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Studia Neophilologica
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How Do We “Read” the Miniatures of

the Occitan Trobairitz?
a
Marianne Sandels
a
Kyrkogårdsgatan 5 A , SE‐753 10 Uppsala E-mail:
Published online: 05 Oct 2010.

To cite this article: Marianne Sandels (2008) How Do We “Read” the Miniatures of the Occitan
Trobairitz?, Studia Neophilologica, 80:1, 65-74, DOI: 10.1080/00393270802082960

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 Studia Neophilologica 80: 65–74, 2008

How Do We ‘‘Read’’ the Miniatures of the Occitan

Trobairitz?

MARIANNE SANDELS

In modern times we have a general concept in the Western world of a portrait and its
process of creation. It should somehow resemble a person physically and also
capture his or her personality. With a few strokes of a brush or a bit of chalk, or
perhaps with a camera, a person emerges. At the same time the artist conveys his or
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her own personality, temperament and vision of this person. And unwittingly, the
artist and the viewer join a long cultural tradition, slowly changing and enriching it.
As soon as we turn our eyes towards the portraits of the Middle Ages we
remember how cautious we must be. How do we best approach these complex
pictures? The general concept of a portrait was entirely different from what we take
for granted in the twenty-first century. The very essence or idea of a person was to be
illustrated, with all respect for his or her social position and, perhaps, artistic
prestige. What this person actually had looked like, during his or her lifetime, was of
minor importance. Thus whereas there are well established ways of interpreting
biblical or mythical figures, a portrait of a human being poses a greater challenge.
An interesting case study is provided by the portraits of the trobairitz, the female
troubadours who wrote their songs in Occitan.1 About twenty trobairitz are known
to posterity, with their songs, and a few of them are portrayed in at least one of four
great chansonniers A, H, I and K.2 These four manuscripts, dating from the late
thirteenth century and copied in the Veneto or its vicinity are exceptional in many
ways. They are magnificent in execution and size, they are closely interrelated—
especially I and K—and obviously intended for enjoying troubadour culture in a new
and different way. Instead of taking part primarily in performance culture as in the
heyday of Occitan creative times,3 the owner of the chansonnier could read the
poems, often together with pictures and short informative texts. These accompany-
ing texts, the vidas and razos, create the biographical and mythical framework
around the troubadours, conjuring up circumstances and details that pertain to
Occitan tradition.4 No musical notation is provided, which underscores the fact that
the texts were most likely read silently or recited from the manuscripts. No doubt,
the miniatures were there to be contemplated in admiration. The Italian lovers of
troubadour culture thus interpreted and carried on the Occitan tradition, enriching it
and saving it for posterity in their own way. For chronological reasons5 we must
assume that the artists who executed the miniatures had no clear idea of the
physiognomy of the trobairitz they were to portray, nor was this aspect relevant.6
Among these manuscripts H is particularly interesting because only trobairitz have
portraits, which is intriguing, in view of the fact that both men and women are
represented with texts. In the other three chansonniers both male and female texts
and portraits appear.
The approximately twenty trobairitz form a small minority in the large and well-
defined corpus of troubadours in langue d’oc, numbering about 450. In the same
way, the sixteen small portraits we have of nine trobairitz in the four chansonniers
mentioned are modest in quantity in comparison to the total number of troubadour
portraits, 223, we have in these manuscripts. Roughly speaking, only about seven per
cent of all representations of troubadours in these four manuscripts are of women.

