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Joseph D. Robinson - Mechanisms of Synaptic Transmission - Bridging The Gaps (1890-1990) (2001)
Joseph D. Robinson - Mechanisms of Synaptic Transmission - Bridging The Gaps (1890-1990) (2001)
Joseph D. Robinson - Mechanisms of Synaptic Transmission - Bridging The Gaps (1890-1990) (2001)
SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
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MECHANISMS OF
SYNAPTIC
TRANSMISSION
Bridging the Gaps
(18QO-1990)
JOSEPH D. ROBINSON, MD
Professor of Pharmacology Emeritus
State University of New York, Syracuse
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
2001
OXJORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
135798642
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
for Carol, with love
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PREFACE
cally, what are the chemicals, how are they formed, how are they eliminated,
how do they act, and how can these processes be modified therapeutically?
This book outlines the course of such inquiries through a hundred years of
scientific endeavor. It is a tale of old formulations transformed gradually or
replaced abruptly, of plausible schemes supported or refuted, of incremental
advances gained through the cumulative efforts of generations of participants
from across the globe, and of new concepts achieved through new experimental
approaches exploiting new methods. It is also a tale of integration. A plethora
of disparate observations were synthesized into coherent models, uniting
approaches and conclusions from anatomy, biochemistry, embryology, medi-
cine, pharmacology, and physiology. The composite field, neuroscience, that
emerged from these inquiries, however, was itself integrated within the main-
stream of general cell biology.
A secondary goal of this narrative is to illustrate the diversity of scientific
practices, a goal that requires an inclusive account of a complex field over a
substantial time span. (This approach contrasts with a common historical prac-
tice of selecting isolated cases to exemplify science, a practice that often strips
the episodes from antecedents and consequences and that raises the specter
of selecting data to fit a cherished hypothesis.) Nevertheless, the chosen span
of a hundred years is arbitrary in the sense that final answers were nowhere
apparent in 1990. The terminal'year was chosen for the practical advantage of
allowing some retrospection.
The demands of breadth and inclusion force this account to approximate a
simple chronicle of who did what, when, where, how (and often why). It is not
a biographical account, for the cast is too numerous; moreover, individuals are
named often without mentioning their colleagues (the phrase "and associates"
should everywhere be added by the reader), although collaborating authors are
identified in the bibliography. Publication dates are included, but the adjudi-
cation of priority claims is not attempted (quests for priority have fired some
of the individuals appearing in this narrative, but where disputes arise, the
issues are often too complex for resolution at this scale). It is not a social his-
tory, either, although human interactions surely affected the course, and vari-
ous institutions facilitated or impeded research. Cities are listed, but chiefly to
illustrate the geographical extent of the investigators' activities. Whereas cer-
tain centers fostered notable discoverers—as, for example, did London, Berlin,
and New York—other scientists prospered in the hinterlands, as did Cajal in
Barcelona, Sherrington in Liverpool, and their successors at such distant sites
as Graz, Oslo, Aberdeen, Dunedin, Taipei, and Beijing. But of the questions
insufficiently examined, probably the most serious to a scientist is how: scien-
tific advances are notably dependent on enabling techniques, and the devel-
opment of new methods permits the resolution of questions long asked but
unapproachable previously. This account, therefore, is intended as a framework
Prefa ix
to provide the scientific context for future studies that can then examine in
detail—and from other perspectives—individual episodes only sketched in this
account.
The predominant sources here are published scientific papers. These record
the experimental results and present the argued interpretations. They thus
served as both the repository of current knowledge and the vehicle for com-
munication and persuasion (formal scientific meetings and informal personal
interactions also served these ends, but such channels ultimately flowed into
published papers). Accounts from memoirs and biographical compilations also
helped to establish the origins and courses of studies noted here. Consultations
with contributors to these efforts in the form of conversations, inquiries, and
formal interviews have been particularly valuable.
For their kind and thoughtful assistance I am particularly indebted to George
Aghajanian, Oliver Brown, Jack Cooper, Mario Delmar, Robert Furchgott, Ian
Glynn, Steven Grassl, Jack Green, Frederic Holmes, Peter Holohan, Andrew
Huxley, Jose Jalife, Eric Kandel, Bernard Katz, Mahlon Kriebel, Joseph Larner,
Karina Meiri, Ruth Nadelhaft, Lisa Robinson, Amar Sen, Gordon Shepherd,
Eric Simon, Mikulas Teich, Helen Tepperman, Jay Tepperman, Richard Veen-
stra, Irwin Weiner, and Richard Wojcikiewicz.
The library staffs at the State University of New York in Syracuse and at the
University of Virginia in Charlottesville provided willing and efficient help in
finding sources, fulfilling requests, and answering vague questions. Fiona
Stevens and Jeffrey House at Oxford University Press graciously provided inter-
est, assistance, and an indulgent tolerance. Financial support from the Hen-
dricks Fund, State University of New York, Syracuse, and from the National
Science Foundation made this project possible.
Finally, I am deeply grateful to my wife, Carol, for innumerable reasons. On
the most mundane level, I thank her for efficiently typing all the references
for this book—even retyping, without reproach, a major chunk of these after
I ineptly and irretrievably erased the references.
xi
xii CONTENTS
G-Proteins, 181
Ca2+, 186
Inositol-£mphosphate and Diacylglycerol, 189
Conclusions, 193
References, 359
Index, 443
MECHANISMS OF
SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
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1
BEGINNINGS:
CAJAL AND THE
NEURON THEORY
(1889-1909)
Cajal at Berlin
In October 1889 Santiago Ramon y Cajal (Fig. 1-1), a new member of the Ger-
man Anatomical Society, appeared in Berlin for its annual meeting, having
pooled his meager resources to make a first trip in Europe beyond his native
Spain.1 For the previous two years Cajal had striven tirelessly to delineate the
microscopic structure of the nervous system, examining histological sections
stained by the notoriously difficult Golgi technique using a Zeiss microscope
presented by the provincial government in gratitude for Cajal's zealous efforts
during a cholera epidemic. Now 37 and recently appointed professor of
anatomy in Barcelona, Cajal was determined to present a new vision. What he
saw and how he interpreted it had been published in Spanish, chiefly in a jour-
nal Cajal founded for that purpose and whose cost had drained his minimal
salary.2 Recognizing how little Spanish was read by the central Europeans who
dominated histology and neuroanatomy, he had recently arranged to have
French translations published in German journals. But more important, he
realized, would be an opportunity for meeting the scientific establishment and
for demonstrating his slides to them. The consequences of his German trip3
satisfied even Cajal's driving ambition.
During the initial sessions, devoted to formal lectures by the elite, Cajal was
1
2 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
tural and functional concern: whether the brain was composed of a reticulum
of continuous, anastomosing fibers connecting everything to everything, or an
assemblage of individual cells making discrete and specific contacts. Cajal's
slides and arguments favored the latter view, an interpretation recently cham-
pioned by His and by August Forel in Zurich. Theirs, however, was a minor-
ity stance against the prominent reticularist position of Joseph von Gerlach and
Camillo Golgi. This chapter describes selected developments between this
Berlin meeting and the publication twenty years later of Cajal's treatise on
regeneration in the nervous system. But before considering further Cajal's
images and interpretations, a brief summary of preceding events is necessary.
4 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Cells
The cell theory included the notion of its universal applicability. Examinations
of animal tissue raised few doubts, and easily recognized nuclei served as indi-
cators of cells even when cell margins were not obvious. But where in most
tissues a packing together of polygonal forms could be seen or inferred, micro-
scopic examinations of the nervous system presented, instead, a confusing
complexity.
Transected nerves revealed, under microscopic examination, numerous cir-
cular profiles, interpretable as cross sections of tubes running longitudinally.
Those outlines were subsequently identified with "myelinated" fibers bearing
Cajal and tke Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 5
a coat of lipoidal myelin. On the other hand, sections of brain and spinal cord
revealed areas of white and gray matter: white matter appeared to be filled
with sections of myelinated fibers, whereas gray matter contained sections of
fibers without such thick coatings ("unmyelinated" fibers) together with glob-
ular bodies containing nuclei. From ancient times nerves were thought to con-
tain hollow tubes through which animating spirits flowed, so the microscopic
fibers could be likened to such structures and functions. The nucleated glob-
ules were interpretable as nerve cells, but relating those globules to the array
of fibers was hindered by the profusion of interlaced processes. The decades
of description and debate must here be compressed into a brief listing.
In the 1830s Jan Purkinje and his students in Breslau—notably Gabriel
Valentin—identified in the cerebellar cortex large corpuscles shaped like tear-
drops, some with branched tails (Fig. 1-3A; these subsequently were chris-
tened "Purkinje cells"). Elsewhere they identified globules with sharp outlines
containing granules and a nucleus, although Valentin concluded that these glob-
ules were not continuous with the numerous fibers present.13 In 1853 Kolliker
noted that "most observers . . . regard [fibers arising from cell bodies] as not
always present, but rather as a secondary formation which does not exist dur-
ing life"; still, he considered that such cellular fibers were "an essential con-
stituent of the living nerves."14 In a posthumous publication of 1865 Otto Deit-
ers in Bonn took a major step further, distinguishing between branching
"protoplasmic processes" (later termed "dendrites"), which extended in vari-
able numbers from the cell body, and the single "axis cylinder" (later termed
"axon").15 Deiters's definitions were based on microscopic dissection of nerve
cells with their processes attached, as well as on microscopic examination of
tissue sections. Progress at midcentury was vastly facilitated by the develop-
ment of better methods for fixing tissues and by the introduction of new stains
that colored the constituents differentially.16
(In 1856 Rudolf Virchow in Berlin described "a kind of glue in which the
nervous elements are planted," containing soft and fragile cells that he named
"neuroglia";17 these subsequently were recognized as a second kind of neural
cells, ones involved in nutritive and supportive roles. The emphasis here, how-
ever, is on nerve cells themselves.)
In retrospect, Deiters's distinctions identify the tripartite nature of the pro-
totypic nerve cell: dendrites, cell body, and axon. But in 1872 Gerlach, using
newer staining techniques, saw the cell processes forming a continuous and
interconnected reticulum, with dendrites joined and with axons extending
either directly from cell bodies or from the reticulum itself. Gerlach's forceful
advocacy of a protoplasmic continuum and his drawings of a pervasive network
(Fig. 1-3B) reinforced earlier but less absolutist claims.18
From Italy Golgi endorsed the principle of an interconnected reticulum in
a series of papers beginning in 1873, recasting the particular form somewhat.19
Golgi approached these considerations through his discovery of a revolutionary
6 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 1-3. Nerve cells and fibers. A. Purkinje's 1837 drawing of the cerebellar cor-
tex, showing the large corpuscles subsequently named Purkinje cells (one shown
enlarged). B. Gerlachs 1872 drawing of processes between two cell bodies, above and
below, branching and interconnecting. (Reproduced from Shepherd [1991], Figs. 2
and 8.)
black stain, his reazione nera. His guide, however, was a conviction that neural
function was comprehensible as a holistic system evidenced in the total con-
nectivity of a reticulum. Golgi's stain, as noted above, showed distinct silhou-
ettes and allowed him to confirm Deiters s view of an axis cylinder distinguish-
able from other processes. And examining that axis cylinder, Golgi discovered
a new characteristic, its branching into what are now termed "axon collaterals."
These he felt would form a widespread reticulum of anastomosing—and there-
fore continuous—processes. What he actually saw, however, were merely
branchings into finer and finer processes: either with no termination visible in
Cajal and tke Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 7
stimulated locally, advancing thus along the nerve or muscle fiber. At the turn
of the century Hermann likened this process to transmission along submarine
cables, in which a central "core conductor" is separated from a conducting envi-
ronment (the sea) by an insulating sheath. Hermann also rejected du Bois-
Reymonds electromotive particles, suggesting that the action current was due
instead to the formation and disappearance of ions: on stimulation, an organic
electrolyte in the nerve and muscle fibers transiently formed ions having dif-
ferent mobilities.
By contrast, Bernstein in 1902 argued for preexisting potentials at rest, based
on cell membranes selectively permeable to certain ions.27 In the first half of
the nineteenth century Michael Faraday founded the science of electrochem-
istry, in the process naming the positively charged ions ("cations") and nega-
tively charged ions ("anions") formed from "electrolytes." In the 1880s Svante
Arrhenius in Upsala argued comprehensively for the spontaneous dissociation,
in solution, of electrolytes into cations and anions. Shortly thereafter, Walther
Nernst in Gottingen specified the electrical potential associated with a con-
centration differential of ions, and before the turn of the century both he and
Wilhelm Ostwald were linking ionic processes to neural electricity.
In this context, Bernstein's membrane theory identified resting potentials
with concentration potentials: they arose from concentration differentials across
membranes that were permeable to one ionic species but not its counter-ion.
For the action current, Bernstein proposed that excitation produced, tran-
siently, a general increase in membrane permeability. This loss of selectivity
would decrease the transmembrane potential, transiently; the consequent cur-
rent could then propagate through the local circuits that Hermann envisaged
(although in terms of transmembrane currents rather than through Hermann's
release and recapture of ions within the fiber).
Appearing in the same volume with Bernstein's proposal was a complemen-
tary suggestion by Overton in Wiirzburg.28 He reported that if sodium ions
(Na + ) were absent from the bathing medium, muscles failed to contract when
stimulated; potassium ions (K + ) could not substitute for Na + . Since muscles
were known to be rich in K + and the extracellular fluid in Na + , Overton sug-
gested that excitation was associated with an exchange of intracellular K + for
extracellular Na + .
Subsequent developments had by mid-twentieth century validated Bern-
stein's thesis of selective permeabilities underlying the resting and action poten-
tials as well as Overton's suggestion of opposing fluxes of K + and Na + , but in
the first decades of the twentieth century these formulations were not uni-
formly accepted. Thus, Howell's 1905 textbook included arguments for nerve
impulses being chemical phenomena, repeating the analogy with "a spark along
a line of gunpowder"; moreover, it ignored Bernstein and Overton, although it
10 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
The clear images on Cajal's slides in Berlin and his ready advice on how bet-
ter to apply the Golgi stain encouraged others to attempt with it the defining
of nerve cells as well as the mapping of the nervous system. The sharp out-
lines—coupled with Cajal's evangelical interpretation of discontinuity—also
provided a morphological dimension to the generative/degenerative studies of
His and Forel, encouraging others to look and think again. At the turn of the
decade, confirmations of Cajal's approach and Cajal's interpretation came from,
among others, Kolliker, Retzius, Arthur van Gehuchten in Louvain, and Michael
von Lenhossek in Basel. Perhaps most consequential, however, was a summa-
rizing synthesis by Wilhelm von Waldeyer, professor of anatomy in Berlin.
In a serialized review published in 1891, Waldeyer introduced the term neu-
ron to name as a discrete whole the cell body plus all its processes; the "Neu-
ron Theory" (or "Neuron Doctrine") explicitly enunciated this unity of parts
and separateness of cells.33 Although Cajal noted with some pique that Wal-
deyer "did not personally investigate the problem of interneuronal connections,
confining himself to making a popular review of [Cajal's] works in a German
weekly and inventing the word neuron,"34 Waldeyer's contribution was signifi-
cant. Not merely did he lend his personal prestige as an establishment author-
ity, Waldeyer assembled a careful compilation of the evidence leading to his
conclusion. (At that time His introduced dendrite to supplant protoplasmic pro-
cess, and Kolliker replaced axis cylinder with axon. These distinguishing new
names also helped to propel the Neuron Theory.)
Cajal and tke Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 11
Cajal's Contributions
Teennique
Cajal first viewed the Golgi stain in 1887, just two years before the Berlin meet-
ing. On a trip to Madrid from Valencia, where he was then professor of anatomy,
he visited Luis Samarro, a neurologist who had studied in Paris and was "try-
ing out patiently and carefully all the new technical methods which had
appeared abroad"; Samarro's sharp, discrete images inspired Cajal on his return
to Valencia to try the Golgi method "on a large scale."35
Four technical and strategic aspects of Cajal's approach are significant:
1. Cajal toiled assiduously to make the staining more reliable. At first telling
the method seems routine: blocks of tissue were soaked in potassium
bichromate and then transferred to a solution of silver nitrate, which pro-
duced a dark red to black image of silver chromate.36 Nevertheless, stain-
ing was erratic, incomplete, and tedious. Cajal, who praised persistence
as "the virtue of the less brilliant,"37 set about perfecting the method, opti-
mizing concentrations, times, temperatures, and light exposure of the pho-
tosensitive silver salts. Through this careful and deliberate search Cajal
standardized a rapid staining method as well as developed a double-
impregnation approach, garnering success where others failed.38 Thus,
Samarro had soon abandoned the technique, and although Kolliker had
traveled to Pavia in 1887 to learn the technique from Golgi, Kolliker pro-
gressed significantly after being tutored by Cajal in Berlin.39 Others soon
adopting the Golgi stain included von Lenhossek, Retzius, and van
Gehuchten. But even after Cajal's modifications, the procedure retained
a reputation for difficulty.
Nevertheless, one puzzling characteristic, its staining only a tiny frac-
tion of the cells (a few out of every hundred), was quite beneficial: the
complexities of overlapping cell bodies and processes were reduced to
more distinguishable images. A composite picture of the whole could then
be constructed from multiple preparations, each defining different selec-
tions of images. (Subsequently, Cajal used other stains as well, borrowing
Paul Ehrlich's methylene blue stain and devising new methods, such as
his reduced silver nitrate technique, as will be noted below.)
2. Cajal used thick sections for microscopic examination. Since neuronal pro-
cesses can be quite long, having bigger, thicker sections increased the
opportunities for tracing those processes to their terminations. (The light
background and paucity of images produced by the Golgi stain permit-
ted the use of such sections, which would have been opaque with older
techniques.)
12 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
3. Cajal used tissues from embryos and young animals. The neurons in these
animals are shorter (thereby increasing the likelihood that their termina-
tions would lie within the microscopic section), more separated from one
another (thereby minimizing the complexity of images), and not yet myeli-
nated (depositions of myelin, which occur relatively late in development,
hinder staining by the Golgi method).
4. Cajal examined a wide range of species. Through extensive comparisons
he could then define similarities of structure and attribute these to sim-
ilarities of function.
1. Cerebellum. When he began using the Golgi stain, Cajal turned first to
the cerebellum. This structure at the base of the brain has bilateral hemi-
spheres displaying a structural pattern evident even by cursory histolog-
ical approaches. (Indeed, the strikingly regular architecture of the cere-
bellar cortex remains a beacon to those attempting to decipher behavioral
responses in terms of neuronal connections.)
Cajal's first depiction (Fig. 1-4A)—a composite reconstruction of trans-
verse sections—shows the prominent dendrites of Purkinje cells rising in
a fan toward the cerebellar surface, with the Purkinje axons running in
the opposite direction. The figure also shows a series of "descending
fringes" from "stellate cells" that envelop the Purkinje cell bodies (these
fringes and their cells of origin Kolliker renamed "baskets" and "basket
cells"). The projections of other cells are less definitively drawn, but a
clearer sense of organization is apparent than in Golgi s view (Fig. 1-4B).
Cajal and die Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 13
FIGURE 1-4. Cerebellar cells. A. Cajal's 1888 drawing of the cerebellar cortex stained
by the Golgi method, showing (A) Purkinje cell bodies and (B) axons, (C) descending
fringe depicted without the Purkinje cell bodies they envelop, and (D) stellate cells with
their (L) prolongations. B. Golgi s earlier drawing of the cerebellar cortex, stained by
his method, showing Purkinje cells. C. Cajals 1906 diagram of the functional organi-
zation of cerebellar cortical cells, showing (A) axonal input to the cerebellum; (B) axon
from Purkinje cell; (C) axon from climbing fiber that twists around dendrites of Purk-
inje cells (seen edge on); (a) granule cell; (b) basket cell; and (c) basket of basket cell
around Purkinje cell body. D. Cajals 1909 drawing of climbing fibers and baskets around
Purkinje cells, from Golgi-stained sections of two-month-old guinea pig brain, showing
(A) basket cell axon; (B) basket cell; (C) climbing fiber passing over Purkinje cell body
to its dendrites; (a) and (b) fibers forming "nests" around basket cells; and (c) fibers
forming baskets. (A and B are from Shepherd [1991], Figs. 19 and 12; C from Ramon
y Cajal [1967], Fig. 5; D from Ramon y Cajal [1995], Fig. 21.)
For his Nobel lecture of 1906, however, Cajal filled out that scheme
with representative diagrams (Fig. 1-4C), showing not only the baskets
covering Purkinje cell bodies but also ascending fibers (arising from cell
bodies outside the cerebellum) "wrap[ping] around the ascending trunk
of the Purkinje cell like creepers along the branches of a tropical tree"
(here the fan of Purkinje cell dendrites is shown edge-on, in a longitudi-
nal section).41 In addition, his diagram includes axons of "granule cells"
rising toward the cerebellar surface, where they split: running longitudi-
nally as "parallel fibers" to contact the dendrites of Purkinje and basket
cells. The granule cells themselves receive axons called "mossy fibers"
14 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 1-5. Spinal cord and nerves. A. Longitudinal section through brain, spinal
cord, and vertebrae showing spinal nerves emerging between the vertebrae. B. Cross
section of the spinal cord showing dorsal roots, ventral roots, and the dorsal root gan-
glion. C. CajaFs drawing comparing bipolar sensory cell of a fish (above) with unipolar
sensory cell of a mammal (below): (C) dendrite; (e) cell body in ganglion; (c) spinal
cord, and (D) axodendritic process. (C is from Ramon y Cajal [1937], Fig. 49, courtesy
of the American Philosophical Society.)
distinction in function between the two roots became known as the Law
of Bell and Magendie. What happened to the fibers after they entered
the spinal cord and how they functioned in "spinal reflexes" then became
a major concern in the second half of that century.
Golgi's view (Fig. 1-6A, as drawn by Cajal) depicted sensory afferent
fibers of the dorsal roots entering the "dorsal horn" of the spinal cord gray
matter. There, as axis cylinders, they gave off numerous collaterals con-
tributing to the reticulum. The motor efferent fibers leaving through the
ventral roots Golgi identified as axis cylinders of large cells in the "ven-
Cajal and the Neuron Theory (1889-1909) 17
tral horn" of the spinal cord gray matter ("ventral horn cells"). Since Golgi
believed that protoplasmic processes served only nutritive roles, connec-
tions with the reticulum were through branching collaterals of the axis
cylinders from these ventral horn cells. Thus, the conducting pathway,
sensory to motor, ran: axis cylinders from the afferent fibers to reticulum
to axis cylinders of the ventral horn cells via their collaterals. Not only did
that pathway contrast with CajaFs Principle of Dynamic Polarization
(enunciated subsequently), but the totality of its connectivities offered no
clues to the subtleties of spinal reflexes then being examined.
CajaFs view, by contrast, provided alternative pathways accommodat-
ing distinct functional responses, as well as exemplifying the uniform pat-
tern of impulse conduction from axon terminal of one neuron to dendrite
and/or cell body of the next. For example, Fig. 1-6B-D, from CajaFs mas-
sive treatise, distinguished three pathways for three types of responses.
A. For direct, local, unilateral reflexes, Cajal showed impulses flowing
from the periphery through afferent sensory neurons having their cell
bodies in the dorsal root ganglia and axons terminating directly on the
dendrites and cell bodies of the ventral horn neurons; the axons of these
motoneurons then innervated the muscles on the same half of the body
(Fig. 1-6B). The axons of the dorsal root neurons split on entering the
spinal cord, however, with major branches ascending and descending.
Consequently, the dorsal root ganglion cell of one segment had termina-
tions directly on ventral horn motoneurons a few segments above and
below its level of entry.
FIGURE 1-6. Cellular relationships in the spinal cord. In these cross sections the dor-
sal direction is to the right. A. CajaFs 1894 drawing of Golgi's view of the spinal cord;
(s) is the sensory input and (m) the motor output, linked by a reticulum. B. CajaFs 1909
drawing of the cellular organization for direct, local, unilateral reflexes: (P) are the sen-
sory endings in the skin; (G) is the dorsal root ganglion cell body; (C) is the spinal cord;
(b) are the branches of the dorsal root ganglion cell axon; (d) is the ventral horn motoneu-
ron; and (M) are nerve endings of the motoneuron axons on muscle. Arrows show the
direction that impulses travel. C. Corresponding diagram for indirect, diffuse, unilat-
eral reflexes: (A) is the dorsal root ganglion cell body; it makes contact with the cell
body and dendrites of an interneuron; (B) is the ventral horn motoneuron cell body and
dendrites receiving impulses from the interneuron. D. Corresponding diagram for
crossed reflexes: (B) is the axon of a dorsal root ganglion cell whose axon branches within
the spinal cord, making contact with an interneuron (top) that sends its axon to the
opposite side of the spinal cord, where it makes contact with a ventral horn motoneu-
ron. (A is from Ramon y Cajal [1894], Fig. 2, courtesy of the Royal Society. B, C, and
D are from Ramon y Cajal [1995], Figs. 209, 210, 211.)
18 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
What does a real neuron look like? Efforts to answer this question must avoid
an array of potential artifacts, from optical distortions, to fixation artifacts dur-
ing conversion of live cells into durable forms for sectioning, to staining arti-
Cajal and die Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 19
FIGURE 1-7. Alternative views of the baskets around cerebellar Purkinje cells. A. Cajal s
1909 drawing of the cerebellar cortex of a 20-day-old cat stained by the Golgi method,
showing: large Purkinje cell bodies with their extensive dendritic branchings, and bas-
kets enclosing the cell bodies (not shown) arising from horizontal axons of basket cells.
B. Golgi s 1906 drawing of baskets, showing the fibers passing from the region of the
Purkinje cell bodies to join the reticulum below. (A is from Ramon y Cajal [1995], Fig.
7. B is from Golgi [1967], Fig. 2.)
facts that can alter, blur, and conceal. Thus, an obvious problem in arguing for
discontinuity is that the preexisting continuity may have been lost during pro-
cessing. Alex Hill in Cambridge, a harsh critic of CajaFs viewpoint, complained
in 1896 that Cajal "has no right to conclude that the position of structures in
hardened and shrunken tissues is the position which they occupy during life."46
The threat of damage during fixation is, of course, a perennial problem in
microscopy. A conventional precaution is to try alternative modes of fixation in
the hope that a consistent result from multiple approaches signifies the natu-
ral state.
