12 Neo-Babylonian Period Texts from Babylonia and Syro-Palestine Benjamin Studevent-Hickman, Sarah C, Melville, and Scott Noegel Texts from the Neo-Babylonian Period: 1626-539 ace ‘The Neo-Rabylonian kings brought the locus of cuneiform culture back tits homeland. Indicative of the event isthe conspicuous effort they made 1 relive the golden days of Babylonian independence, The Kings frequently boast of resreecting the eligious and political agendas of their forebens, anc! in many’ cases theie inscriptions ate witten In ap archalaing script and language. To be sue, this doctrine was greatly facilitated by the arfacts they | tiscowered ring thet many building projets (see Winter 2000. Neo-Rabylonian royal inscriptions provide teatvely Ite information concemning istorieal events, Most commemorate monumental building projets, above all the renovation of temples. Like all Mesopotamian royal Inscriptions, they aze writen in a language that is heavily theological and propagandists, so they do offer considerable insight Hnto the socal and religions ideology of the crown. Ta stucture they ase fairly simple. They ‘open with the royal ttulry then proceed to descebe the setting for the event commemorated. After narating the event, the inscriptions generally ‘anche with a prayer to the appropiate deity the consistency ofthis last feature distinguishes them from ether royal inscriptions ftom Mesopotamia ‘Nevertheless, given their Umited values for historical reconstruction, one must supplement these inscriptions with other contemporary sources above all administrative texts (mostly from temples) and the Neo-Babylonan {Chronicle Series, which details the major military campaigns of tbe kings year by year. Neo-Babylonian Period Texts from Babylonia and Syro-Pletine 383 Bibliography Win, LJ BabyonianAchacolgiss of tel) Mesopotamian Past In Poses of the Fi ier Congres ofthe Aly of the Aen New Est Rae i t8th-2ird 1988, HF. Matthiae etal Rome: Universit del studi di Roma La Spienza” 200, 1743-180. AL Nabopolassar 626-605 scr (Studevent- Hickman) 143, The restoration of the Babylonian inner wall named imgur-Enli (CEnl has consented") Nabopolassar acceded 10 the throne of Babylon amidst the chaos that fo lowed the death of Kandalanu, the Assyrian puppet-king in Babylon. Almost nothing is known about his backgeound, bit within 10 years he succesflly united Babylonia and expelled the Assyrians, With the help the Medes, is forces dealt the final blow to the Assyrian emplte in 609 ner One of the most interesting monumental inscriptions from Nabopolassar’s relgn describes his restoration of the inner ety wall of Uabylon, the wall Imguc-Enlil *Enll has consested”). The restoration likely took place be tween 622 and 612 nck (al-Rawi 1985: 2); the commemoration begins with ‘the king’s requisite epithets: Napoli, the in of ste ‘he sheen cat resp by Ma the an ison by Nox, the ented pls, te yer of ges te ame hom) Nabw aa Tas sete tras the pric, the Bled of Nish ‘early all royal inscriptions invoke the divine ream for the royal titular, | but Its not always clear why specific deities ae selected and presented the may they are. Tho persona relationship to the Kin, tradition, the context ofthe inscription, and other factors were certainly at play. In the above case, the presence of Marduk; Nabu, his son and Tashmetu, Nabu's wie; under Sandable: alongside Zarpanitu, Marduk’s wife, these are the chief deities of ‘the Babylonian state, But the mention of Ninmenna and Ninshiku (a mat festation ofthe god Fa) is more puzzling, Both of these ets ate fom cies In Babylonia’s deep south, which may suggest that Nabopolassar was from that reglon (Beauleu 2003: 407 nn. 3, 5). 