DOI: 10.1080/00393270802082960
 66 M. Sandels Studia Neophil 80 (2008)

On the other hand, there are a number of other women depicted who appear
together with a male troubadour. They are usually portrayed either as high-ranking
ladies, or artists. Needless to say, it is most useful to have these extra images of ladies
for us to compare with the portraits of the trobairitz, who all belonged to the
aristocracy. As far as we can judge, there is no substantial difference in pictorial
representation between the two different kinds of ladies.7
Let us now examine the sixteen images we have of trobairitz.8 The Countess of Dia
appears in five of them, Castelloza in three and Azalais de Porcairagues in two. Thus
there are only six left, one each for Almueis de Castelnou, Iseut de Capió,
Lombarda, Maria de Ventadorn, Tibors and an anonymous trobairitz. Clearly, the
number of times a trobairitz is represented indicates somehow the literary status she
enjoyed. The Countess of Dia for example, who appears at least once in all four
chansonniers, seems to take precedence over the others. Also Castelloza must have
had a somewhat special position.
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All the trobairitz are represented in a similar way, as elegant ladies, dressed in
floor-length clothing, with each peace of garment of a uniform colour. In all cases
but two, they are seen in a straight, upright position, without company. In one
interesting miniature of Castelloza, she is seated opposite a gentleman. Here we have
the epitome of troubadour culture, even in the verb of the short instruction to the
artist: ‘‘Una dona ka doneia cun .I. cavaller’’.9
However, there is no evidence that this illustration pertains more to Castelloza’s
poems or life than to most other female troubadours. Interaction with the opposite
sex was certainly part of Occitan culture. Thus it is rather as a general illustration
that this lovely miniature stands out among the other pictures. There is also one
picture of the Countess of Dia seated, by herself, without company. Both miniatures
appear in manuscript A, as in fact the only two trobairitz portraits among dozens of
male troubadours, some of them seated.10
Formal portraits of royal or aristocratic women from roughly the same period
favour the upright position. The person in question could also be represented as
seated, or even on horseback, the respectfulness still being maintained.11 However
there was a tacit rule that applied to the representation of a lady. Thus the trobairitz
are invariably shown as immobile, only raising a hand sometimes in token of
demanding attention, giving a speech or performing a song, etc. Male troubadours,
too, are very often pictured with this gesture. Portraying a trobairitz moving her
body, as if she were dancing for example, would certainly have conveyed the idea of
an artist, paid for her services.12 All women who made a living performing, singing,
dancing, i.e. using their bodies, had a bad reputation and were regarded as socially
inferior, almost prostitutes.
Aristocratic ladies always wear floor-length clothing—usually several garments—
to cover their ankles or legs, usually also their shoes.13 On the other hand it is true
that women in general are shown in at least full-length clothing. This feature was to
distinguish them from men, because it constituted one of the few clear differences
between male and female attire—although not always. (As a matter of fact, men
could also be portrayed in full-length or almost full-length clothing.) Even the ideal
of physical beauty was somewhat similar for the two sexes: a slender youthful body
without any special accentuation.14
Another interesting detail is the absence of any kind of musical instrument. Most
likely, some or all of these talented and aristocratic trobairitz played an instrument,
just like male troubadours and professional entertainers.15 Nevertheless it would
probably have been inappropriate to portray them with an instrument, which might
have suggested they were of low birth and similar to professional women. No such
obstacle seems to have been present in the case of a male troubadour. On the
 Studia Neophil 80 (2008) The Miniatures of the Occitan Trobairitz 67