Similar concerns about staining were raised as well, especially in the early
years, when the Golgi stain alone gave such clear images. Cajal felt that the
Golgi stain represented the entire cell. But "understated" preparations failed
to show the processes as fully, whereas "overstained" preparations revealed fur-
ther images. How could one be certain that the edge of the stain was the edge
of the cell? Hill questioned whether the staining might "stop short at the edge
of a favourable zone, giving an incomplete picture of the elements which it
colours," and he protested that "IT DOES NOT FOLLOW THAT BECAUSE
THE [AXON TERMINALS] CANNOT BE FOLLOWED [FURTHER
20 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
THAT] THEY END."47 Moreover, since only a few of the cells present are
stained, Hill questioned "what is proved by a stain which picks out one cell-
system and leaves a number of similar cells uncoloured" since the uncolored
cells could be in protoplasmic continuity?48
The profusion of images also reinforced skeptics' doubts about just where—
in an era when the cell membrane was doubted by some and not visible to
any—cells terminate. What Cajal could do, however, was show that a quite dif-
ferent stain gave similar results. In 1896 he began using Ehrlichs methylene
blue stain, producing the same picture of axons and dendrites terminating freely
(and confirming the existence of dendritic spines as well). This corroboration
was particularly significant because methylene blue did not stain merely a tiny
fraction of the cells, it stained myelinated axons as well as unmyelinated ones,
it differed chemically so that interactions with the cells would be through dif-
ferent means (as opposed, say, to adventitious deposits of silver salts), and it
was applied to living tissues as a "vital stain." Still, arguments would persist as
long as two uncertainties remained: what constitutes the margin of a cell, and
how can that margin be identified microscopically?
(Subsequent studies on the Golgi stain, using both continuous examination
by light microscopy to follow the progress of staining and electron microscopy
to define where the silver chromate crystals are, support CajaPs interpretations.
Precipitation begins at "nucleation centers" in the cytoplasm and continues to
fill the protoplasm. Unlike earlier conclusions that silver salts coated the sur-
face, these results show that neurons are filled with the salts, which do not
escape across the cell membrane.49)
Discontinuity
A crucial issue for the Neuron Theory was the meaning of and evidence for
"discontinuity." The Golgi stain showed no indication of continuity. On the
other hand, the Golgi stain did not show cell contacts either: the model of axon
terminals making contact with dendrites and cell bodies was constructed from
multiple images of various cells seen separately. The gaps that Cajal drew (e.g.,
Figs. 1.6B-C) were diagrammatic (and considerably larger than those later
demonstrated by electron microscopy).
Some investigators, moreover, continued to see continuity. Hans Held in
Leipzig, using other stains, described in 1897 axon terminals ending in contact
with cell bodies in the embryo but in adults forming a "delicate histological
relationship between the axis cylinder and the protoplasm of the enveloped
nerve cell" with "the very dense, thinnest parts of protoplasm . . . fused
together."50 Cajal countered with claims that he could see no protoplasmic anas-
tomoses; toward the end of his life he summed up his conclusions, avowing
"what I have seen during fifty years of work and what any observer who is free
Cajal and tke Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 21
from prejudice of a doctrine can easily verify, not by [relying on] this or that
nerve cell, perhaps badly fixed or of an abnormal type, but instead on millions
of neurons deeply stained by different methods."51
More serious to many at the time were the claims by Stefan Apathy in Naples
and Albrecht Bethe in Strassburg. They described "neurofibrils"—fine fila-
ments in the dendrites, cell bodies, and axons of gold- or toluidine blue-stained
tissue—that crossed from the axon terminal of one neuron to the dendrite or
cell body of another.52 Continuity, according to Apathy and Bethe, was through
these fibrils.
Cajal, on the other hand, could see fibrils, but not fibrils crossing from one
neuron to another: "In vain I toiled in search of the external course of the del-
icate filaments."53 Cajal then developed a silver stain for the fibrils, and exam-
ining a range of organisms, including the leeches that Apathy studied, found
not "the slightest indication that the neurofilaments pass from one cell to
another."54 Nevertheless, claims for continuity through connecting neurofibrils
persisted for decades.
In part, the controversy lingered because the images were at the limit of res-
olution by light microscopy. More significant in keeping alive the controversy,
however, was the unresolved functional problem of how nerve impulses pass
from cell to cell. Those advocating neurofibrillar continuity solved this prob-
lem by proposing that neurofibrils were the conducting elements of the ner-
vous system (comparisons were made to muscle fibers, which are the contrac-
tile elements of muscle). Thus, Howell's physiology textbook of 1905 likened
nerve conduction to transmission by a submarine cable. In each case a con-
ducting "central thread" was surrounded by an insulating sheath. Then, "the
central threads are represented by the neurofibrils . . . and the surrounding
sheath by the perifibrillar substance."55 But if the neurofibrils did not play a
central role in conducting impulses from one neuron to another, then their
linking one neuron to another would seem of little importance.
Impulse Conduction
The Neuron Theory proclaimed the structural individuality of cells within the
nervous system, with impulses passing from neuron to neuron. Forel likened
that process to interlaced limbs in a forest conveying an impetus from tree to
tree.56 Less picturesquely, Cajal proposed that "current must be transmitted
from one cell to another by way of contiguity or contact, as in the splicing of
two telegraph wires."5' Just such an image he drew in the ascending fibers
twining about Purkinje cell dendrites (Fig. 1-4C). This emphasis on functional
contact, however, contradicts the diagrammatic gaps Cajal drew when empha-
sizing morphological discontinuity (Fig. 1-6B-D), although he did consider
that electrical conduction might cross a gap "by an induction effect, as in indue-
22 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
tion coils."58 Cajal also imagined a "granular cement, or special conducting sub-
stance" providing physical and conductive integrity at the contact zone.59 But
without a clearer sense of how nerve impulses travel, Cajal s suggestions are
no less vague than notions of conducting neurofilaments linking neuron to
neuron.
Golgi imagined the reticulum linking units together so that "one single fibre
may have connections with an infinite number of nerve cells."60 Such connec-
tions affirmed Golgi's opposition to the doctrine of "cerebral localization," which
delegated particular functions to particular areas of the brain.61 "The concept
of so-called location of the cerebral functions . . . would not be in perfect har-
mony with the anatomical data[, for with the elements] conjoined by means of
a diffuse network . . . it is naturally difficult to understand a rigorous functional
localization."62 Thus, Golgi conceived of the diffuse reticulum as a "nerve
organ" to which "every nerve element of the central nervous system contrib-
utes," concluding that he could not "abandon the idea of a unitary action of
the nervous system."63
Cajal caricatured Golgi's holistic view as an "unfathomable physiological sea
into which . . . pour the streams arriving from the sense organs, and from which
. . . the motor . . . conductors were supposed to spring like rivers originating
in motor lakes."64 Cajals harsh conclusion was that "the reticulum hypothesis,
by dint of pretending to explain everything easily and simply, explains absolutely
nothing."65
On the other hand, Cajals delineation of broadly branching processes—as
in the ascending and descending branches of dorsal root ganglion axons (Fig.
1-6B-D)—implied generalized responses, whereas Golgi admitted a fuzzy sort
of localization in "territories [whose] nerve fibres coming from, or going to, the
periphery . . . have a more direct and intimate connection . . . than . . . those
at some distance from them [and with] those territories slowly merg[ing] with
other regions where other bundles of fibres prevail."66 Both Cajal and Golgi
faced the dilemma of discrete sensory inputs causing discrete motor responses
(as in direct spinal reflexes) and of other discrete sensory inputs causing
complex responses (as reacting to painful stimuli by withdrawal plus strong
emotions).
A related issue concerned changeable responses, as must occur in learning.
Matthias Duval argued that if the reticulum were fixed "it is difficult to under-
stand how practice makes certain . . . acts that are difficult to learn (such as ...
playing a musical instrument) so easy to perform."67 Instead, Duval imagined
the sites of contact to be "malleable," with the junctions along a chain of neu-
rons serving as a "series of switches."68 Nevertheless, the neurofibrillary pro-
posal could include the notion that impulses passed along particular conduct-
ing strands within a vast reticulum and that the conductivities over specific fibrils
could be altered by prior experience. Indeed, Hill elaborated a mechanism by
Cajal and tke Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 23
As noted above, His formulated one of the early arguments for the Neuron
Theory from studying the embryological development of nerve cells, particu-
larly the sequential growth of their processes: observing first the axon and then
the dendrites growing out from the cell body. By the end of the nineteenth
century, Cajal, using the Golgi stain, had confirmed and extended these obser-
vations, in particular describing the growth cone at the end of the developing
axon.70 This point of view—that the cell body plus processes represented devel-
opmentally a single cellular unit—Cajal referred to as the "monogenist hypoth-
esis."71 A rival view, which he termed the "polygenist hypothesis," considered
nerve fibers to be formed through fusing a chain of primordial cells.
Although polygenist views had been prominent before His and Cajal, their
new evidence, in conjunction with analogous studies by Retzius, Lenhossek,
and others, seemed compelling. Moreover, confirmation also came from a dra-
matic new approach. In 1907 Ross Harrison in New Haven described the
growth of axons in vitro, a pioneering success in what became the field of cell
and tissue culture.72 Harrison first removed a tiny fragment of a frog embryo
destined to give rise to nerve fibers and placed that tissue on a cover slip in a
drop of frog lymph; when the lymph clotted it trapped the tissue on the cover
slip. Harrison next placed the cover slip with adhering tissue over the concav-
ity of a microscope slide and sealed the edges. With aseptic conditions the tis-
sue survived for a week or more, allowing him to observe continuously the
development of individual processes (unlike Cajal, who had to construct suc-
cessive events from studying a series of embryos killed at successive times in
their development). What Harrison then saw were the naked fibers growing
out from the mass of tissue into the surrounding cell-free clot: an extension of
the nerve process rather than a fusion of preexisting elements. Harrison could
also distinguish the terminal growth cone, which—as Cajal had inferred from
a series of static images—was moving in amoeboid fashion.
Despite those demonstrations of a monogenist embryological development,
opponents continued their advocacy of polygenist views by focusing instead on
nerve regeneration: after a nerve is cut the processes peripheral to the injury
first degenerate and later regenerate. The monogenist view held that axons
regenerated by "sprouting" from the central stump of the cut nerve; these
sprouts then grew from the stump along the course of the degenerated periph-
eral portion. The rival polygenist view, as exemplified notably by Bethe,73
argued that the regenerated axon arose instead from the chain of cells sur-
rounding its former course. (Schwann had described a series of bodies—
24 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Anomalies
Two instances of apparent anomalies may suffice to illustrate ways that Cajal
met contradictions to key elements of his formulation. The first concerns the
Principle of Dynamic Polarization. As originally proposed in 1891, it stipulated
that impulses pass in dendrites toward the cell body and in axons away from
the cell body. '6 But applying this characterization to a prominent cell type, neu-
rons of the dorsal root ganglia (Fig. 1-5C), presented two problems. What in
this neuron is a dendrite? And need the impulse pass through the cell body
before entering the axon? The questions arose because these cells deviate strik-
ingly from prototypic neurons, such as Purkinje cells. Instead of a bipolar con-
figuration, with dendrites arising from one pole of the cell body and the axon
from another, neurons of the dorsal root ganglia in mammals are unipolar: a
single process extends from the periphery to its prominent branching within
the spinal cord, with the cell body attached by a stalk part way along that course.
Cajal resolved the issue by declaring the peripheral segment, extending out-
ward from the cell body stalk, to be a dendrite even though it had "all the struc-
tural and morphological characters of the axis cylinder."7' That identification
he justified on developmental and phylogenetic grounds. As His had shown
previously, neurons of the dorsal root ganglia begin in the embryo as bipolar
cells having a peripheral dendritic process and a central axon; during develop-
ment, however, the peripheral segment assumes the appearance of an axon and
the cell body becomes separated by a stalk, achieving the unipolar configura-
tion. Moreover, as His had also noted previously, the dorsal root neurons of
lower vertebrates, such as fish, remain bipolar in adults.
Since the conduction pathway in a unipolar neuron would be more direct if
it bypassed the cell body, Cajal proposed—without direct evidence—that such
was the case. In 1897 he revised the Principle of Dynamic Polarization accord-
ingly: dendrites conduct impulses toward the axon, and axons conduct impulses
away from the dendrites.78 (Cajal promulgated this formulation after physiol-
ogists had shown that both axons and dendrites could, when stimulated at a
point away from their termini, conduct impulses in both directions. Contra-
dictions may be avoided and the bidirectionality accommodated, however, by
postulating that dendrites contain receptive elements at their termini, so
impulses would then be conducted away from those termini, whereas axons
contain transmitting elements at their termini. Identifying and characterizing
these two classes of elements then became a major quest, as subsequent chap-
ters will describe.)
The second instance also involves aberrant morphology, again as deviations
from a prototypic form. Cajal described certain cells in the retina, called
amacrine cells, that contained no dendrites; he could easily concede, in accord
with his Principle, that "axonal arborizations are applied only to the surface of
the cell body."79 But even though earlier investigators had described "horizontal
26 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
cells" of the retina lacking axons, Cajal found only horizontal cells having axons,
attributing contradictory accounts to failures in staining an axon that surely
must be present. Nevertheless, subsequent neuroanatomists described two
classes of horizontal cells, those with and those without axons; Marco Piccol-
ino concluded that "Cajal 'saw' only axon-bearing horizontal cells because [only]
these conformed well" to CajaPs formulations.80
onclusions
Cajal was born in a remote Spanish village and was uprooted during his child-
hood to successively larger towns as his fathers medical practice grew. His first
ambition was art, a career that clashed with his father's expectations of his son.
Rebellious youth faded only when Cajal discovered the satisfactions of anatom-
ical study, although that schooling sparked continuing conflicts, as in his repu-
diating the vitalist views of some professors. And Cajal, a provincial socially as
well as academically, failed at Madrid in his first bid for a professorship. Com-
ing thus from a country one contemporary dismissed as "remarkable for its bar-
renness in original research,"81 how did Cajal reach the pinnacle of scientific
greatness?
He toiled relentlessly. He developed techniques and used them wisely, choos-
ing specimens broadly and pursuing comparative, developmental, and func-
tional correlations. He enlisted his considerable artistic talents and promoted
his conclusions tirelessly. He persevered in his ambition.82 He grasped simi-
larities astutely,83 and he believed fervently in "the unity of biological laws,"84
which assured discoverable generalities. And he concluded that biology dis-
plays a "unity of plan with infinite variety of forms,"85 allowing him to extract
prototypic classes inclusive of their variants.
Cajal, of course, did not labor alone. His work was extended as well as con-
firmed by allies, whom he courted. He developed a strong and able following
in Spain, including his brother Pedro. Although an ardent nationalist himself,
he was not burdened with inherited doctrines like those contemporaries from
countries endowed by past accomplishments.
And his work was sharpened by the criticisms of opponents, whom he did
not shrink from criticizing in return. Some opposition he attributed to "the
feverish thirst for novelty [and] the suggestion of fashionable theories," and he
noted that some "young enthusiasts [were] as eager for reputation as they were
uncritical in observation."86
Among those criticisms, however, lurked fundamental disagreements of what
was seen and what was absent and therefore not seeable.87 Thus, Bethe failed
to see (and denied the existence of) regenerating sprouts, and Cajal failed to
see horizontal cells without axons. Conversely, Apathy saw neurofilaments con-
Cajal and tke Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 27
necting cells (which Cajal failed to see and denied the existence of), and Cajal
saw tight contacts and dismissed continuity. In retrospect, errors may be attrib-
uted to insufficient resolution by light microscopy, inadequate fixing and stain-
ing, and confounding complexity. At the time, progress was achieved through
bolstering morphological uncertainties with developmental, phylogenetic,
regenerative, and functional arguments.
Hence, in the two decades following Cajal's mission to Berlin, a flourishing
research program was established, rooted in the neuron, the fundamental mor-
phological and functional unit of the nervous system. The image of a proto-
typic neuron—with receptive dendrites and a transmitting axon—left unre-
solved, however, crucial uncertainties about where and how cell margins end
and about how nerve impulses pass along the chains of neurons making up the
nervous system.
Notes
including Hermann von Helmholtz, had described particular instances where fibers
arose from cell bodies.
15. Shepherd (1991) attributes the term "axis cylinder" to J. F. Rosenthal in 1839.
16. Previously, unfixed tissue was often macerated in water for viewing, with conse-
quent osmotic distortions.
17. Virchow, quoted by Clarke and O'Malley (1968), p. 86.
18. For example, Kolliker conceded in 1853 that "nerve cells may anastomose," and
in 1867 he claimed that "the simplest hypothesis" favors a reticulum "linked by anas-
tomoses" (quoted by Shepherd, 1991, pp. 36, 53, 54).
19. Golgi's initial paper of 1873 was largely overlooked; subsequent papers, begin-
ning in 1883, published also in Italian, attracted more notice.
20. Their views were published in 1887, just as Cajal was beginning his research;
however, Cajal was unaware of their work until after he published his initial papers.
21. From Hiss paper of 1877, quoted by Clarke and O'Malley (1968), p. 103.
22. After an axon is transected the peripheral process degenerates; centrally, the cell
body may swell and stain abnormally, but generally it recovers and regenerates new
peripheral processes.
23. For historical accounts, see Brazier (1959); Clarke and Jacyna (1987); Clarke and
O'Malley (1968); Mauro (1969); Piccolino (1997); Tasaki (1959).
24. Galvani had hung the legs on the railing to study their response to an approach-
ing thunderstorm. (He had earlier shown that nearby electrical discharges could trig-
ger contractions.) Subsequently, Galvani placed the frog legs on an iron plate; when a
brass hook through the attached spinal cord contacted the plate, the legs moved.
25. Galvani responded by using a single metal rod to connect frog muscle to spinal
cord, producing contraction. Volta then claimed that the metal rod was not homoge-
neous—with bimetallic contacts in the rod itself.
26. Electric fish had been known since antiquity, and both Galvani and Volta stud-
ied their properties. Piccolino (1997) notes that Volta constructed his battery on the
pattern of stacked units within fish electric organs, and that Volta then interpreted the
electric organ as a physical entity.
27. Bernstein (1902). He did not speculate on which ions were involved, although in
1913 he proposed a variable permeability to K + . He did not cite Overton's proposal
(below). Neither did Bayliss, who stated that "the only satisfactory way of explaining
such electrical states is by the assumption of a membrane which is permeable to one
of the ions into which an electrolyte inside the axis cylinder is dissociated, but not per-
meable to the oppositely charged fellow ion" (1920, p. 392).
28. Overton (1902). He could show no such dependence on extracellular Na+ for
nerve, but he suggested that sufficient extracellular Na + could be trapped within the
nerve sheath.
29. Howell (1905), p. 113.
30. Lucas (1912), p. 521. Nernsts argument concerned the dependence of nerve exci-
tation on the frequency of stimulation by an alternating current. Lucas also cited a pro-
posal for selective permeability advanced in 1890 by Ostwald.
31. Bayliss (1920). He discussed Macdonald but not Bernstein under the topic of
nerve and muscle excitation, although he discussed Bernstein under the topic of cellu-
lar potentials (which did not include action potentials).
32. Macdonald (1905).
33. These are summarized and the final article translated in Shepherd (1991).
34. Ramon y Cajal (1937), p. 587; italics in original.
Cajal and die Neuron Tkeory (1889-1909) 29
35. Ibid., pp. 308, 309. Cajal contrasts this with the tendency for investigators gen-
erally to use only the methods they (or their teachers) developed.
36. Cajal also included a fixative, osmic acid.
37. Ramon y Cajal (1937), p. 309.
38. Cajal described his method in his first book, translated into French in 1894 and
into English in 1990 (Ramon y Cajal, 1990).
39. For a less enthusiastic view of Cajal's contributions, see Jacobson (1994).
40. Cajal's Nobel Lecture of 1906, translated into English (Ramon y Cajal, 1967,
p. 221). Cajal reported that he proposed the Principle in embryonic form in 1889, in
fuller form in 1892, and in revised form in 1897 (Ramon y Cajal, 1937); van Gehuchten
formulated the notion independently, and there was some rivalry about priority.
41. Quotation from Ramon y Cajal (1990), p. 34.
42. Palay and Chan-Palay (1975), p. 52.
43. Ramon y Cajal (1990): the English translation of the French edition of 1894.
44. Barker (1899). Earlier English writers, such as W. A. Turner (1893), also endorsed
the Neuron Theory.
45. Golgi's other accomplishments should not be discounted. These include descrip-
tions of two morphological classes of neurons (now called "Golgi type I" and "Golgi type
II") and of a significant structure in the cytoplasm (the "golgi apparatus").
46. Hill (1896), p. 27. Hill was also critical of Golgi's views, particularly of Golgi's rel-
egating dendrites to nutritive functions alone.
47. Ibid., pp. 20, 25; capitals in original.
48. Ibid., p. 27.
49. Blackstad (1965); Chan-Palay and Palay (1972); Spacek (1989); Stell (1965).
50. Held, quoted in Clarke and O'Malley (1968), pp. 120, 121; italics in original. The
stains Held used were hematoxylin and erythrosin-methylene blue.
51. Ramon y Cajal paper of 1933, quoted in Clarke and O'Malley (1968), p. 137; ital-
ics in original.
52. Apathy (1897); Bethe (1900). For Cajal's harsh opinion of Bethe's preparations
see Ramon y Cajal (1937), pp. 519-520.
53. Ramon y Cajal (1937), p. 520.
54. Ibid., p. 563.
55. Howell (1905), p. 114.
56. Forel, quoted in Clarke and O'Malley (1968), p. 106. Forel went on to say: "Elec-
tricity gives us ... innumerable examples of similar transmissions without direct conti-
nuity."
57. Ramon y Cajal (1990), p. 161.
58. Ramon y Cajal (1937), p. 323.
59. Ramon y Cajal (1967), p. 220.
60. Golgi's Nobel lecture of 1906 (Golgi, 1967, p. 215).
61. See Finger (1994), chapters 3 and 4.
62. Golgi paper of 1883, quoted by Finger (1994), p. 53; italics in original.
63. Golgi (1967), pp. 193, 216.
64. Ramon y Cajal (1937), p. 336.
65. Ibid., p. 337.
66. Golgi (1967), pp. 215-216.
67. In afterword to Ramon y Cajal (1990), p. 192. Correspondingly, Cajal attributed
"genius" to the richness of neuronal contacts (Ramon y Cajal, 1937, p. 459).
68. Ibid.
30 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
By 1894 Sherrington had been elected to the Royal Society and was a lec-
turer in physiology at St. Thomas's Hospital and physician-superintendant of
the Brown Institute (an institute for research on animal diseases affiliated with
the University of London); in 1895 he was named professor of physiology in
Liverpool, where he remained until his appointment at Oxford in 1913. Some
relevant aspects of Sherrington s work in London and Liverpool I will note
later; first, however, I wish to celebrate the term synapse, which—after some
prompting—Sherrington introduced.
While preparing the seventh edition of his multivolume textbook of physi-
ology, Michael Foster, the eminent professor of physiology in Cambridge,
Skerrington and tlie Synapse (1890-1913) 33
we are led to think that the tip of [an axon] is not continuous with but merely
in contact with the substance of the dendrite or cell body on which it impinges.
Such a special connection of one nerve cell with another might be called a
synapsis.5
Background.: Reflexes
cial vs. deep). Moreover, vast areas of ignorance, anatomical as well as physio-
logical, prevented sharp distinctions between rival claims.
Snerringfton's Achievements
A half century after his death in 1952, Sherrington s influence continues to per-
vade the field of neuroscience. Like Cajal, he remains a heroic figure, having
seen further and more clearly than his contemporaries and having assimilated
those glimpses into a whole, as specified in the title to his Silliman Lectures of
1904, The Integrative Action of the Nervous System? Integration, Sherrington
concluded, "welds . . . together from its components . . . an animal individ-
ual."9 Although other means, such as chemicals circulating in the bloodstream,
may participate in coordinating this unity, Sherrington judged the nervous
system—by virtue of its rapid conductance and broad distribution—to be the
principal agent.
Sherringtons course to that conclusion began through analyzing motor
behavior into its fundamental units. These he deemed to be the simple reflexes,
dependent on particular nerve cells and their connections. The daunting com-
plexity was thus resolved into receptors (sensing some stimulus), conducting
pathways (at least two neurons, transmitting impulses to and from the central
nervous system), and effectors (then responding). Sherrington, nevertheless,
recognized that such simple reflexes were abstractions, for the pathways could
be modified by other neural systems impinging on them. Individual reflexes
were subject to hierarchical levels of control that mold complex behaviors
through coordinating, suppressing, and enhancing individual reflexes. His lec-
tures displayed this viewpoint through a wealth of experimental observations
unified by broad generalizations, summarizing a decade and a half of extraor-
dinary effort and insight.
When Sherrington began studying spinal reflexes in 1890, there was, as noted
above, a long history of stimulating various parts and recording the consequent
responses. But the synthesis of such observations into a comprehensible whole
was frustrated conceptually by the general ignorance of functional anatomy—
compounded by the prevailing view of protoplasmic continuity (which speci-
fied neither the route nor the direction an impulse would travel through the
reticulum)—and technically by the diversity of stimuli employed and the vari-
ability of responses elicited. Sherrington addressed both classes of problems,
favored by his experience with microscopic anatomy as well as by his patience
and precision.
He was an early convert to the Neuron Theory, and he began his Silliman
Lectures by professing that "Nowhere in physiology does the cell-theory reveal
its presence more frequently in the very framework of the argument than . . .
36 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
in the study of nervous reactions."10 And he bolstered that outlook with nec-
essary examinations of the sensory and motor connections, studies he consid-
ered "boring" and "pedestrian" but which he pursued carefully and fruitfully.11
Thus, in 1892 he published a 150-page paper describing the source of motor
fibers to the hind leg muscles of various species:12 he cut successively the ven-
tral roots from the lumbosacral region of the spinal cord, stimulated electri-
cally the peripheral stump of the cut root, and recorded which muscles then
contracted. (As noted in chapter 1, the spinal cord is organized segmentally,
with dorsal and ventral roots passing from the spinal cord between the verte-
brae. These roots then join to form spinal nerves carrying both sensory and
motor fibers: axodendritic processes of unipolar sensory neurons and axons of
motor neurons. Moreover, the spinal nerves formed from the roots then merge
into brachial and pelvic plexuses, which branch again into nerves to various
muscles of the fore and hind legs. Because of these mergings and branchings,
tracing fibers from muscle to spinal cord root cannot be achieved by inspec-
tion alone.)
Correspondingly, in 1893 Sherrington published a 120-page paper describ-
ing the course of the sensory fibers to the hind leg:13 he cut peripheral nerves
and stimulated the central stump, recording which muscles responded and thus
which muscles were connected reflexively to sensory fibers in the stimulated
nerve; in like manner, he traced which dorsal root was involved by stimulating
its central stump. He also mapped the areas on the skin where local stimula-
tion caused specific motor responses. Also in 1893 he identified the region of
the spinal cord through which fibers passed upward toward the brain:14 after
cutting specific spinal cord roots and waiting some days for the consequent
degeneration, he recorded the behavioral changes in the animal and then exam-
ined microscopically the path of the degenerating fibers.
