Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 11

Uncovering the Complexities of Governmental Dynamics During Martial Law: A Synthesis of

Political, Social, and Economic Perspectives

Martial law is a form of government that is imposed during a crisis or emergency. To ensure order

and security, normal civilian law is suspended and military administration is established. During martial law,

the government assumes complete control over all aspects of society, including education, healthcare, law

and order, agriculture, and justice.

Martial law may result in the shutdown of schools and colleges, as well as the establishment of a

rigid curriculum focusing on national security and government allegiance. Healthcare services may be

impacted as well, with hospitals and medical facilities being placed under military administration to

guarantee that they work efficiently and effectively during the crisis.

The preservation of peace and order is a primary concern during martial law. To prevent potential

risks to national security, the military may be charged with imposing curfews and other limitations on

civilian mobility, as well as conducting searches and arrests. Agriculture, which is an important part of the

country's economy, may also be brought under government control to guarantee that the populace has access

to enough food and resources throughout the crisis.

Finally, during martial law, the justice system may undergo dramatic modifications, with military

tribunals replacing civilian courts. Due process and civil freedoms may be suspended, as well as enhanced

monitoring and surveillance of those accused of resisting the government.

Overall, imposing martial law is a big move for any administration, with far-reaching consequences

for various parts of society. While this may be necessary in times of crisis, it is critical to ensure that citizens'

rights and liberties are respected and protected throughout the process.
(Santos, 2020) Basic education has long been a flashpoint in terms of how it was presented in class

and for institutional memory of Martial Law discussions and how it was represented in textbooks. For a long

time, historians and educators have urged for more effective textbook authoring in primary schools,

especially when it comes to the contentious topic of Martial Law. For instance, several textbooks exaggerate

the alleged infrastructure development accomplishments of the Marcos government. Several Marcos

"myths" and other untrue claims about the time period occasionally still appear in books.

When you use the word "education," you don't just mean the knowledge that is imparted to us

through our textbooks and teachers in the classroom. The story taught in primary and secondary schools for

the majority of the time following EDSA was a toned-down version of Martial Law. The abuses done by the

military and paramilitary organizations, as well as the Marcos family's thievery and their allies were

habitually downplayed while the regime's successes were emphasized as if it were a balance sheeInstead of

allowing the lecturers to study and evaluate Martial Law properly, pupils were exhorted to think

independently and form their own conclusions. Unless their parents decided to fill in the gaps left by formal

education themselves, such abhorrent naiveté simply produced a generation that was ignorant of the truths

they needed to know. But as evidenced by numerous impressionable young Filipinos easily swayed by the

propaganda of the Marcos faithful, this mind-opening appears to be more of an anomaly than the rule.

Understanding that what we learn about history goes beyond the classroom is important, especially in the

context of Martial Law. Authors have outlined the policies and directives from government agencies, but

this is one aspect of how society reinterprets and disseminates tales. History is taught by the ways in which

society chooses to remember or not remember, and it is this social memory, not history itself, that influences

our actions and our perception of the past.

When martial law was in effect, the education system was deemed a "vital agency in achieving the

desired reform in the New Society," where human resource development was connected to economic

growth. But in 1972, the education system led to a worker export. After the economic and educational

system collapse, students are free to demonstrate on their campuses, and some illegal strikes are even

tolerated. For the occasion, the government detained 28 academics, factory workers, slum residents, and

students for organizing anti-martial law protests.


Ferdinand Marcos introduced the bilingual system of using two-second languages (mainly English)

in school when he proclaimed martial law. With devastating historical ramifications, Marcos considered the

educational system as his main tool for preserving the twisted ideals of his so-called New Society. The

bilingual strategy did not advance true literacy; rather, it merely served to undermine decades of Filipinos'

education. The harm done to our country's psyche is incalculable. As things are, our country is still looking

for its soul.

Ferdinand Marcos enforced his autocratic views and completely dominated the Philippines' economy,

education, healthcare system, media, and entertainment sector, among other things. Numerous innocent

people who were labeled as subversives were executed during his regime. Every Filipino is devastated by

what transpired in the past. There were survivors of martial law who told their stories in various

documentaries, movies, and written works. Their wounds have never and will never fully recover. Even

though it may seem disappointing, the Marcos government began monopolizing the entertainment sector, as

well as various news and student publications, at the very beginning of his rule.