contrary, Richard the Lionheart and several other male troubadours of different
social backgrounds appear with a musical instrument.
Attempts have been made to establish a ranking order of the trobairitz by closely
analysing their clothing, jewellery, occasional emblems and the number of portraits
they have.16 There are many arguments against such a theory. The marginal
differences in clothing and attire hardly indicate any such order, in social status or
artistic prestige. In addition, even a cursory comparison between all the portraits of
male troubadours indicates a high degree of freedom for the artists. Moreover, in
manuscript A it is obvious that the succinct instructions for the artist are often
ignored.17 Evidently the artists treat their subjects differently. (Discussing their
colours further ahead, we will come back to this issue.) Although there were certain
accepted ways of indicating high social status for example, the pictures altogether
bear no collective evidence of any sustained ‘‘ranking’’ system.
Just like there are three cases of one single trobairitz with more than one portrait,
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there are numerous male troubadours who are portrayed more than once in the three
manuscripts. We cannot really draw any conclusion as to ‘‘ranking order’’ for these
men. Why would it seem more reasonable to extrapolate such an order from the
images of women troubadours? Is the temptation greater because there are so few
miniatures of trobairitz available for us to study today?
Clearly, the viewer is to see all the ladies with respect and admiration. For
example, the anonymous trobairitz, known for only one cobla or composition, is
shown in an elegant blue gown, with a red, ermine-lined outer garment. This attire,
in addition to the lily sceptre—a positive emblem we will come back to—certainly
places her at the same level as the other, more well-known female troubadours.
What strikes us most in these portraits—all of married women which is important—
is the fact that so much of their hair is clearly visible, almost like an adornment.18 In
some cases the only headgear is a small chaplet, diadem or garland, an adornment of
symbolical value, often charged with erotic connotations. This ring-like adornment is
also seen in pictures of men, certainly of men associated in any respect with
troubadour culture.19 During the Middle Ages, women gradually tended to cover
more and more of their hair. Headgear became more and more elaborate. Especially
married women are often seen with some kind of headgear. This is certainly true of
numerous late thirteenth century pictures. On the other hand, mythical women, as well
as youthful maidens, were often depicted bareheaded throughout the Middle Ages.
Thus portraying these trobairitz without elaborate headgear could possibly reflect
actual usage—at least in certain social contexts—before fashion had become much
more complex, perhaps mandatory in certain respects. Or are we perhaps to see the
trobairitz as being beyond time and space, almost like mythical personalities?20 Or as
young maidens although they were married? This vision would certainly have been in
the Occitan tradition, always celebrating joven, youthfulness, of a great spectrum.21
The almost emblematic chaplet fits well into this theory.
It is tempting to see the trobairitz in a context of spiritual youthfulness, especially
as there is nothing in these pictures relating to the spouses or other relatives of the
ladies. There is not even an attempt to use heraldry.22 As we have noticed, Castelloza
is represented together with a man, a cavaller, who is neither her husband nor a close
relative. In many of the vidas and razos of the troubadours, both male and female,
we find short biographical data about spouses and lovers, so the artists could
obviously have used this information for heraldic coat-of-arms, authentic or
invented ones. A male person could have been added in the picture. However, all the
trobairitz appear in splendid isolation, with the sole exception of Castelloza.
In this particular case it is worthwhile to make a general comparison with the
portraits of the male troubadours in the three manuscripts. Here we find a great
 68 M. Sandels Studia Neophil 80 (2008)

