SPECIAL ARTICLE
Overlapping Marginalities
Digital Education and Muslim Female Students in Bhiwandi
Abdul Shaban, Ayona Datta, Sheema Fatima
The experience of the COVID-19 pandemic shows that
excessive reliance on digital technologies for delivery of
education can sharpen the inequalities in learning. In
Bhiwandi, both a metropolitan and a digital periphery in
Maharashtra, such unequal learning opportunities
further marginalised the citizens of the locality. Female
students additionally faced several challenges. Among
the many freedoms upended during the pandemic was
the spatial mobility, offered by the physical access to the
colleges. Where educational institutions failed to
effectively adapt to the situation, undergraduate Muslim
women experienced a lack of digital access and poor
quality of learning.
The authors express their gratitude and appreciation for the time and
effort of our respondents in completing the survey as well as
participating in the face-to-face workshop. They also wish to thank the
different colleges in Bhiwandi (especially Oneza Farid, principal at Aqsa
Women’s Degree College), which supported this research. Funding for
this research was provided by the British Academy Tackling Global
Challenges programme.
Abdul Shaban (shaban@tiss.edu) teaches at the School of
Development Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.
Ayona Datta (a.datta@ucl.ac.uk) teaches at the Department of Geography,
University College London. Sheema Fatima (fatimasheema@gmail.com)
is a postdoctoral fellow at the School of Development Studies, Tata
Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.
52
OVID-19 is arguably the most significant global devel-
C opment that revealed the uneven access to digital in-
frastructures across a number of scales and diverse
social groups. Several authors (Bailey et al 2021; Datta 2020a,
2020b; Milan et al 2021) have now written about the margin-
alising effects of lack of access to or absence of digital infra-
structures that led to socio-economic and health crises across
families and social groups during and after COVID-19. In India,
a large part of this discussion was concerned with the migrant
crisis, which emerged as soon as the lockdown was announced,
while another significant aspect of the literature was the feminist
critique of the resultant rise in gender-based violence at home
and increasing domestic burdens imposed upon women
through the impossibilities of “work from home” guidelines.
Within these discussions was the impact that the pandemic
had on access to education, particularly for young women in
low-income households. Their limited access to technology
combined with increased surveillance of their space and time
produced multiple marginalisations that were largely hidden
within the confines of the home (Datta 2022).
This study takes an intersectional approach to the gender-
ing of education during COVID-19. It aims to understand not
just the uneven access to education produced by the pandemic,
rather how this affected specific groups of women differently,
when their social location is defined by geography, class,
religion, generation, and gender. The focus of the study is
primarily on Muslim women living in the low-income housing
area in Bhiwandi—one of the most deprived industrial spaces
in the peripheries of Mumbai. Based on the survey of 302 female
Muslim students pursuing undergraduate college education,
we argue that the COVID-19 lockdown and the subsequent shift
to online classes exposed Bhiwandi’s student population to an
unprecedented crisis. The systemic marginalisation historically
experienced in the town was reinforced by social and cultural
marginalisation faced by Muslim female students. Following
Ticktin (2021), the study argues for feminising the inter-
sectional understanding of the crisis for appropriate policies
and effective initiatives.
Muslim Women’s Education and Digital Technologies
The fourth industrial revolution powered by information tech-
nology (IT) is rapidly transforming not only how one acquires
information and consumes it, but also altering the ways of
governance and access to education, health, and life-support
services. Many argue that IT-enabled services (ITes) are leading
july 22, 2023 vol lViii no 29 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