1 cannot be exelled, however, that their presence sellets other agers, The inscription turns to an autobiographical sketch of the king and the seting forthe building of the wall. Although the section says litle about Nabopoiassar’s background ~ he claims to be a mative Babylonian from the fhumblest origins ~ it does refer to his ousting of the Assyrians and the context for the rebellion,384 Benjamin Suudevent-Hickman, Sarah C, Melvile, and Scott Noegel When, my head 1th 500 af ao oe =F ek at hese of au aa tanner oy mid afd esting thes ‘al completing ther cue proces when ony tation ty eh") as tra and sie Siz, thet who nos he ear of hg of ame aad ie heron who cons examies the bebo of mankind, eae eat adapts, he che wh nso athe ppl 2 fen of peninene In he ants ch ts ed de a oe to ‘heli ofthe land aod the pepe at cans hehe Lam alk este mee ue whatever akrtok. He ade New the mist ofthe Ss ak es me He yaa, eld ems A the Aran ho re thea f Atk iene o he aero the ads a an he pp th and with shen yee RB ne, he wt ne the one wh seks ‘the tut of Sou, th the mighty stent of Nab ad Nam ad Ninna we ots fs he aa of Akad a cos he pope aso The switch from singular to plural in reference tothe Assycian(s is interest Ing, ICs possible that the former refers to a specific king likely Sennachen, Jwhose complete destruction of Babylon as seen almost universally 36 an ont 10 the cosmic order (istry 237-8), Also worth noting isthe ise Df divine abandonment, The text clearly states thatthe Assyrian riled the people “because ofthe anger ofthe gods.” was a comunion belief in anctent “Mesopotamia that foreign aceupation of destction of a cty was 8 function of divine punishment, the patron deity having abandoned the city because ‘of some transgression by the population or the king, In any event, It swell ‘established that Nabopolasar ousted the Assyrians, and i isi the context ‘of this expulsion that he receives his commission forthe city wall Ae atti, Nab, the Rng of Baby, the ome who ples Nada {int Mar ~ fone ng the wal of Baby ad own dei nfl dn case ul a red fra ry dopo a evans) use a pied pc aca a und fr ~ need he ap of Ent, Shama nt Mant fr made tom bow he es, ig cor ty ‘xp ho Tuabylon tad clearly fallen tno a state of disrepaie under the Assyrians, ama the “time of troubles” that followed the death of Kandalan surely conti led 10 its decay. The amount of labor needed for the project isin fat suggested. The inscription sates that Nabopolaser mustered “the troops af Enll Shamash, and Marduk” clearly a reference tothe populations of Nippu, Sippae, and Babylon itself the respective cities of these dels ‘ter defining the borders of the area to be excavated, the inscription connects the project 1 its past, even to Is cosmie foundations, 1 emt he i that had ccm aod sks an pst Ge, me od tase Fey a eke the ng oon inde 1 et ie fat theo of he etervet ‘Neo-Babylonian Period Texts fom Babylonia and Syro-Paesine 385 Cosmic descriptions of temple architecture are well attested in ancient Meso- potamia (see, e4, Edvard 1987), For the Neo-Babylonlan kings this imagery Isoften connected specifically tothe region’ history, An example ofthis found in the section dealing with the burial of the foundatlon deposit? 1, Natty te ost the subnet ae) wh ees Na aed Ma the sper wh pleases Sarat dar’ if), eho specs ol nde ‘os of Rayon, sho acres he orn bck” wh tal th en tema gr, who tes the he of te Hh wh eas he sme ak of he “ak ho fog for Mada fond tig nd eae ‘my rcs wads, so ft te shoal be ought ps my prove net (soe) yh ie of andy, dS, nyse“ 10) iim rds art eB fase” a ost ols of Kg who ‘age eit me, ot Ba stn es a (0) 1c le iy se ‘a secre place the et futon pan fora tery 4s noted by Beaulew (2003: 308 n. 17), the oath formula is very similar to ‘these used by the Sargonte kings (wee Chapter 2, the OM Akkadian peri texts in this volume) It is therefore possible that the statue found by [Nahopolasar contained the very oath that he is now taking. Unfortunately, we do not know the identity ofthe King whos statue Ne found, ‘The conclasion ofthis inscription is unique. Instead ofa prayer It contains Instructions to a future rule, dawn fom the Akkadian wisdom erature, parcularly legends concetning the Sargonie King Naram-Sin, To the ing of the ta ~ be he sn oF & sation — wh fs me sad eee Mana als for arp of the amd: You sou conc yourf wie might amd pve. sed Sek ot the hts of Nab and Manda et hat nay olay yu ences. anda, te nt, Kops heck of teens and isp Ir. The faundatons of he ame Who Is tpl to Bel Le, Mari We oy sabishe The oe Wh saat tes fl, Nab wl at eer. Wn his wa ows od andy ret ey jt a ound an sp of i ‘opel oe won dl tte ecto, (a