Meanwhile, Sherrington was also examining reflexes. In 1892 he described
initial studies on the knee jerk, demonstrating, contrary to some opinion, that
it was a true reflex.15 Thus, he showed that the response required innervation
through identified dorsal (sensory) and ventral (motor) roots controlling the
active muscle (an extensor16 of the lower leg). In the course of these studies
he also discovered that the knee jerk was exaggerated by cutting the dorsal
roots supplying the antagonistic muscles, the flexors of the lower leg.17 Fur-
thermore, he found that even after the flexors were freed from the leg (so they
could exert no mechanical effect on the reflex) stimulating the nerve to the
flexors could abolish the knee jerk, whereas cutting the sensory root from these
flexors prevented that abolition.18 Sherrington concluded that "a stream of [sen-
sory] impulses . . . passes up from the [flexors] and . . . in the cord exerts a
depressing or restraining influence on the jerk."19
These experiments Sherrington complemented with anatomical studies
demonstrating that sensory fibers ran from muscles to the spinal cord. (He cut
Sherrington and the Synapse (1890-1913) 37
the dorsal roots and, after waiting some days for degeneration to occur, showed
that the nerves to the muscles then contained degenerated fibers.)20 The pres-
ence of sensory fibers from muscles was implicit in his studies of reflexes, but
it was nevertheless a new discovery. It was also a crucial element for Sher-
rington's formulation of the neural control of posture, which depended on sense
organs in the muscles and tendons reporting to the central nervous system the
extent of contraction. (Muscles in the body are routinely contracted to some
degree: they have a certain "tone." Maintaining posture requires balancing
flexor and extensor contractions. This process is regulated unconsciously by
reflex action, although it can also be consciously controlled, as in voluntarily
changing posture.)
From these studies Sherrington proposed the principle of "reciprocal inner-
vation," specifying that contraction of one muscle was associated with a reflex
relaxation of the antagonistic muscles synchronously—as in contraction of an
extensor being accompanied by relaxation of the flexor.21 Inhibition of the
antagonistic muscle was not merely a mechanical response, however, but an
active process, for if a muscle were cut free and its motor nerve then stimu-
lated, as that freed muscle shortened the antagonistic muscle still relaxed.22
Sherrington extended his studies to a variety of other reflexes, in the pro-
cess using two approaches to isolate the spinal reflexes from influences of the
brain: (1) in "spinal animals" the spinal cord was severed near its origin from
the brain, producing, after a period of spinal shock, flaccid paralysis of the
limbs; and (2} in "decerebrate animals" the cerebral hemispheres were
removed, producing rigid extension of the limbs.23 In particular, he examined
flexion reflexes, in which sharp, noxious stimuli to the foot caused flexion of
that limb and extension of the others (as in animals with an injured foot hob-
bling on three legs), and extension reflexes, in which a steady, firm pressure to
the foot caused extension (as in legs supporting an animal against gravity).
To explain "crossed reflexes"—where stimuli to one side produce responses
on the other side—he drew neural circuits (Fig. 2-2) that are reminiscent of
CajaFs histological drawings of pathways in the spinal cord (Fig. 1-6D; Cajal,
however, ignored inhibition). These coordinated reflexes also demonstrated that
reciprocal innervation was applicable to symmetrical muscles on opposite sides
of the animal as well as to antagonistic muscles of a limb; thus, when the left
ear of a "decerebrate cat" was stimulated the left foreleg moved forward and
the right foreleg backward, with the hind legs moving oppositely (Fig. 2-3).
38
Skerrington and tke Synapse (1890-1913) 39
FIGURE 2-3. Decerebrate rigidity and evoked responses. Sherrington's 1906 drawing
shows, on the left, the characteristic posture of a "decerebrate cat," with its limbs
extended. (The portion of the brain removed is shown by cross hatching.) The drawing
on the right shows the response to stimulating the left ear. (From Sherrington [1947],
Fig. 47, courtesy of Yale University Press.)
sizing that additional processes must participate.24 His emphasis, however, was
less on defining causal mechanisms for these differences than on demonstrat-
ing the functional processes present in reflex arcs. Indeed, some of these
differences remained unexplainable for decades, such as the greater sensitiv-
ity of reflex arc conduction to drugs like strychnine. Here I will merely note
five salient features of synapses and synaptic transmission that Sherrington
addressed.
Suriace 01 Separation
Sherrington deduced that "if there is not actual continuity of physical phase
between [two neurons in a chain] there must be a surface of separation."25 This
dividing line he imagined as a "delicate transverse membrane" that "might
restrain diffusion, bank up osmotic pressure, restrict the movement of ions,
accumulate electric charges, support a double electric layer, . . . alter in dif-
40 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Valved Conduction
Synaptic Delays
Another notable characteristic of conduction over reflex arcs was the longer
time required—between applying a stimulus and recording the response—
when compared with the conduction of impulses along a corresponding length
of nerve. This delay Sherrington attributed to the time required for crossing
the synapse. Although he admitted that the delay might "be due to the minute,
branched, and more diffuse conducting elements" in the gray matter of the
spinal cord, he argued that the neuron "itself is visibly a continuum from end
to end."29
Moreover, Sherrington presented evidence against one means by which
synaptic delays might occur through time required for closing a synaptic gap.
He recorded the time between stimulus and response (in this case for the flex-
ion reflex of a "spinal dog") when excited by two stimuli in rapid succession,
the first submaximal and the second maximal. According to the hypothesis being
tested, the first impulse should "set" the synapse for the second, but there was
little difference (Fig. 2-4A). These delays he then compared with that from a
single maximal stimulus (Fig. 2-4B); the response time was shorter than for
the second of two stimuli. This result Sherrington considered "conclusive [evi-
dence] against any major portion of the latent period being consumed at the
synapse in a process which sets the synapse ready to conduct," as in proposals
by Cajal for an "amoeboid movement of the protoplasm" occurring during the
synaptic delay.30
Skerrington and tke Synapse (1890-1913) 41
FIGURE 2-4. Effect of prior stimulation on the lag between stimulus and response.
Sherrington's 1906 reproduction of myograph tracings, showing the extent of the flex-
ion reflex of a dog's leg (on the vertical axis), traced on a smoked drum by an attached
lever, as a function of time (on the horizontal axis). A. Sherrington evoked the flexion
reflex first by a weak alternating current applied to the sole of the foot (s); after that
response had leveled off he administered a stronger shock (s1) producing further flex-
ion. B. Sherrington administered a stimulus (s2), equal in magnitude to s1 but without
the prior stimulation. The pertinent measurement is the time interval between the shock
and the onset of flexion (or its increase). This is shorter for s2 than s1, even though s1
was preceded by a "priming stimulus" s. These drawings are "negative" images of the
myograph tracings, which appear as white lines against the black background of the
smoked drum. (From Sherrington [1947], Fig. 4, courtesy of Yale University Press.)
cord along the sensory nerve; (iii) conduction in the spinal cord including, ex
hypothesi, synaptic delays; (iv) conduction from spinal cord to muscle along
the motor nerve; and (v) the initiation of the muscle response. Times for (ii)
and (iv) he evaluated by measuring the lengths of the nerves, applying the
recently reported value for nerve conduction in human median nerve, 120
meters/second.32 For (i) he measured the interval between stimulation (strik-
ing the patella or pricking the skin) and the arrival of an electrical signal,
recorded galvanometrically, in the sensory nerve, measured the distance along
the sensory nerves between point of stimulation and point of electrical record-
ing, and subtracted the calculated conduction time for that length of nerve
from the measured interval. Similarly, for (v) he measured the interval between
electrical stimulation of the motor nerve and production of the electrical
response, recorded galvanometrically, in muscle, measured the distance along
the motor nerve from point of stimulation to the point of recording on the mus-
cle, and subtracted the calculated conduction time for that length of nerve from
the measured interval. The synaptic delay (iii) is the difference between the
overall time for the reflex and the sum of (i) + (ii) + (iv) + (v); distances in
the spinal cord were so short that neuronal conduction times, if the impulse
were transmitted like those in nerve, would be insignificant. Table 2-1 shows
values Jolly reported for the knee jerk and flexion reflex of a "spinal cat," with
synapse times of 2.1 and 4.3 milliseconds, respectively. Jolly concluded that
"the knee-jerk mechanism involves one spinal synapse . . . while the flexion
reflex involves two";33 compare Figures 1-6B and 1-6C of Cajal.
A number of the differences between nerve and reflex conduction that Sher-
rington listed involved disparities between stimuli and responses, such as dis-
TABLE 2-1. Response Times for Knee Jerk and Flexion Reflexes0
TIME (MILLISECONDS)
°The experiment is described in the text. (From Jolly [1911], p. 86. Used by permission of The
Physiological Society.)
Skerrington and tke Synapse (1890-1913) 43
Inhibition
Conclusions
Sherrington was a slight, spectacled man, notably courteous and gentle, but
with firm opinions, sharply critical judgments, and a strong sense of rectitude.
He was a published poet and discerning bibliophile, with broad interests and
a formidable memory for literature as well as science. He was a tireless yet
patient experimenter and a vigorous, competitive athlete. He was an enter-
taining raconteur50 and valued companion who cultivated ties across the globe.
He was a central figure of the scientific establishment, enjoying a rising
sequence of appointments from London to Liverpool to Oxford. He benefited
from the blossoming of British physiology, led by Michael Foster, Walter
Gaskell, John Newport Langley, Keith Lucas, Edward Schafer, Ernest Starling,
Skerrington and the Synapse (1890-1913) 45
Notes
1. For biographies, see Cohen (1958), Eccles and Gibson (1979), Granit (1967), and
Swazey (1969).
2. Contrary to some accounts, Eccles and Gibson (1979) state that Sherrington did
not meet Cajal in Spain and that their only meeting was in London in 1894.
46 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
49
50 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
between viewing dangerous sights and the heart pounding)—would follow from
the apparent connections. On the other hand, the anatomical separation from
brain and spinal cord would underlie the contrasts between involuntary ("vis-
ceral") and voluntary ("somatic") actions. Willis also discovered that cutting cra-
nial nerve X, the vagus nerve (named for its wandering course from brain
through neck and chest to abdomen), caused "great trembling" of the heart.
In 1729 Frangois Pourfour du Petit in Paris showed that the intercostal nerves
were not directly connected to the brain. Moreover, the cranial nerves—even
the vagus, which passes to the viscera—were separate from the intercostal
nerves. Pourfour du Petit also related specific lesions (such as cutting fibers
from the anterior portion of the intercostal nerve) with specific functional
changes (such as paralysis of the pupil). Shortly thereafter, Jacques-Benique
Wilson in Paris renamed the intercostals the "great sympathetic nerves," in
accord with their function.
Another Parisian, the influential Xavier Bichat, stressed at the beginning of
the nineteenth century the functional independence of the visceral and somatic
systems, despite the anatomical connections that were then recognized between
them: ganglia of the great sympathetic nerve were connected to nerve roots
emerging from the spinal cord by two branches, or "rami," "gray rami com-
municantes" and "white rami communicantes." By midcentury Robert Remak
in Berlin had characterized the microscopic composition of these rami: white
rami contained myelinated fibers that passed centrally to the spinal roots,
whereas gray rami contained fine myelinated and unmyelinated fibers that orig-
inated in sympathetic ganglia and then passed peripherally in spinal nerves as
well as in sympathetic nerves to the viscera.
Friedrich Henle and Rudolf Kolliker had shown that sympathetic fibers ran
to muscle layers in the walls of arteries, and in 1852 Charles-Edouard Brown-
Sequard, a peripatetic investigator then in the United States, and Claude
Bernard in Paris demonstrated independently that electrical stimulation of sym-
pathetic nerves to the face caused a local constriction of the blood vessels. A
few years later Bernard reported that stimulating sympathetic nerves to the
submaxillary gland constricted the blood vessels, whereas stimulating a cranial
nerve innervating that region dilated them.
Such antagonistic effects Walter Gaskell in Cambridge characterized anatom-
ically as well as functionally in the 1880s.10 Gaskell had entered Trinity Col-
lege intending a career in clinical medicine, but while he was an undergradu-
ate Michael Foster arrived in Cambridge to teach physiology, and Gaskell
became the first of Foster's stellar recruits to the field. After exploring the
known antagonistic effects on heart rate of stimulating the vagus nerve (slow-
ing) vs. stimulating fibers from the sympathetic trunk (accelerating), Gaskell
next turned to microscopic examinations of the spinal cord roots and rami com-
municantes, establishing five categories of motor fibers (Fig. 3-1). (1) Non-
myelinated fibers ran from sympathetic ganglia through gray rami and then
52
Cnemical Transmission at Synapses (1895 — 1945) 53
FIGURE 3-1. Anatomy of the autonomic nervous system. A. This diagrammatic view
from the rear shows on the left parasympathetic fibers from the cranial and sacral
regions, having long preganglionic fibers (dashed lines) and short postganglionic fibers
(solid lines). On the right, sympathetic fibers from the thoracic and lumbar regions of
the spinal cord have short preganglionic fibers, making synaptic contact in the chain of
sympathetic ganglia, and long postganglionic fibers. In addition, some preganglionic
fibers pass upward and downward within the sympathetic chain. B. Cross-section of the
spinal cord showing the sympathetic preganglionic motoneurons in the lateral horns.
The axons of these neurons exit by the ventral roots and pass through the white ramus
communicans to the sympathetic ganglion, where they make synaptic contact with sym-
pathetic postganglionic neurons. The axons of these postganglionic neurons can pass by
the gray ramus communicans to the spinal nerve or run in a sympathetic nerve.
TABLE 3—1. Examples of Antagonistic Effects in the Autonomic Nervous System
SYMPATHETIC STIMULATION PARASYMPATHETIC STIMULATION
(THROUGH (THROUGH
PROCESS THORACOLUMBAR FIBERS) CRANIOSACRAL FIBERS)
Pupil diameter constricts dilates
Heart rate increases decreases
Bronchial muscle relaxes contracts
Intestinal peristalsis decreases increases
Bladder sphincter contracts relaxes
54
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1895—1945) 55
since earlier reports noted that adrenal extracts killed dogs, rabbits, and guinea
pigs.17 In any event, Oliver took his extract to London, where he persuaded
the professor of physiology Edward Schafer to study its properties further. In
1895 Oliver and Schafer described remarkable increases in the blood pressure
of animals given adrenal extracts intravenously, responses they attributed to
constriction of the arterioles (fine arteries leading to the capillaries, which had
earlier been identified as a site of blood pressure regulation).18 Since vaso-
constriction occurred in isolated organs as well, they concluded that the re-
sponse was "due to the direct action of the active principle . . . upon the mus-
cular tissue of the blood vessels."19 Oliver and Schafer traced the source of
their active principle to the adrenal medulla, which they considered to be a
"ductless . . . gland" releasing its secretion into the bloodstream.
Their extract also slowed the heart, noticeable after the rise in blood pres-
sure; however, when both vagus nerves (parasympathetic) were cut, the extract
markedly increased the heart rate and the force of contraction.20 Furthermore,
the extract increased the heart rate and contractile force in isolated frog hearts
(hearts freed from neural control).
These dramatic effects attracted great interest, and others soon extended
Oliver and Schafer's observations. In 1901 Langley confirmed a catalog of
responses (such as slowing intestinal peristalsis and dilating the pupil), added
some new (such as increased salivation), and stressed the parallel between
administering the extract and stimulating the sympathetic division of the auto-
nomic nervous system.21 Langley also pointed out that extracts were active even
after nerves to the affected tissues were cut and had degenerated: the extract
affected not nerve endings but the tissues themselves.
Meanwhile, Jokichi Takamine, an independent chemist with ties to Parke,
Davis & Co., developed procedures for isolating from adrenals a crystalline
extract having these pharmacological properties (which he patented), named it
Adrenalin (which he registered as a trademark), and calculated its empirical
formula as CioHisNOa.22 (Since Parke, Davis obtained Takamines trademark
for their commercial product, American pharmacologists generally use the
name epinephrine, introduced by John Jacob Abel in Baltimore during his
unsuccessful attempt at purification; the rest of the world more commonly uses
adrenaline, which I follow here.23) In 1901 T. B. Aldrich at Parke, Davis & Co.
recalculated the formula as CgHiaNOs and in 1905 suggested a structural for-
mula containing catechol, a secondary alcohol, and a methylated amine (Fig.
3-3A).24 That year H. D. Dakin in London synthesized this compound, show-
ing it to have the requisite pharmacological activities.25
How this chemical produced Langleys parallels, mimicking the effects of
stimulating sympathetic nerves, was suggested the year before. Thomas Elliott,
a research fellow in GaskelFs and Langleys Cambridge, proposed in 1904 that
adrenaline was "the chemical stimulant liberated on each occasion when the
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1895—1945) 57
[nerve] impulse arrives at the periphery."26 Elliott, too, noted that adrenaline
did not excite sympathetic ganglia but was effective on end organs even after
the nerve endings had degenerated. (Indeed, he observed that after degener-
ation the response was augmented, an important phenomenon later termed
"denervation supersensitivity.") Elliott thus surmised that nerve endings excite
their effector cells—smooth muscle or glands—by releasing adrenaline: trans-
mission was effected chemically.
In 1905 Elliott published a full paper surveying the effects of adrenal extracts
and of Parke, Davis's Adrenalin on a range of tissues, concluding that each
response was "of a similar character to that following excitation of the sympa-
thetic . . . nerves."27 But Elliott did not repeat his earlier suggestion about sym-
pathetic nerve endings releasing adrenaline onto their end organs.28 Elliott's
basis for that proposal rested purely on correlating effects, and he now noticed
some divergences. Although Langley in 1905 affirmed that "the nervous
impulse should not pass from nerve to muscle by an electric discharge, but by
the secretion of a special substance at the end of the nerve," he, too, cited
divergences between administering adrenaline and sympathetic stimulation.29
Still stronger challenges to the parallels between added adrenaline and sym-
pathetic stimulation came from Henry Dale (Fig. 3-4), yet another who fol-
lowed undergraduate years in Cambridge with medical training in London prior
to a scientific career. Dale, however, joined the Wellcome Physiological Research
Laboratories in 1904, persuaded by a liberal offer from the parent pharmaceu-
tical company.30 Exploring the biological properties of natural substances was
then an active and profitable enterprise, and Dale was soon examining responses
to extracts of ergot, a deadly fungus. In 1906 he reported that ergot extracts
58 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 3^t. Henry Hallett Dale (1875-1968; courtesy of the Wellcome Trust Med-
ical Photography Library).
Whether or not adrenaline was released from sympathetic nerve endings, it—
and many other synthetic as well as naturally occurring chemicals—affected
biological systems. How could this occur? In 1905 Langley proposed that the
"action of adrenalin depends upon the presence in the muscle protoplasm of
some substance."35 Consequently, drugs as well as the "effective material of
internal secretions [would] produce their effects by combining with the recep-
tive substance."36 To account for inhibitory as well as excitatory responses, Lan-
gley imagined that "both inhibitory and motor substance[s] might be present
[at a synapse, and thus] the effect of a nervous impulse depends upon the pro-
portion of the two kinds of receptive substances" present.37
The following year Langley suggested that these reactive substances were
"radicles of the protoplasmic molecule,"38 in accord with contemporary views
of a unitary protoplasmic substance bearing distinct side chains, or radicles (or
radicals), that mediated specific functions. In this sense, Langley imagined that
"a special radicle is necessary for the combination with a number of chemical
bodies, and that the compound formed [from the bodies and the radicle] leads
to further change."39 (Chapter 6 will describe further developments of the
receptor concept.)
FIGURE 3-5. Dixon s experiment showing the slowing of a recipient heart induced by
an extract from a vagally stimulated donor heart. The recording shows the heart beats
(vertical excursions of a lever attached to an exposed frog heart) with time (horizontal
axis). At the first arrow was added an extract from the donor heart whose vagus nerve
had been stimulated, showing the slowing of contractions in the recipient heart. At the
second arrow atropine was added to the recipient heart, and its rate increased.
(Reprinted from Dale [1934], Fig. 1, courtesy of the BMJ Publishing Group. Dale noted
that the figure, previously unpublished, was from a lantern slide given to him by Dixon.)
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1895-1945) 61
unidentified, were present in adrenal extracts, and Hunt imagined that they
might be precursors to choline.46 Consequently, in 1906 he tested the acetyl
ester of choline, acetylcholine (Fig. 3-6A): it was a thousand times more potent,
and its effects were blocked by atropine.47 But Hunt, having no evidence that
acetylcholine was present in the body, merely suggested that acetylcholine acted
on "terminations of the vagus in the heart."48
Subsequently, Dale, while continuing his studies of ergot extracts, detected
aberrant muscarine-like actions in a particular batch. In 1914 Arthur Ewins at
the Wellcome Laboratories identified acetylcholine in this extract, and Dale
set about cataloging its pharmacological properties.49 The range of actions—
including slowing the heart, lowering blood pressure, speeding peristalsis, con-
stricting the pupil—corresponded closely with those that followed stimulation
of parasympathetic nerves; moreover, atropine blocked these effects. Dale
emphasized that responses to added acetylcholine were evanescent and sug-
gested that esterases in the body might split acetylcholine rapidly into acetate
62 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
and far weaker choline (Fig. 3-6A-B). Consequently, if acetylcholine were pres-
ent in animals at levels expected from its intrinsic potency, this lability ensured
that "its detection [would be] impossible by known methods."50 In any case,
the parallelism—as with adrenaline and sympathetic stimulation—was not per-
fect; for example, added acetylcholine mimicked sympathetic stimulation of
sweat glands.
Development of these considerations came after World War I, notably
through the new experimental approaches of Otto Loewi (Fig. 3-7) in Graz.
Loewi, after completing medical training in Strassburg (including a research
project with Schmiedeberg), practiced medicine briefly before turning to phar-
macology. His earlier studies in Marburg and Vienna ranged over carbohydrate
and protein metabolism as well as kidney and heart function. In 1902 he worked
briefly with Starling in London and while there met Dale, with whom he devel-
oped a lifelong friendship. Loewi also met Elliott during a visit to Cambridge,
but he stated that Elliott's and Dixon's pioneering papers escaped his notice.51
In any event, by 1903 he was convinced that synaptic transmission occurred
through chemical means (according to the recollection of an acquaintance52),
but not knowing how to demonstrate this conviction, he pursued other issues
for nearly two decades. Then in 1920 at age 47:
The night before Easter Sunday . . . I awoke, turned on the light, and jotted down
a few notes on a tiny slip of thin paper. Then I fell asleep again. It occurred to
me at six o'clock in the morning that during the night I had written down some-
thing most important, but I was unable to decipher the scrawl. The next night,
at three o'clock, the idea returned. It was the design of an experiment to deter-
mine whether or not the hypothesis of chemical transmission that I had uttered
seventeen years ago was correct. I got up immediately, went to the laboratory,
and performed a simple experiment on a frog heart according to the nocturnal
design.53
The hearts of two frogs were isolated, the first with its nerves, the second with-
out. Both hearts were attached to ... canulas [sic] filled with a little Ringer solu-
tion.54 The vagus nerve of the first heart was stimulated for a few minutes. Then
the Ringer solution that had been in the first heart during stimulation . . . was
transferred to the second heart. It slowed and its beats diminished just as if its
vagus had been stimulated. Similarly, when the [sympathetic] accelerator nerve
was stimulated and the Ringer from this period transferred, the second heart
speeded up and its beats increased. These results unequivocally proved that the
nerves do not influence the heart directly but liberate from their terminals spe-
cific chemical substances which, in turn, cause the well-known modifications of
the function. . . . 55
The published reports, however, were less straightforward than Loewi's recol-
lections, and the consequent skepticism represented no unequivocal accept-
ance of proof.
Loewi's 1921 paper described, briefly, the results of stimulating the vagus
trunk of an isolated, cannulated heart (donor), and then transferring its Ringer
solution to a second isolated, cannulated heart (recipient).56 With one species
of frog, Rana esculenta, the force of the recipient heart's contractions decreased,
diminished with time, disappeared when the perfusing Ringer solution was
changed, and was blocked by atropine (Fig. 3-8A). But there was no obvious
slowing of the recipient heart. With a second species, Rana temporaria, the
recipient heart slowed, but no effect of atropine was reported (Fig. 3-8B). And
with a toad, the force of contraction of the recipient heart instead increased,
64 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
although the rate did not increase (Fig. 3-8C). Loewi concluded that nerve
stimulation formed or released either an inhibitory substance, whose effects
were blocked by atropine, or a stimulatory substance. Cautiously, Loewi named
the inhibitory substance "VagusstofP' and the stimulatory substance "Acceler-
ansstoff."
The diversity of responses invited criticism, and for some the "records [were]
far from convincing."57 Active chemicals could have been released artifactually
when solutions were changed, for amphibian hearts are exquisitely sensitive to
experimental manipulations.58 Particularly disturbing was the mix of inhibitory
and stimulatory responses. In his 1921 paper Loewi noted that the vagus trunk
near the heart contains not only cranial parasympathetic fibers but also sym-
pathetic fibers from the thoracolumbar division; in his 1922 paper he pointed
out that the balance between these two systems not only differed between
species but also with the season of the year.59 The earlier paper reported exper-
iments in February and March, the latter experiments from April through
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1895—1945) 65
August; with summer toads the recipient heart first decreased and then
increased its contractions (Fig. 3-8D). But he failed to show comparable
changes in the donor frog and toad hearts when their vagal trunks were stim-
ulated (or, better yet, to stimulate electrically only parasympathetic or only sym-
pathetic fibers—as his retrospective summation implied).60 Loewi also showed
that atropine did not block by inhibiting the release of Vagusstoff: Vagusstoff
appeared in the Ringer's solution after stimulating in the presence of atropine
as well.61
For a decade these experiments were criticized, and contrary results were
reported.62 Nevertheless, others reproduced Loewi's results, extended the
experiments to additional parasympathetic sites, and improved the technique.63
In particular, W. A. Bain in Edinburgh avoided serious shortcomings of Loewi's
experiments and provided missing data (Fig. 3-9); indeed, this figure is repro-
duced in textbooks rather than Loewi's.64
Most persuasive, however, was Loewi's development of the issues, especially
his identifications of the responsible chemicals. Although in 1922 he had
referred to the inhibitory substance circumspectly as Vagusstoff,65 Loewi soon
showed that these inhibitory Ringer's solutions contained choline, which he
In 1922 Loewi reported that ergot extracts blocked the effect of Acceleransstoff,
the stimulating substance from toad hearts,75 just as Dale had earlier shown
they blocked the effects of both adrenaline and sympathetic stimulation. In
1926 Loewi provided a further link by demonstrating that ultraviolet light inac-
tivated Acceleransstoff, as it did adrenaline.76 A decade later he finally con-
vinced himself that Acceleransstoff was adrenaline: perfusates from stimulated
hearts, as well as extracts of these hearts themselves, showed the characteris-
tic green fluorescence of adrenaline.77
During that interval further reports confirmed the release of adrenaline-like
substances when sympathetic nerves were stimulated.78 On the other hand,
stimulating sympathetic nerves to sweat glands caused secretion, but here
administering acetylcholine rather than adrenaline caused secretion. Dale and
Feldberg established this as a defined anomaly: acetylcholine appeared in the
venous blood from a cat's foot when they stimulated sympathetic nerves to its
sweat glands.79 They considered this "an exception to the generally valid rule"
that postganglionic sympathetic neurons release as their neurotransmitter an
adrenaline-like substance, generalizing their interpretation to other animals
(including humans), in which atropine inhibited sweating.80 Consequently, Dale
suggested a pharmacological classification into "cholinergic" and "adrenergic"
neurons, depending on the neurotransmitter released, that could differ from
the anatomical classification:
as blocking of both by ergot extracts and increased sensitivity to both after den-
ervating tissues).