to the death of geographies (Bates 1996; O’brien 1992; Kolko
2000; Cairncross 2001) and giving birth to a distanciated
society (Henning 2007). One does not deny the socio-spatial
transformative impact of the ITes and the massive advantage
they have generated with regard to information flows; however,
like any technology, the social impact is also patterned as per
the class, caste, religion, and geography. Studies have shown
that the use of the ITs and ITes varies as per the economic af-
fordability, social acceptability, adaptability, and educational
levels or skills of individuals and communities, even in the
areas where there may be ubiquitously developed IT infra-
structure. Gender and generational access to technology also
shapes how it is used. In other words, despite rapidly decreas-
ing the cost of IT and ITes, there are a number of factors
that determine their use. At the individual level, the inter-
sectionality of class, gender, education, age, caste, and religion
have a determining role, while at the community level, space
and culture does reshape access. This creates a digital core
and periphery both at the social and spatial levels.
The educational institutions around the world were forced
to shift to an online mode of instruction that had its own stress
and strains. It had adverse consequences on the learning out-
comes of the students. While it also affected the financial
health of educational institutions resulting in reduced salaries
to teachers and related staff, this was much more acute in the
metropolitan peripheries in India where educational access
was already very limited. Economically poor institutions could
not swiftly transition to the online mode, thereby having
adverse consequences for the students enrolled. In India, while
we do not have any public estimates of losses incurred by such
institutions, the first-hand interaction with local colleges in
Bhiwandi highlight that they suffered massive losses due to
lack of government subsidies, non-payment of fees by students,
and increased expenses on digital technologies.
In India, though internet coverage is now growing, sharp
geographic, class, and gender divides exist. Niti Aayog data
shows that in 2020–21, out of every 100 people, 55 had access
to the internet (Krishnan 2021). A similar situation prevails in
other countries of South Asia. Chandasiri (2020) shows that in
Sri Lanka, about 60% of the undergraduate students had no
access to the internet, and the pandemic had an adverse im-
pact on their mental health due to lack of the required educa-
tional support system.
Rashid and Yadav (2020) argue that the pandemic exposed
the shortcoming of the current higher education system, which
was even less equipped to handle such a crisis because of the
lower technological adaptation, and the low share of informa-
tion technology-trained teachers and staff. The move to online
platforms of teaching had a negative impact on the psychology
of both teachers and students. The adaptation for a majority of
teachers and students was not easy (Khan 2021). The online
mode also increased the disparities in learning among students
(Zianuddin et al 2020).
Several studies have vividly shown that a number of
socio-economic factors undermine access to higher education
for women. Hasan and Menon (2004) argue that access to
Economic & Political Weekly EPW july 22, 2023 vol lViii no 29
SPECIAL ARTICLE
education is further undermined among Muslims and often
give low priority to the education of women with a logic that
it may not be beneficial for the family because they may not
effectively enter the labour market and earn. And, given that
men discontinue their education early, it would be difficult to
find suitable grooms for relatively higher-educated women. In
fact, several independent public committees (Sachar Committee
2006; Mahmoodur Rahman Committee 2013; Sudhir Com-
mission 2016) which investigated the socio-economic status
of the Muslims in India have, among others, pointed out the
lack of education in the community and especially among
women. This is largely due to economic constraints, conserv-
ative attitudes of the parents, poor geographical access, early
marriages, and no expectation of economic returns from edu-
cation. Many studies have also pointed out that education
among Muslim women varies as per their community identity
and geographical location. In many states, women are out-
performing men in the educational field (Shaban 2018, 2016).
A study by Ram and Yadav (2021) shows that due to the
dominance of informal sector employment in the country, the
impact of the lockdown on the income of the families was
large. They estimate that about 150–199 million additional
people fell back to poverty due to the pandemic, especially the
marginalised groups like the religious minorities, Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Their computation shows that
because of the social and economic marginalisation, 61% of
the Muslims are at the risk of poverty in urban areas
compared to 39% Hindus, and 30% Christians (Ram and Ya-
dav 2021: 8).
The Context: Bhiwandi
In India, metropolitan areas remain at the core of the deve-
lopment related to IT and ITes, while the satellite cities around
them show enormous dualities in use and access to such
infrastructure. Bhiwandi is one of the seven municipal corpo-
rations included within the Mumbai Metropolitan Region but
is often considered a peripheral town. Historically, significant
for its power looms and textile mills, today it faces rapid
transformations in its industrial base and population. The
power loom and small-scale factories, which have provided
employment to mig rants from other regional states in India,
now face increased threats of survival due to the withdrawal
of state subsidies and an increase in electricity tariffs
(Dalvi 2016). Today, most power loom owners find it difficult
to run their looms at profit and this has affected the workers’
wages and livelihoods.
Bhiwandi, however, has remained a significant site for the
development of industries and godowns since the 1990s. As a
peri-urban space to the megacity of Mumbai, it has experi-
enced both physical and institutional peripheralisation. The
city is dominated by migrant workers who have very little
stake in its development planning and growth. The downfall
and moving out of power looms from the municipal boundaries
of Bhiwandi to adjacent villages has affected the financial
capacity of the urban local body. On the other hand, since
the last decade, there has been an emergence of large-scale
53
SPECIAL ARTICLE

