
The planner's and policy maker's role is to create the ideal conditions for the musical activities to
flourish
Don't include only formal public spaces. Every corner of the public realm can function as a potential
stage (Whyte, 1979; 1988)
Use any of your own "raw materials" and enhance social participation, inclusicity and multiculturalism
(Landry, 2000)
Use in the begining some musicians of your choice in order to create a public positive discourse and
encourage others to participate
Don't engage in subjective personal taste of genre and quality of music. Be open-minded and try to
keep "an ear open" for local treasures
It's true that music quality matters. However don't audition musicians (Minton, 2009). If your catalytic
selections are of high quality and originality then the overall atmosphere would be similar. The quality
will be considered a critical condition for someone to decide to go in public and perform
Don't match representations of space with music genres. The fact that a space is of historical interest
does not mean that is has to be matched with ancient music! Be creative, and enhance
multiculturalism!
Give the basic infrastructures. Don't over-design
Don't over-promote the creative practices or else they would be fake. Let them be conceived as urban
surprises! (Minton, 2009)
Don't use a time schedule. Allow the musician to perform whenever and wherever he/she wants. Thus
you enhance the sense of surprise in the public realm! (Minton, 2009)
Promote the events as a public good. No financial relationship should be included in any level of the
strategy and with anyone
Don't try to control the activities. Toss the stone and then leave it to be developed spontaneously
(Minton, 2009)
Text Box 4: Policy Recommendations for Public Space Revitalization and Regeneration through Public Music
Pe fo a es. “ou e: autho ’s edit
104
Evaluation and Recommendations
6. Evaluation and Recommendations