In 1933, however, Cannon and Arturo Rosenblueth argued that two varieties
of sympathin were formed: excitatory ("sympathin E") and inhibitory ("sym-
pathin I").84 This distinction also accounted for different responses of their test
organs—cat nictitating membrane85 and uterus—after stimulating different
sympathetic nerves. For example, stimulating nerves to the intestine released
into the bloodstream substances causing nictitating membrane contraction and
uterine relaxation (sympathins E and I), whereas stimulating sympathetic
nerves to the liver caused nictitating membrane contraction but no uterine
relaxation (sympathin E only).
Cannon and Rosenblueth adapted Langley s notion of receptive substances
to depict complexes formed in the tissues from transmitter plus excitatory
receptive substance (sympathin E) and/or inhibitory receptive substance (sym-
pathin I); in this way an adrenaline-like substance became "differentiated for
positive and negative action."86 Now they added a further characteristic: neu-
rotransmitter plus receptive substance could be released together into the
bloodstream to act beyond their site of formation.
Cannon and Rosenblueth defended their proposal vigorously through the
next decade. Others remained critical. Sympathetic stimulation having some
excitatory and some inhibitory effects was analogous to parasympathetic stim-
ulation having correspondingly diverse effects, but no one felt that two forms
of acetylcholine were required.87 Moreover, Zenon Bacq in Liege, who had col-
laborated with Cannon before Rosenblueth, argued that different responses to
intestinal and hepatic nerve stimulation could be attributed to quantitative
effects: when lesser amounts of sympathin were released the weaker inhibitory
responses were then not obvious.88 Nerves might also release additional sub-
stances besides sympathin.
In any case, chemical assays revealed adrenaline in brain and sympathetic
nerves as well as in adrenals, although debates continued about the specificity
of these analyses.89 Some investigators, including Bacq, proposed that nor-
adrenaline (Fig. 3-3B) was a neurotransmitter, in addition to or instead of
adrenaline.90 Although that issue was not resolved by 1945, it was clear that
adrenaline-like substance(s) were present, were released, and mimicked the
effects of sympathetic stimulation.
stimuli passing by the nerve cannot affect the contractile molecule [of muscle]
except by the radicle which combines with nicotine and curarif; this] seems to
require that the nervous impulse should not pass from nerve to muscle by an
electric discharge, but by the secretion of a special substance at the end of the
nerve.1107
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1895—1945) 73
This interpretation echoed not only Elliott's proposal but also a suggestion
by Emil du Bois-Reymond in 1877:
There must be either a stimulating secretion in the form perhaps of a thin layer
of ammonia or lactic acid . . . on the outside of the contractile tissue so that vio-
lent excitation of the muscle takes place [after nerve stimulation], or the influ-
ence must be electric.108
endplate region where motor nerve endings terminate.126 After a single admin-
istration of acetylcholine, sufficient to produce a contraction, muscles would
not respond to further acetylcholine until the first had been removed or
destroyed; in this situation contractions could not be evoked by stimulating the
motor nerve, either. On the other hand, single large doses of acetylcholine
caused contractures.
These observations finally linked motor nerve activity with acetylcholine
release. An appropriate dose of acetylcholine could elicit genuine contractions,
whereas large doses produced contractures. And acetylcholine's stimulation
could be mimicked by nicotine and blocked by curare.
Electrical Transmission
ity and fiber diameter.139 Reevaluations of the synaptic delay, calculated in light
of different conduction velocities in different fibers, gave values as low as a
millisecond or less.140 And in 1928 Adrian described impulses from a single
neuron by cutting away all but one fiber of a nerve trunk.141
During these decades Sherrington and his collaborators extended earlier
analyses of reflex action. In particular, Sherrington enunciated the concepts of
"central excitatory state" and "central inhibitory state," identified as transient
increases or decreases, respectively, in excitability following a stimulus.142 For
example, a weak sensory stimulus to the spinal cord may fail to evoke efferent
motor responses, but a second weak stimulus, by itself also subthreshold, may
do so if it follows within a brief interval. The observed summation Sherring-
ton attributed to "an enduring central excitatory process," and he suggested
two possible mechanisms: that the "electrical processes of successive nerve-
impulses summate," or that each impulse "produces a quantum of exciting
agent, a chemical substance, which sums with other quanta formed at the same
or neighboring points by other impulses."143
Prominent among physiologists advocating electrical transmission and reject-
ing Sherrington's second alternative was John Eccles, Sherrington's former stu-
dent and collaborator.145 Eccles was an ingenious and resourceful critic of
chemical transmission in ganglia, at neuromuscular junctions, and in the cen-
tral nervous system, although he accepted the principle of chemical transmis-
sion at terminals of postganglionic autonomic fibers. Indeed, he and Brown in
1934 specified characteristics that pointed to a chemical link at a postganglionic
parasympathetic site: long latencies between vagal nerve impulses and changes
in heart rate, roughly a hundred milliseconds; prolonged durations of these
responses after vagal stimulation ceased, lasting for seconds; and extensions of
these durations after administering physostigmine.145 These observations fitted
with a slow diffusion of acetylcholine from nerve to heart and a slow inactiva-
tion of the acetylcholine, inhibitable by physostigmine.146
Such characteristics Eccles contrasted with synaptic properties at other sites:
latencies of a millisecond or less, responses lasting only milliseconds, and—he
claimed—no prolongation by physostigmine.147 For these sites Eccles proposed
a conduction sequence of impulse at synapse, transmitter action, "detonator
response," and impulse generation in postsynaptic cell.148 The transmitter
action Eccles considered to be electrical. The detonator response (so named
because it set off an "explosive" postsynaptic impulse) was the resulting elec-
trical change in the postsynaptic cell that grew in a millisecond or so, account-
ing for the synaptic delay, and then disappeared within a few milliseconds, con-
sistent with the brief duration of the transmitter action. Eccles acknowledged
accumulating evidence that implicated acetylcholine's action at such synapses.
He, however, relegated acetylcholine to a secondary role in a dual mechanism:
the primary neurotransmitter was electrical, but chemical neurotransmitters
78 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Concr
nclusions
Loewi and Dale shared the Nobel Prize in 1936 that rewarded their comple-
mentary achievements and careers. Loewi's scientific lineage stretched back to
Schmiedeberg, acclaimed as the "father of pharmacology," and to the nineteenth-
century titans of German physiology. Loewi progressed through German and
Austrian universities before a forced departure to England in 1938 and emi-
gration to New York as war broke out. Dale, who profitably examined other
topics as well (notably the actions of histamine), attained a rank in neurophar-
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1895 — 1945) 79
Notes
1. For historical accounts, see Bacq (1975); Cannon (1934); Clarke and O'Malley
(1968); Dale (1934, 1958); Davenport (1991); Eccles (1959); Feldberg (1977); Pick
(1987); Finger (2000); Gerst and Brumback (1984); Grundfest (1957a); Holmstedt
(1975); Holmstedt and Liljestrand (1963); Mclntyre (1947); Sinister (1962); Thomas
(1963); Whitteridge (1993).
2. Bishop (1941), pp. 1, 3.
3. Cole and Curtis (1939); Cole and Hodgkin (1939); Hodgkin and Huxley (1939).
4. Boeke (1965), p. 309, italics in original. The original edition was published in 1932.
For early physiological arguments against such neurofibrillar functioning, see Langley
(1901a); for general discussions, see Parker (1929) and Nonindez (1944).
5. Ramon y Cajal (1934).
6. Bartelmez and Hoerr (1933), pp. 401, 426. They also described how successive
sections of a tissue could show either neurofibrillar continuity or discontinuity, depend-
ing on the fixation conditions.
7. Bodian (1937), p. 118.
8. Bodian (1942), p. 150.
9. For historical accounts, see Clarke and Jacyna (1987); Gaskell (1916); Hoff (1940);
Langdon-Brown (1939); Sheehan (1936, 1941).
10. Gaskell (1886, 1889).
11. For earlier reports of similar studies by others, see Sheehan (1941).
12. Multitudes of new plants and animals, identified in voyages of discovery, were
then being studied for practical as well as scientific value. Langley began, at Fosters
suggestion, with pilocarpine ("jaborandi") and moved to nicotine ("pituri") when a sup-
ply was offered to him (Fletcher, 1926).
13. Langley and Dickinson (1889); Langley (1893).
14. Langley (1893, 1898, 1905). Gaskell preferred "involuntary" to "autonomic."
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1895—1945) 81
15. For historical accounts, see Barcroft and Talbot (1968); Dale (1948); Oliver (1895).
16. Barcroft and Talbot (1968) point out that oral administration of adrenaline should
have no effect on arteries.
17. Cited in Oliver and Schafer (1895).
18. Oliver and Schafer (1895). Preliminary accounts were published in 1894 and 1895.
19. Ibid., p. 247.
20. They interpreted the fall in heart rate as a reflex response (parasympathetic) to
the rise in blood pressure.
21. Langley (1901b). This paper cites intervening studies.
22. Takamine (1901). For a historical account, see Davenport (1982).
23. Actually, Abel named his material "epinephrin." Tansey (1995) described Dale's
successful struggle with the Burroughs, Wellcome hierarchy in 1906 to use adrenaline
when Parke, Davis had Adrenalin as a trademark. Dale, however, reverted to adrenine
in 1910.
24. Aldrich (1901, 1905). Aldrich had worked under Abel at Johns Hopkins.
25. Dakin (1905). Stolz (1904) in Germany also synthesized that structure.
26. Elliott (1904), p. xxi.
27. Elliott (1905), p. 466. Elliott thanked Langley, Gaskell, and Dixon. Notable is a
citation to Kipling's The Jungle Book, concerning mongooses ruffling their fur.
28. Elliott's sole reference to his proposal is buried in a section on the manner of dis-
appearance of adrenaline in the tissues. Here he refered to "the conjecture that [adren-
aline] is concerned in the transference of a sympathetic nervous impulse, and stored to
such an end in the neighbourhood of the myoneural junction." But he then dismissed
this along with the preceding notions: "The evidence does not conclusively disprove any
of these." Elliott (1905), p. 455.
29. Langley (1905), p. 183. Langley called attention to discrepancies reported in Lan-
gley (1901b), which compared the degree of responses to adrenaline vs. sympathetic
stimulation, and in Elliott (1905), which noted opposite effects, such as pupilary con-
striction in dogs with adrenaline vs. dilatation with symapthetic stimulation. Langley
(1906, p. 191) also stated that "some tissues are readily affected by stimulation of the
sympathetic nerves, and barely at all, or only in enormous doses, by adrenalin."
30. Dale (1958).
31. Dale (1906), p. 206. He thanked Elliott for suggestions and for help with some
experiments.
32. Barger and Dale (1910), p. 21. Barger synthesized the compounds and Dale tested
them.
33. Ibid., p. 54.
34. Feldberg (1977) noted an attempt by Elliott in 1914 to identify a chemical agent
acting at synapses on muscle and on fish electric organ, and his questioning Elliott about
this in 1942, but Feldberg did not state whether he asked about adrenaline. Dale (1961),
in his memoir of Elliott, noted that Langley supervised Elliotts research and had a
strong aversion to speculation. Dale also pointed out Elliott's apparent renunciation in
1914 of his earlier view: "It is always a pleasure, and therefore a temptation, to accept
a theory which harmonizes all the facts into a close-fitting plan. But the evidence at
present does not justify us in welcoming this simplification" (p. 1395). What theory
Elliott is there referring to, however, is not clear; it may be that Elliott is concerned
with the notion that adrenergic nerve endings do not synthesize adrenaline but take it
from the circulation.
35. Langley (1905), p. 375. Boeke (1965) suggested that Langley's receptive sub-
stances were neurofibrils.
82 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
increased the contractions of that toad's heart (his Fig. 3a), but this is his only portrayal
of a donor heart.
61. Loewi and Navratil (1924).
62. For example, Asher and Scheinfinkel (1927). Kahn (1926) cites criticisms.
63. For example, Bain (1933); Brinkman and van Dam (1922); Engelhart (1931);
Kahn (1926).
64. Bain (1932). For a textbook reproduction see Goodman and Gilman (1956).
65. In 1921 Loewi concluded that the active material was not potassium ions (K + ),
as Howell had suggested (Howell and Duke, 1910).
66. Loewi cited Hunt, but he was aware that no ester of choline had yet been iden-
tified in animals.
67. Loewi and Navratil (1926a).
68. Loewi and Navratil (1926b). Earlier, Dixon and Brodie (1903) reported that
physostigmine potentiated the effects of vagal stimulation on the lungs, and Anderson
(1904) described antagonistic effects of atropine and physostigmine on the iris. Since
Anderson showed that physostigmine was ineffective in denervated irises, Langley
(1905) concluded that physostigmine acted on nerve endings.
69. Matthes (1930); Engelhart and Loewi (1930).
70. Dale and Dudley (1929). They discovered acetylcholine by accident while search-
ing for histamine. The functional significance of high levels of acetylcholine in bovine
spleens remains unknown.
71. Chang and Gaddum (1933).
72. Dale (1934, p. 838) stated that "when . . . the activity of a solution containing the
[unknown] neurotransmitter is matched by the same strength of acetylcholine [in dif-
ferent bioassays], we can be practically certain that we are dealing with [acetylcholine]
and with no other choline ester."
73. Feldberg and Krayer (1933); Minz (1932). Physostigmine was given to the donor
animals and was present in the leech bioassay to prevent destruction by cholinesterases
at all stages.
74. Dale and Feldberg (1934). Dale considered that atropine was ineffective against
vagal stimulatation at these sites due to poor access: the nerve ending might be tightly
apposed to the muscle, whereas added acetylcholine and added atropine must diffuse
into this region.
75. Loewi (1922). Since Acceleransstoff was destroyed by heating, it could not be an
inorganic substance like calcium ions (whose effects on the heart Loewi had studied).
76. Loewi and Navratil (1926a).
77. Loewi (1936). For specificity Loewi relied on the demonstration by Gaddum and
Schild (1934) that fluorescence in the presence of alkali was due to adrenaline; Loewi
repeated that "substances related to adrenaline show this reaction only in concentra-
tions of a much higher order of magnitude" (1945, p. 806).
78. For example, Brinkman and van Dam (1922); Kiilz (1928); Finkleman (1930);
Bacq (1933); Bain (1933).
79. Dale and Feldberg (1934). Cats have sweat glands in their footpads.
80. Ibid., p. 125.
81. Dale (1933), p. IIP.
82. Cannon and Uridil (1921). These experiments arose from a preceding contro-
versy concerning emotions and adrenal secretions (Barger, 1992).
83. Newton et al. (1931); Cannon and Bacq (1931).
84. Cannon and Rosenblueth (1933).
84 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
85. The nictitating membrane is a clear protective membrane that moves across the
eye, under autonomic control.
86. Cannon and Rosenblueth (1933), p. 568.
87. See Minz (1955), p. 126.
88. Bacq (1975), p. 43.
89. For example, Shaw (1938); Raab (1943).
90. Bacq (1934); Stehle and Ellsworth (1937); Greer et al. (1938).
91. Dale (1914)
92. He noted that such sympathetic effects of administering acetylcholine were "seen
best in a cat which has had the spinal cord cut in the neck and the brain destroyed" to
diminish further any parasympathetic effects of acetylcholine (ibid., p. 157).
93. Langley and Dickinson (1889).
94. Most studies of nicotinic effects deal with sympathetic responses, both because
atropine is often added to block postganglionic parasympathetic responses to added
acetylcholine and because sympathetic ganglia are more accesible.
95. Dale (1938b), pp. 416, 417.
96. Chang and Gaddum (1933).
97. Feldberg and Gaddum (1934). They identifed acetylcholine, after perfusion with
physostigmine, by six different bioassays. Their study followed a similar one reporting
acetylcholine release into perfusion media of a substance that could activate ganglia
(Kibjakow, 1933). However, Kibjakow did not perfuse with physostigmine, and Feld-
berg and Gaddum reported that they could not reproduce Kibjakows experiment "with
any regularity" (p. 306).
98. Brown and Feldberg (1936b).
99. Feldberg and Vartiainen (1934). Langley (1901a) concluded that nicotine acted
on postganglionic cells in ganglia since nicotine was effective after preganglionic fibers
degenerated.
100. Feldberg and Minz (1933); Feldberg et al. (1934).
101. Various arrow poisons contained different mixtures of ingredients in addition to
curare; moreover, three varieties of curare were initially identified by the containers in
which they reached investigators: pots, gourds, and tubes. The purified active ingredi-
ent from the last of these, tubocurarine (Fig. 3-5F), has been studied most. Here I use
the term curare generically.
102. Bernard (1856). A translation appears in Shuster (1962).
103. For example, Garten (1912).
104. Langley (1905).
105. Curare can also block transmission at autonomic ganglia: it is antagonistic to
nicotinic actions of acetylcholine at both sites.
106. Langley (1905), pp. 411, 400.
107. Langley (1906), p. 183.
108. du Bois-Reymond (1877), as translated in Clark and O'Malley (1968), p. 241.
Dale (1938a) considered this the first enunciation of chemical transmission. Langley
also referred to du Bois-Reymond's formulation, although without specific citation.
109. Grundfest (1957a) summarized some criticisms of electrical transmission elab-
orated by du Bois-Reymond.
110. Kiihne (1888), pp. 446, 441.
111. Lapicque and Lapicque (1908); Lapicque (1909); Lapicque (1926).
112. Lucas (1907a, b, c).
113. For example, Lapicque (1931, 1934).
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1895—1945) 85
Postwar Progress
Scientific accomplishments surged after World War II, due in part to confi-
dence among the victors and to the euphoria of peace, in part to the imagina-
tive exploitation of technical capabilities developed for that conflict, and in part
to pent-up desires within the scientific community to resume interrupted inter-
ests.1 Perhaps the most significant factor, however, was public enthusiasm for
the promised benefits of scientific investigation that translated into a vastly
increased sponsorship. The National Institutes of Health began a generous
patronage that would extend beyond the United States, wisely administered as
direct grants to the individual investigators who proposed the projects2 and
allocated according to the informed evaluations of their peers. Through these
decades this sponsorship continued to grow as achievements accumulated and
as perceived needs, ranging from health care to national prestige, were publi-
cized broadly.
New funding coupled to new expertise meant new instrumentation: new
types of microscopes, centrifuges, spectrometers, and electronic devices for
stimulating, recording, counting, and analyzing. And with these instruments
widely available, new techniques flourished, including those for separating and
visualizing subcellular components, for determining molecular structures, and
87
88 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
it, and then releasing actin for a further cycle: these steps were driven by ATP
binding to myosin, its hydrolysis to adenosine diphosphate (ADP) and phos-
phate, and then release of these products.
Electron micrographs also revealed cellular membranes, structures under
100 A in thickness and thus well below the resolving power of light microscopy.
In 1959 J. D. Robertson in London interpreted these images, following James
Danielli's proposal from the 1930s, as a bilayer of lipids sandwiched between
two layers of protein. That organization, however, provided no sense of how
polar substances could cross the nonpolar membrane interior. Nevertheless,
studies during the 1940s demonstrated convincingly such movements of polar
substances both with and against transmembrane electrochemical gradients
(passive and active transport, respectively). And in 1957 J. C. Skou in Aarhus
argued that a Na + - and K+-stimulated ATP-hydrolyzing enzyme (later named
the "Na+/K+-ATPase") was responsible for the active transport of Na + and K +
across the outer membrane of cells, serving as a Na + /K + -pump to create asym-
metric distributions of these ions between cell interior and cell environment.
In 1961 Robert Crane in St. Louis and Peter Mitchell in Edinburgh presented
models for "secondary active transport," in which the energy stored in such
transmembrane gradients could power the transport of other substances.
where E m is the potential across the membrane, R the gas constant, T the
absolute temperature, F Faraday's constant, and [K + ] in /[K + ] out the ratio of the
K + concentration in the axonal cytoplasm to that in the surrounding medium.6
(Potentials are expressed relative to the medium defined as 0 mV; with cyto-
plasmic K + concentrations higher than those in the medium, the interior would
then be negative.) Since, according to Bernstein's formulation, the action poten-
tial reflected a transient loss of selective permeability, the membrane potential
should then fall toward 0 mV. The impulse then propagated by inducing cur-
rents, flowing in local circuits, that altered the permeability of the axon mem-
brane just ahead of the advancing action potential.
Unfortunately, such proposals could not be tested quantitatively because
transmembrane potentials could not be measured directly. The routine approx-
imation involved measuring the "injury potential": one electrode was in the sur-
rounding medium and the second on a damaged (and therefore leaky) portion
of the nerve; the measuring circuit ran from the first electrode, through the
intact membrane, through the axonal cytoplasm, out the damaged membrane
to the second electrode, and through a voltmeter back to the first electrode.
Among the deficiencies was a short circuit through the extracellular medium
between the two electrodes.
When J. Z. Young described to neurophysiologists in 1936 the giant axons of
squid, with diameters of 0.5 to 1 mm, they soon recognized the experimental
opportunities.7 In 1938 K. S. Cole, joined in Woods Hole by H. J. Curtis and
Alan Hodgkin, evaluated membrane resistances during rest and after stimula-
tion with external electrodes: resistance fell 400-fold while an action potential
passed, consistent with Bernstein's formulation.8 The following year Hodgkin,
joined in Plymouth by Huxley, inserted a fine glass cannula longitudinally down
a squid axon through a nick in its surface; they then measured directly the
transmembrane potential between an electrode in the cannula and an elec-
trode in the bathing medium (Fig. 4-1 A).9 The resting potential was about
—50 mV, somewhat less than that predicted by the Nernst equation.10 The
action potential, on the other hand, overshot 0 mV and rose to about +40 mV,
in sharp contradiction to Bernstein's formulation.
Hodgkin and Huxley published a brief report just as the war began and a
fuller description afterward, but neither accounted for the overshoot convinc-
ingly.11 By 1952, however, they had encompassed all these issues in a paragon
of physiological explanation that became the foundation for all further advances
in understanding axonal conduction. From precise experiments measuring
transmembrane currents and voltages in the presence of varied external media,
Hodgkin, Huxley, and in some important studies Bernard Katz collected the
necessary data for evaluating the variables of an equivalent circuit for the axon
membrane (Fig. 4-1B).12 The equation describing that circuit, the "Hodgkin-
Huxley equation," could then reproduce quantitatively the shape and charac-
FIGURE 4-1. Nerve action potentials. A. The resting and action potentials of a squid
giant axon were recorded between a cannula inserted in the axon and an electrode in
the seawater bath. The vertical scale is in millivolts (bath defined as 0 mV), and the
truncated sine wave at the bottom (500 Hz) indicates time. B. The equivalent circuit
for squid axon membrane depicts membrane capacitance (CM), currents for Na + , K + ,
and other ions, L (lN a , IK, and IL), and the corresponding batteries (E) and resistances
(R); resistances to Na + and K + are variable. These components were readily inter-
pretable as biological entities, the capacitance as the insulating membrane lipid bilayer,
the batteries as the ion gradients, and the variable resistors as selective channels for
specific ions whose conductances were sensitive to time and voltage. (A. from Hodgkin
and Huxley [1939], Fig. 2, © Macmillan Magazines Ltd., reprinted by permission. B.
from Hodgkin and Huxley [1952], Fig. 1, courtesy of the Physiological Society.
91
92 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Intracellular Microelectroaes
Just as the higher resolving power of electron microscopes could settle con-
troversies that light microscopes could not, so intracellular electrodes could
provide new values crucially important in resolving long-standing disputes. But
the intracellular electrodes that Hodgkin and Huxley used—glass cannulas
100 (Jim in diameter—were clearly unsuitable for neurons and skeletal muscle
cells only a fraction of that size. The obvious solution was to use smaller elec-
trodes, and this was accomplished by two graduate students of Ralph Gerard
in Chicago.17 In 1946 Judith Graham described resting potentials of —41 to
—80 mV from frog muscle cells impaled by glass electrodes she pulled from
capillary tubing to tip diameters as small as 2 /Jim.18 Gilbert Ling inherited Gra-
ham's equipment and succeeded in pulling electrodes with tip diameters of
0.5 fjim or less; in 1949 Ling reported resting potentials averaging — 98 ±
6 mV.19 With such electrodes Hodgkin and W. L. Nastuk in 1950 recorded mus-
cle action potentials having an overshoot to +30 mV from a resting potential
of -90 mV.20 Evidently the cell membrane, when penetrated carefully, sealed
around the electrodes, preventing short-circuiting through leaks.
These electrodes were applied to mammalian neurons at this time also. But
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (194<5—1965) 93
The following year Kuffler described experiments with single frog muscle
fibers innervated by single nerve terminals. This preparation sharpened the
time resolution by reporting from a single endplate rather than a population
of them, and it also minimized distortions due to electrical shunting through
extraneous tissues.25 Kuffler added curare to the surrounding medium and
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1945—1965) 95
could then record a progressive delay in the action potential's onset, eventu-
ally leaving only the e.p.p. when sufficient curare diffused into the region (Fig.
4—4A). Consequently, Kuffler could show individual endplate depolarizations
and the minimal amplitude sufficient to initiate action potentials in regions
adjacent to the endplate.
As noted in chapter 3, compelling evidence for the involvement of acetyl-
choline was accumulating at this time, including Fritz Buchtal and J. Lindhard's
demonstration in 1942 that endplate regions were 1000-fold more sensitive to
acetylcholine than the remaining muscle surface, observations confirmed and
extended by Kuffler in 1943.26 Nevertheless, Eccles resisted until 1948 the
notion that acetylcholine alone produced e.p.p.s. But that year he reported that
96 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 4-4. Muscle endplate potentials. A. Potentials at the endplate region of sin-
gle frog muscle fibers were measured with extracellular electrodes before adding curare
(bottom, showing the muscle action potential) and at successive times after adding curare
to the bathing medium, concluding with an endplate potential alone (top). Voltage is
displayed on the vertical axis (no calibration presented) and time on the horizontal axis.