ou font the pio (eng my na nl et he ua plc on cpio By th comand of Mads, th sat ord, whose pnonen cant Be can, ay th ate ‘he of ye ne be elise freer lbllography ston, F.N.."Nabopolasrs Restoration Work on the Wall Ingurli tBabylon Imag 47 (9S 1-13 an lI Aeauley, 8-8 *Napopolasenrs Restoration of fngucEnl, the lane lersve Wall ‘of Babylon.” tn C082 407-8 no 212), Meat, D. 0, "Deep-Rooted Skyscrapers and Bricks: Anclent Mesopotamian (sl ‘Architecture an Hes tage.” tn Ft Lae the set Ne Fas NU386 Benjamin Studeven- Hickman, Sarah C. MeNile, and Scott Noegel 'Neo-Babylonian Period Texts from Babylonia and Syro-Palestine 387, ‘Mindi, 4. Ge, an). E Wansbough, London: Univers of London, Seo oF Orie an African Sle, I, 1-24 Elis, 1. owaton Depa bv Ancient Mesopotamia, New Haven: Yale Valvrsty Pres, 1968 these texts we Would have no extrabiblical evidence of Jehoiachin’s Iie in ‘exile ~ indeed, of his being in exile at all. Along with the others, Jeholachin vas clearly cared for by Nebuchadnezrar’s administetion, He receives 30 Uns a5 much oil as his sons and the “mien of Juda this discrepancy fas fenerated considerable discussion. Since, according to the Bible, Iehoiachin vas 24 years old at the time,” some have sugested that his sons wold have been very young and ths recived considerably les. Others have argued that Jehoiachin receives! favorable status in Nebuchadnezcar’s Place. It is impossible to resolve these issues with the evidence now swaiable All other details concerning Jenolacin’s activites in exile ae found exehas- Iwely in the Bible (see Berridge 1992; 66% for a lst of attestations and Ascusion) B Nebuchadnezzar i: 604-562 ace (Studevent-Hickman) Nebuchatinezzr Il ~ hereafter Nebuchadnezzar ~ is by far the most famous ‘Neo.tabylonian King, According fo classical sources hei the architect ofthe Hanging Gardens of Babylon” fone of the ancient wonders of the world, for which there is very litle contemporary evidence. He is best iow for his destruction of the temple in Jeasaiom and deportations of the Judean Population (ee, eg. 2 Kes 24-25). Together these represent one of the febning events of the biblical tradition; indeed, the Babylonian Exile funda- mentally transformed the role of law and textual interpretation in ancient Jewish lite The hisle historicity of the biblical account 16 cofroborated by native Babylonian sources. The similarities between 2 Kys 26: 10-17 and the Neo- Habylonian Chronicle Series are quite remarkable. The latter places te see ‘of Jerusalem and the largest save of deportations in Nebuchadnezzar’ seventh regal year (See Amold Chronicle § below.) Judah ad been a problem for the Babylonian kings for yeas, so the segs ‘of Jerusalem was important enough 10 be the only event recorded for this year. The identifications of the deposed king and his replacement are not provided by the chronivles; however, from the biblical account the wo may be identied as Jeboiachin and Mataniah cespectively, the latter rename Zedekiah by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 24:17), These identifications are secured by several Neo-Babylonian administrate texts ‘Bibliography D tei, M.“ehotahin* ta Amur Abe icons 6 vols. New Yor: Doubs, 1992, 661-3 Werner, EF. “Tojchin, Konig vor Jada, in Babylonischen Keiscattexten” ta Males Sos ofrts# Monicur Kone Duss, V2 Pars P. Gene, 1939, 145. The court and state document of Nebuchadnezzar i One of the most remarkable texts fom the Neo-abylonian petted 1 an fightsied pris found in the central palace of NebuchadnezPat. The ony ‘known example ofa Neo-Babylonian prism it summarizes the major renova tions conducted during Nebuchadnezzars reign and the establishment of calle procedures for various deities. It dates to his seventh regnal year, the sume year in which he took Jerusalem, The text has been restoved extensively by Unger his suggestions aie followed for ths translation, 144, Administrative texts from Babylon concerning king Jeholachin of Judah Among the thousands of administative tables from the Neo-Babylonian period ate four texts uiscovered inthe vaults of king Nebuchadnezzat's palace in Babylon (Weidner 1939; 924), These texts recor