The research aim has been from the beginning very challenging. The available literature and
theoretical background was very limited and the notions that seemed to construct the conceptual
model of the main argument were from various scientific fields, some of which were not of any
familiarity to the researcher (such as cognition). However, the constant negotiation with the
theoretical aspects and the relations and linkages between them resulted in the discussion of a
spatial practice within a social, cultural and cognitive context which adds great interest to the topic.
The production of space and the construction of experiences seem to find a common field in the
production of public space through a creative process, such as music performance. An outcome of
the theo eti al esea h that ould e fu the esea hed is the egotiatio of He i Κefe e s t iad
of production of space through the prism of Yi-Fu Tua s perspective on experience and his
experiential triad.
Music is inherently a creative process. Therefore, it was considered that the create nature of music
should be incorporated and reflected in the research design and methodology. Therefore, apart
from the qualitative research design and its methodological tools, an extra tool was used, that of
psychogeography in order to reflect more on the perceptions as well as to enhance creative thinking
in the research process.
By reflecting back to the selection of the proper research method it seemed very difficult and tricky
to choose the method that would shine more light on the perceptions and experiences of people. At
first a quantitative design was selected in order to incorporate also personal characteristics of the
respondents as well as social, economic and cultural facts and figures. However, it was later decided
that a qualitative research design will be able to dig in greater depth and reveal more interesting
aspects of perceptions and experiences. Nevertheless, it is still considered that a quantitative
approach will also reflect interesting aspects of the issue, and is therefore recommended as a future
research.
The empirical research and the music experiments were hard to be conceived and organised s ince
there are lots of influential attributes that could change the result of the research. The selection of
the proper public space, the selection of the music genre and the musicians that could assist in the
research, the capability and time constraints of the musicians (since it is not feasible to ask of a band
to perform six hours in a row to collect data), the proper time of the year (within the time limitations
of the academic year), the time of the day, the day itself, the position in the square, the choice of
respondents, the decision of whether or not the musicians should accept donations and a Greek
unpredictable May weather were some of the issues that were dealt with during the data collection.
It should be highlighted that music genre and quality play a major role in the research process. If
there was to be selected another music genre than the gipsy-s i g, let s sa the e t e e ase of
punk rock, the reflections on perceptions and experiences would probably have been much different
due to the music. Moreover, the performative nature of the event is also of high importance for the
results and conclusions as there is a materializing of music in space. On the contrary, if music was to
be played from a stereo, then the results would have been much different than in the present thesis.
By reflecting more on this aspect of the research procedure – the music genre, quality and nature –
future research can also be conducted from a more musicological or cognitive aspect.
The analysis of the data and the results demanded for an out-of-the-box approach, as the variety of
the theoretical aspects that needed to be reflected through the data was very wide and the links
105
among them, at least in the beginning, not very clear. It might still be the case, that the interviews
and psychogeographical data are not rigorously analysed and used. A researcher from more
cognitive scientific fields or even with a background in ecological psychology might reveal more
aspects on the issue. However, this aspect can also be vi ewed as a recommendation for further
research.
Another factor of the research procedure that seems to have influenced a lot the results and
conclusions of the thesis is that of the respondents. As it has also been discussed in the theoretical
framework and the conclusions, the cultural background of the population under research seems to
play a significant role in the perceptions and experiences produced under the effect of a music
performance (Tuan, 1977). Thus, it seems that if the same research design and methodology was to
be applied in a different population the results might have been different. The psychological
situation of the Greek people at the moment does not resemble to a normal one , due to the
recession. They tend to be very pessimistic and focus only to the problems of everyday life; just like
it was concluded in this research. So, probably, in any other square of any other city that does not
face such a mostly sentimental crisis and crisis of the conscious the res ults would have been
different. Though it seems that this susceptibility of the esea h desig ight e a fla , si e the
results cannot be easily generalised, it is not believed that this is the case. In research topics related
to perception and experiences the personal characteristics are of significant importance and as
Sheikh (2004) suggests the e is o ideal ge e alized spe tato .
Overall, the experience of conducting a qualitative research which included social interaction and
familiarizing with more experiential aspects of urban life seems to be the most important outcome
of the whole procedure for the researcher. Last, but not least, the researcher had the chance to
work for six months on three beloved themes: public space, music and the city of Thessaloniki, and
the personal pleasure and satisfaction of being able to reflect all three aspects at the same time as
well as reach interesting –though challenging- results can only be regarded as a blessing.
106
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ό ο , Α. . Η Θε α ο ί η ι αι ε ά ο Ε έ Ε ά . α ο ί .
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Appendices
Appendices
Appendix 1: Semi-structured interview questionnaire
Place: Navarinou Square, Thessaloniki, Greece
Date: Friday 4th and Saturday 5th of May, 2012 (with music performance)
Saturday 12th and Tuesday 15th of May, 2012(without music performance)
Time: during morning and noon hours
Scenario with music performance: a group of musicians (three in total) perform in the square, while
the research conducts interviews with people either sitting in the square or passing by. The range of
the sample is on people above 15 years old, regardless gender and other characteristics. In the
beginning of the interview the research does not inform the interviewee on the importance and the
role of music. The role of music and its potential influence on perception will be stated by the end of
the interview, as followed by the questions.
Basic axis of interest:
- comfort
o attractiveness
o pleasure
o safety
- Sense of Community-Sociability
o meeting place/playground
o welcome
- accessibility
o accessibility and openness of square
o role of square in the urban structure
- use
o active public space/activities
o residency
- Psychogeography
- Role of music
1. Why are you here today?
2. What do you like in the square, and what do t ou like? Wh ? att a ti e ess
3. Do you think that it is a nicely and properly designed space? Why? (attractiveness)
4. Do you like to sit and spend some time in the square? Why? (pleasure)
5. Do you find it pleasant to be in the square and/or walk through i t? Why? (pleasure)
6. Do you feel safe in the square at the moment? Why? (safety)
7. Do you feel safe in the square during other hours of the day? Why? (safety)
113
8. Do you use the square as a meeting place with friends, family, etc? (meeting place)
a. Why yes?  In which way? Where do you sit? What do you do?
b. Why not?  Under which circumstances would you use the square?
9. Do ou ha e a hild? If es, ould ou o e ith ou hild to pla i the s ua e s pla g ou d?
Why? (playground)
10. Do you feel welcome in the square? Why? (welcome)
11. Do you think this square is accessible and open to everyone? (accessibility & openness)
12. Do ou feel like this s ua e is a i po ta t pa t of the it s e t e? ole of the s ua e i the
urban structure)
13. Do you think this is an active public space? Does it have enough life and activities? Why? (active
public space)
14. What are the activities that you believe are characteristic and dominant of this square? Why?
(activities)
15. Would you like to be a resident of this square? Why? (residency)
16. Psychogeography: the interviewee is given a camera and is asked to take two pictures of
objects, landmarks, people, activities in the square; anything that attracts his or her attention in
a good way, or a bad way. The goal is to capture in two pictures what each person finds
stimulating in the square, and eventually notice how many people would notice the musicians
as stimulating factors.
17. Do you like it that there is a music band in the square? Why? (this question is only asked during
the interviews with music performance)
18. Does the presence of the musicians in the square help you feel safer? Why? (this question is
only asked during the interviews with music performance)
19. Does the presence of the musicians in the square make the place seem more attractive? Why?
(this question is only asked during the interviews with music performance)
20. Generally, when you meet street musicians, would you say that they change your mood? How?
21. When you meet street musicians do you usually stop to listen to them, or not? Why
22. Do you give money to street musicians or not? Why?
114
Appendices
23. If there were music activities on a regular base in the square, like concerts, performances etc,
would you come more often? Why?
24. If there were music activities on a regular base in the square, would you find the place more
attractive and safer?
25. Name
26. Age
27. Gender
28. Place of origin
29. Place of residency
30. Occupation
31. Education level
32. Frequency of visits in a month
115
Appendix 2: Overview and Profile of the Respondents
respondent name gender age children place of origin place of residency occupation education visits per week
1A Α fema le 52 yes Sweden Thes saloniki (Pefka) tea cher Uni versity 1
2A Α Α fema le 37 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Ano Poli) photographer Hi ghschool 7
3A Α Α Ω ma l e 33 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Sikies) ci vi l engineer Uni + MSc. 1
4A Α Ω fema le 30 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki unemployed Uni versity 2
5A Ο Α fema le 21 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Toumba) pri va te employee Col l ege 7
6A Ο ma l e 29 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Toumba) entrepreneur Uni versity 7
without music
7A ma l e 18 no Ki l kis Thes saloniki (railway s tation) s tudent Uni versity 7