warehouses catering to the storage of Figure 1: Distribution of per Capita Annual Income and Expenditure per Month on the Internet
goods of global e-commerce businesses by Respondents (`)
× 10 -5
such as Amazon, Flipkart, and Nykaa 8
in the adjacent villages. It has provided 6

Density
another possibility for employment to 4
town dwellers and nearby villagers, 2
though largely in the informal sector. 0
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16
The town suffers from enormous ine- Per capita annual income (`) × 10 4
qualities and lack of access to IT and × 10 -3
ITes and also underdevelopment of the 8

related digital infrastructure. 6

Density
If we look at the educational history 4

of the city, the native Konkani commu- 2

nity, which is better educated and com- 0

0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800
prised about one-fourth of the Muslim
Data recharge expenses (`) per month
population in the town in the 1970s Source: Authors' calculation.
(Momin 1978), has played a crucial role
in establishing several schools, junior colleges and institutions with the first phase of lockdown relaxation rules and one
in Bhiwandi. The Konkan Muslim Education Society (KMES), could meet in small numbers, with COVID-19 protocols followed.
established in 1927, has been running most of these education- The workshop helped us capture the participant’s excitement
al institutions in the city. Interestingly, the number of schools for being able to come out of their houses and have a day-long
and colleges run by KMES for women is more in number in discussion about their struggles with online education. A
comparison to those for men, because Konkani Muslims, second workshop was conducted a few months later in April
being a trading community, recognised the importance of 2022 when students were requested to write their perception
women’s education. However over the years, the number of of the city of Bhiwandi and how did they interact and partici-
educational institutions has not multiplied as has the increas- pate in the public spaces. In these sessions, it was observed
ing migrant population in the town. Female access to educa- how digital mediums are being used to break spatial barriers
tion was exacerbated during COVID-19 due to economic, infra- for interactions.
structural, and cultural factors. The majority of those living
in Bhiwandi were employed in the informal sector jobs and Social Background of the Students
hence suffered from lockdown and the resulting crash of Bhiwandi is a city of migrants with a large floating population,
income. There were several cases of migrants returning back which became more evident in the lockdown. We find the
to their native villages, which disrupted the education of their average family size is relatively larger here. The 302 families of
children, and it was difficult for colleges to trace them due to the respondents had 3,201 individuals, corresponding to mean
the poor digital connectivity. and median sizes of the family of 6.96 and 6.0, respectively.
Cumulatively, 14.2% of the total families in the sample had
Data and Methodology four or fewer members, 57.6% of the families had six or fewer
This paper is based on a sample survey of 302 female Muslim members, 78.1% of the families had eight or fewer members
students in the age group of 17 to 20 years, belonging to different and the remaining had more than eight members. The family
castes and communities (within the Muslims), enrolled in the size is higher not because of the higher number of children per
local colleges of Bhiwandi. The survey was conducted from family but because the majority of them live in extended and
October 2021 to November 2021 through the use of Google joint families. If we look at the general socio-economic profile
forms online. The study mainly relied on online forms for the of the communities in the city, they are engaged in informal
survey, which meant that only those students who had access business set-ups related to the power loom or ancillary sectors
to the internet and the required gadgets, like a mobile, laptop, or are working as informal labourers. Therefore, given the pre-
desktop or tablet, could participate. Therefore, it is not an ab- carious nature of the labour market, and low earnings, espe-
solute representation of the situation but is well representative cially for lower-income socio-economic groups, it makes eco-
of the given cohort. The questionnaire was structured under nomic sense to live in joint families and hence share the kitch-
three broad headings. The first was the basic socio-economic en and the burden of daily expenses.
profile, the second was related to access to gadgets and internet The yearly per capita income based on surveyed families is
connection, and the third was related to the monetary aspect also skewed towards the lower end with a long tail (Figure 1)
of the digital interface in terms of average expenditure on showing that a large number of individuals fall into income
phone recharge and other modes of access to internet data. lower than `10,000 per capita per annum. In 2011–12, the
Apart from the survey, we also conducted two face-to-face urban poverty line income was `1,134 per month, and the
workshops with the respondents in the local colleges. It same, when adjusted to the consumer price index for 2021–22
was conducted with select participants in December 2021, (RBI 2021), would be `1,863 per month or `22,356 per capita
54 july 22, 2023 vol lViii no 29 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