According to (Tacasa, 2022) It is clear that the "good" and "bad" parts of the history of Marcos'

military administration are still contrasted in basic education pedagogy, if there are any good things to be

said about the Marcos government all. Human rights violations and other atrocities carried out by the

Marcos administration are usually juxtaposed with the misguided ideas of "economic growth" and extensive

infrastructure projects.

Despite this controversial history, Executive Order No. 737, s. 1981, was issued by then President

Ferdinand Marcos on September 29, 1981. The executive order aimed to establish the Philippine Fisheries

Development Authority (PFDA) as a "single, integrated agency" responsible for the development of the

country's fisheries sector. The PFDA was created to address the various issues and challenges facing the

fisheries sector, including overfishing, inadequate infrastructure and facilities, and lack of modern

technology and equipment. The agency was tasked with formulating and implementing programs and

policies to promote the sustainable development of fisheries resources, improve the livelihoods of fisherfolk,

and contribute to the country's food security (Executive Order No. 737, S. 1981 | GOVPH, 1981).
Under Executive Order No. 737, s. in 1981, the PFDA was given the authority to manage and

regulate the use of fisheries resources, establish and manage fisheries infrastructure and facilities, provide

technical assistance and training to fisherfolk, and engage in research and development activities. The

creation of the PFDA was seen as a positive step toward the development of the fisheries sector in the

Philippines. However, this time it clearly has faced various challenges over the years, including issues

related to governance, corruption, and mismanagement (Macusi, 2019).

The Marcos regime's policies and programs had a detrimental impact on the country's agricultural

sector. Tadem (2022) contends that the government's focus on industrialization and modernization, coupled

with corruption and mismanagement, led to neglect of the agricultural sector and caused harm to farmers

and rural communities. It was noted that the government's policies during the Marcos administration favored

industrialization over agriculture. Investments in heavy industries and infrastructure projects, like the Bataan

Nuclear Power Plant, were prioritized by the government at the expense of the agricultural sector. Farmers

and rural communities were also displaced as the land was converted for industrial projects as a result of the

focus on industrialization.

Additionally Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem's article "How Marcos Undermined Philippine

Agriculture" also highlights the impact of the imposition of martial law on the agricultural sector. Under

martial law, civil liberties and democratic institutions were suspended, and human rights violations were

widespread. Farmers and rural communities were subjected to harassment, intimidation, and violence.

According to Peña (2021), civilians are fleeing their homes and livelihoods as a result of military operations

in rural areas, which are disrupting their lives. Additionally, the military operations are causing damage to

crops and livestock. The militarization of rural areas led to the displacement of farmers and disrupted

agricultural activities.
Meanwhile, it is clear that the healthcare sector is crucial in any country and its significance cannot

be overstated. The healthcare system in the Philippines During the Marcos regime underwent significant

changes. On the one hand, Filipinos witnessed the development of infrastructures that continue to proudly

serve the needs of the Filipino people today. The government invested heavily in the healthcare system

during this period, building hospitals, clinics, and health centers throughout the country. Medical institutes

including the Philippine Heart Center, Lung Center of the Philippines, National Kidney and Transplant

Institute, and the Philippine Children’s Medical Center were constructed under Marcos’ administration

(Arillo, 2015). This helped to expand access to healthcare services for many Filipinos, particularly those in

rural and marginalized areas. Family planning was also included in the administration’s health program.

Former President Marcos issued Presidential Decree 79, also known as the Revised Population Act, in

December 1972. The Commission on Population was established by the law with the responsibility "to make

available all acceptable methods of contraception, except abortion, to all Filipino citizens desirous of

spacing, limiting, or preventing pregnancies." The commission, which is currently a component of the

Department of Health, oversees the implementation of the Responsible Parenthood and Family Planning

program, which supports breastfeeding, birth spacing, and natural family planning (GMA News Online,

2012). Moreover, the Marcos administration also launched health campaigns aimed at improving nutrition.

This included the Nutribun which was a bread that was distributed in elementary school feeding programs as

a prepared and complete meal. It was made by local bakeries using a combination of donated and locally

sourced ingredients (GMA News Online, 2012).