disbursements of all 12 apnves fom vavlous nations. Among them are Jehoiachin, the exiled King of Judah; several members of his family (el 1 Che 3: 17-18) and other funetionares from Jerusalem. (for the aia, ane ts fos 45 for Nadu a Nan, 1a fy ad claton, Fre then cel within Dalyan fated sii ome ul, (an) 16 ck sift, fre stars) af he gu of Bra ‘aati of hf te ifr the marian ays ater, i ith ft, ee nd pure wine atthe fing tbe of Na ot Nan, ‘ls poe ore ish th bene, 32 pms (15 he) a ese) or acing of dls 5 pnts (2 tis (see for fe] ss of the A of Jada 1 ps so ssa ll fr 8 fF J pt 172 Br eo Although not historical texts proper, these eeconds are clearly indipens- able for rconstuctions of both Mesopotamian and biblical history. Without388 Benjamin Sudevent Hickman, Sarah C, Melle, and Scott Noegel The poproffrings for Neat sa the gs Las te Sn of mela, exteie ‘The esa pve ofthe rat os Fe at, Incasing he proper oes fe sare ae. ‘ise of the temples that Nebuchadnezzar renovated follows, The entiety fof these measures aze summarized in a sectlon that introduces Marduk, ‘whose role in the establishment of the empice is made very clear, Extensive offerings to Marduk in his temple sais are then listed, as is brit note concetning the renovation of a fotiing wall around the palace, The section conchudes with @ prayer to Marduk 1 ht ad yn: fo heb ofl, (a Mana, the mero spins went ft 0 al ofthe lms, Mar, the trae of my mouth et me ful ott pala, whi al et me reach within Bayon tet me coy ie ge!” The most interesting aspect of this text, at least with respect 10 the Judean exile, Is HS conclusion. Immediately following the prayer to Marduk & a basic wish for the lands to undertake corvee labor for the building of Nebuchadnezzar’ palace, The text provides a remarkable lst ofthe offs “liom Nebuchadnezzar had commissioned” for his works, namely the high court oficial, the "great ones ofthe land of Akad (Le, Babylonia)” and priests and govemors from various cites. The frst high cour offi listed is Nabzeriddinam, the chancellor He is the very Nebusaradan who purportedly burned the entire city of Jerusalem and deporte the remainder ff the population when Zedekiahy rebelled (see 2 Kgs 25:8). Dirgct matches with the biblical naeative, such as those offered ere, ae extremely rare. They provide an exciting insight into the ways each may be Used forthe recanstriction of history C Nabonidus: 556-539 we The last king of the Neo-tabylonian dynasty = indeed, the last rer of a independent’ Mesopotamian state ~ was Nabonidus. Very Hite is known bout his background, but his blatant exaltation of the moon: god Sin, the patton dety of Ut, whieh inckided the installation of his daughter En digald-Nanna; bis relationship to fn mother, and hs sojourn to the Art ‘ian peninsula all make him an esteemely colorfal character in Mesopotamian history. Hee way clearly not related to Nabopolasa's dynasty but may have served a8 an official under these kings. He usurped the throne fromm Lab Marduk, the son of Nerighssar, in $56 nt Neo Babylonian Period Texts from Babylonia and Syco-Palestine 389, Bibliography Unger Es ay Die ele Std na dr Bess der Raye. 2 eB De Ger, 1970, 146. The autobiography of Adad-guppi (Melville) Adad-guppi was the mother of Nabonidus, the sith and last king of the relatively short-lived! Neo-Babylomian dymasty, whieh had been founded by Nabopolassar upon the expulsion of the ASsytans from Babylonia in 626 we The fist to Kings of the dynasty, Nabopolasar and Nebuchadnezzat Il eablished the Babylonian Empire, but were followed by a quick succession of three weak rulers, the last of hom, Labasi-Maeduk, wis deposed and pesumably murdered in $56 ¢ alter ruling a scant month. At ths ime, Nabonicus, who was not of royal descent, managed to seize the throne and ‘ames enough support to keep it Asa usurper, Naboniis needed both to ‘Stablish himself as a bona file Babylonian king in the eyes of his subjects, and also to justify his actions in theological terms. He could explain away his non-coyal origins and usurpation by insisting that the gods chose him ~ pious an just man = to reestablish a true Babylonian kingship because the ruling dynasty had