variety of details, even other persons relating to their lives, both their reliable
biographies and more fictitious life stories. One of these men, King Alfonso of
Aragon, is distinguished by his own, authentic coat-of-arms. In several other cases,
the heraldic shields and paraphernalia are correct, as far as the composition is
concerned but bear no relevance to the person in question. They seem to have been
added just to confer prestige.23
There are several examples of a male troubadour portrayed together with another
person. Jaufre Rudel is seen dying in the arms of his amors de terra lonhdana and
Gaucelm Faidit together with Guillelma Monja, who was obviously his wife or
companion, in all probability a joglaressa who made a living, performing together
with him or by herself. In a miniature of Peire Vidal there is also a lady. The
troubadour himself is pictured on horseback with the insignia of an emperor, an
allusion to his vanity and bragging.
To be noticed above all, male troubadours are portrayed with a great deal of
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variation in the three chansonniers. To a great extent they are characterized by their
professions, consequently seen in the special attire of a monk or bishop, even a king.
Aristocratic men are often seen on horseback, in armour, with a helmet, but also
other men are on horseback. At other times, the portraits clearly indicate the low
origin of troubadours who began their careers as joglars. Cercamon for example
carries his belongings in a sort of traditional bundle in one of two portraits.24
It is true that the female troubadours could not be characterized with the same
degree of variation, in so far as they were married women, who belonged to the
aristocracy and did not exercise any kind of profession. Nevertheless, it is striking
that their portraits are so uniform and hardly relate to their own families,
biographies or the specific wording of their own poems.
As was stated earlier, chansonnier H, the earliest of the four, is particularly
interesting in this context. This manuscript features texts by both male and female
troubadours but all the seven miniatures, of six different trobairitz, show exclusively
women. (Most likely, there were originally even more trobairitz texts and pictures
which have been lost.) In the other three chansonniers, all the small portraits are
closely intertwined or correlated to initials of the text, whereas in this manuscript H
all the portraits are inscribed in a standing rectangle.
It could be argued that this use of a rectangle is a sort of easy, standard procedure
but the opposite theory could also be true, that the organizer—woman or man– had a
clear intention of enhancing the trobairitz. By framing the individual lady, the person
in charge added to the visibility and prestige of the trobairitz. Besides, the proportions
of the rectangles, approximately 8:5 or 13:8, conform more or less to the rules of the
golden section, considered since Antiquity to convey a feeling of harmony and beauty.
However, the artistic quality of the pictures is not particularly high.
Another characteristic of these seven illustrations is the person’s orientation
towards the viewer’s right, without exception. If we briefly examine all the pictures of
both male and female troubadours in the four manuscripts, we soon discover that this
position of the principal person seems to be the norm.25 Of the 223 portraits there are
only about seven clear examples of the orientation towards the viewer’s left.26
Our conclusion is that chansonnier H thus added a positive note by always
showing the trobairitz turned to the viewer’s right, generally the accepted position for
male troubadours in the other manuscripts (and perhaps for men and human beings
in pictorial art?). The clothes of the trobairitz in manuscript H show artistic variation
in colour and detail but the ladies’ orientation towards the right remains the same.
In a discussion of chansonnier H it is essential to focus on the two emblems
associated with the trobairitz. The Countess of Dia holds a falcon or similar noble
bird in one of the two images in which she appears. In the other one, she is perhaps
 Studia Neophil 80 (2008) The Miniatures of the Occitan Trobairitz 69