Yet even though the Marcos government maintained a blueprint for primary healthcare facilities, its

healthcare delivery program was severely underfunded (Pagaduan-Lopez, 1991). Many of the new facilities

were poorly equipped and understaffed. The Marcos administration also prioritized the development of

tertiary hospitals in urban areas while neglecting primary healthcare facilities in rural areas. Moreover, the

Marcos regime's emphasis on centralization and control led to the politicization of the healthcare system.

This further undermined the quality of healthcare services, as decisions about healthcare policy and resource

allocation were often driven by political considerations rather than medical needs. According to Fineman

(1987), Under Marcos, the country's condition steadily deteriorated over many years, eventually leading to

an insoluble crisis but the government was keen to show the world that the country was strong and healthy,

so it not only ignored the warning signs but actively concealed them. The former vice chairperson of a

national nutritional council under Marcos also stated in an article from the Los Angeles Times that there was

censorship of the true health conditions under the Marcos administration. While the Marcos regime did

make significant contributions to the healthcare system, the gains were limited by corruption,

mismanagement, and political interference. Thus, it would take many years of reform and investment to

fully address these issues and improve healthcare outcomes for all Filipinos.
Furthermore, Proclamation No. 1081, which imposed martial law in the Philippines, was signed on

September 21, 1972, by the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos. The authoritarian administration of Marcos

presided over thousands of human rights abuses, including torture, enforced disappearances, internal

displacements, and extrajudicial executions, in what has become one of the nation's darkest periods. Justice

is obligated to be served by legal facts. A judge establishes them during a court proceeding subject to

procedural and evidentiary requirements. They are historical truths because it decides by the legal system

concerning a factual dispute. Therefore, Amnesty International (2022) documented numerous human rights

violations throughout President Marcos' remaining term, clearly demonstrating a pattern of widespread

arrests, detention, forced disappearances, killings, and torture of those who were perceived to be political

opponents or voiced criticism of the government. In a 1975 interview with the organization, President

Marcos revealed that approximately 50,000 individuals had been held and incarcerated between 1972 and

1975 due to martial law. Those detained included journalists, labor leaders, legal aid attorneys, religious

workers, and human rights activists. By speaking with detainees from that era, Amnesty International was

able to document a pattern of torture. Further analysis of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances

from 1976 onward was published by the organization in 1981. Those harmed and their relatives could not

substantiate the wrongdoings they or their loved ones endured while martial law was in effect since justice is

still inclusive.

President Marcos issued Proclamation No. 2045 on January 17, 1981, ending the martial law. As part

of the same Proclamation, it was mandated that military tribunals be abolished after all ongoing cases had

been resolved and that no matters related to those cases might be transferred to civil courts. The petitioners

argued that because there were active and accessible civil courts, military commissioners lacked the

authority to judge civilians. As long as the civil courts in the country are open and operating, the military

tribunals cannot have jurisdiction over civilians for crimes committed by them, according to a Supreme

Court decision.
Evidently, There are always two sides to a story. Those who lived in the era of Martial Law and

supported the regime saw it as an era of discipline and order. They believed that only those who transgressed

Marcos’ orders were punished and that this was necessary to maintain stability in the country. However,

historians and those who experienced the violation of human rights during the time of Martial Law see it

differently. They argue that it was an era of impunity, where the government and military had unchecked

power and could commit atrocities without fear of consequence. However, years before the proclamation of

Martial Law, there were economic uncertainties, rising gas prices, strikes and rallies, and threats of rebellion

by the New People's Army and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Finally, when Martial Law took effect,

Marcos considered all who went against his system a threat to his power and position. He even ordered the

arrest of Senators Benigno Aquino Jr., Jose Diokno, Francisco Rodrigo, and Ramon Mitra Jr., and journalists

Joaquin Roces, Teodoro Locsin Sr., Maximo Soliven, and Amando Doronila, following media censorship.

With that, University of the Philippines student, journalist, and professor Boni Ilagan, Jose Lacaba, and

Dolores Stephens Feria, respectively, built an underground publication. Ilagan said that "I think yun yung isa

sa una naming ginawa noon. Yung kontrahin yung kondisyon na yun ng suppression ng expression at saka

i-articulate yung sentiment ng tao. So we did very early during Martial Law, we did come up with an

underground publication.” Unfortunately, when they were discovered, Ilagan was subjected to 2 years of

torture. The arrest of prominent figures such as senators, journalists, and activists, along with media

censorship, demonstrated the regime's disregard for basic human rights and freedoms.