per annum. This means 88.4% of the persons belonged to poor belong to them, while 32.5% respondents used phones that
families in the town. belonged to other family members. They had to often share it
Though all the surveyed families had access to electricity, with their siblings, and it was also used even during the classes
toilet, and piped water, the ownership of other assets is moderate to receive and make calls by parents, thus interrupting the
to poor. Only 13.6% of the families owned a car, 55.0% had a period of instruction.
motorcycle or a scooty, 41.4% had a television, 63.2% had a
washing machine, and 77.2% used a gas stove. These assets Quality of the Mobile Phone
were not always new but also included second-hand purchase Out of the total students interviewed, 93.7% had android
(Table 1). phones while 3.3% had no phones (Table 2). Further, 50% of the
Table 1: Percentage of Surveyed Families Owning Major Assets in Bhiwandi respondents had phones with a storage capacity of less than 32
Annual Per Capita Income Categories Total gigabyte (GB), while another 33.8% had a 64 GB storage cap-
<=2,500 2,501– 5,001– 7,501– 10,001– 15,001– 20,001– >=25,001
5,000 7,500 10,000 15,000 20,000 25,000
acity. Only 2.3% of the respondents had smartphones with a
Television 4.0 5.0 4.0 8.3 8.3 4.3 1.0 6.6 41.4
256 GB storage capacity. This shows that there is an over-
Gas stove 5.0 8.9 11.3 15.9 16.2 9.3 3.0 7.6 77.2 whelming use of cheaper version of android mobile phones with
Motorcycle/scooty 4.6 4.0 7.6 12.6 10.6 6.6 1.7 7.3 55.0 lower storage capacities. It is important to note that as the pan-
Car 1.3 1.7 0.7 2.0 2.6 2.6 0.7 2.0 13.6 demic emerged and classes shifted to online mode, 30.1% of
Washing machine 5.6 6.6 8.6 13.9 11.3 7.6 2.3 7.3 63.2 the students were given new phones for attending classes by
All surveyed families had access to piped water, electricity, and toilet within the house. their families.
Source: The sample survey by authors.
In terms of the quality of the phone, which meant at least a
Bhiwandi is a historic town famous for its handloom from as functioning camera and microphone, only 14% of the students
early as the 19th century. In the later decades, it evolved into a reported that they had a mobile phone, but they did not have a
power loom centre. These looms were part of the everyday life functioning camera. It hindered their overall participation in
of a majority of families in the early 20th century. Traditionally, the online classes.
the structural design of the looms was such that the ground
floor was used for the manufacturing purpose while the side Networks and Connectivity
rooms or the first or second floors were used to house labou- In a city like Bhiwandi, peripheral to Mumbai, regular supply
rers and their families. Over the years, many neighbourhoods of electricity and lack of uninterrupted internet availability are
with such mixed-land use have remained the same. As a result, major hindrances to the digitalisation process. The settlement
we see very few only residential apartments, except in new pattern in most of the neighbourhoods is dense with many be-
extensions of Bhiwandi city like Millat Nagar and other ing categorised as slums or slum-like habitation, which makes
upcoming areas on the Bhiwandi–Nashik Highway. it difficult to lay down cables in many areas. Further, given the
networks of mobile towers are also not dense, there are many
Digital Access places that remain in a mobile signal shadow. The survey data
The study reveals that out of 302 students interviewed, 95.0% shows that 71.9% of the students are dependent on mobile
were using only mobile phones for their classes, presentation, networks for internet, while 20.5% have access to cable networks
and assignments; 1.3% (four students) used a laptop; one student and Wi-Fi. Some of those using Wi-Fi also use their neighbours’
had a desktop, and 1.7% (five students) used both laptops, connection and they constitute 7.6% of the sample. This
desktops along with mobile phones (Table 2). A total number shows that a sense of cooperation to help those without inter-
of five-students (1.7%) had no access to any of the devices. net also exists in the town, and it did help a sizeable share of
Some of the students reported that the phone they use did not the students to access online classes during the COVID-19
Table 2: Percentage Distribution of Ownership of Phones and Its Type by Income Category lockdown. The Wi-Fi sharing becomes possible
Per Capita Income Possession of Android Mobile with New Size of Mobile Phone Storage (GB) because of families living in a close proximity to
Category Mobile Phone Phone Camera Phone 32 64 128 256 Do Not each other. In several cases, this sharing of data is
Personal Using But Not Know/Do done with mutual consent, and some of the stu-
Phone a Personal Not Have
dents also shared the cost of Wi-Fi. There were
Phone
also several instances where students used Wi-Fi
<=2,500 6.6 0.7 6.6 5.6 2.3 4.3 1.7 0.3 0.0 1.1
without the consent of the owners.
2,501–5,000 5.7 5.8 10.3 10.6 1.3 6.3 3.0 1.2 0.0 1.0
Only about 58.3% of the total students remain
5,001–7,500 9.9 2.7 14.6 10.9 2.6 10.7 2.5 0 1.0 0.7
satisfied with the quality of internet speed on
7,501–10,000 14.8 6.4 19.5 19.9 7.6 11.3 7.0 2 0.3 0.7 their mobile, while the rest categorise it as bad or
10,001–15,000 12.8 7.6 19.5 17.2 7.0 7.9 9.5 2.3 0.0 0.7 irregular. About 45.7% of the student used Jio
15,001–20,000 6.6 4.9 11.6 11.6 5.3 4.0 6.3 1.3 0.7 0.0 network, followed by Airtel (that is, 37.1% of the
20,001–25,000 2.9 0.7 3.0 2.6 0.7 1.7 0.7 1.2 0.0 0.0 students), while the rest used Vodafone–Idea. To
>=25,001 3.9 4.7 8.6 7.3 3.3 3.2 3.2 1.6 0.3 0.3 safeguard themselves from the weaker mobile
Total 63.2 33.5 93.7 85.8 30.1 49.7 33.8 9.6 2.3 4.6 networks, families kept the alternative of Wi-Fi or
Source: Sample survey by authors. cable connections. But in the case of the student
Economic & Political Weekly EPW july 22, 2023 vol lViii no 29 55
SPECIAL ARTICLE