B. Endplate potentials of frog muscles were measured with intracellular microelectrodes
in media containing low Na + concentrations (to prevent action potential formation) in
the absence (above) and the presence (below) of the cholinesterase inhibitor prostig-
mine. Voltage is displayed on the vertical axis and time on the horizontal. (A. from Kuf-
fler [1942], Fig. 5., courtesy of the American Physiological Society. B. from Fatt and
Katz [1951], Fig. 13, courtesy of the Physiological Society.)
both phases of the e.p.p.—the fast and slowly decaying components visible with
low levels of cholinesterase inhibitors such as physostigmine—"reacted simi-
larly to every test": adding curare or acetylcholine, changing the temperature,
and stimulating repetitively.27 Since he had previously acknowledged that
acetylcholine was responsible for the slow component, "this precise corre-
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1945—1965) 97
FIGURE 4-6. Model for inhibition at electrical synapses. A motoneuron (M) receives
synaptic contact from an excitatory neuron (E) and an inhibitory "Golgi" interneuron
(G), which is excited by another neuron (I). Excitation by I shunts electrical currents
through G to alter the excitability of M. (From Brooks and Eccles [1947], Fig. 1, ©
Macmillan Magazines Ltd., reprinted by permission.)
FIGURE 4-7. Excitatory and inhibitory postsynaptic potentials. A. Potentials just out-
side the motoneuron were recorded extracellularly after a sensory nerve exciting the
motoneuron was stimulated. Voltage is displayed on the vertical axis and time on the
horizontal. (The breaks in the recording represent intervals of about 4 msec.) B. Poten-
tials in the motoneuron were recorded with an intracellular microelectrode after a sen-
sory nerve exciting the motoneuron was stimulated. In both B and C a downward deflec-
tion represents a depolarization. C. The trace in panel B is shown at lower amplification.
D. Potentials recorded intracellularly from a motoneuron are shown after stimulation
of a sensory nerve inhibiting the motoneuron (upper trace); the lower trace show poten-
tials recorded from the sensory nerve. Here and in E the more usual convention is fol-
lowed: a downward deflection represents a hyperpolarization. E. For comparison with
D, potentials are shown after stimulating a sensory nerve exciting the motoneuron (as
in panels B and C, but here with the conventional orientation). (From Brock et al.
[1952], Fig. 9A-C [A-C] and Fig. 12 C and D (D and E; courtesy of the Physiological
Society.)
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1945 — 1965) 101
tion: branches of the stimulated axon that run back in the spinal cord ("recur-
rent collaterals") and interneurons stimulated by these collaterals. The causal
pathway thus lay from (1) antidromic stimulation of motoneuron axons in the
ventral root to (2) orthodromic spread along recurrent collaterals that (3) excite
interneurons that then (4) inhibit the motoneurons. The time course was appro-
priate for a two-neuron pathway, and Renshaw recorded discharges from in-
terneurons after antidromic stimulation of ventral roots, although he could not
connect interneuron firing to motoneuron inhibition. This Eccles did, using
intracellular microelectrodes to follow motoneuron potentials.52 He found that
stimulating motoneurons caused their own inhibition (hyperpolarization), and
he confirmed Renshaw's finding that action potentials in motoneuron axons
excite interneurons, presumably through recurrent collaterals.
Eccles named the interneurons "Renshaw cells" and showed, importantly, that
their activation was blocked by compounds such as dihydro-/3-erythroidine,
which block the effects of acetylcholine, whereas their activation was augmented
by cholinesterase inhibitors. By contrast, hyperpolarization of the motoneuron
was blocked by strychnine, a drug known to cause excessive motor discharges.
The major conclusions were (I) motoneurons release acetylcholine at neu-
romuscular junctions and, by their recurrent collaterals, on Renshaw cells, excit-
ing both; and (2) Renshaw cells inhibit motoneurons using an unknown inhib-
itory neurotransmitter whose actions are blocked by strychnine. Eccles stressed
that acetylcholine was released from all terminals of motoneurons, a manifes-
tation of what he termed "Dale's Principle": a neuron releases the same neu-
rotransmitter from all its terminals.53
A second invocation of interneurons concerned inhibition that was associ-
ated with the activation of sensors in muscle. For reciprocal innervation Sher-
rington had depicted sensory fibers from muscle exciting motoneurons to one
set of muscles while inhibiting motoneurons to the antagonistic set (Fig. 2-2).
In accord with this scheme, David Lloyd in New York argued for a "direct inhi-
bition," in which the sensory neuron acted without intervening interneurons
on the motoneuron.54 But in 1956 Eccles recalculated the latency between sen-
sory nerve activity and motoneuron inhibition and concluded that two synapses,
not one, intervened.55 Moreover, he found that stimulating sensory nerves acti-
vated certain interneurons (different from Renshaw cells). This scheme (Fig.
4-8B) differs from Sherrington's proposal not merely by including interneu-
rons but, more significantly, by restricting the influence of a neuron to either
excitation or inhibition at all its terminals.
But what is the excitatory neurotransmitter released by sensory neurons to
activate motoneurons and interneurons? Identifying that substance—as well as
the inhibitory substance released by the interneurons—remained a challenge
during the following decades (see chapter 5).
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1945—1965) 103
FIGURE 4-8. Proposed inhibitory circuits. A. Inhibition of a motoneuron (the large cell
at the bottom) occurs by means of a recurrent collateral, branching at a node from the
thick myelinated motoneuron axon, and exciting the small "Renshaw" interneuron,
which in turn inhibits the motoneuron. (Redrawn from Eccles et al. (1954), Fig. 18,
courtesy of the Physiological Society.) B. A sensory nerve from an extensor muscle sends
one branch to excite a motoneuron to that extensor muscle, while another branch excites
an inhibitory interneuron that in turn inhibits the motoneuron to the flexor muscle.
(From Eccles [1961], Fig. 1, courtesy of the Royal Society. This figure had been redrawn
Eccles et al. [1956], Fig. 13.)
Presynaptic Innimtion
FIGURE 4-9. Presynaptic inhibition in the spinal cord. A sensory nerve from an exten-
sor excites the motoneuron to that extensor (EM). Sensory nerves from a flexor and
from a flexor tendon excite interneurons (white) that excite a second-order interneu-
ron (black). This intemeuron makes synaptic contact with the sensory nerve terminal
from the extensor. The black neuron inhibits presynaptically by diminishing neuro-
transmitter release from the terminal it contacts. Pathways exciting and inhibiting the
motoneuron to the flexor (FM) are not shown. (From Eccles et al. [1962], Fig. 10, cour-
tesy of the Physiological Society.)
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1945—1965) 105
Studies at three other sites were influential then and were developed subse-
quently.
1. Neurons of the stellate ganglion in squid form "giant synapses" with the
giant axons. These axo-axonal synapses are sufficiently large and accessi-
ble that microelectrodes can be advanced, guided visually (with a micro-
scope), through the giant axons and into the presynaptic terminals of the
stellate ganglion cells. In 1958 S. Hagiwara and Ichiji Tasaki in Woods
Hole described synaptic potentials in a postsynaptic giant axon when the
presynaptic stellate ganglion cells were stimulated.62 As they advanced
the microelectrode farther, the resting potential abruptly fell to zero and
synaptic potentials were replaced by far smaller deflections of the oppo-
site polarity. As they advanced it still farther, the resting potential reap-
peared; there they also recorded signals from stimulating the stellate gan-
glion cells. Hagiwara and Tasaki concluded that the electrode recorded
from three loci, and that "between the pre- and post-synaptic membrane
[there is] a small 'space' where the potential is close to that of the sur-
rounding sea water."63 Thus, they confirmed Eccles's 1952 interpretation
in a system where the entities could be seen with a microscope and where
potentials in each of the three compartments could be measured directly.
They also confirmed that current applied locally could not flow in signif-
icant amounts from one neuron to another.
106 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 4-10. A, left. Sanford L. Palay (1918-). B, right. Victor P. Whittaker (1919-).
(Courtesy of Sanford Palay and Victor Whittaker.)
108 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
another" in squid synapses, but he felt that areas where the membranes seemed
to be separated were "probably ... a result of alterations associated with fixa-
tion and preparation."74 Robertson's further studies on membrane structure,
which culminated in his description of "unit membranes," clarified where the
edges of membranes lay among the stained images, and he then joined in advo-
cating synaptic clefts not only at neuronal synapses but also at neuromuscular
junctions.' 5
Eccles in 1957 remarked on the suitability of 200 A clefts: "There are two
conflicting requirements ... of the synaptic cleft: that it should be very narrow,
so that the . . . transmitter is applied . . . efficiently and . . . quickly ... to the
subsynaptic membrane; that it should be wide, so that the postsynaptic currents
flow as freely as possible."76 In 1964 he added that a fairly wide cleft would pro-
vide "a very effective shunt preventing electrical interaction between the presy-
naptic and postsynaptic components of a chemically transmitting synapse."7'
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1945—1965) 109
Palay identified neurofilaments in his micrographs, but while they were abun-
dant in dendrites and cell bodies and extended into axons, the neurofilaments
stopped short of the terminals.78 Neurofilaments seen by light microscopists
existed, but, contrary to arguments by Stefan Apathy, Albrecht Bethe, and their
successors (chapters 1 and 2), no continuity was found of neurofilaments across
synaptic clefts.
In 1954 Palay also reported a characteristic "agglomeration of mitochondria
and small vesicles (300-500 A)" in presynaptic terminals.79 Two years later he
described vesicles 200-650 A in diameter, some having a densely staining inte-
rior. He noted that these "vesicles may be considered as containing small units
of a chemical transmitter, like acetylcholine," and cited Fatt s recent review on
quantal release.80 In their 1954 abstract DeRobertis and Bennett also described
vesicles 200-500 A in diameter, naming them "synaptic vesicles" and suggest-
ing the following year that "[i]t is not unreasonable to speculate that active
compounds . . . might . . . be associated with . . . vesicles."81 DeRobertis, too,
promoted the notion that vesicles could represent quantal units of neuro-
transmitter, but his micrographs showed holes in the presynaptic membranes
and vesicles apparently in the cleft.82
Attempts to define mechanisms for the quantal release of neurotransmitter
from vesicles I will discuss in chapter 10, but here I will note initial experi-
ments showing that acetylcholine actually was present in synaptic vesicles.
These approaches continued earlier efforts at cell fractionation, begun suc-
cessfully by Albert Claude in New York and culminating in George Hogeboom
and Walter Schneiders four fractions obtained by centrifuging "homogenized"
tissues at successively greater speeds and longer times: (1) "nuclei and debris,"
(2) "mitochondria," (3) "microsomes," and (4) "supernatant."83 Indeed, a major
focus of Palade s research at this time was correlating biochemical and struc-
tural properties of these fractions with structures visible (by microscopy) in
cells and tissues.
Successful applications of such procedures to brain tissue came, however,
from England. In 1958 Victor Whittaker (Fig. 4-10B), who after biochemical
training in Oxford was now working with Catherine Hebb in Babraham, found
that most of the acetylcholine present in homogenates of rabbit and guinea pig
brains could be recovered, after such differential centrifugation, in the mito-
chondrial fraction.85 But when they separated that fraction further—by "dis-
continuous sucrose density gradient centrifugation," in which material is lay-
ered atop sucrose solutions of successively higher concentrations (thus of
increasing density from top to bottom) and then centrifuged—most of the
acetylcholine was in a fraction different from mitochondria.86
The following year Whittaker reported the presence of acetylcholine in a
similar subfraction, which he now identified as synaptic vesicles.8' Again, he
prepared a conventional mitochondrial fraction and then separated this by den-
110 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
CHOLINE
ACETYL- CHOLINES- SUCCINIC
FRACTION ACETYLCHOLINE TRANSFERASE TERASE DEHYDROGENASE
Conclusions
one theory rather than refute another. When experiments to refute either
hypothesis for neuromuscular transmission were not apparent, Eccles instead
sought evidence favoring one. Definitive experiments can sometimes be
planned, as in Eccles's application of microelectrodes, even if the results are
unanticipated. Sometimes rewarding results appear by chance, as in Katz and
Fatt's discovery of m.e.p.p.s.
Moreover, initial generalizations derived from observations and corrobora-
tions are, at least in such biological research, inevitably modified. Intrinsic com-
plexities ensure that with closer scrutiny new entities and interactions will
appear. And biological diversity—reflecting random mutations and contingent
selections—makes exceptions likely. Generalizations are tied to specified
domains, as in recognizing that some neurons communicate electrically through
gap junctions while others communicate chemically across synaptic clefts. (Fur-
ther qualifications may then be required, specifying how particular instances
diverge from a prototypic manifestation.) But useful, instructive generalizations
can result nonetheless.
During these two decades new experimental techniques, notably those
exploiting intracellular microelectrodes and electron microscopes, did extend
the principle of chemical transmission from the autonomic nervous system to
neuromuscular junctions and the central nervous system. New general phe-
nomena were recognized, such as presynaptic inhibition, and new circuits for
reciprocal control were delineated. New details were added, such as the quan-
tal release of neurotransmitters packaged in synaptic vesicles and the identi-
ties of ionic currents responsible for membrane voltage changes. Still, many
questions remained unanswered, including the identities of the neurotrans-
mitters for sensory excitation and for central inhibition.
Notes
1. For general accounts, see Fruton (1999); Judson (1979); Morange (1998); Robin-
son (1997).
2. See Kornberg (1997).
3. For example, fluxes occurring during steady states—when there are no net
changes—cannot be measured by chemical analyses but can be followed as tracer fluxes
using radioactive isotopes added initially to one of the several compartments exchang-
ing materials.
4. For historical accounts, see Clarke and O'Malley (1968); Hodgkin (1992); Robin-
son (1997); Tasaki (1959).
5. Action potentials were identical for a given fiber and experimental conditions, such
as temperature, ionic milieu, etc. Stimuli below threshold values produced electrical
changes that were conducted decrementally.
6. The equilibrium distribution may be considered the result of K + , high in con-
centration within the cell, diffusing outward in the absence of accompanying negative
Chemical Transmission at Synapses (1945—1965) 115
charges or of an exchange for positive charges diffusing inward. The resulting electri-
cal potential, representing the loss of positive charges within the cell, will oppose the
concentration gradient favoring a net outward diffusion. The Nernst equation states the
equilibrium potential and concentration ratio for such a system.
7. Young described the axons at a meeting attended by neurophysiologists (Young,
1936).
8. Cole and Curtis (1939); Cole and Hodgkin (1939). The experiments, performed
the previous summer, involved measuring transverse impedance to alternating current.
9. Hodgkin and Huxley (1939).
10. The calculation requires knowing the concentration of intracellular K + , which
was reported that year (Bear and Schmitt, 1939).
11. Hodgkin and Huxley (1945); their 1939 note did not attempt an explanation of
the overshoot.
12. Hodgkin and Huxley (1952) and preceding papers. These studies relied crucially
on an enabling new technique, the voltage clamp method (see Robinson, 1997).
13. The equilibrium potential across a membrane is that at which no net movement
of the ion occurs. Above this potential net movement of the ion occurs in one direc-
tion, below it in the opposite direction.
14. The term channel was introduced by Hodgkin and Keynes (1955); pore was a
common designation earlier.
15. Keynes and Lewis (1951) and preceding papers.
16. See Robinson (1997).
17. For historical accounts, see Frank (1986); Marshall (1987); Robinson (1997).
18. Graham and Gerard (1946). This represented the completion of work interrupted
by the war.
19. Ling and Gerard (1949).
20. Nastuk and Hodgkin (1950).
21. Even in the 1930s some argued about the continuity of such regions with mus-
cle cytoplasm: see Eccles and O'Connor (1939).
22. Langley (1907).
23. Gopfert and Schaefer (1938).
24. Eccles et al. (1941). These experiments, too, were made in the presence of curare.
Pertinent earlier work includes Gopfert and Schaefer (1938); Eccles and O'Connor
(1939); Feng (1940). Eccles (1977) stated that he was initially unaware of the work by
Gopfert and Schaefer and by Feng.
25. Kuffler (1942). With external electrodes at the endplates, e.p.p.s could be mea-
sured even without curare (Fig. 4-4E).
26. Buchtal and Lindhard (1942); Kuffler (1943).
27. Eccles (1948), p. 103.
28. Ibid., p. 104. At this time Kuffler announced that Eccles now believed that "the
electrical hypothesis cannot be reconciled with more recent experimental results" and
that his "evidence favors [acetylcholine] as the sole mechanism" (Kuffler, 1948, p. 445).
29. Eccles and MacFarlane (1949).
30. Katz (1942).
31. Fatt and Katz (1951).
32. Ibid., p. 362. Grundfest (1957b) emphasized the characteristic electrical inex-
citability.
33. del Castillo and Katz (1954b), p. 564.
34. Takeuchi and Takeuchi (1960).
116 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
70. Palade and Palay (1954); Palay and Palade (1954). The second of these is chiefly
concerned with the Nissl substance.
71. Palay and Palade (1955). These granules were identified subsequently as ribo-
somes, the sites of protein synthesis.
72. Palay (1956). Palay argued from the prominence of mitochondria in presynaptic
terminals, visible by light microscopy, to the identification of nerve terminals by the
large numbers of mitochondria visible in electron micrographs. Recognizing synaptic
vesicles then added another identifying characteristic for presynaptic terminals.
Although electron microscopy showed small areas and great complexity (e.g., Fig.
4-10A), such comparisons established common identities.
73. DeRobertis and Bennett (1954, 1955).
74. Robertson (1963), pp. 221-222.
75. Robertson (1956, 1960). Birks et al. (1960) provided further detailed views of
neuromuscular junctions. Palade and Palay (1954) mentioned neuromuscular junctions,
but their account of an intervening space is vague.
76. Eccles (1957), p. 217.
77. Eccles (1964), p. 28.
78. Palay (1958).
79. Palade and Palay (1954), p. 355. Robertson (1956) saw circular profiles that he
interpreted as tubes cut in cross section; however, Palay (1956) argued that circular pro-
files were apparent after sectioning at assorted angles and thus the images represented
spheres not cylinders.
80. Palay (1956), p. 199.
81. DeRobertis and Bennett (1954); (1955), p. 55.
82. DeRobertis and Bennett (1955); DeRobertis (1956, 1958).
83. Hogeboom et al. (1948); Hogeboom (1955). The starting material was a
homogenate, prepared by grinding tissue with a cylindrical pestle turned inside a close-
fitting tube. This homogenate was then placed in plastic centrifuge tubes and spun at
successively higher speeds and longer times to obtain the characteristic four fractions.
(Homogenates originated as biochemists' preparations to provide a uniform stock from
which identical samples could be tested and analyzed.)
85. Hebb and Whittaker (1958). They modified Hogeboom and Schneider's scheme
somewhat, including the homogenizing of brain tissue in 0.32 M sucrose.
86. Mitochondria were recognized biochemically by the presence of an enzymatic
"marker," succinic dehydrogenase, an enzyme previously shown to be present solely in
mitochondria.
87. Whittaker (1959).
88. Whittaker measured the nitrogen content, which parallels the protein content
closely.
89. Whittaker (1959). p. 698.
90. Gray and Whittaker (1960).
91. Ibid., p. 35P.
92. Ibid. In contrast to earlier proposals that neurons were linked by conducting
fibers, this connection of pre- and postsynaptic elements is by extracellular materials
that do not participate in impulse conduction.
93. Gray and Whittaker (1962). In retrospect, it is obvious that small synaptic vesi-
cles should not have penetrated so far into the sucrose gradient as did the nerve ter-
minals.
94. Whittaker et al. (1964).
118 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
119
120 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Acetylcholine
FIGURE 5-1. A, left, John Henry Gaddum (1900-1965). B, right, Ulf S. von Euler
(1905-1983). (A courtesy of Wellcome Trust Medical Photography Library. B courtesy
of Leo von Euler.)
122 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
and then forced perfusion fluid through one, collecting it from the other.10 In
1964 Hugh McLennan in Vancouver applied this method to show acetylcholine
release within the caudate nucleus (a cellular region deep within the brain
known for its high acetylcholine content; see chapter 13); furthermore, acetyl-
choline release increased after he stimulated certain pathways to this nucleus.11
The previous year Mitchell had used push-pull cannulas to show that acetyl-
choline was released within the cortex but not from the white matter immedi-
ately beneath.12 But more discrete localizations were not possible by such tech-
niques.
The third criterion, mimicry of neurally evoked responses, was satisfied ear-
lier.13 In 1958 David Curtis and Rosamond Eccles in Canberra applied Bernard
Katz and Jose del Castillo's "microelectrophoretic" approach to spinal cord Ren-
shaw cells.14 Curtis and Eccles used five-barreled micropipets; the central pipet
was filled with concentrated NaCl to record electrical potentials, and the other
four contained acetylcholine and various analogs, acetylcholine antagonists, and
cholinesterase inhibitors (Fig. 5-2A). Each of these charged molecules could
be released electrophoretically by passing an electric current through its par-
ticular barrel.15 Since Renshaw cells are excited by recurrent collaterals of ven-
tral horn motoneurons (chapter 4), Curtis and Eccles identified these cells by
stimulating the ventral roots. Impulses passed antidromically back toward
motoneurons and then ortfoodromically along branching recurrent collaterals
to excite, across the synapse, a Renshaw cell. So they advanced the five-
barreled micropipet into the ventral horn until they recorded action potentials
correlating with this stimulation. At that point they could release, electro-
phoretically, each of the substances in the other four barrels near this Renshaw
FIGURE 5-2. Electrodes for electrical recording and for microelectrophoretic applica-
tion. A. Five barreled glass microelectrodes allowed one barrel to be used for measur-
ing electrical responses extracellularly and the surrounding barrels to release four test
substances extracellularly. Each barrel was about a micron in diameter. B. Concentric
glass microelectrodes contained an inner barrel for penetrating the cell, to permit trans-
membrane electrical measurements, and an outer barrel for releasing a test substance
extracellularly.
Identifying Neurotransmitters (1946-1976) 123
cell while continuing to monitor its activity. As John Eccles—with less precise
localization—concluded earlier, acetylcholine excited Renshaw cells. Curtis and
Eccles now showed that nicotine also excited, whereas the nicotinic antago-
nists curare and dihydro-/3-erythroidine blocked. Cholinesterase inhibitors
potentiated responses to acetylcholine.
With five-barreled micropipets both release of reagents and measurements
of potential were extracellular. To measure transmembrane potentials Curtis
used concentric pipets: the inner pipet penetrated to the cell interior, while
the outer released reagents extracellularly (Fig. 5-2B).
Shortly thereafter, Kresimir Krnjevic in Babraham applied these techniques
to neurons of the cerebral cortex.16 Acetylcholine excited only 15% of the thou-
sands of cortical neurons examined, although it excited 60% to 90% of the Betz
cells (large neurons of the motor cortex). By contrast, glutamate (see below)
excited all the cortical cells. And instead of the nicotinic responses of Renshaw
cells, the responses of cortical neurons to acetylcholine were muscarinic:
atropine blocked, but not curare or dihydro-/3-erythroidine. Moreover, responses
to acetylcholine were slow in onset and prolonged after administration ceased,
time courses reminiscent of muscarinic postganglionic parasympathetic
responses.
Others soon reported similar results at other sites in the brain, finding mus-
carinic responses predominantly.17 But these experiments reaffirmed the con-
clusion that acetylcholine played a far less pervasive role in central neuro-
transmission than it did in the periphery.
Noraarenaline
pathetic fibers accompanying blood vessels in the brain.25 Marthe Vogt, now
in Edinburgh, disagreed. In 1954 she reported that noradrenaline levels in
brain tissue were higher in some regions (notably the hypothalamus) than in
others, but there was no correlation between this uneven density and blood
vessel distribution.26 Moreover, after Vogt cut the sympathetic nerves to the
brain blood vessels and allowed the terminals to degenerate, she found no
change in the noradrenaline content of the hypothalamus.
Detailed localizations within the brain became possible with the develop-
ment of microscopic techniques for identifying catecholamine-containing neu-
rons. In the early 1960s Bengt Falck in Lund and Nils-Ake Hillarp in Gote-
borg found that treating fixed tissue sections with formaldehyde vapor produced
yellow-green fluorescent products from noradrenaline and dopamine.27 This
histochemical technique was then widely employed to define pathways using
noradrenaline, investigations of immense significance in understanding the
functional organization of the nervous system but lying beyond the bounds of
this history. It is, however, important to add that discriminating between nor-
adrenaline- and dopamine-containing neurons was initially based on responses
to pharmacological agents, but in 1968 Falck devised a microspectrofluoro-
metric method for distinguishing between these catecholamines that confirmed
earlier assignments.28
Unlike acetylcholine, noradrenaline is not rapidly destroyed in the brain, and
its metabolic products do not mix appreciably with general cellular metabo-
lites. Consequently, it is possible to add isotopically labeled noradrenaline and
follow it by means of this radioactivity. 3H-noradrenaline was used from the
early 1960s for such purposes, including both light and electron microscopic
investigations of cellular and subcellular distribution.29 Radioactive labeling also
facilitated demonstrations that noradrenaline, like acetylcholine, was present
in brain synaptosomes.30
Documenting noradrenaline release from sympathetic fibers followed soon
after von Euler's identification.31 Measuring noradrenaline release from the
central nervous system was technically more difficult, but by the mid-1960s
that, too, was achieved.32
Curtis s initial microelectrophoretic studies on the spinal cord failed to iden-
tify neurons responding to noradrenaline.33 Nevertheless, analogous studies by
others then cataloged and mapped neuronal responsiveness to noradrenaline
throughout the brain.34
Dopamine
in 1956 that labeled dopa gave rise to labeled dopamine and noradrenaline, in
accord with the sequential conversion: dopa —» dopamine —» noradrenaline
(Fig. 5-3).35 But Blaschko, noting that some nerves contained as much
dopamine as noradrenaline, proposed the next year that "dopamine has some
regulatory functions of its own."36 In 1958 Arvid Carlsson in Lund found
dopamine levels in brain equivalent to noradrenaline levels; he, too, proposed
that such amounts "may indicate that the function of [dopamine] is not merely
that of a precursor."37
A. Bertler and E. Rosengren in Lund and I. Sano and associates in Osaka
then provided strong support for this proposal: they described in 1959 distri-
butions of dopamine in the brain that differed from those of noradrenaline.38
Combining chemical analyses with fluorescence microscopic techniques,
Swedish investigators then mapped dopamine-containing neurons in the brain
quite distinct from noradrenaline-containing ones.39 Concurrently, Victor Whit-
taker in Babraham identified dopamine in brain synaptosomal fractions.40
These mappings revealed prominent concentrations of dopamine in the cau-
date nucleus of the basal ganglia (see chapter 13). At the same time that McLen-
nan described the stimulated release of acetylcholine in the caudate nucleus
using push-pull cannulas, he also reported dopamine release that increased
when he stimulated a different pathway to the caudate.41 Floyd Bloom in Wash-
ington then showed that administering dopamine microelectrophoretically
inhibited certain caudate nucleus neurons.42
These experiments identified particular neuronal pathways containing
dopamine as their catecholamine, with the dopamine present in nerve endings
and released during stimulation. Administered dopamine affected the activity
of other neurons. But the enormous interest in dopaminergic systems that
developed subsequently represented further interests: changes in dopamine
levels accompanied certain diseases, and drugs effective in treating certain dis-
eases altered dopamine metabolism, transport, and receptors (chapter 13).