holding a lily sceptre.27 However, Lombarda, Maria de Ventadorn, Tibors and an

anonymous trobairitz clearly appear with this sceptre.
Undoubtedly both emblems enhance the nobility and social prestige of the
trobairitz. The falcon or a similar noble bird of prey represents not only hunting but
also the worldly pleasures and status of the aristocracy. Two male troubadours,
Raimon de Miraval and Peirol, are also represented once with this bird. However, it
is by no means a rare emblem; it is often seen in all kinds of images of both male and
female members of royal families and aristocracy.28
The lily sceptre is a more ambiguous emblem which has been widely discussed. At
least since Carolingian times the lily has been associated with royal power and it was
incorporated into many crowns and sceptres of the French and other European
kings and queens.29 However, the lily has a long tradition in Christian iconography,
where it is associated not only with Virgin Mary but also angels and saints, both
male and female.30 By the twelfth, but not later than the thirteenth century, the lily
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sceptre appears as an emblem for a noble lady, in the same way as a crown may
enhance the beauty and noble birth of a lady not belonging to a royal family.
Especially young unmarried women of the nobility seem to have been associated
with the lily and the crown.31
Thus we clearly see that the two emblems that appear with a few trobairitz, the
falcon and the lily sceptre, are to be interpreted as positive elements of the portraits.
However, just like the elegant gowns and attire of the ladies, they do not specifically
pertain to troubadour culture. They are prestigious emblems, signalling high status
and the life-style of the aristocracy. It is interesting to notice that instead of opting for
the more traditional gold/yellow or silver/white colours for the lily sceptres, the artist
(or artists) has used different, even bright colours, thus attaining a decorative effect.
Finally it is time to have an overview of the colours and clothing, in all of the four
chansonniers, for male and female troubadours. Are there any interesting
observations to be made? First of all, let us not forget the lessons of Michel
Pastoureau.32 Blue, which had had no prestige since Antiquity, gradually seems to
conquer red as the colour preferred by the aristocracy around the beginning of the
thirteenth century. This development is especially strong in France. By the end of the
Middle Ages this tendency had penetrated Europe. However, red still held its
position as the emblematic colour for the papacy and the Emperor. For a long time it
also co-existed with blue as the elegant colour par préférence.
However, Pastoureau makes clear that the art of dyeing also developed rapidly as
of the thirteenth century, which greatly improved the quality of the colours. A
durable union of dye and cloth was highly desired, making the hues of red or blue
clear, luminous, vibrant and permanent. Pastel or pale colours had no prestige.
Many people could only afford simple fabrics and inexpensive dyeing, which meant
that the colour soon faded away. Thus there were many different kinds of blue and
red but the medieval eye immediately distinguished between elegant, expensive
clothing and cheap garments with unstable, fading colour.
After the two leading colours red and blue there were two more ambiguous ones:
green and yellow. Pastoureau underscores how much yellow lost in prestige during
the Middle Ages and was even used for disparaging purposes. Also other colours
could indicate negative qualities but yellow was especially utilized for this purpose.
Green was not really considered as pure a colour as blue; it was certainly deemed
inferior to both blue and red. At times it could signal ambiguity and mutability, even
lunacy and treason if combined with yellow. Inconspicuous shades of grey and
brown were often worn by members of religious orders or poor people.
Keeping in mind the enormous prices and prestige of high-quality clothing that
had been successfully dyed a profound red or blue, it is most interesting to examine
 70 M. Sandels Studia Neophil 80 (2008)