respondents in the study, it was not the case. As discussed that the access was interrupted because they needed to share
above, a large number of them came from economically weak- the same phone with their siblings who also had to attend
er sections and the average monthly income made expenditure their classes.
on internet and Wi-Fi unaffordable. Students mainly used Only 47.7% students had access to phones at any time of the
phones as a learning device. However, the small screens made day to listen the recorded lectures. The rest reported access
reading and typing assignments very difficult. Additionally, the when the younger or the elder siblings did not have their
quality of internet created challenging situations for students. classes. About 22.2% of the respondents said it was only during
The monthly expenditure and usage of data increased for the early morning hours when they could use the phone. This
each family during the pandemic. The data consumption shows that they had to adjust their study hours as per the
during online classes was generally very high, which meant availability of the device, and hence it was impossible for a
that the students could not attend all the classes and had to majority of them to follow the college schedule regularly and
make a choice of excluding a few. Further, they also had to attend all the classes.
share the same device and internet with their siblings, thereby As they were not able to attend all the classes, the students
bringing down their share of data. The internet expenses for had to borrow the lecture notes from their classmates. A
each student was `232.5 per month. More than 88% of the majority of the students—86% of them—borrowed class
users spent less than `300 per month on data. Even though notes on mobile phones when they missed attending. Many
the data cost was cheaper—about `200 for a 28 days’ pack of teachers during the discussion informed about providing
1.5 GB data per day—students had to ensure a modest use to class notes regularly to the students who were not able to at-
be able to extend it for one month of classes. A large number tend the classes. Given the grim situation, there were some
of students were from the economically weaker sections and parents, around 5% of them, who felt that their daughters will
had larger families. Therefore, it was not possible to attend be better off quitting education.
all the classes, and had to make a judicious use of data-pack Although there was lower access to the internet in the loca-
sharing with other siblings. lity, mobile phones are being increasingly used for booking
Table 3: Percentage Distribution of Internet Expenses by Income cooking gas cylinders (60.3%), tickets (22.2%), recharging/
Annual Per Capita Internet Data Expenses (`) paying telephone bills (18.2%), paying property taxes (20.9%),
Income (`) <=100 101–200 201–300 301–400 401–500 >=501 Total (%) applying for a passport (11.3%), applying for voter card
<=2,500 0.3 5.0 0.7 0.7 1.0 0.0 7.6 (24.2%), applying for admission in school and colleges
2,501–5,000 1.7 5.6 3.0 0.7 0.0 0.3 11.3 (56.6%), and searching employment opportunities (19.9%).
5,001–7,500 1.3 9.6 2.0 1.3 0.3 0.7 15.2 About 7.3% used the internet and mobiles to promote their
7,501–10,000 2.6 10.9 5.0 1.3 0.3 1.0 21.2 business, while 27.2% and 26.5% used them for shopping on-
10,001–15,000 1.3 11.9 4.3 0.7 1.0 1.0 20.2 line for non-food and food items, respectively.
15,001–20,000 1.3 5.6 4.0 1.0 0.0 0.3 12.3 Lack of access became more acute during university exams
20,001–25,000 0.0 2.3 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.3 when students needed unhindered network and mobiles or
>=25,001 0.3 4.3 3.6 0.7 0.0 0.0 8.9 laptops. The colleges had to make special arrangements for
Total (%) 8.9 55.3 23.5 6.3 2.6 3.3 100.0 the students to visit the campus in small groups to write their
Source: Sample survey by authors.
exams. The institutions were flexible enough to conduct the
Apart from attending classes, phones were also used for exams on different dates and also provided a longer time
recreation purposes like watching web series and videos frame for writing the exam through the day. As one of the col-
(about 11%) as well as for making videos (about 1%). Some lege teachers said,
reported to have taken to baking, cooking, or doing other But students didn’t understand this earlier, so we had to run after
crafts during the lockdown, or watching other such content them. University gave these students a second and third chance to
on the internet. They learned many skills through YouTube write their exams. The office and teachers were individually persuad-
and other online videos. ing the students. Here in Bhiwandi, people are laid back, their parents
are from the labour and working class, and they don’t have any idea
Only in 47.7% of the cases, families allowed their children to
about what is happening with the ward. Only 30% of parents keep
use mobiles whenever they wanted. While 22.2% of female track of their children’s’ education. Students keep changing phone
students used it in the morning and 25.2% in the afternoons, numbers so quickly that keeping a track was also becoming difficult.
mainly for classes and 5% used it at night when other family
members were not using the phone. Many of the students Women’s College as Safe Spaces
shared their father’s or brother’s phones when they were not It was observed that in some families, Muslim females were
going out for work. This meant that the women could have discouraged to use phones as it is widely assumed that it leads
access only at the early morning or late night when the working to moral corruption. One of the respondent said, “If a woman
members of the families were at home. When asked whether is seen speaking on the phone people will stop and ask,
they were able to attend all the classes online, only 38.1% ‘Are you speaking to your boyfriend?’” These narratives rein-
responded affirmatively. Around 27.2% of them could only force the idea of gender segregation and marginalisation of
attend important classes because of the data saving and the women through stereotypes. Another respondent stated that
phone sharing, and about 35% of the total respondents said “In Bhiwandi, these are males who are considered knowledgeable
56 july 22, 2023 vol lViii no 29 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