Serotonin
Scattered among the mucosal cells lining the gastrointestinal tract are "ente-
rochromaffin cells," named for their location plus their characteristic staining
by chromium salts. Vittorio Erspamer, first in Pavia and then Rome, began in
the 1930s efforts to identify the substances within these cells that were respon-
sible for the staining (as well as for the characteristic fluorescence and chem-
ical reactions).43 By 1940 he had prepared extracts that reproduced the fluo-
rescence and color reactions; in addition, these extracts caused various smooth
muscles to contract, notably the rat uterus and small intestine. From its
gastrointestinal origin and amine content, Erspamer named the substance
Identifying Neurotransmitters (1946-1976) 127
FIGURE 5-4. Structures of some neurotransmitters. The structure of the opioid mor-
phine is also shown.
GABA
tor I should contain a single inhibitory substance displaying the entire range of
inhibitory responses, and in a review published in 1961 Florey declared that
"GABA is not the inhibitory neurotransmitter although it imitates the transmit-
ter action in many crustacean preparations."69
Florey also failed to find GABA in crustacean nerves, but Edward Kravitz
and David Potter did.70 The following year, 1963, they, together with Kuffler,
now also in Boston, reported that inhibitory but not excitatory nerves contained
GABA.71 They pointed out that Florey's argument against GABA being the
inhibitory substance could be countered by acknowledging that additional
inhibitory substances might be present in tissue extracts: the amount of GABA
present in extracts need not equal the total inhibitory capacity of the extract;
GABA might represent only part of the inhibitory capacity while being the
physiologically active substance. And in 1966 Kravitz found that stimulating
inhibitory nerves released GABA in amounts proportional to that stimulation;
by contrast, stimulating excitatory nerves released no GABA.72 The previous
year A. and N. Takeuchi in Tokyo described microelectrophoretic administra-
tion of GABA onto crustacean muscles: GABA evoked inhibitory electrical
responses when applied to neuromuscular junctions, but not elsewhere on mus-
cle surfaces or when injected into muscles.73 Thus, GABA was present specif-
ically in inhibitory nerves, it was released specifically from them, and its local-
ized application to neuromuscular junctions mimicked nerve stimulation.
Florey was won back to his original view.74
Building a comparable case for GABA in vertebrate nervous systems was
more protracted. GABA, as Roberts initially demonstrated, was present in the
central nervous system. Moreover, its uneven distribution there could reflect
diverse functions, as uneven distributions of established neurotransmitters were
so interpreted.75 But when Roberts examined the subcellular distribution in
1963, he found that most of the GABA was "free" in the supernatant fraction.
(The largest fraction of "bound" GABA, however, was associated with synap-
tosomes.76) At this time Roberts was still focusing on metabolic roles for GABA,
so this distribution was not crucial. Others interested in GABA as a neuro-
transmitter, including Whittaker, also found that most of the GABA was free,
but in 1971 Leslie Iversen in Cambridge argued persuasively that in vivo GABA
was largely confined to vesicles but was artifactually released during cell frac-
tionation.77
In the spinal cord, where Charles Sherrington and John Eccles had estab-
lished central inhibition decisively (chapters 2 and 4), GABA did not at first
satisfy expectations. In 1959 Curtis found that microelectrophoretically applied
GABA blocked excitation in the spinal cord but did not hyperpolarize the neu-
rons; moreover, strychnine, which both Sherrington and Eccles used to block
inhibition, did not alter GABAs action.78 Curtis concluded that GABA pro-
duced a nonspecific "depressant" effect, rather than the true inhibition ex-
pected of a neurotransmitter.
Identifying Neurotransmitters (1946-1976) 131
Studies on the brain were more encouraging. In 1963 Krnjevic reported that
applying GABA microelectrophoretically to the cerebral cortex inhibited both
spontaneous activity (Fig. 5-5A) and excitation induced by applied glutamate.79
Krnjevic subsequently found that applied GABA hyperpolarized cortical neu-
rons, producing i.p.s.p.s just as did stimulating inhibitory pathways. Moreover,
responses to applied GABA or to stimulation were similarly sensitive to injected
Cl~, indicating that similar changes in ionic permeability underlay each.80 Par-
ticularly persuasive were studies on the cerebellum, where earlier research
established Purkinje cells in the cerebellar cortex as prominent inhibitors of
neurons in subcortical nuclei and brainstem. In 1967 K. Obata in Tokyo dem-
onstrated that microelectrophoretically applied GABA hyperpolarized these
neurons.81 Obata also showed that Purkinje cells contained GABA and that
stimulating the cerebellum increased GABA release into the ventricle several-
fold.82 Mitchell and Iversen then collected GABA from cups placed on the
cerebral cortex: electrical stimulation of inhibitory pathways increased GABA
release here as well.83
By 1968 Curtis realized that his multibarrel electrodes could damage neu-
rons, and he redesigned their configuration. He now found that applied GABA
indeed hyperpolarized spinal motoneurons.84 Strychnine, however, still did not
block the effects of GABA. On the other hand, earlier studies by Florey and
others demonstrated that picrotoxin, another well known convulsant derived
from plants, blocked inhibition at crustacean synapses as well as the effects of
Factor I and of GABA.85 Curtis surveyed an array of convulsants for a more
convenient reagent, and in 1970 he reported that bicuculline, another plant
product, blocked GABA's effects specifically.86 Bicuculline also blocked inhibi-
tion occurring at certain sites in the brain and spinal cord, but not at sites sen-
sitive to strychnine. There another inhibitory neurotransmitter must act.
Glutamate
sal root neurons terminate.94 This localization suggested a role in sensory limbs
of spinal cord reflex arcs, arcs where acetylcholine served in motor limbs.
Initial investigations of glutamate s subcellular distribution revealed—as with
GABA—that the greatest amount was free in the soluble fraction.95 In 1971,
however, Solomon Snyder in Baltimore found a portion of the neuronal gluta-
mate concentrated in synaptosomal fractions, and two years later H. F. Brad-
ford in London described a vesicular fraction containing glutamate.96
Demonstrating a stimulated release of glutamate was hindered by the high
background of "nonspecific" release, reflecting glutamate's multiple physiolog-
ical roles. In 1969, however, Herbert Jasper in Montreal described glutamate
release into fluid flowing over the brain surface that increased after electrical
stimulation.97 In 1972 P. J. Roberts and Mitchell, now in Bristol, reported a
stimulated release from the spinal cord and the following year a stimulated
release into cups on the visual cortex.98
Unlike Curtis, who found both stereoisomers of glutamate equally effective
on the spinal cord, Krnjevic showed in 1963 that the naturally occurring L-
stereoisomer was more effective on cortical neurons (Fig. 5-5B).99 Krnjevic
also found that glutamate excited spinal cord cells in regions where sensory
dorsal root neurons terminate.100 By 1972 Curtis agreed that glutamate was a
likely neurotransmitter in spinal cord and brain,101 exciting a far larger fraction
of neurons than any other putative neurotransmitter then known. But the delin-
eation of glutamatergic systems was hindered during this period by the lack of
specific blocking agents to assist in identifying such synapses.
Glycine
Glycine (Fig. 5-4B), too, is an ordinary a-amino acid present in all cells, mak-
ing its candidacy as a neurotransmitter "easy to deride."102 But in 1965 Mor-
ris Aprison in Indianapolis pointed out that glycine, measured during surveys
of amino acid content, was concentrated in the spinal cord gray matter, where
inhibitory interneurons and their terminals are localized.103 Two years later
Aprison furthered his proposal by describing sharp decreases in glycine con-
tent after destroying the spinal cord interneurons.104 Demonstrating glycine's
presence in synaptic vesicles, however, was not achieved during this period,
although Snyder provided circumstantial evidence for glycine's association with
synaptosomal fractions.105
Measuring a stimulated release was also challenging. In 1971 R. A. Webster
in London described an outflow of labeled glycine into fluid perfusing the cat
spinal cord, and this outflow increased when he stimulated peripheral nerves
electrically (he first loaded the spinal cord with labeled glycine by perfusing
with 14C-glycine.106) The following year Roberts and Mitchell, in experiments
134 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Substance P
Enkepnalins
Opium, the dried exudate from seed capsules of the poppy, has been used to
relieve pain and induce euphoria for millennia. Early in the nineteenth cen-
tury morphine (Fig. 5-4F) and codeine were isolated from opium, and by mid-
twentieth century synthetic opioids123 were developed as well as specific antag-
onists. Precise structural requirements for morphine and its analogs to produce
analgesia and euphoria (and for antagonists to block the responses) suggested
that these compounds interacted with specific receptors in the body. In 1973
136 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
three groups identified such receptors in the brain (chapter 6). The existence
of specific receptors for exogenous opioids then suggested that endogenous
opioids might exist. So several investigators, including Lars Terenius in Upsala,
Avram Goldstein in Palo Alto, and Snyder, set about searching for substances
in brain extracts that bound to their receptor preparations and whose binding
could be displaced by known opioids and opioid antagonists.124
The initial success, however, was achieved through a traditional route. Hans
Kosterlitz had initially studied sugar metabolism and diabetes in his native Ger-
many and continued this research after fleeing to Aberdeen in 1934.125 After
the war he turned his attention to how the autonomic nervous system affects
digestion; this endeavor included examining morphine's inhibition of peristal-
sis,126 demonstrable on the isolated guinea pig ileum. On retiring in 1973
at age 70, Kosterlitz founded the Unit for Research on Addictive Drugs in
Aberdeen, where he and a young associate, John Hughes, exploited an
extremely sensitive and selective bioassay for opioids, the mouse vas deferens.
Electrical stimulation of sympathetic nerves to the vas caused it to contract;
morphine blocked this response, whereas opioid antagonists, such as naloxone,
prevented morphine's action.127 (Hughes and Kosterlitz also demonstrated that
morphine acted by preventing noradrenaline release from the excitatory nerve.)
Hughes and Kosterlitz then showed that pig brain extracts contained mate-
rial that blocked contractions of both the vas deferens and ileum; naloxone
antagonized the extracts' effects in both bioassays.128 The active substance,
named "enkephalin," had a molecular weight of roughly 1000, and its potency
was destroyed by enzymes cleaving peptide bonds. In 1975 they identified two
active peptides in the extract (and synthesized them): met-enkephalin (Fig.
5-4E) and leu-enkephalin; each contained five amino acids, differing in only
one of these.129 The following year Snyder reported that calf brain extracts also
contained met- and leu-enkephalin, whose purification he followed by assess-
ing binding to opioid receptor preparations.130 Both described uneven distri-
butions of enkephalins in the brain, extending beyond known pathways for pain
perception and implying that enkephalins played broader functional roles.131
In 1976 Snyder also reported that enkephalins were localized in synaptosomal
fractions.132
Demonstrating enkephlin release was technically difficult, in part due to free
enkephalins rapid destruction by endogenous peptidases. Within five years of
enkephalins discovery, however, descriptions of its release appeared.133
If exogenous opioids produce analgesia by acting on specific receptors in the
brain, then endogenous opioids should also be able to relieve pain. Indeed,
injecting enkephalins into brain ventricles produced analgesia.134 Reports also
published in 1976 described microelectrophoretic application of enkephalins
that altered the electrical activities of particular neurons in certain brain regions,
effects blocked by naloxone.135 (Although the structures of met-enkephalin
Identifying Neurotransmitters (1946-1976) 137
and morphine [Figs. 5-4E and F] seem at first glance dissimilar, molecular
models showed that strong resemblances in three-dimensional configurations
exist.136)
Meanwhile, Goldstein in 1975 found larger peptides in the pituitary that had
opioid activity both in bioassays and on receptor preparations.137 Within a
decade two further families of endogenous opioid peptides were characterized
in addition to enkephalins: endorphins and dynorphins, ranging from 16 to 31
amino acids.138
Concl
onciusions
ance only as the weight of evidence accumulated. This evidence included not
only satisfying the criteria stated above but also displaying further attributes
recognized later. Important among these were identifications of receptors spe-
cific for the candidate neurotransmitter, receptors that, when occupied by these
substances or their close structural analogs, evoked demonstrable biochemical
and cellular responses (chapters 6 and 7).
During these decades evidence for and against other substances that might
serve as neurotransmitters also accumulated, but space does not allow discus-
sion of some later accepted, such as adenosine, and others that remained in
limbo, such as taurine. But it is important to recognize that the list of likely
neurotransmitters continued to grow throughout the period covered in this
book.
Notes
1. For a contemporary discussion, see Werman (1966). Werman also stated other cri-
teria that seemed obvious, too, such as the presence of enzymes for neurotransmitter
synthesis and degradation. The applicability of these to all neurotransmitters turned out,
nonetheless, to be limited (chapter 9).
2. See Cooper et al. (1996), pp. 4-5.
3. Using tracer techniques, such as radioactive labeling, is frustrated by the rapid
breakdown, with the products then being incorporated into multitudes of other cellu-
lar constituents.
4. Hammar et al. (1968).
5. Schmidt et al. (1969). They, too, used a gas chromatographic approach.
6. Mitchell (1963). Physostigmine was present in the Ringers solution in the cups;
acetylcholine was measured by bioassays. Acetylcholine concentrations in blood and
cerebrospinal fluid were lower, so the released acetylcholine could not simply have
leaked from these sources. This approach was first described in an abstract in 1953 by
Macintosh and Oborin in Montreal, but they did not pursue it.
7. Ibid., p. 114.
8. Collier and Mitchell (1966).
9. Collier and Mitchell (1967).
10. Gaddum (1961).
11. McLennan (1964).
12. Mitchell (1963).
13. Exact mimicry would be unlikely. For example, as McLennan (1970) pointed out,
much of the endogenous neurotransmitter is released onto the branched dendrites,
whereas acetylcholine was administered in such experiments onto the cell body, close
to the recording electrode.
14. del Castillo and Katz (1955a); Curtis and Eccles (1958a, b). These studies were
extended in Curtis et al. (1961). Rosamond Eccles is John Eccles's daughter.
15. The number of ions released is proportional to the amount of current passed
through the pipet. To prevent leakage from the pipets before release is desired, an
opposing "back current" is applied.
16. Krnjevic and Phillis (1961, 1962, 1963a, 1963b, 1963c).
Identifying Neurotransmitters (1946-1976) 139
17. For example, Spehmann and Kapp (1961); Spehmann (1963); Crawford and Cur-
tis (1966); McLennan and York (1966).
18. Blaschko (1942).
19. von Euler (1946). Von Euler also included chemical assays, but these could not
discriminate between noradrenaline and adrenaline when the quantities of each were
unknown (e.g., noradrenaline was stated to fluoresce more weakly than adrenaline).
20. von Euler (1948, 1949); von Euler and Hamberg (1949).
21. Bacq and Fischer (1947); Gaddum and Goodwin (1947); Holtz et al. (1947).
22. Holtz and Schumann (1948).
23. Dale (1965), p. 98 (a reprint of the 1953 edition). In 1914, however, noradrena-
line was not known to exist in mammalian tissues.
24. von Euler (1946).
25. Ibid. At that time sympathetic nerves were known to accompany blood vessels,
where they were importantly involved in maintaining blood pressure through activating
smooth muscles that controlled vessel diameter.
26. Vogt (1954).
27. Carlsson et al. (1962); Falck (1962); Falck et al. (1962). With adrenaline the flu-
orescence had a slower onset and was thus distinguishable.
28. For the pharmacological procedures, see Corrodi and Jonsson (1967). Bjorklund
et al. (1968) described treatment with hydrochloric acid that shifts the excitation spec-
tra between dopamine and noradrenaline, thereby making them distinguishable.
29. Samorajski and Marks (1962); Wolfe et al. (1962). In both these studies animals
were injected with 3H-noradrenaline and tissue sections then exposed to photographic
emulsions: the radioactive noradrenaline caused a deposition of silver grains in these emul-
sions that could be correlated with the cytological images from light or electron microscopy.
30. For example, Potter and Axelrod (1963); Glowinski et al. (1966).
31. For example, Peart (1949); West (1950).
32. For example, Anden et al. (1965); Baldessarini et al. (1967). Alternatively,
decreases in tissue content were reported (for example, Gunne and Reis, 1963).
33. Curtis et al. (1961).
34. For example, Bloom et al. (1963); Bradley and Wolstencroft (1962); Krnjevic and
Phillis (1963d).
35. Demis et al. (1956). They incubated adrenal medullary homogenates with 14C-
dopa and recovered 14C-dopamine and 14C-noradrenaline.
36. Blaschko (1957), p. 11.
37. Carlsson et al. (1958), p. 471.
38. Bertler and Rosengren (1959); Sano et al. (1959).
39. For example, Anden et al. (1964b, 1965); Hillarp et al. (1966).
40. Laverty et al. (1963). They found, however, considerable amounts of "free"
dopamine, that is, dopamine in the supernatant fraction.
41. McLennan (1964). He noted that dopamine "is not normally regarded as a likely
transmitter substance" (pp. 152-153).
42. Bloom et al. (1965). Dopamine excited a smaller number of caudate nucleus neu-
rons. See also McLennan and York (1967), who, citing recent reports, now considered
dopamine a likely neurotransmitter.
43. Vialli and Erspamer (1933); Erspamer (1940a, 1940b, 1940c).
44. Erspamer and Asero (1952), p. 801. Erspamer noted that far lower concentra-
tions of enteramine were required to affect the kidney than to raise blood pressure;
moreover, vessels leading to the glomeruli (the site of filtration where urine formation
begins) were most sensitive (Erspamer, 1953).
140 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
45. For autobiographical accounts, see Page (1976); Rapport (1987, 1997).
46. Blood consists of various blood cells plus liquid "plasma." After blood coagulates,
the clot contains trapped cells plus the clotting proteins. The remaining liquid is "serum,"
which is plasma minus the clotting proteins (it also contains substances liberated from
the cells during coagulation, such as serotonin).
47. Rapport (1948a, 1948b).
48. Rapport (1949).
49. Hamlin and Fischer (1951) at Abbott Laboratories; Speeter et al. (1951) at the
Upjohn Co.
50. Erspamer and Asero (1952).
51. Twarog and Page (1953).
52. Amin et al. (1954).
53. Bogdanski et al. (1957). The easy assay by fluorescence spectroscopy greatly facil-
itated further research.
54. Aghajanian and Bloom (1967).
55. Dahlstrom and Fuxe (1964); Anden et al. (1966). Procedures to distinguish sero-
tonin from catecholamines included pharmacological approaches and microspectroflu-
orescence methods (see Corrodi and Jonsson, 1967; Bjorklund et al., 1970).
56. Michaelson and Whittaker (1962, 1963).
57. DeRobertis et al. (1962); Zieher and DeRobertis (1963). DeRobertis's separation
of cholinergic from serotonergic synaptosomes was, however, controversial.
58. For example, Anden et al. (1964a); Beleslin and Myers (1970). Sometimes the
disappearance of serotonin and appearance of its metabolite was interpreted as release:
for example, Aghajanian et al. (1967).
59. For example, Bloom et al. (1963); Curtis et al. (1961); Krnjevic and Phillis (1963a).
60. Roberts and Frankel (1950). Awapara et al. (1950) independently identified GABA
in chromatograms of the brain.
61. Roberts (1956). The GABA shunt depicted a-ketoglutarate converted to gluta-
mate, which was then decarboxylated to GABA; GABA was next oxidized to succinate,
so the GABA shunt bypassed the steps in the Krebs cycle between a-ketoglutarate and
succinate.
62. Florey (1954).
63. Chief among these crustacean systems are neuromuscular junctions, where sep-
arate excitatory and inhibitory nerves innervate muscle, and stretch receptors (sense
organs in muscle), on which inhibitory nerves end.
64. Bazemore et al. (1956, 1957).
65. Boistel and Fatt (1958). Hagiwara et al. (1960) confirmed these observations.
66. Kuffler and Edwards (1958). Others studying these issues included Grundfest et
al. (1959) and Van der Kloot and Robbins (1959).
67. Florey and McLennan (1955).
68. McLennan (1957, 1958).
69. Florey (1961), p. 513.
70. Florey and Chapman (1961); Kravitz et al. (1962).
71. Kravitz et al. (1963). Their analyses were facilitated by using a highly sensitive
and specific enzymatic assay for GABA.
72. Otsuka et al. (1966).
73. Takeuchi and Takeuchi (1965).
74. Koidl and Florey (1975).
75. Baxter and Roberts (1959). See also Fahn and Cote (1968).
76. Weinstein et al. (1963).
Identifying Neurotransmitters (1946-1976) 141
Essential Issues
John Newport Langley in 1905 introduced the notion that nerve activity, exci-
tatory drugs, and their antagonists all elicited cellular responses through "recep-
tive substances," hypothetical structures that soon became known by the shorter
title receptors (chapter 3).1 This and the following two chapters describe
attempts to answer essential questions raised by Langley s proposal: what, chem-
ically, are these receptors; how do neurotransmitters and drugs interact with
them; and how do such interactions trigger the cellular responses? These inves-
tigations also inspired various schemes for classifying receptor families, reveal-
ing generalities about evolutionary relationships and illustrating mechanistic
similarities—despite the multitudes of entities cataloged over the decades.
Moreover, demonstrations that certain neuronal constituents interacted with
specific receptors complemented the identifications of neurotransmitters that
were proceeding by other criteria (chapter 5).
Drugj—Receptor Interactions
143
144 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Among such characteristics were the time courses and magnitudes of these
responses. In 1909 A. V. Hill, then in Cambridge, turned his formidable ana-
lytical powers to this issue, although only briefly.2 While examining Langley s
proposal quantitatively, Hill focused first on the time courses of nicotine-
induced muscle contraction and of curare-induced relaxation. Rather than the
time course representing merely the physical process of drug diffusion into or
out of the tissue, the response times, he concluded, reflected reversible inter-
actions, "a gradual combination of the drug with some constituent of the mus-
cle."3 As to the magnitude, Hill expressed the contraction height in terms of
such combinations between excitatory drug or "agonist," A, and receptor, R:
A + R <=> AR.
But his formulation included a threshold value, T, that AR must exceed before
contraction resulted; thus, the contraction magnitude was proportional to
(AR - T).
A. J. Clark, also educated in Cambridge, developed Hill's model of reversible
associations between drug and receptor. Clark's version, however, depicted the
response as proportional to the amount of this complex, without it having to
exceed some threshold level. In 1926 Clark, then in London, plotted the mag-
nitudes of frog heart and skeletal muscle contractions (response) against admin-
istered acetylcholine concentrations (dose), identifying the consequent "dose-
response plots" as rectangular hyperbolas.4 (With dose on the x-axis and response
on the i/-axis, the curves approached the horizontal asymptote of maximal
response at infinite dose.) For large concentration ranges it is more convenient
to plot the logarithm of the dose against the response, and rectangular hyper-
bolas are transformed in "log dose-response plots" into sigmoidal curves (Fig.
6-1 A). Clark noted that with both tissues the dose-response data "lie along a
curve which can be fitted closely by the equation [for a rectangular hyperbola
of] K.x = y/(lOO — y), where x = molecular concentration of the drug, y —
action produced as percentage of maximal action [i.e., 100]; K = constant" (the
line in Fig. 6-1A was drawn to this formula).5 He concluded that "the simplest
explanation [for this fit] is to suppose that a reversible monomolecular reaction
occurs between the drug and some receptor in the cells."6
An equivalent formula expresses the ratio of drug-receptor complex, AR, to
the maximal drug-receptor complex possible, ARmax, in terms of the binding
equilibrium A + R <^> AR:
145
146 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
constant for this binding. Response, according to Clark's principles, was then
linearly proportional to AR/ARmax.
Although Clark cited the similarities of his curves to those for oxygen's asso-
ciation with hemoglobin, he did not explicitly relate his equation to binding
formulas then known, such as those for Irwin Langmuir's adsorption curves or
for Leonor Michaelis and Maud Menten's substrate-velocity curves for enzyme
activity.7 Moreover, Clark did not explicitly identify his K as the association con-
stant, Ka, in the binding equilibrium.
Clark also described atropine's inhibition of these acetylcholine-induced con-
tractions: with successively higher concentrations of this antagonist, the log
dose-response curve was shifted further and further to the right (Fig. 6-1B).8
To describe this effect he inserted a factor in his equation, multiplying K by
the ratio of acetylcholine concentration to atropine concentration.9 This mod-
ification, however, had no theoretical justification, and he acknowledged that
"it only holds when atropine is present in a concentration sufficient to produce
a well-marked action," that is, at high atropine concentrations.10 Indeed, Clark
argued against atropine and acetylcholine competing for the same site on the
grounds that added acetylcholine did not accelerate atropine's dissociation from
the tissue.11
The next significant advance came from John Gaddum, who has appeared
in earlier chapters. He, too, was educated in Cambridge but then worked with
Henry Dale, Wilhelm Feldberg, and Ulf von Euler before beginning a series
of academic moves—from Cairo to London to Edinburgh (where he succeeded
Clark, who had moved there in 1927) and finally to Babraham. But it was while
in London in 1937 that Gaddum revised Clark's formulation for antagonism by
explicitly representing competition between agonist and antagonist for the same
receptor site:
where Kj and K% are the respective association constants for agonist GI and for
antagonist C% binding to the same receptor site.12 Again, the fractional response
was equated to the extent of agonist binding.
The Hill-Clark-Gaddum formulation stressed reversible binding to receptors
governed by distinct affinities for specific substances. Since this proposal may
seem trivially obvious to modern pharmacologists, it seems worth emphasizing
that alternative views were also expressed. For example, others, including Gad-
dum, reported sigmoidal log dose-response plots before Clark did, but they
had interpreted their plots differently: as agonists interacting with heteroge-
neous populations of units "whose susceptibility is distributed about a mean in
accordance with a probability curve [so that the dose-response] curve [is] the
integral of the normal distribution."13 This formulation was difficult to disprove
Characterizing Receptors (1905-1983) 147
before identical, pure receptors were available for study, but Clark in his influ-
ential review of 1937 disagreed on other grounds, judging the population argu-
ment "unfruitful, since, if the response to drugs is attributed to a peculiarity
of living tissue, there is no means of linking up such responses with the known
laws of physical theory."14
Even more dissimilar was Walther Straub's potential theory of 1907.15 He
considered that drugs exerted their effects not by combining with specific
receptors but through the concentration gradient of a drug from outside the
cell to inside. Straub derived his model from observing that added drugs could
produce large effects initially (when the gradient would be high), but that this
response would often decline slowly (presumably as the drug entered the cell
and the gradient dissipated). But, as Clark pointed out, many drugs do not show
decreased responses over time.16 Moreover, such time courses can be explained
by heterogeneous drug-receptor interactions, with receptors having different
rates of association and dissociation (falling back on the population argument).