8A Α Ο ma l e 62 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Toumba) reti red Uni versity 1
9A fema le s he did not want to answer
10A Ω Ο ma l e 45 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki Uni versity 0,25
11A Α Ο Α fema le 18 no La ri sa Thes saloniki (Papafi) s tudent Uni versity 2
12A Ο Α fema le 19 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Kalamaria) s tudent Uni versity 2
13A Ο Ο ma l e 20 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (western) s tudent Uni versity 7
14A Α Α fema le 79 yes Fl ori na Thes saloniki reti red Hi gher 0
15A Ο ma l e 65 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Panorama) reti red Hi gher 3
1B Ω Α fema le 50 yes Thi va Thes saloniki hous ehold El ementary s chool 5

2B Α fema le 28 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki pri va te employee col l ege 0,7
3B Α Α Α Α fema le 20 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Ambelokipous) s tudent Hi gher 2
4B Ω Ο ma l e 23 no Gi a nnitsa Thes saloniki s tudent Hi gher 3
5B Ω Α fema le 25 no Agri ni o Thes saloniki s tudent Hi gher 3
6B Ω fema le 23 no La ri sa Thes saloniki s tudent Uni versity 4
with music
7B Α Α fema le 38 yes Tri ka la Thes saloniki tea cher Uni versity 7