become weak ane lireverent. Many of Nabonids’ royal Inscriptions are, therefor, “apologies,” desune to represent him and his ations in the best possible light (Kurht 1994, 59H). Although the Aad. suppl inscription i written inthe fust-person as an autobiogeaphicat account of her long, one hundred and four year life, there litle doubt that I was, In fact, composed afer the remarkable ladys death. Therefor, itis inthe ‘contest of Nabonis’ se promotion Longman 1991: 101; Beauiew 1989 208) that we must frst consider the autobiography of Adad-guppi. The text ‘snot only a thinly veiled politcal justification, however, but also functions sa didactic literary work, promulgating plous behavior and devotion to the ands, especialy Sin ‘Two fagmentary copies of the Adad-guppl text survive: Pognon published 4 fist, badly preserved exemplar in 1907, and Gadd published 3 second, ‘more complete copy in 1988. The tet was orginally inscribed on two stele Aisplayed at the temple of Sin in Haran, presumably to commemorate i rebuilding by Nabonidus, and t contains our most explicit information about Nabonidus' origins and family history. The beginning of the Inscription Includes an oblique reference to the destruction of Havin, the las Asfeian Dold-out in 610 4c: "inthe sixteenth year of Nabopotassr, king of Babylon, Sin, king of the gods, became angry with his city and his temple and Went ‘up to beaver, THe city and the people in st went to run,” Since i was the abylonians who sacked Haran and its temples, the author of our text ‘uctfully omits mention of the human peypetiators, instead attributing the380. Benjamin Sudevent Hickman, Sarah C. Mehille, and Scott Noegel city’s downtal to Sin, its pation deity, who abandoned his ity in anger. “Acconding 0 this ie, the city’s sad state was the natural outcome of divine abandonment rather than the result of war. In the aftermath of Hazra’s fuln, Adac-guppl claims to have made every effort to maintain Sins ult and to appease his anger, When the Eulhul (he temple of Sin in Haran} was destioyed, itis likely that the statues of Sin and his coterie of gods [Ningal, Nasks, ancl Sardannuana) were removed to Babylon, the capital af the Neo-Babylonian dynasty” an that among the spoils of wr, Adad-guppt land possibly her son) were also taken south at this the, though iti aot ‘ler in hat eapacty IF has often been assumed that Adad. appl was the high priestess of Sin atthe Ehulhul in Harran, but there Is no evidence to support this, and the text itself only claims that she was a devotee of this {go Longman 1991; 88; Beaulew 1989: 68-75), Ii we follow the chronology included in the text and do a bitte math, we see that Adad-gupp! was born in 689/648 ne and would have been at least 59 years old ~ therefore, almost certainly already a mother ~ when Haran twas destroyed She die! i $47 9c (the ninth year of her son's reign) and must have been a whopping 9S when he took te throne. Nabonidus his Seif would have been in his sixties when he became king ~ an old man by Mesopotamian reckoning. Adad-gupp’s official position at the Babylonian court is never stated, nor Is her husband identified, although several of Nabonids’ inscriptions identity him as someone named Nabu-balatswigbt {possibly an Assytian official in Harran?) Beaullew 1989: 68). According 10 ‘ur text Adad-guppl served three Babylonian kings and was responsible or ‘ntraducing ner son to ther service, Both mother and son were appatenty favored by these kings, whom they served wholeheartedly. The text makes a point of Adactgupp's pious attention to the Kings Fanecary culls, in spie of the negligence shown by their less worthy succesors, Amel-Marduk and LabaSi-Marduk. The emphasis on piety in Adac-guppt's autobiography seves to purposes st valktes Naont’ kingship through his mother and her relationship to Sinj scond, it isseminates the social message that all people should revere the gods. Good behavior may be warded: Adad-guppt stained extreme od age hecause she earned! it through devotion to hee ge, (Over the course of his 17-year reign, Nabonkdus made major theological changes, perhaps attempting t shift eultic prominence, and thereby