Clark also attributed the decline to tolerance, a well-recognized phenomenon,
albeit one then without a clear mechanistic explanation.
ity would produce weaker activation. These weak agonists could also act as
antagonists toward strong agonists by competing with them for receptor occu-
pancy: when weak agonists occupied the receptors instead of strong agonists,
they would evoke lesser responses, manifested as inhibition toward strong ago-
nists. Ariens formalized this proposal by including a factor to represent intrin-
sic activity, a, so responses would be proportional to a times the fractional
occupancy: a/(l + l/K^A).
Two years later R. P. Stephenson in Edinburgh called attention to further
discrepancies and added new hypotheses to account for drug—receptor inter-
actions.20 Stephenson pointed out that actual dose-response plots frequently
deviated from true hyperbolas. He also repeated Ariens's conclusions that a
homologous series of compounds could have different maximal responses (Fig.
6-2A) and that some compounds could have both agonist and antagonist prop-
erties. But Stephenson rejected the basic tenet of Hill, Clark, Gaddum, and
Ariens that responses must be linearly proportional to receptor occupancy.
Instead he introduced three hypotheses: (1) A maximum effect can be pro-
duced by an agonist when occupying only a small proportion of the receptors,
(2) The response is not linearly proportional to the number of receptors occu-
pied, and (3) Different drugs may have different capacities for initiating a
response.21 Stephenson named agonists that were unable to elicit maximal
responses, even at infinite dose, "partial agonists," and the excess of receptors,
unneeded when a full agonist acted, "spare receptors." The factor modifying
maximal response he named "efficacy," e, which he multiplied times fractional
occupancy (as had Ariens with intrinsic activity, a). Stephenson, however,
equated this product not to response, as had Ariens, but to "stimulus," S:
Whereas S directly represented the affinity of receptor for agonist and the effi-
cacy of agonist at receptor, response was now an unspecified function of S.
Stephenson illustrated these properties with a calculated family of curves for
a series of homologous compounds. These he derived from values for affinity,
which increased with side chain length, and for efficacy, which first rose with
side chain length and then fell (Table 6-1), and from a hyperbolic relationship
of response to S. These calculated curves mimicked experimental results: Fig-
ure 6-2B vs. 6-2A. Since responses were not necessarily linear functions of S
(or of fractional occupancy), Stephenson's formulation allowed dose-response
plots to deviate from true hyperbolic curves.
At this time Mark Nickerson in Winnipeg published results consistent with
Stephenson's formulation.22 Nickerson described how diphenhydramine irre-
versibly blocked responses to histamine over a slow time course (tens of min-
utes). During the early minutes diphenhydramine appeared to be a competi-
tive (reversible) antagonist: the maximal response to histamine was unchanged
but the apparent affinity decreased. Later in the time course, however, the
maximal response decreased. Nickerson interpreted these results in terms of
an excess of histamine receptors: initially enough (spare) receptors were avail-
able so that a maximal response could occur even though some were blocked
irreversibly, but the decreased number simulated a reduction in affinity. Later,
when the number of available receptors was decreased still further, too few
remained to generate a maximal response.
"Affinities for the partial agonists (hexyl and longer derivatives) were estimated from the concen-
trations for half-maximal responses. Affinities for the shorter full agonists were estimated by extrap-
olating the plot for partial agonist affinity vs. chain length (Stephenson, 1956, Fig. 4). Values are
for the affinity constant X 10~3. Efficacies were then calculated from these affinity constants and
the magnitudes of the responses, using the concentrations for half-maximal responses. (From
Stephenson [1956], Table V. Used by permission of Nature Publishing Group.)
150 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Neither Ariens nor Stephenson explained how intrinsic activity or efficacy might
be manifested, and the link between hypothesized receptor occupancy and
observed tissue response remained mysterious as the 1950s ended. The chem-
ical nature of receptors was then also unknown, although many assumed that
receptors, like enzymes, were proteins. Such assumptions sanctioned further
speculations, founded on new insights into protein structures and their func-
tional changes.
By the early 1960s John Kendrew had determined with X-ray crystallogra-
phy the first three-dimensional structure of a globular protein, and Max Perutz
had reported the crystal structures of both oxygenated and deoxygenated hemo-
globin, revealing a distinct shift in protein conformation that accompanied oxy-
gen binding (chapter 4). Perutz's demonstration complemented recent studies
indicating that some enzyme activators and inhibitors bound to regulatory sites
Characterizing Receptors (1905-1983) 151
distinct from catalytic sites ("allosteric" sites), thereby altering structure and
thus function. In 1965 Jacques Monod in Paris, together with Jeffries Wyman
and Jean-Pierre Changeux, presented a striking and influential model for
allosteric control of protein conformations.25 They proposed that proteins could
exist in two alternative, interconvertible forms, R and T, of which R was active
and T inactive (or significantly less active); moreover, if R and T had different
affinities for a ligand,26 L, its binding would shift the equilibrium between
R and T:
Desensitization
Pharmacologists in the 1930s noticed that when certain substance were added
to tissues at high concentrations, they initially excited but then prevented fur-
ther responses, so that subsequent additions were for some time thereafter
ineffective.29 Possible explanations included presumed depletions of cellular
energy stores during the initial excitation.30 But in 1957 Bernard Katz in Lon-
152 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Rate Theory
William Paton, unlike the Langley, Hill, Clark, Gaddum succession, was edu-
cated in Oxford, although he worked briefly with Dale before returning to
Oxford. There in 1961 Paton published an ingenious alternative to these "occu-
pation theories," a "rate theory" proposing that "the stimulant effect produced
by a drug depends, not on the number of receptors occupied, but on their rate
of occupation."33 Maximal responses required maximal numbers of interactions,
so agonists should dissociate rapidly from receptors to permit further interac-
tions. Conversely, antagonists would block by dissociating only slowly, thereby
preventing agonists from interacting. Paton accumulated an impressive body
of corroborative evidence from studies on cholinergic stimulation of the guinea
pig ileum in the absence and presence of various inhibitors. But others were
less enthusiastic, and in 1968 D. R. Waud summarized criticisms.34 These
ranged from the lack of chemical precedent for such rate-dependent stimula-
tion to the lack of similar data at other loci where they were sought, including
neuromuscular junctions and adrenergic systems. Moreover, Waud provided
alternative explanations for Paton's observations, couched in terms of occu-
pancy theories and plausible assumptions that attributed Paton's time courses
not to rates of interaction with receptors but to rates of access to receptors,
with diffusion modified by tissue binding sites. In the face of these criticisms
and the continuing development of occupation theories, enthusiasm for Paton's
rate theory ebbed.
Receptor Classification
Classification by Agonist
Vasoconstriction 1 2 3
Vasodilation 2 3 1
Intestinal contraction (inhibition) 1 2 3
Uterine contraction (inhibition) 2 3 1
"Rank-order of responses in rabbits to equimolar amounts of the three adrenergic agonists are tab-
ulated. Vasoconstriction was measured from blood pressure changes and vasodilation from coro-
nary artery flow. (From Ahlquist [1948], Table I. Used by permission of the American Physiolog-
ical Society.)
154 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Since many neurotransmitters produced their effects quite rapidly, the respond-
ing receptors would seem to be on or near the cell surface, as Clark pointed
out in 1937.42 In 1955 Katz demonstrated just such a localization at neuro-
muscular junctions: acetylcholine released from micropipets near the muscle
cell surface excited responses, whereas acetylcholine released into the proto-
plasm did not.43 Later microelectrophoretic experiments confirmed this cell
Ckaracterizing Receptors (1905-1983) 155
retransmitter (say, noradrenaline) but also to diminish the release of its rival.
These presynaptic "heteroreceptors," which respond to neurotransmitters
released from different nerve terminals, thus contrast with presynaptic "auto-
receptors," which respond to the neurotransmitter released from their own
terminal.
Classification by Function
Langley imagined two classes of receptors, one eliciting excitatory and the other
inhibitory responses (chapter 3). Later studies, however, demonstrated that the
same receptor could mediate excitatory or inhibitory responses depending on
the cellular circumstances. A more rewarding classification considered classes
of receptor mechanisms, as further studies disclosed (chapters 7 and 8).
Structure—Activity Relationships
More direct and detailed information was needed, but to characterize recep-
tors chemically and mechanistically they must be isolated from contaminating
entities and confounding processes. Serious conceptual uncertainties and tech-
nical inabilities, however, impeded progress toward receptor purification. By
1960 neurotransmitter receptors were localized to cell membranes and thought
to be, at least in part, proteins.58 The structural organization of lipids and pro-
teins within membranes, however, was then unclear. The favored model de-
picted protein layers coating each surface of a lipid bilayer; not until late in the
158 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
1960s did S. J. Singer revive mosaic models, showing "intrinsic" membrane pro-
teins that extended across the bilayer (as would be appropriate for transporters,
channels, and receptors that must mediate between extracellular and intracel-
lular environments).59
Extracting such intrinsic proteins in their native state was also a daunting
challenge. During the 1960s methods appeared for fragmenting membranes
mechanically and for "solubilizing" their proteins with various detergents. The
detergent-solubilized proteins could then be purified by ultracentrifugation and
chromatography. As the 1970s began, a crucial new technique, electrophoresis
through polyflcrylamide gels of proteins solubilized in the detergent sodium
dodecylsulfate (SDS-PAGE), was being employed for separating membrane
proteins according to their molecular weights.
Membrane-bound enzymes could be followed through purification proce-
dures by assaying catalytic activity at successive steps. Following receptors was
less straightforward. The binding of specific ligands, such as receptor agonists
or antagonists, was obscured by "nonspecific" binding to other sites as well as
to irrelevant "specific" sites, including those on neurotransmitter transporters
and on synthetic and degradative enzymes. Moreover, purifying a ligand-
binding entity did not guarantee that this entity was the entire receptor.
Not surprisingly, some commentators were pessimistic about the prospects
for isolating intact receptors,60 and the piecemeal progress fostered skepticism.
Still, some successes accrued; three examples may illustrate the quests.
jS-Aarenergic Receptors
Success with other receptors was more elusive. Whereas fish electric organs pro-
vided large quantities and high densities of nicotinic receptors, no organs were
so richly endowed with receptors for any other neurotransmitter. This low den-
sity not only necessitated more extensive purification from extraneous materi-
als, it also required that labeling ligands have extremely high specific activities.77
Indeed, initial attempts with radioactive noradrenaline revealed only nonspe-
cific binding: antagonism by other ligands did not follow their pharmacological
ranking, and binding was neither saturable nor stereospecific.78
FIGURE 6.4. Model of the nicotinic receptor. The receptor is composed of (A) five
subunits traversing the lipid bilayer of the membrane and enclosing a (B) central ion-
conducting channel. (From Kistler et al. [1982], Fig. 6, courtesy of the Biophysical
Society.)
Ckaracterizing Receptors (1905-1983) 161
Opioid Receptors
FIGURE 6.5. A., left, Erwin Neher (1944-). B., right, Bert Sakmann (1942-). [A cour-
tesy of E. Neher, B courtesy of B. Sakmann.)
the patch was isolated by the tight seal from electrical events elsewhere, the
electrode responded prominently to ionic currents through the few channels
bounded by its orifice. So, with cholinergic agonists in the electrode bathing
the patch, Neher and Sakmann in 1976 recorded discrete electrical pulses (Fig.
6-6A), identifiable as multiples of a basic amplitude and interpretable as cur-
rents through channels that abruptly opened when agonist bound and later
abruptly closed." They calculated single-channel conductances of 22 pS and
mean open-channel lifetimes of 11 ms.100 Responses from a population of such
receptors would then sum to give the composite endplate currents previously
measured with intracellular microelectrodes. Neher and Sakmann improved
and extended their technique, and patch electrodes soon became widely used
to characterize channels throughout the biological realm.101
An alternative approach for recording responses from single receptor mole-
cules was through reconstituting purified receptors in lipid bilayers. In this case
the preferred system is a planar bilayer, formed across a tiny hole in a septum
that separates two solutions. With receptors incorporated in and penetrating
across this insulating bilayer, gross electrodes in the two solutions can then
monitor conductance through the receptor channels. By 1980 successful recon-
stitutions revealed the same discrete, abrupt steps in conductance, attribute-
Characterizing Receptors (1905-1983) 165
FIGURE 6.6. Openings and closings of individual nicotinic receptor channels. A. Patch
electrodes containing the cholinergic agonist suberyldicholine were placed tightly
against the muscle fiber surface to measure transmembrane currents. Downward deflec-
tions record an increased current flow under the electrode and upward deflections a
decreased flow. These deflections were interpreted as agonist-induced openings of ion-
conducting channels with a unitary magnitude, followed by the return of the conduc-
tance to baseline values when the channel closed. In some cases the downward deflec-
tion is twice the unitary magnitude, interpreted as two channels under the electrode
being open at the same time. B. Gross electrodes were in two solutions separated by a
lipid bilayer containing purified nicotinic receptors. Currents measured between the
two electrodes then include ion flows through these receptors. In these tracings upward
deflections record an increased current. The occasional increases in conductance were
interpreted as spontaneous openings of receptor channels, producing currents of a uni-
tary magnitude. C. More frequent conductance increases occurred after the choliner-
gic agonist carbamylcholine was added to the solutions. These often appeared as mul-
tiples of the unitary conductance and were interpreted as multiple channels being open
at the same time. (A from Neher and Sakmann [1976], Fig. 3, reprinted by permission
of Nature, ©Macmillan Magazines, Ltd. B and C from Schindler and Quast [1980],
Figs. 4A and B, courtesy of H. G. Schindler.)
Conclusions
Notes
1. Langley (1905, 1906). In fact, Langley enunciated the principle in 1878: "We may
. . . assume that there is some substance . . . in the nerve endings or gland cells with
which both atropin and pilocarpin are capable of forming compounds. On this assump-
Characterizing Receptors (1905-1983) 167
tion then the atropin and pilocarpin compounds are formed according to some law of
which their relative mass and chemical affinity for the substance are factors" (p. 367).
From considering antiparasitic actions, Paul Ehrlich at the turn of the century also pos-
tulated that receptors mediated drug effects (see Bloch, 1994, chapter 5).
2. Hill (1909). For example, Hill described the onset of contraction as y = k(l —
e~ At ), where y is the magnitude of contraction, t the time since the beginning of the
contraction, and k and A constants.
3. Ibid., p. 372.
4. Clark (1926a).
5. Ibid., p. 535.
6. Ibid., p. 545.
7. Langmuir (1916); Michaelis and Menten (1913). The Michaelis-Menten analysis
proposed that enzyme velocity was proportional to the concentration of an enzyme-
substrate complex, ES, formed reversibly by the association of substrate, S, and enzyme,
E: E + S <=> ES. Their formula for velocity, v, in terms of these parameters, of maxi-
mal velocity, Vmax, and of the constant for ES dissociation, Km, is:
When I is large relative to K,-, values of v/Vmax approximate those from Clark's for-
mulation for inhibition.
13. Gaddum (1926). See also Shackell et al. (1924).
14. Clark (1937), p. 205.
15. Straub (1907). Straub imagined that antagonists, such as atropine, inhibited by
168 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
preventing an agonist, such as acetylcholine, from entering the cell and thereby estab-
lishing a gradient.
16. Clark (1937).
17. Raventos (1937).
18. Ginzel et al. (1951).
19. Ariens (1954).
20. Stephenson (1956).
21. Ibid., p. 380.
22. Nickerson (1956).
23. Furchgott (1955).
24. Furchgott (1966).
25. Monod et al. (1965). Koshland et al. (1966) presented a somewhat different mul-
tistate model.
26. "Ligand" is a general term for a substance—atom, ion, or molecule—that binds.
27. Karlin (1967); Changeux and Podleski (1968). Changeux et al. (1967) earlier pro-
posed a related model in terms of cooperative effects transmitted through a membrane
lattice.
28. For example, Colquhoun (1973); Thron (1973); Pert and Snyder (1974).
29. For example, Barsoum and Gaddum (1935); Brown (1937).
30. For example, Cantoni and Eastman (1946).
31. Katz and Thesleff (1957).
32. For example, Rang and Ritter (1970).
33. Paton (1961), p. 23.
34. Waud (1968).
35. Ahlquist (1948).
36. Expressing dosages in molar terms allowed comparisons of the potency per mol-
ecule.
37. Ahlquist (1948), p. 595.
38. Black et al. (1965). At the time Ahlquist proposed his dichotomy, all known adren-
ergic antagonists affected a-receptors predominantly.
39. Lands et al. (1967a). A subsequent paper introduced the terms "/3-1" and "/3-2"
(Lands et al., 1967b).
40. Schild (1947). For example, the response to an agonist dose, A, will equal that
with twice the dose, 2A, in the presence of an antagonist, I, when I = 1/K, :
where Ka and K, are the association constants for agonist and antagonist binding.
41. Arunlakshana and Schild (1959).
42. Clark (1937).
43. del Castillo and Katz (1955a).
44. Ciani and Edwards (1963), p. 23.
45. Hubbard and Yokota (1964), p. 1073.
46. Brown and Gillespie (1957).
47. Langer (1970), p. 544.
48. Starke (1971).
49. Starke (1972), p. 19.
50. Enero et al. (1972), p. 672; Langer (1974). Delbarre and Schmitt (1973) sug-
gested splitting a-receptors into ai and 0.% categories but did not indicate what those
categories were.
Characterizing Receptors (1905-1983) 169
for displacing radioactive noradrenaline did not follow rank-order for antagonizing nor-
adrenaline's effects at receptors; binding did not follow the hyperbolic "saturable"
response of dose-response plots but continued without apparent asymptote; and bind-
ing of the pharmacologically inactive stereoisomer was comparable to the active one.
79. Lefkowitx et al. (1974); Levitzki et al. (1974); Aurbach et al. (1974).
80. For example, Lefkowitz and Williams (1977); Bylund and Snyder (1976).
81. Caron and Lefkowitz (1976).
82. Shorr et al. (1981).
83. Shorr et al. (1982a).
84. Cerione et al. (1983).
85. DeLean et al. (1982).
86. Shorr et al. (1982b).
87. See Cozzens (1989); Goldberg (1988); Kanigel (1986).
88. Goldstein et al. (1971).
89. Goldstein et al. reported that stereospecific labeling increased at higher ligand
concentrations; as Pert and Snyder (1973a) noted, such a relationship is unexpected.
Moreover, Simon et al. (1973) stated that they could not replicate Goldstein's results.
Goldsteins subsequent attempts at isolation then resulted in a lipoprotein (Lowney et
al., 1974), inconsistent with later findings.
90. Terenius (1973a, 1973b).
91. Pert and Snyder (1973a, 1973b).
92. Simon et al. (1973). Simon had been pursuing opioid receptors since the mid
1960s (Van Praag and Simon, 1966), prior to efforts by Terenius and Snyder.
93. Kuhar et al. (1973); Martin et al. (1976); Lord et al. (1977).
94. Pert et al. (1973); Simon et al. (1973); Simon and Groth (1975).
95. Katz and Miledi (1970).
96. Ibid., pp. 963, 962.
97. Katz and Miledi (1972).
98. Anderson and Stevens (1973); Colquhoun et al. (1975).
99. Neher and Sakmann (1976).
100. Since obtaining good electrode seals at neuromuscular junctions was difficult,
they used denervated muscle, which has "extrajunctional" receptors over its surface
where seals are easier. These extrajunctional receptors were previously known to have
responses about threefold longer.
101. Hamill et al. (1981). See also Robinson (1997).
102. Schindler and Quast (1980); Nelson et al. (1980).
7
SECOND MESSENGERS
(1951-1990)
Cyclic AMP
During the early 1950s Bernard Katz identified muscle e.p.p.s with increased
membrane permeabilities to Na + and K + induced by acetylcholine, while John
Eccles linked e.p.s.p.s and i.p.s.p.s of spinal cord motoneurons to increased
membrane permeabilities to these and other ions (chapter 4). The notion that
neurotransmitters excited or inhibited by altering specific ionic permeabilities,
which had been established at these sites, seemed applicable at all sites. But
the responses that Katz and Eccles studied had rapid onsets and brief dura-
tions, whereas responses at other sites were notably delayed and prolonged.
Indeed, such striking differences in time courses were one cornerstone for ear-
lier arguments against chemical transmission at neuromuscular junctions and
in the central nervous system (chapter 3). Then Eccles had contrasted rapid
responses at presumed electrical synapses with slow responses at acknowledged
chemical synapses (as with the vagal innervation of the heart). The latter, he
believed, reflected inevitable delays while released acetylcholine diffused to its
receptors and while cholinesterase inactivated it.
But if fast responses also relied on chemical mechanisms, indicating that
chemical transmission could be quite rapid, what produced the slow onset and
protracted time courses at other synapses? An unanticipated explanation for
171
172 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
such delays and prolongations (and much more) emerged from different inter-
ests. Earl Sutherland (Fig. 7-1) defined a new mode of cellular communica-
tion—and one that operates at many synapses—through an urge to understand
how hormones act.
Sutherland had received his medical training in St. Louis, and after military
service in World War II, he returned to work on the hormonal regulation of
glucose metabolism with the eminent biochemist Carl Cori. Cori was then
studying phosphorylase, a crucial en2yme in cellular metabolism that splits
glycogen, a polymerized storage form of glucose, into glucose-1-phosphate
subunits (Fig. 7-2A). Glucose-1-phosphate is next converted to glucose-6-
phosphate, which is either metabolized locally to supply cellular energy or
dephosphorylated to glucose, which is released into the bloodstream for metab-
olism elsewhere.1 Phosphorylase, however, exists in an active form, phospho-
rylase a, and an inactive form, phosphorylase b (Fig. 7-2B).
By 1951 two hormones, adrenaline and glucagon,2 were known to raise blood
glucose levels by promoting glycogen breakdown in the liver. That year Suther-
FlGURE 7-1. Earl Wilbur Sutherland, Jr. (1915-1974; courtesy of the National Library
of Medicine).
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 173
land and Cori identified phosphorylase as the rate-limiting step for glucose
release.3 They also demonstrated that adrenaline and glucagon increased glu-
cose release by stimulating the conversion of inactive phosphorylase b to active
phosphorylase a.
174 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 7-3. ATP, GTP and some of their products. A. ATP can be hydrolyzed to ADP
and Pi by various ATPases. ATP can also be converted to cAMP and PPj by adenylate
cyclase (below). B. Analogously, GTP can be hydrolyzed by GTPases or converted to
cGMP by guanylate cyclase.
FIGURE 7-4. Effects of adrenaline on heart cAMP levels, contractile force, and phos-
phorylase activity. A. Adrenaline was added to perfused hearts, and after the times (in
seconds) indicated on the x-axis, the amount of cAMP (upper panel, expressed on the
y-axis as nmoles per gram of heart) was measured. Contractile force (middle panel,
expressed on the y-axis as percent of the unstimulated value) was also measured after
addition of adrenaline. Contractile force rose after cAMP rose. Phosphorylase activity
of the heart (bottom panel, expressed on the y-axis relative to the mean value before
adding adrenaline) also rose, but more slowly, peaking after the rise in contractile force.
These time courses suggested that the increased contractile force was not due solely to
increased phosphorylase activity. B. A model for the adrenergic receptor-adenylate
cyclase complex shows a catalytic subunit (C) regulated by inhibitory a-adrenergic
receptor subunits and by excitatory /3-adrenergic receptor subunits. (A from Robison
et al. [1965], Fig. 2, courtesy of the American Society for Pharmacology and Experi-
mental Therapeutics. B from Robison et al. [1967], Fig. 4, courtesy of the New York
Academy of Sciences.)
since a-adreneregic agonists decreased cAMP levels in some tissues and antag-
onized some /3-adrenergic effects, he suggested that a- and /3-receptors might
be linked to adenylate cyclase in an opposing fashion (Fig. 7-4B).16
By the early 1970s further investigations demonstrated that administering
dibutyryl-cAMP extracellularly or cAMP intracellularly (by microelectro-
phoresis) altered electrical responses that correlated with accelerated heart rate
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 177
and increased contractile force.17 These responses, which mimicked the addi-
tion of /3-adrenergic agonists, were then linked to alterations in particular K +
and Ca2+ currents. In later years the numbers of these currents (and of the
membrane channels conducting them) increased dramatically, and causal expla-
nations for adrenergic effects became correspondingly more complex. Never-
theless, a fundamental notion remained: adrenergic agonists affected cardiac
function through second messenger systems that altered specific channel
conductances.
Sutherland also noted that muscarinic cholinergic agonists decreased cardiac
cAMP levels, albeit modestly.18 Cholinergic antagonism to adrenergic stimula-
tion could then result from cholinergic agonists opposing the rise in cAMP due
to adrenergic agonists. But this explanation, too, was superseded by more com-
plex formulations (see below).
Meanwhile, it had become apparent that additional substances altered cel-
lular levels of cAMP. These included not only other hormones but also acknowl-
edged neurotransmitters, beginning with serotonin (initially demonstrated in
liver flukes, but in 1968 in mammalian brain).19 Then in 1971 Paul Greengard
in New Haven reported, first, that excitation of preganglionic fibers elevated
cAMP levels in sympathetic ganglia, and, second, that dopamine, released from
interneurons in the ganglia, was the stimulant to adenylate cyclase.20 The next
year Greengard demonstrated dopamine-stimulated adenylate cyclase activity
in the brain's basal ganglia, where dopamine plays a central role.21 Thus,
dopamine receptors were coupled to cAMP production in both ganglia and
brain, with cAMP apparently mediating the dopaminergic responses. And in
1974 he described the block of this dopaminergic stimulation of adenylate
cyclase by antipsychotic drugs, those used to treat schizophrenia but known
also to produce motor symptoms through actions on the basal ganglia (chap-
ter 13).22 Still missing from this account, however, are the mechanisms by which
cAMP induces its responses and the mechanisms by which receptors stimulate
or inhibit adenylate cyclase.
(A second cyclic nucleotide, cyclic guanosine monophosphate [cGMP, Fig.
7-3B], was discovered in 1967 during a survey of urinary constituents.23 Over
the next two decades the properties of cGMP were scrutinized, and although
significant physiological roles were discovered—notably in the chain of visual
responses in retinal cells—a definite participation in synaptic transmission was
not established.)