but that is because females don’t come forward and express
their feelings and ideas.”
In such a context, the colleges in the city act as an important
safe space for education and socialisation. It is the only public
space where women were allowed to travel on their own
every day and without strict controls. One of the students
highlighted, “College is the only place where I can go alone.”
During the pandemic, they lost this little independence to
meet their friends. As one student shared, “When the lockdown
started I was very happy that I will rest at home but soon I
was frustrated being because college was the only place we
would go.” Many expressed their concern that the new rou-
tine of living in the household created challenges for their
physical movements and they would have to renegotiation
their mobility and social activities.
A respondent, enrolled in the science stream, wrote about
the patriarchal nature of the city (Bhiwandi) wherein a girl or
a boy cannot be imagined as anything beyond siblings and
friendship is seen with a suspicious gaze. She found this norm
very derogatory to her existence as it suffocated her independ-
ence. It is also true that digital platforms have redrawn these
boundaries, making interactions fluid between people.
However, access to the mobile phone did not necessarily
translate into freedom to use it as women wished. The biggest
hindrance was the limited financial support for purchasing
data. Only 24.8% of the women said their phones were regu-
larly recharged as required, while the rest had to bargain and
negotiate with their parents every time. Many reported it
to be a big hurdle and often parents would ask them to wait
for a few days.
They also complained that though their parents can afford
to install a Wi-Fi connection, they avoided doing so because
they did not want them to have unrestricted and continuous
access to the internet. The number of students who said they
do not have the freedom to use the internet whenever they
wanted was 35.4%. On the other hand, during the discussion,
many women reported that this was not the case with respect
to their brothers who had comparatively free access to use the
internet. Women, whether teachers or students, also expressed
the anxiety of using cameras for the fear of coming in contact
with some unwanted person.
Apart from parental monitoring of women and associating
the same with the notion of their security, the other reason for
restricted use of the internet was the added responsibility of
household chores. During the lockdown, when the entire fam-
ily was confined to their home, it increased the amount of
cooking, cleaning and washing chores for women. And invari-
ably, it was the female members who were expected to share
the workload. As discussed earlier, several of these students
reported managing household work along with their online