polite power, from Marduk (historically the hea of the Babylonian pantheon) and his temple, to Sin. Scholars have styled to interpret this huge change, but iescems most probable that Nabonicis was motivate by political expetence 4s wel as religious belie. On the one hand, his mother had a long-standing connection tothe god, atleast as a lay-devote, and) may tly have passed fon her reverence fo her son. On the other hand, the Si-comnection pro ied Nabonidus with convenient and completely fresh means 10 explain find promote his rue, Since Nabonidus usirped the throne, it Was Kis dest Interest to establish his own power base, and by promoting Sin and his | 'Neo-Babylonan Period Texts fom Babylonia and Syro-Palestine 391 cull, Nabonidus aimed to do just that. At the same tne, i 6 probable that hhe actualy recognized his good fortune as originating with his mother’s personal god, Sin, According to Adae-guppl, she and Nabonius promised to repay thelr success by (among other things) rebuilding the Elli aera, In spite of the tex’ claim that Adad-guppi lived to see the reconstruction of te temple accomplished, ther evidence indicates thatthe hulu was ‘ot eepairet until atleast the fifteenth or sixteenth year of Nabooldus' ein thus a good six or seven years after Adad-gupp's death (Beaulieu 1989). What appeas to us asa glaring contradiction is honetieles Fall in keeping vith Mesopotamian literary conventions and the royal practice of dating ‘rents fo suit sitational requirements, In spite ofthe political theological and moral lessons ta be found in Add uppy’s autobiography, there is litle to evoke the woman hevwel, yet she ‘ould certainly claim to have achieved more than most. Having come font & modest (oral least non-royal) backgeound, she eventually served in soroe ofcial capacity atthe Babylonian cour, subsequently became qusen mother, and managed to retain all her faculties into extreme old ae, Reaching sch a venerable age, while not unheard of in anclent Mesopotamia, would have teen a rarity nonetheless. The indomitable Adad-gupp! remains one of the ‘only women in Mesopotamian history (as far as we Know) 10 have received such public recognition, 1am upp moth of Names, Kn of ayn, wh weve Sin, Nig ask wnt Sidon oy gs eho Foyt sou ea a the siorth yea of Nab, ing of Belo, Si, Ky of te gs, bare ‘gy wit is ty and is tape aa eta to ase Te ad he pape {een conn. sgh ler the sn of SN, Nk aad Sarr, ‘ership tds ok Hd of the be ofS Kg of he gs Ng day al day witout spp cantina sought het grat ny 0 Da as longa 1 tel Fn he doe of in, Shamash rand Aad se aad ‘ith The go this tht hey gets mf bck othe ay and wight fo) mont nd oars ek ad of he oe ofS go he Sus, ht aa oy on ‘ewe felon hin prayers an vets | Boe fre the paving thy, “lay ye ttt yeu hap ot the Back headed people ay wes Your set vin.” nr ex he Dr of my oad mages, wd ot eo? & one wat des, go le jel, ew gor nr wl TI Peano ect ot yy, ut Jet garnet a my cashing Sacktnh sang eh pass the erat of ya ip ess wea ne ny rtp ee wt Ft lave ou anythin od hat snd ing ee tho. ‘fram the eth ero shure Gra, st ‘he forse par of Shani, the tied Jeu of Asset la, 1 th vei yer of Nala, ft er of Nbuchadnzen, thesecnd of Amana, he fourth ys of Neti, ov 95 yes ep sein oer {esi of the ena ofS, Ago te go often a he thw. He asked appa me fo) my god do. He Pd ny gers coset ny392 Benjamin Studevent-Hickman, Sarah C. Melillo, and Scott Noegel wd (amd the ae af is heart sapped Fo a, he tmp of Sn the ‘mis of Haran, is eit eng, he eve os nd def ta. Sh King of the sds, upon 1 ad eld Nato, ny only so fo the ngs, The hip of Sumer and tka fr he dr of apt he ape se 1 he ver cal ha nt ta 1 ap my had hig ofthe ats eet pure aa rye us, “Yo cll in tthe Kip ant ‘ru penn ar By oof our getty, aay te sed gals ats Sie; may eh ees al May os mot forge Eada and ecm ‘ion of spre eatin.” Wen yc, sh ee oe, Sin, gay he gad, ste det me,“ WH yo fw ae the et ofthe go a ‘hain of Maton he of Nabi, your sn. He wl ud Ea ‘nt ie wi cpl it wv He 8 se a oo perfect than wes before nt ew ese He il gasp eh aa i, Nal Nas, and Sanda seth oer hati” The wan of Sy Kg af the i, wc he ok Yo me aid re to and | ys wn ie Rae, yn so BP mae pth