8B Ω fema le 49 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki l a wyer Uni versity 7
9B Ο Α Α ma l e 21 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Faliro) chef Hi ghschool 7
10B Α Α fema le 32 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki pri va te employee Hi gher 4
11B Α fema le 40 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki doctor Uni versity 3
12B Α Ο Α fema le 20 no Ski athos Thes saloniki (Sindos) s tudent Hi gher 5
13B Α fema le 22 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki pri va te employee col l ege 6
14B Α fema le 42 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (eastern) Profes sor Uni versity + PhD 0,7
116
Appendices
15B Ω Ο ma l e 62 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki reti red Uni versity 5
16B Ο ma l e 39 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki ci vi l engineer Uni versity + MSc 0,2
117
Appe di : Dis ou se A al sis of Respo de ts’ P io ities To a ds the Fa to s a d
Values of Attractiveness in Navarinou Square
Source: autho s data a d edit
118
Appendix 4: Tables of Discourse Analysis of the Empirical Research Data
119

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The effe t of a us i pe fo a e o people s pe eptio s o the ualit of

Utrecht, The Netherlands

Master Thesis GEO4-3313

Cover Picture: Quino Supervisor: Dr. Brian Doucet

Vivian Doumpa, August 2012

4.3 Methods ..................................................................................................................... 59

List of Text Boxes

List of Psychogeographical Pictures

A good city is like a good party –

- Jan Gehl, Danish architect

…and, of course, a good party always has good music!

1.1 Music in Public Space

1.2 Academic and Societal Relevance

1.3 Research Questions

1.4 Empirical Research - Case Study

1.6 Thesis Outline

Public Space and Quality of Public Space

Public Experience and Perception

Public Art and Perception

Music in Public Space

Text Box 1: Theo eti al f a e o k uilt o a i du ti e ethod. “ou e: autho ’s edit

2.1 Public Space and Quality of Public Space

2.2 The Production of –Public- Space

2.3 Perception, Experience and Psychogeography

The sti ulatio s that p odu e a pe so s e e da e pe ie e of spa e a e elated to o e s se ses.

Détou e e t is the att i utio of

2.4 Public Art, Perception and Quality of Public Space

2.4.1 Culture-led and Creative Revitalization and Regeneration of Public Space

It is i po ta t, at this poi t, to i di ate a diffe e tiatio of the e pe ie e of usi liste i g a d

2.6 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people’s pe eptio ega di g o fo t

2.7 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people’s pe eptio ega di g se se of

2.8 Musi i pu li spa e a d its effe t o people’s pe eptio ega di g

2.10 Conceptual Model

3. Research Design - Methodology

3.2.1 Elaboration of the Methodology into a Working Plan

3.2.2 Asking Questions

As well as foresheet information like:

3.2.3 The Music

4. Analysis – Case Study

4.1 Navarinou Square

Picture 9: Navarinou Square today. Source: www.bi ng.com/maps

However, there are also two more groups of users,

4.4 Data Analysis

4.5.1 Attractiveness of Navarinou Square

As it is reasonable, people also captured in the

4.5.3 Safety in Navarinou Square

4.5.4 Conclusion on the Sense of Comfort in Navarinou Square

4.6.1 Navarinou Square as a Meeting Place

4.6.2 Feeling Welcome in Navarinou Square

4.6.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Community and Sociability in Navarinou Square

4.7.1 Accessibility and Openness of Navarinou Square

4.7.2 The Role of Navarinou Square in the Urban Structure of Thessaloniki

4.7.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Accessibility of Navarinou Square

4.8.1 Navarinou Square as an Active Public Space

4.8.2 The Activities of Navarinou Square

No a cti vi ty 1 a cti vi ty 2 a cti vi ty 3 a cti vi ty 4 a cti vi ty 5

4A pl a yground rel a xation wa l k

6A pl a yground cul ture