the 223 miniatures of the four chansonniers. As far as we can judge, there are, at least
in the closely related manuscripts I and K, an overwhelming number of elegant
clothes in bright red and blue which are also applied to the clothes for men of the
lower classes of society. Even Cercamon, carrying a bundle on a stick over his
shoulder, is seen in bright red clothing. Likewise, Gaucelm Faidit’s wife, a joglaressa,
is seen in a red, elegant gown. Uc de Pena who ‘‘was always poor’’ is seen twice in
bright red. The joglar Guiraut de Calanson is seen in dark blue in one picture, and
bright red in another, in manuscript K. In this attire he strikingly resembles the
aristocratic Raimbaut d’Aurenga in K.
However, we must also keep in mind that there is a great difference between
actual, real-life clothes and their pictorial representations.33 In the four chansonniers,
it seems that the artists, in many respects, enjoyed a fairly high degree of freedom,
also in selection of their colours. Thus Guiraudó lo Ros is once seen dressed in blue,
on horseback, and once in pale brownish white. Elias Cairel is seen in blue twice and
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in pale pink once. As for the trobairitz, there are cases of pastel colours (Castelloza in
pink and dark blue). Almueis de Castelnou wears green in manuscript H, just like the
Countess of Dia in I.
It is striking to see Lombarda dressed in yellow in manuscript H. However, it
seems that especially yellow clothes in pictures could have a different value than in
actual life. Most likely, it was the original positive connotation of yellow, as a facet
or parallel of gold, that persisted in pictorial representation.34 In art, colours and
shades were undoubtedly selected for the sake of variation and harmony. Even
horses in these manuscripts are sometimes painted a cheerful pink, red or even blue.
Generally speaking, in these four manuscripts neither clothes nor their colours
seem to imply a ranking order or signal truly negative values for troubadours, male
or female, or other persons. There is no single case of stripes, which was a common
but derogatory pattern for servants or artists—however talented—who were paid for
their services.35 The same kind of pattern was applied to prostitutes, non-Christians,
criminals, anyone deviating from a strict norm.
Our conclusion is that the miniatures of the four chansonniers were added to
match the pleasure of reading the poems and the accompanying prose texts. The
pictures were the ultimate confirmation of the existence and the value of these
authentic men and women, celebrated both as authors and protagonists of their
poetry.36 There was no sustained programme of ‘‘ranking’’ male or female
troubadours by using certain colours, clothes or emblems. However, trobairitz were
pictured in a much more standardized way than male troubadours. There were
probably several reasons for this approach: they did not have a professional identity,
a certain decorum had to be observed due to their sex and high social position, and
lastly, actual, non-mythical women, successful in their own right, had by tradition
seldom appeared in images.
Nevertheless, it is striking that our trobairitz are always portrayed without any
clear reference to their families or life stories. For the artist, creating an image of an
outstanding woman of the aristocracy clearly meant a new challenge. Portraying her
in a conventional way as an elegant and youthful lady must have seemed like the
safest and most inspiring solution.37