fetes ofS, isl, Nek, aS ea ae hui and cant ar Hara ae ne fet thas Ef ad ested ft He too the ands of Si, Ning Ns nd Sando Pm avon sacl ad made vel the it of Hara Elli voit abt wt jal light. What sil Sing of the gts, ha not ‘nana not ghee nye, he dado tn fn, oo ever his dy ed Sez the he of hs sabe Si, Kf the ge tn bad a etaishe for ‘me got pation county Ly ees of cant! he maid fo ‘me Froth tne of str, hing of Aya it he ih yea of Nabe, ig of Bayon, cm) so my oping Sn ing of he So, se me eon Int ad four ood jars ae which e ty ea Fe, height of my eo eyes sharp aml my corporis, my har ad fet ae Ie andy words ese chs, fwd eink are hm am ed aly yea 5 fl My descents te forth geneatin, ane wlee ‘hat vse a a pes with ete Sin of he go, poke ‘yo me th fae ad yu hae mae omy day ong, (fr) ft te ents (to pou Nate, ing of Ban, sa Ae Es lt ‘gst ye Appin 0 the Sate ps do pated mn Yoho cas me ata al do ttle sn and tangs wit Yow set hy, tay es our at iy ring the 20 jus, the 43 ys and he pars In wh Nabopola, kg of aby Nebuhaear,te ws of Napa an! Nese, ig of Bayon, rat is the 6 pars | hovel vex: fons tem wad seed he netic Nabe, wer, ofr to Nachadsezey, sn of Nabe, sal Nexis, king of Babylon aud Wh be sere tho wd dd aoe? ‘mae thm happy: He Eablet Dre tho amd they promed me {47 ha eon tc diy, tc own sing Later the (Sutopolecar, Nsbwchadnzzor and Nels di. No one among ther ans aad noone sno the pple othe noble whos snk wl pete they tnreutad hen Us promoted thom, established nce ans fo" thon. 1 very mot without sop, wing) amy gd ten, ade fr thom al he (ime orn --- ftom yp, bro, gh yer, fo ane, ta end la fr tn waste, ant feng cot. ‘iy st than ei the. 'Neo-Babylonian Period Texts Hom Babylonia and Syro-Palesine 393, (The last part of the text, which is very fragmentary, desrbes Adah auppi's Funeral and ends with an exhortation to future readers. Possible restorations ae in brackets) in the ninth yar of Nabi, King of dyn, he ded went 1 ero fate ut Nadas, King of Baten a) er finite ra fie garments a. mane ol, ne tne, el] snes, pv ses, fie a Ter both foe en place. He sgh free pf ee asi ae people of Rabon, rip with ee pope] lg tant aes, his, princes gover rom he kof Fhe pe es, he Laer Sead them} mourn aa hey made amotio. vst st?) i ‘ead for 7 sae and? mgs; ty nme hr hes ware as of the stv ay the pple of th ee and ether ai. Tete.» Dich ‘nsw fue) mal Heard fv pete, He oad fini om hres Hecate hears 10 eo, he mae emis Thy went back to th ms. Ya whether as oa pric Sh ing af th god ao the goof oe fan cart. ay and. night ce) Isat vty. Shamash, Aaa, ad ar lashed eth w= es wh de in Ex cd a ‘ry (he pas 0 sn wd arth >>the cna of So aad iar, ti Yh sone Ap yu descendants af reer and eve}. Bibliography ‘Te two exemplars ofthe Adadupp text ae published 9H Pogo, pts Simi de Sri de a Msoptame, ed de kn regione Meso (Pais Gaba, 1900} and CJ. Gadd, “The Haran Inscriptions of Noni” Anton Stas 8 {1958}: 45-92. for other tations ofthe ext anor further diction of Ad spi, see F Dhone, "La mere de Nabonde,” Reve silage 41 1947) 1-22 [AL Oppenneim, “The Mother of Nabonhi” im ANET, 104-8 aueAain Henle, ‘The Rig of Nabe King if Rally 86-539 n:(New Haven: ale Univey Pres, 1989), Trempor Longin Ul Foal AkkadionAutbigrphy (inona Lake Ind: tseabravn, 1991), 97-108 {commentary 225-7 (wansaiony and in Kain E-D’Agostino, Nabi, A Gu, deere Doane tr ela propa tela Bb de se. (ise Gar, 1995), 147. The installation of En-nigael Nanna, daughter of Nabonidus, as high priestess of Nanna at Ur (Studevent-Hickman) In conjunction with Naboniaus’exhaltation of Sin came # major religious and political move. In the second half of hls second regnal year, Nabonidus renovated the Fgipar, the residential quarters ofthe entprestess of Nanna in Ur, and installed his daughter En-nigald-Nanna in the offic. The pro- care, spocificlly the later step, is mest often assaciated with Sargon, the founder of the Akkadian empire, who installed his daughter En-hedivansa to the same position (Histor 62). However, enfiprietesses are attested alate394 Benjamin Stadevent-ickman, Sarah C, Melville, end Scott Noegel a te Post Kasste period, suggesting that at least the office was perpetuated whenever possible