This system of brutal torture and human rights violations sparked an opportunity for vigilantes to

commit killings as they could get away with it and blame the military instead. Martial Law could have been

the system to control peace and order in the Philippines, deter criminal activities, and restore calmness in a

land of chaos. Nevertheless, the abuse of power, violation of human rights, and suppression of dissent

created an environment for fear and impunity to prevail. This highlights the danger of unchecked power and

the importance of upholding the rule of law and protecting human rights, even in times of crisis or

instability. While Martial Law may have been intended to restore peace and order in the Philippines, the

abuses that occurred under the regime ultimately undermined its legitimacy and caused lasting harm to the

country's social and political fabric which is still evident in today’s time.
In conclusion, even though the imposition of Martial Law may have both favorable and unfavorable

consequences on various facets of society, it is crucial for the government to strike a balance between its

goals and the observance of human rights and the rule of law. Making sure that democratic institutions are

protected, the rule of law is adhered to, and that the views and opinions of the people are heard and

respected is essential. For Martial Law to be implemented in a fair, open, and responsible manner, the

government should involve civil society and other interested parties in the decision-making process. The

government can only do this by respecting the citizens' fundamental rights and freedoms while also

successfully addressing the issues affecting the nation.


Reference/s:

Amnesty International. (2022). Five things to know about Martial Law in the Philippines.

AmnestyInternational.

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2022/04/five-things-to-know-about-martial-law-in-the-philip

pines/

Arillo, C. (2015). Marcos’s unmatched legacy: Hospitals, schools and other infrastructures. BusinessMirror.

https://businessmirror.com.ph/2015/11/13/marcoss-unmatched-legacy-hospitals-schools-and-other-in

frastructures/

Fineman, M. (1987). Neglected for years : Health care: Philippine crisis looms. The Los Angeles Times.

https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1987-03-06-mn-4964-story.html

GMA News Online. (2012). Masagana 99, Nutribun, and Imelda’s “edifice complex” of hospitals. GMA

News Online.

https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/lifestyle/healthandwellness/274389/masagana-99-nutribun-and-i

melda-s-edifice-complex-of-hospitals/story/

Jurisprudence on Marcial Law Atrocities and Stories. (2021, October 14). UPCollegeOfLaw.

https://law.upd.edu.ph/philippine-jurisprudence-on-martial-law-atrocities-and-stories/

Macusi, E. (2019). Strengthening Fisheries Management in the Philippines. Asian Development Bank.

https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/publication/510796/adbi-wp962.pdf

Matsuzawa, M. (n.d.). Did Marcos oversee a period of peace and order? Philippine Star.

https://newslab.philstar.com/31-years-of-amnesia/peace-and-order
Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines. (1981). Executive Order No. 737, s. 1981. Official

Gazette. https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1981/09/29/executive-order-no-737-s-1981/

Pagaduan-Lopez, J. (1991). Medical professionals and human rights in the Philippines. Journal of Medical

Ethics, 17(Suppl), 42–50. https://doi.org/10.1136/jme.17.suppl.42

Peña, K. D. (2021). Marcos’ martial law: Golden age for corruption, abuses. Inquirer News.

https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1490968/marcos-martial-law-golden-age-for-corruption-abuses

Santos, F. (2020). Remembering martial law in the Philippines: Education and media - New Mandala. New

Mandala.

https://www.newmandala.org/remembering-martial-law-in-the-philippines-education-and-media/

Tacasa, G. C. (2022). Never enough: ambiguities and silences in Martial Law education. UPLB Perspective.

https://uplbperspective.org/2022/02/14/never-enough-ambiguities-and-silences-in-martial-law-educat

ion/

Tadem, T. S. E. (2022). How Marcos Undermined Philippine Agriculture. Center for Integrative and

Development Studies.

https://cids.up.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Tadem.-2022-How-Marcos-undermined-PH-agric

ulture-1.pdf

Tirol, J. (2016). OPINION: The frailty of our Martial Law ‘education’. CNN.

https://www.cnnphilippines.com/life/culture/politics/2016/11/15/martial-law-education-opinion.html

You might also like