Kyrkogårdsgatan 5 A
SE-753 10 Uppsala
E-mail: sandels@bahnhof.se

NOTES
1 The sixteen portraits of female troubadours are excellently reproduced in colour in Riquer (1995), from
the chansonniers A, H, I and K. Likewise, in this book we find 207 different portraits, also in colour, of
 Studia Neophil 80 (2008) The Miniatures of the Occitan Trobairitz 71

male troubadours, from A, I and K. The short ‘‘instructions’’ to the artist in manuscript A have been
translated into Spanish. No further bibliographical references will be given here for the different
portraits discussed, as they are easily found in Riquer’s book. In Rieger (1991) however, the corpus
edition of all the trobairitz, with extensive commentary and bibliographical information, there is only
one illustration included.
2 Gaunt and Kay (1999) provide a list of the Occitan chansonniers, explaining the established tradition of
assigning upper-case letters as sigla for parchment manuscripts. Burgwinkle (1999) provides an
overview of the chansonniers, especially A, H, I and K, with a multitude of facts and reflections.
3 ‘‘By the mid-thirteenth century, interest in troubadour poetry in Italy was apparently sustained largely
through written transcription, while in Languedoc the lyrics were still supplemented by a more active oral
tradition’’ (Burgwinkle, 1999: 249).
4 The prose texts vidas and razos are included both in Occitan and modern Spanish in Riquer (1995).
Boutière and Schutz (1973) is a complete edition of all the extant vidas and razos.
5 In his introduction to the volume The voice of the trobairitz, Paden (1989) states that their chronology
‘‘is not merely a reflection of the chronology of the troubadours’’ (p. 14). As a matter of fact, ‘‘the
trobairitz appeared in history later than their male counterparts and disappeared sooner’’.
Furthermore he refers to the ‘‘golden interlude’’ between 1180 and 1230 when aristocratic women
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seem to have enjoyed a privileged status, at least in Provence. In a special appendix (pp. 23–25) Paden
lists all datable trobairitz. All those portrayed in the miniatures were active considerably earlier than
the late thirteenth century, when the four chansonniers were executed. The only possible exception
could perhaps be Tibors (‘‘first half of the 13th c.’’). On the other hand, there are scholars who believe
her to be possibly one of the earliest of all trobairitz, cf. Rieger (1991: 646–651). Generally speaking,
Rieger discards (pp. 55–56) the idea of any of these miniatures being a ‘‘naturgetreues Porträt’’.
6 For example, there are numerous cases of a male troubadour on horseback, in armour, with a helmet
covering his face. Thus the elegance of his horse, his warrior-like appearance and heraldry were
intended to be the ‘‘portrait’’.
7 Most of these anonymous ‘‘ladies’’ appear in manuscript A, cf. the portraits of Rigaut de Berbezilh,
Arnaut de Maruelh and Pons de Capduelh. However, there are also other similar examples, one of
which is in manuscript K where Gaucelm Faidit is seen together with a lady.
8 Cf. Rieger (1991, in particular pp. 55–64) and Rieger (1985).
9 A translation into English cannot really do justice to the word doneia which embraces the multi-faceted
social life of the aristocracy: ‘‘A lady who interacts [in courtly love] with a gentleman’’. The term
domnejar is explained by Cropp (1975: 214–217). (However, all examples given are of a male
troubadour as subject, which makes the short instruction in chansonnier A even more interesting.)
10 Several male troubadours are represented in a seated position in manuscript A.
11 The chapter Vêtement féminin, in Demay (1880: 91–108) is particularly interesting although the book is
limited to the examination of seals: ‘‘Les dames sont figurées ordinairement debout, quelquefois à cheval,
très rarement assises, vêtues de deux robes ou, pour parler plus exactement, de deux tuniques et d’un
manteau, coiffées à la mode du temps, gantées, tenant une fleur à la main ou un oiseau de vol sur le poing. Les
reines, toujours debout, portent la couronne et le sceptre; c’est leur seul caractère distinctif’’ (pp. 91–92).
12 In Salmen (2000) there are a number of reproductions of female professional artists, most of them
shown in motion. Cf. also Menéndez Pidal (1957: 32–35).
13 Demay (1880: 104–105).
14 Andersson (2006: 269–271 and 337–338); Boucher (1965: 5–6 and especially p. 180): ‘‘De nombreux
documents graphiques (miniatures, peintures murales, pierres tombales, sculptures) permettent de
constater l’unité et même l’identité du costume en Europe occidentale au XIIIe siècle; /…/ cotte, doublet,
cotardie, surcot avec amigaut, chape ou mantel pour les deux sexes’’; Gutarp (2001: 7–8 and p. 14).
15 Städtler (1990: 132–133), stresses how musical education was essential for women’s participation in
court culture.
16 Rieger (1991: 57–58).
17 Riquer (1995: XXXI–XXXII). Meneghetti (1992: 263) also stresses the fact that the artists in general
seem to have had a certain freedom in creating their ‘‘portraits’’.
18 Correspondence (2007) with the Danish scholar Camilla Luise Dahl, affiliated with the
Middelaldercentret (The Medieval Centre), Nykøbing Falster.
19 Camille (1998: 54–55). In Riquer (1995) several male troubadours are seen with a chaplet, for example:
Marcabru, Salh d’Escola, Elias Cairel, Guiraudó lo Ros, Raimbaut d’Aurenga, Raimbaut de
Vaqueiras, Sordel. A comparison with the Minnesänger culture is interesting: Brinker and Flühler-
Kreis (1991: 132–133, 230, 242, 356, 258 and 270). Headgear is discussed (p. 270) and it is briefly stated
that chaplets were worn by both young men and women on festive occasions.
20 In the sumptuous bronze effigy of the tomb monument (erected 1291–93) of Queen Eleanor of Castile
at Westminster Abbey, London, she is seen with her crown, her long hair flowing around her head and
shoulders (Alexander and Binski, 1987: 364–365.) She was born in 1246, married since 1254 to Lord
Edward, who became King Edward I of England, and died in 1290. Does her exuberant flowing hair
add to her timelessness? Would this kind of presentation have been likely, if she were still alive?
 72 M. Sandels Studia Neophil 80 (2008)