The installation of En-nigaldi-Nanna took place in the second half of Nabonidus’ second regnal yea. OF particule interest i the use of provoked and unprovoked omens in the process The inscription, interestingly enough, skips the royal titulary an gots dinectly to she seting. "thor una dese am enters the sm ofthe rine, Na eve is Sign) the wos. Noes ade mae nfm sot Nab, the Kang of Bayo, crear of he El andthe Ed, the: eet Spe, Who iat sets ot he sancti fhe rt sod; Nama he od of he, Iho furs he pref the ined wrt, mat gn hn, ase fhe sin fora ets hemnth of Uh a he teeth ao the mr “the wok of the gies," Ft, Nunn) is slid and set we cls. Sin desea et pistes ms hs amt dso, The eclipse of the moon described here is cetcal to the date of the event andthe ehanology of Nabonidus’ reign in general. 1 took place on Sep ember 26, 584 wce (hence the later half of the year)" The meaning of {ne eclipse was elther supplied or confirmed by the omen series Ente ln Eni, but not witout considerable discussion between Nabonidus and the scholars of his day." Suffice It to say thatthe installation of En-nigald Nanna met with some opposition so Naboncus was qulckto confirm Nanas request 1 Nats, te shepherd, he on ho wai hn (“bs vy) dd sere 1s i corman and cae tet. Rese of the dee fra nese ‘sgt at he snares of Shah a, th sf dination ex fan Sans ad Sd seo ee fon pe” dito hy {orb men a ane cert de fae pes, dese of the gu. eet (e ny and che te maa, wy eevee me i an omen re soe a 1 thou petra amen conc the das of ny rls, tty answered mew nA ed eon am exp ann a fy on sue at they svete wth fable en” tenet Be ‘ond of Sin the exe Jr, he gud whe fone ms, and te anand Sash at Ada he fn iat, an stl eh of yo se | the ote of high prises and ane Ea lust as Nabopolassar discovered a statue of an Akkadian King during his ‘estoration of Imgur-Enlil (se above), Nabonidus discovered several artifacts \during his restoration of the Fxipar. Yet, again, the objets prove both Informative and appropriate for the task a hand.” Sine the ies of he entpistss wee gt ag i ag a Mt.) ppt sna Ku, sagt come ly. The opal eave and ees wee ope 0 me” Feed wd ste of NeuhaeeaCh "Neo-Babylonian Period Texts ftom Babylonia and Syro-Palesine 395, of Nimartenodin sami, fxmer King, whic hal an mae of te terest fashions ot Maer, er gi, heroin and hy Jay ee nde fot) aa vt ess he iar nt tte aco th and wing os and esr hep athe west he pst! shined {see er bi, he sf he ese. Fred ete (1 ian eI up be Saat Nngal, mya, ‘The passage hay several lingulsticdifculties, but ehe general sense i clear. [A more comprehensive account of the Bar's condition before Its restore ton follows, ‘Cth cme the are of the ari odio the mo he Ee, the pare fa he place of he mes fhe ofc of prises, had neon of is Wits te puis and fecha ere gov Hs tT el the tes sn ved the i at ad clic 1 ok vor esac and son "1 ound parm. Takeda He wring of he man of the Rigs of 2 ‘nc ps os mika a old api of Ean eerste of Ur the dager of Kara, he ss of Rin he King of ‘eno the iar a este who seal with wal the rest pas yeh acon et pst lone the Espa (Th J al he ia anew (a as) te pa ‘The text then goes on to iterate the consecration of Nabonidus’ daughter and the extensive increase of offerings to Sin and Ningal (cf. the text of Nebuchadnezzar above), The section is indeed valuable, for it mentions the fies associated with the the household. tis important to remember that temple households In Mesopotamia were econamie households as well. H sso reminds us that the Egipar was pat of a larger steucture, the Faishrugal, the temple of Nanna in Ur The text concludes witha typical prayer. May Sin thei yf th t,t gh of mand eat on mse trace reece acpi nd en Ki May eg a ast fond ipo age a a Le Ht ase moe od me Wi ac ew mane may paps ss Be ra. May the enon of ip reais yon ny Heal freer. Eth te ane of ty iy fray ‘ame. Whe you few ouch nthe me et etal se ow pops Sign May Nina, he eahalla ne, pk wl of me bf ou. May Ens ana, palit, the boven tc fone yo tate tenon maybe Nay De ds pling she wl bea retest. My oh hae Bibliography eau, PA. The Hen of Nats, Kin of Hon SS6-S39 a Yale Nest Eastern Researehes 10, New Haven: Yale University res, 1289,