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Economic & Political Weekly EPW july 22, 2023 vol lViii no 29 57
SPECIAL ARTICLE

classes. These women shared that their parents at home did
not give much importance to class attendance and rather
expected them to prioritise household work. This experience
of managing all the housework and education at the same time
was described by a student as, “The class lectures were like
background music, we would be cooking, cleaning, or sweep-
ing while listening to the teacher.”
It also meant that the additional burden of home-based
work and domestic labour increased not only for the mothers
or wives but equally burdened the daughters. The gender divi-
sion of labour, especially among the working class women,
was bearing the whole burden of household work and attend-
ing classes as a side activity. While the women in normal cir-
cumstances also finished household work before they went to
school or college, giving them the much-needed respite, during
the pandemic they were trapped in the monotonous and
unending cycle of housework.
In Conclusion
The paper studies the limited access of Muslim female stu-
dents from the marginalised sections of the society to the
technology-driven education. It further shows the importance
of intersectionalities in determining access to IT and ITes. The
poorer sections are pushed towards online education without
appropriate digital infrastructures and technological support,
which is, in turn, producing new social and material inequali-
ties. Further, it emerges that not only the aspects of network
and connectivity, and access to devices, but average monthly
expenditure on data packs was also the defining factor in
online access to higher education during the pandemic. The
cooperation among the students in crisis situation was very
high and they used various modes of “sharing”—of class re-
cordings, notes and data packs—as a coping mechanism.
Notwithstanding all the challenges, the pandemic also pro-
vided an opportunity for students to access higher education
through the internet. With all its limitations, online education
may prove very beneficial in the long run, especially for stu-
dents from the marginalised groups, as the internet penetra-
tion grows and the technology cost comes down with growing
usage (Jena 2020). This may bridge the asymmetries of infor-
mation within society that drive inequities in wealth creation
and accumulation of knowledge. However, in the short run,
the digital divide and gender gaps may further intensify the
existing socio-economic inequalities.

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