21 Cropp (1975: 413–421, especially pp. 419–421).

22 Heraldry was frequently used in the thirteenth century to identify or enhance the status of a woman,
especially a married lady of the aristocracy. Cf. Pastoureau (2003: 46–48): ‘‘A partir des années 1220–
1230, les armoiries féminines se multiplient, et il semble bien qu’à la fin du siècle la grande majorité des
femmes issues de la haute et de la moyenne noblesse en possèdent (voir fig 41 à 45)’’. In general, either
her father’s or husband’s arms were used, often a combination of both, sometimes even her mother’s
arms or entirely new ones.
23 Riquer (1995: XXIX–XXX).
24 For general bio-bibliographical information about Cercamon and several other troubadours
mentioned in this paper, see Riquer (1975), an important anthology of about 120 names, both male
and female troubadours (though only two trobairitz).
25 In heraldry however, whenever an animal or a human being appears in the shield, the natural position
is either facing the viewer or orientation to the viewer’s left.
26 Most of these cases relate to corresponding portraits, in the ‘‘twin’’ chansonniers I and K. (They were
probably produced together, cf. Meneghetti, 1992: 261–262.) Thus the variation is probably due to
artistic inspiration more than anything else (cf. the three pairs of corresponding portraits of the
trobairitz Azalais de Porcairagues, Castelloza and the Countess of Dia). However, we cannot find the
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same propensity to invert when it comes to male troubadours in I and K. Did it seem more natural to
at times ‘‘invert’’ the position of a woman than of a man? Interestingly, in manuscript A the principal
person, Castelloza’s orientation is towards the left, whereas the anonymous cavaller faces her,
orientated towards the right, the ‘‘normal’’ position.
27 In Careri (1990: 44) a clear doubt is expressed about the existence of this lily sceptre, contrary to the
opinion in Rieger (1991: 61). Due to the deteriorated state of manuscript H, the miniatures are not
always clearly visible with all their details.
28 Demay (1880: 91): ‘‘Les dames sont figurées […] tenant une fleur à la main ou un oiseau de vol sur le
poing’’. Illustrations of a lady with a bird follow on pp. 98, 99 and 106.
29 Pinoteau (1998, especially p. 441).
30 Demay (1880: 194–196, 364–365, 380–381 and 473) has a number of interesting examples. Pinoteau
(2004: 434) gives a most striking example where a powerful angel makes a female saint pregnant by
using a lily sceptre. The woman is lying down and in an eloquent gesture the angel touches her belly
with the sceptre. According to a legend, this is how Saint Taurin, the first bishop of Évreux, was
conceived. Obviously, the lily is not only the symbol of virginity, although it is often associated with
Virgin Mary. On the contrary, in many contexts it is a clear symbol of power.
31 Nissen (2006: 119–123 and 128–129) has several examples from Norway and Sweden.
32 Pastoureau (2004: 130–133). In his book Bleu Pastoureau (2001) traces the ascendency of blue in
relation to other colours.
33 Dahl (2005: 75–82). Cf. also Brinker and Flühler-Kreis (1991: 270): ‘‘Allerdings ist das Bild vom Kleid
oft weit entfernt vom wirklich getragenen Kleid’’. [However, pictures of clothing are often very much
different from clothing actually worn.]
34 Dahl (2005:76–77) has an interesting example. In medieval church paintings in Denmark, royal and
aristocratic persons are often seen in yellow clothes. However, in written sources there is no evidence
whatsoever of yellow clothes for the nobility. In all the Danish wills of the Middle Ages there is no
mention of yellow garments, with the sole exception of one piece of simple clothing given to a female
servant. Cf. also Pastoureau (2004: 204–206) on the decline of yellow. In addition (p. 131): ‘‘Rares sont,
après les années 1200, les hommes et les femmes qui en Europe occidentale s’habillent de jaune, et ce aussi
bien dans le monde des princes que dans celui des routuriers’’. It is obvious though that authentic clothes
of gold fabrics were of great cost and prestige. Although it has been dated to the early fifteenth century,
the golden gown of Queen Margareta, now in Uppsala Cathedral, is an excellent example (Geijer et al.,
1994).
35 Pastoureau (1995) is a suggestive overview of the various uses of stripes. On pp. 23–25 different
categories of people are listed who were perceived as ‘‘deviant’’. Menéndez Pidal (1957, colour ill.
between p. 332 and 333) has a good example from Cantigas de Santa Marı́a of a male musician in
striped clothing. An almost emblematic picture of Minnesänger culture, in Brinker and Flühler-Kreis
(1991: 242) shows a number of artists and musicians in clothes of bright colours, most of them with
striped patterns.
36 Many scholars are struck by the great difference between these chansonniers A, H, I and K, in
comparison to the contemporary Cancioneiro da Ajuda and the different manuscripts of Cantigas
de Santa Marı́a, by Alfonso X el Sabio. For reproductions, see for example Cancioneiro
(1994) and Alfonso X el Sabio (1979 and 1989–1991). In these manuscripts, all from the Iberian
Peninsula, the actual performance of troubadour poetry is often in focus. Cf. also Meneghetti (1992:
246–260).
37 This paper was presented at the XIIth Triennial Congress of the International Courtly Literature
Society, Lausanne and Geneva, 29 July–4 August 2007.
 Studia Neophil 80 (2008) The Miniatures of the Occitan Trobairitz 73

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Private Communication
Dahl, Camilla Luise, letter to Marianne Sandels January 21, 2007.
Sandels, Marianne, letter to Camilla Luise Dahl, January 20, 2007.
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