FIGURE 7-5. A, left, Edwin G. Krebs (1918-). B, right, Edmond H. Fischer (1920-).
(A courtesy of E. G. Krebs. B courtesy of E. H. Fischer.)
that year he purified "phosphorylase kinase kinase" from muscle, the enzyme
catalyzing the phosphorylation of phosphorylase kinase.29 Subsequently this
enzyme became known as "cAMP-dependent protein kinase" or "protein kinase
A" (I will use the latter name).
The causal chain thus ran (Fig. 7-2): adrenaline => increased cAMP =>
active protein kinase A => active (phosphorylated) phosphorylase kinase =>
active (phosphorylated) phosphorylase a =$ glycogen breakdown. Two protein
kinases, protein kinase A and phosphorylase kinase, are involved, each trans-
ferring the terminal phosphate of ATP to a protein (onto the hydroxyl of the
amino acid serine, forming phosphoserine esters, as Krebs showed). Suther-
land described a phosphatase cleaving the phosphate from phosphorylase and
Krebs a phosphatase similarly dephosphorylating phosphorylase kinase.30 Acti-
vation could be turned off as well as on.
Independently, Joseph Larner in Cleveland was examining the opposing reac-
tion, the formation of glycogen from glucose catalyzed by glycogen synthase.
As noted above, adrenaline inhibited glycogen synthase while activating phos-
phorylase, a prime example of what came to be called reciprocal control (the
biochemical equivalent of Sherrington s reciprocal innervation). In 1963 Larner
showed that glycogen synthase also existed in two forms, with their intercon-
version reflecting phosphorylation/dephosphorylation of this enzyme, too.31
Moreover, cAMP activated a kinase that phosphorylated glycogen synthase to
produce the less active form.32 Evidently, cAMP bound to this glycogen syn-
thase kinase to activate its phosphorylating ability; Larner invoked Monod's
notion of allosteric control of protein function in describing the activation of
this kinase.33 Krebs then showed that the kinases were identical: phosphory-
lase kinase kinase and glycogen synthase kinase were the same enzyme (pro-
tein kinase A).34
In 1968 Krebs reported that protein kinase A phosphorylated several other
proteins in vitro.35 Whether it phosphorylated any of these in vivo was not
established, however, and all the enzymes then known to be regulated by cAMP
and protein kinases were involved with glycogen synthesis and breakdown. But
the next year Lester Reed in Austin showed that phosphorylation/dephospho-
rylation also regulated a key enzyme of intermediary metabolism, pyruvate
dehydrogenase.36 That year, 1969, Greengard proposed that "protein kinases
mediate all the diverse effects" of cAMP; indeed, he found protein kinase A
activity in every tissue he examined, concluding that cAMP through this kinase
"may play a role in the regulation of all animal tissues."37
In 1957 P. J. Heald in London had described an increased phosphorylation
of brain proteins following electrical stimulation in vitro; Heald related this
protein phosphorylation to transport mechanisms necessary to restore ionic bal-
ance after stimulation.38 Instead, Greengard in 1969 demonstrated receptor-
mediated increases not only in cAMP synthesis (see above) but also in protein
180 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 7-6. The spreading recognition that multitudes of proteins are regulated
through phosphorylation/dephosphorylation. (Reprinted from Krebs [1994], ©1994,
with permission from Elsevier Science.)
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 181
tory effect on the heart was thus attributable to noradrenaline elevating pro-
tein kinase A activity through stimulation of cAMP formation; protein kinase
A would then phosphorylate Ca2+ channels to promote ion fluxes that stimu-
late cardiac activity.
Through the 1980s further evidence accumulated for protein phosphoryla-
tion throughout the organism, with such phosphorylations representing a ubiq-
uitous means for modifying protein function. Other protein kinases were soon
identified (see below), and the number of proteins known to be phosphory-
lated soared (Fig. 7-6).
Phosphorylations could participate in these regulatory processes only if the
phosphorylations were readily reversible. As cited above, Sutherland and Krebs
demonstrated the enzymatic dephosphorylation of phosphorylase and phos-
phorylase kinase. Protein phosphatase activity in the brain was identified soon
afterward.46 By 1983 four classes of protein phosphatases were established,4'
and further studies revealed that these phosphatases were themselves regu-
lated, in part by phosphorylation/dephosphorylation.
G-Proteins
Still missing from this account is the link between neurotransmitters binding
to receptors and the activation of adenylate cyclase to synthesize cAMP. By
1971 neither receptors nor enzyme had been isolated, but proposals centered
on complex systems with regulatory and catalytic subunits.48 Ligand-induced
conformational changes in receptor subunits could induce, through contiguity,
conformational changes to activate catalytic subunits, following the pattern of
allosteric enzymes then being described. But evidence for an intervening
entity—a mobile, amplifying entity—emerged from studies by Martin Rodbell
(Fig. 7-7A) in Bethesda.
Rodbell was born a decade after Sutherland, Krebs, and Fischer, with World
War II interrupting his education. He received his Ph.D. in biochemistry from
the University of Washington (where Krebs and Fischer were) in 1954, and in
1956 he began his career at the National Institutes of Health (NIH), studying
hormonal responses. In 1971 these investigations had evolved into examining
how glucagon stimulated adenylate cyclase. While measuring the binding of
labeled glucagon to liver cell membranes, Rodbell found that adding nucleo-
tides—most prominently guanosine triphosphate (GTP) and guanosine diphos-
phate (GDP) (Fig. 7-3B)—affected the process: as little as 50 nM GTP or GDP
decreased the affinity for glucagon.49 Since GDP as well as GTP was effective,
Rodbell considered that the nucleotides acted by binding to regulatory
(allosteric) sites rather than by phosphorylation.
In addition to these effects on binding, GTP also increased the rate of cAMP
182 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 7-7. A, left, Martin Rodbell (1925-1998). B, right, Alfred Goodman Oilman
(1941-). (A courtesy of the National Institutes of Health. B courtesy of A. G. Gilman.)
synthesis, and at very low substrate levels GTP was required for catalytic activ-
ity.50 Rodbell concluded that GTP "play a specific and obligatory role in the
activation . . . by glucagon."51 Moreover, Rodbell showed in 1974 that this acti-
vation by GTP occurred after glucagon bound to the receptor and that an ana-
log of GTP that was not hydrolyzed could induce a persisting activation.52 Such
analogs proved to be valuable both practically, because of this long-lasting acti-
vation, and conceptually, because binding rather than phosphorylation must
then be the essential process.
On the other hand, GDP did not activate (in contrast to its effects on glucagon
binding), and GTP's activation was transient, presumably because it was
hydrolyzed to inactive GDP. Others soon found that GTP and GTP analogs
activated adenylate cyclases from several sources following stimulation by sev-
eral ligands.53
Efforts then focused on identifying the component to which GTP bound and
on defining how the resulting complex activated adenylate cyclase. In 1976 Dan
Cassel and Zvi Selinger in Jerusalem described a distinct GTPase activity in
avian red blood cell membranes that was stimulated by adrenergic agonists;
they argued that GTP hydrolysis was required for returning the activated sys-
tem to its unstimulated state.54 Cassel and Selinger next showed that ligands
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 183
184
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 185
Ca2+
Responses to Ca
Several roles for Ca2+ were then apparent. Longest established was the Ca2+
requirement for muscle contraction, noted in 1883 by Sydney Ringer in Lon-
don.75 In 1947 Victor Heilbrunn in Philadelphia showed that injecting Ca2+
into muscle provoked contraction, and in 1952 Alexander Sandow in New York
formulated a scheme for "excitation-contraction coupling" in which muscle
action potentials liberated Ca2+ intracellularly, with this Ca2+ then activating
the contractile proteins.76 During the 1950s and 1960s electron microscopists
identified both a tubular system within muscle cells and the association of this
"sarcoplasmic reticulum" with periodic imaginations of the muscle cell mem-
branes, "transverse tubules."77 Physiologists showed that these transverse
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 187
Two sources for elevating cytoplasmic Ca2+ levels were illustrated in these stud-
ies, extracellular and intracellular. Katz and Miledi defined inward Ca2+ cur-
rents, attributable to Ca2+ flowing through transmembrane channels from
188 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Mechanisms or Action
Accounts of how Ca2+ initiated its multitudes of responses were less tidy, evolv-
ing into a catalog of mechanisms. In some instances Ca2+ acted directly, as in
binding to, and thereby activating, the proteolytic enzyme calpain or various K +
and Ca2+ channels that control cellular function.93 In other instances Ca24" func-
tioned by binding to, and thereby activating, regulatory proteins, which in turn
affected the responses of further systems. During this time two important exam-
ples of such regulatory proteins were characterized, troponin and calmodulin.
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 189
Concr
onclusions
The concept of a second messenger arose from studies on the hormonal con-
trol of glucose availability, but it matured into appreciations of general mech-
anisms for signal transmission within and among all cells. Receptors could trig-
ger an increase in the cytoplasmic concentrations of second messengers through
their formation (e.g., cAMP, inositol-fmphosphate, diacylglycerol) and through
their entry or release (e.g., Ca 2+ ). The second messengers could then alter cel-
lular function directly (e.g., Ca2+ affecting certain ion channels) or by activat-
ing certain enzymes (e.g., protein kinase A, CaM-kinase II, protein kinase C).
Protein kinases could phosphorylate particular proteins to regulate discretely,
if sometimes broadly, a range of cellular functions: cell division, growth, gene
expression, biochemical syntheses and degradations, motility, permeability,
excitation, and so on. In some cases G-proteins linked receptor occupancy to
second messenger formation (e.g., cAMP, inositol-fnsphosphate, diacylglyc-
erol). Moreover, G-proteins could also act directly on cellular components (e.g.,
ion channels).
These cascades of reactions amplified responses. They also directed them,
depending on the particular receptor occupied, the second messenger formed,
the effector activated, and the substrates available to that effector. The func-
tional consequences could be evanescent, reflecting the rapid removal of sec-
ond messenger and dephosphorylation of proteins, or prolonged as a result of
some long-lasting change initiated by the second messenger, such as the new
synthesis of some protein.
Defining the complexities of these systems consumed several decades and
demanded notable ingenuity and insight. Indeed, Nobel Prizes were awarded
to Sutherland (1971), Krebs (1992), Fischer (1992), Rodbell (1994), Gilman
194 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
(1994), and Greengard (2000) for their achievements—as well as to Carl and
Gerty Cori (1947), who laid the groundwork for the initial discoveries.
Appreciating the significance of these processes required time and flexibil-
ity, also. Through the 1950s neurotransmitter responses had been depicted as
depolarizations or hyperpolarizations elicited through the opening of channels
specific for certain ions. The subsequent investigations then added second mes-
senger systems, as primary effectors or as modulators of neurotransmitter
actions, to the earlier mechanisms for synaptic transmission. Moreover, this dis-
tinction between receptors opening channels and receptors acting through sec-
ond messengers complemented contemporary realizations that the structures
of neurotransmitter receptors also fall into two major classes (chapter 8).
Notes
1. At this time both the breakdown and the synthesis of glycogen were thought to be
catalyzed by the same enzyme, phosphorylase. (Leloir et al., 1959, demonstrated that a
different enzyme, glycogen synthase, was responsible for synthesis; this was a major con-
ceptual advance, establishing the pattern seen frequently thereafter of synthesis and degra-
dation following separate pathways, separately regulated.) Phosphorylase was so named
because the breakdown proceeds by phosphorolysis: breaking glucose-glucose bonds by
inserting a phosphate group (forming glucose-1-phosphate fragments). Only liver pos-
sesses glucose-6-phosphatase, so only liver can liberate free glucose from glycogen.
2. Hormones are regulatory substances released into the bloodstream. Adrenaline is
released by the adrenals, glucagon (then known as the "hyperglycemic-glycogenolytic
factor") by the pancreas.
3. Sutherland and Cori (1951).
4. Sutherland and Wosilait (1955); Rail et al. (1956).
5. See Sutherland (1972).
6. Rail et al. (1957).
7. Sutherland and Rail (1957).
8. Cook et al. (1957); Lipkin et al. (1959). Sutherland and Lipkin independently
approached Leon Heppel for a reagent, and he put them in touch with each other. Cook
et al.s original formula, containing two adenine nuclei, was corrected in their second
paper.
9. Sutherland et al. (1962); Butcher and Sutherland (1962). Alternative names for
adenylate cyclase are adenyl cyclase and adenylyl cyclase.
10. Sutherland et al. (1965).
11. Sutherland et al. (1962); Klainer et al. (1962).
12. Belocopitow (1961).
13. Handler et al. (1968).
14. Falbriard et al. (1967).
15. Robison et al. (1965).
16. Robison et al. (1967). See also Turtle and Kipnis (1967). By contrast, others at
this time were looking for adrenergic receptors elsewhere. For example, Honig and
Stam (1967) proposed that adrenaline acted directly on the contractile proteins of heart
muscle.
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 195
17. Yamasaki et al. (1974); Reuter (1974). See also Tsien (1974).
18. Murad et al. (1962).
19. Mansour et al. (1960); Kakiuchi and Rail (1968).
20. McAfee et al. (1971); Kebabian and Greengard (1971).
21. Kebabian et al. (1972).
22. Clement-Cormier et al. (1974).
23. Ashman et al. (1963).
24. Krebs and Fischer (1956).
25. Krebs et al. (1959).
26. Ibid., p. 2872.
27. Posner et al. (1965).
28. DeLange et al. (1968).
29. Walsh et al. (1968).
30. Sutherland and Wosilait (1955); Riley et al. (1968).
31. Friedman and Lamer (1963).
32. Rosell-Perez and Lamer (1964).
33. Huijing and Lamer (1966).
34. Solderling et al. (1970).
35. Walsh et al. (1968).
36. Linn et al. (1969).
37. Kuo and Greengard (1969), p. 1354.
38. Heald (1957, 1962).
39. Miyamoto et al. (1969); Ueda et al. (1973).
40. Weller and Rodnight (1970); Reddington et al. (1973).
41. Gordon et al. (1977); Teichberg et al. (1977).
42. Huganir et al. (1986).
43. Miles et al. (1987).
44. Kaczmarek et al. (1980); Castellucci et al. (1980).
45. Osterrieder et al. (1982).
46. For example, Weller and Rodnight (1971); Maeno and Greengard (1972).
47. Ingebritsen and Cohen (1983).
48. For example, Robison et al. (1967).
49. Rodbell et al. (1971b).
50. Rodbell et al. (1971a). In retrospect, it seems that RodbelFs ATP contained low lev-
els of contaminating GTP. Consequently, only with low concentrations of ATP (and thus
negligible adventitious GTP) did the requirement for added GTP become obligatory.
51. Ibid., p. 1877.
52. Rodbell et al. (1974); Londos et al. (1974).
53. For example, Bockaert et al. (1972); Wolff and Cook (1973).
54. Cassel and Selinger (1976).
55. Cassel and Selinger (1978).
56. Pfeuffer (1977).
57. Pfeuffer (1979).
58. By this time the reigning conception of membrane structure was the "fluid-
mosiac" model, which depicted proteins free to move laterally through the fluid lipid
bilayer (see Robinson, 1997). Consequently, G-proteins would be able to move in the
plane of the membrane from receptor to adenylate cyclase.
59. L. S. Goodman and A. Gilman's The Pharmacological Basis of Therapeutics, was
first published in 1941 (and continues to the present, although with different authors).
196 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
60. This reconstitution technique was previously applied to receptor and adenylate
cyclase by Orly and Schramm (1976).
61. Northup et al. (1980).
62. Hanski et al. (1981); Robishaw et al. (1986).
63. Hildebrandt et al. (1984).
64. Fungetal. (1981).
65. Manning and Gilman (1983).
66. Hamm (1998).
67. Hanski et al. (1981); Northup et al. (1982). See also Pfeuffer (1979).
68. Bokoch et al. (1983, 1984). Independently, Birnbaumer obtained similar results
(Hildebrandt et al. 1983). Arguments for the existence of inhibitory G-proteins existed
earlier (for example, Londos et al., 1981).
69. For example, Cassel and Pfeuffer (1978); Katada and Ui (1982).
70. Arguments for G; coupling to o^-adrenergic receptors included reconstitution
experiments by Cerione et al. (1986). See also Cotecchia et al. (1990).
71. Arguments for Gj coupling to muscarinic receptors included reconstitution exper-
iments by Florio and Sternweis (1985).
72. Pfaffinger et al. (1985); Breitwieser and Szabo (1985).
73. Logothetis et al. (1987). However, these experiments were disputed for some
time: see Birnbaumer et al. (1990); Schneider et al. (1997).
74. Rasmussen (1970), p. 409.
75. For historical accounts see Needham (1971); Robinson (1997).
76. Heilbrunn and Wiercinski (1947); Sandow (1952).
77. For example, Porter and Palade (1957); Franzini-Armstrong and Porter (1964);
Peachey (1965).
78. For example, Huxley and Taylor (1958); Freygang et al. (1964).
79. Costantin et al. (1965); Winegrad (1965).
80. Hasselbach and Makinose (1961); Ebashi and Lipmann (1962).
81. Douglas and Rubin (1961).
82. Ibid., p. 40.
83. Douglas and Poisner (1962).
84. For example, Douglas and Poisner (1963, 1964).
85. Katz and Miledi (1965). In these and other electrophysiological studies cited here,
the release of neurotransmitter was inferred from the presence of postsynaptic poten-
tials. Earlier proposals for Ca2+ involvement include Hodgkin and Keynes (1957) and
Birks and Macintosh (1957).
86. Katz and Miledi (1969). Hodgkin and Keynes (1957) identified a Ca2+ current
associated with the squid action potential, but this Ca2+ current was relatively tiny. Fatt
and Ginsborg (1958) showed that invertebrate muscle action potentials included a pre-
dominant Ca2+ current.
87. See Hagiwara and Byerly (1981); Bean (1989).
88. Kohlhardt et al. (1972); Spedding (1985).
89. See Hodgkin and Keynes (1957).
90. For a historical account, see Robinson (1997).
91. Schatzmann (1966).
92. Reuter asnd Seitz (1968); Blaustein and Hodgkin (1969).
93. See Melloni and Pontremoli (1989); Marty (1989).
94. Ebashi and Kodama (1965); Ebashi et al. (1967).
95. Greaser and Gergely (1971).
96. Collins et al. (1973).
Second Messengers (1951-1990) 19?
In 1953 James Watson and Francis Crick proposed a double-helix model for
DNA, with helices linked by pairings between the complementary nucleotide
bases of each strand. The elaborations and extensions that followed in subse-
quent decades included demonstrations of how DNA specified protein struc-
ture.1 Successive triplets of the four nucleotide bases that constitute DNA (ade-
nine, guanine, thymine, and cytosine) designate successive amino acids of the
encoded protein. To direct protein synthesis, the sequence of nucleotide base
triplets is first "transcribed" into messenger RNA (mRNA) bearing the com-
plementary2 sequence of nucleotide bases. The mRNA then migrates from
nucleus to cytoplasm, where its complementary nucleotide triplets are "trans-
lated" into the sequence of amino acids.3 These triplets direct the stepwise link-
ing of amino acids into a peptide chain, with that assembly catalyzed by ribo-
somal enzymes. Information thus flows from DNA to mRNA to protein.
These understandings led also to the development of new techniques, includ-
ing powerful methods for examining protein structure and altering it in highly
specific ways. A range of restriction endonucleases were identified that cleave
DNA at distinct sites specified by characteristic sequences of nucleotide bases.
Various restriction endonucleases could thus generate specific fragments of
199
200 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
DNA. Also identified were DNA ligases that join together free ends of DNA
strands. Recombinant DNA could therefore be constructed by cutting native
DNA with restriction endonucleases and assembling fragments into new strands
with DNA ligases. Novel strands of DNA with desired sequences could be
formed from existing fragments or by incorporating short stretches of nucleo-
tides (oligonucleotides) synthesized chemically or enzymatically.
Important tools for generating multiple copies of a particular stretch of DNA
were bacterial plasmids, strands of DNA separate from the bacterial chromo-
some and serving as accessory chromosomes. These plasmids are replicated
during bacterial division like the single bacterial chromosome. Bacterial plas-
mids could be isolated, their DNA cut by restriction endonucleases, pieces of
new or altered DNA inserted with ligases, and the plasmid then replaced in
the bacteria ("transformation").
When a single bacterium containing a plasmid with a particular strand of
DNA undergoes successions of cell division, its progeny—a colony of cells
grown in vitro—will contain that DNA. These progeny are identical genetically
and thus are "clones"; in laboratory parlance the DNA is "cloned." This pro-
cedure provides a means for generating macroscopic quantities of a selected
or constructed DNA molecule.
Among the various "expression" procedures for synthesizing protein encoded
by DNA, the Xenopus oocyte system is particularly relevant here. First, the
DNA is transcribed into complementary mRNA. For this, tissue culture cells
may be "transfected" with plasmid cDNA, which then directs a massive tran-
scription. (In later experiments the mRNA was often synthesized by cell-free
systems.) Second, the resulting mRNA is extracted from the transfected cells
and injected into oocytes of the frog Xenopus laevis, which readily synthesize
protein from exogenous mRNA (translation or expression). The properties of
this newly synthesized protein, such as a neurotransmitter receptor that oocytes
ordinarily do not express—can then be studied in the injected cell.
FIGURE 8-1. A, left, Shosaku Numa (1927-1992). B, right, Robert]. Lefkowitz (1943-).
(A courtesy of Osamu Hayashi. B courtesy of R. J. Leftowitz.)
FIGURE 8—2. Structures of ligand-gated ion channels. A. Section through the nicotinic
receptors of Torpedo electric organ, determined by electron microscopy/image recon-
struction. The figure depicts large lobes surrounding the extracellular access route to
the transmembrane channel (not resolved) as well as the smaller lobes surrounding the
intracellular egress route for Na + entering the cytoplasm. (K + moves along this route
in the opposite direction.) The elliptical image below the receptor was identified as an
extraneous protein (see Mitra et al., 1989). B. Diagram of the three rings of negative
charges flanking the transmembrane channel. A cation (circle enclosing +) is shown at
the extracellular mouth of the channel. This diagram is superimposed on Toyoshima
and Unwin's recontructed image. The chains of hexagons represent chains of sugars
covalently bonded to extracellular regions. C. Common folding pattern for subunits
of ligand-gated ion channels, showing the extracellular N-terminal and extracellular
C-terminal segments, four transmembrane a-helices that span the bilayer (M2 is
shaded), and the cystine loop in the N-terminal segment. (A from Toyoshima and Unwin
[1988], Fig. 4, reprinted by permission of Nature. © 1988, Macmillan Magazines, Ltd.
B from Hucho and Hilgenfeld [1989], Fig. 5C, courtesy of the Federation of European
Biochemical Societies. C from Ortells and Lunt [1995], Fig. 1, © 1995, by permission
of Elsevier Science.)
Receptor Structures and Receptor Families (1983-1990) 205
In 1987 Eric Bernard in Cambridge reported the sequences for two subunits
of the GABAA receptor and Heinrich Betz in Heidelberg that for one subunit
of the glycine receptor.26 They, too, determined these sequences by cDNA
techniques, using oligonucleotide probes based on partial amino acid analyses
of purified subunits. From their similar results they now stressed the chemi-
cal and structural similarities to nicotinic receptors and to each other: they
argued for the existence of a superfamily of related receptors. Indeed, there
was about 50% homology27 between GABAA and glycine receptors and about
25% homology with nicotinic receptors. All subunits were of similar size and
all had four hydrophobic stretches likely to be transmembrane segments (Fig.
8-2C). In fact, the homologies lay chiefly in the four putative transmembrane
segments, notably in M2. All had lengthy, extracellular N-terminal domains
where the binding sites for their neurotransmitters lay. These domains also
included two cysteines that were 15 amino acids apart, apparently forming a
loop through disulfide bonding between these cysteines.,
Differences among these receptors are to be expected, of course, for they
bind different ligands selectively. Moreover, GABA and glycine are inhibitory
neurotransmitters that promote Cl~ fluxes through their receptors, rather than
the Na + and K + fluxes of excitatory nicotinic receptors. Correspondingly, the
GABAA and glycine receptors had a cluster of positively charged amino acids
at each end of the presumed channel,28 where nicotinic channels had nega-
tively charged amino acids.
Based on the pattern of nicotinic receptors, the GABAA and glycine recep-
tors should consist of five subunits arranged around a central channel, although
Receptor Structures and Receptor Families (1983-1990) 207
the precise number of subunits for the GABAA receptor was debated for many
years. In any case, there appeared to be fewer kinds of subunits than for the
electric organ nicotinic receptor, although the GABAA receptor had multiple
varieties of each kind of its subunits.29
Glutamate Receptors
Certain glutamate receptors also function as ligand-gated ion channels, and these
had been subdivided pharmacologically according to their differential sensitiv-
ities to characteristic agonists, including kainate, quisqualate, and N-methyl-
D-aspartate (NMDA). It seemed likely, therefore, that these receptors would
be structurally similar to nicotinic, GABAA, and glycine receptors. These glu-
tamate receptors had not been purified, however, so there were no partial amino
acid sequences available and thus no guides for constructing oligonucleotide
probes.
Michael Hollmann in La Jolla instead sequenced the kainate receptor in 1989
by a different cDNA approach: "expression cloning."30 First he formed a cDNA
library from rat brain mRNA, representing all proteins synthesized in the brain
and consisting of 800,000 clones. He divided this library into 18 sublibraries of
44,000 clones each, and he then transcribed the cDNA of each sublibrary in
vitro, obtaining 18 pools of the corresponding mRNAs. He injected each of
these pools into a separate Xenopus oocyte, testing each oocyte for the kainate-
induced depolarizations that would signal the expression of functional recep-
tors. Hollmann next subdivided the positive cDNA sublibrary successively, test-
ing pooled mRNA from 4000 clones, then 400 clones, and finally 40 clones. At
this point he tested individually the mRNA from 12 clones of that final pool,
selecting clones having the longest stretches of cDNA. The mRNA from only
one of these clones elicited responses to kainate, and Hollmann sequenced the
corresponding cDNA, deducing an encoded protein with a molecular weight
of 100 kDa.
This protein was twice the size of the subunits from other known ligand-
gated ion channels. Moreover, there was no cysteine loop and "no significant
over-all homology" with the other receptors, although Hollmann did identify
four "candidates" for transmembrane segments.31 At best, it seemed that glu-
tamate receptors were "distant cousins" of the known ligand-gated ion chan-
nels.32 Sequences of other ligand-gated glutamate receptors, including NMDA
receptors,33 were determined soon afterward, and all these showed marked
similarities to this kainate receptor.
Aarenergfic Receptors
Robert Lefkowitz (Fig. 8-1B) had isolated /3-adrenergic receptors and recon-
stituted the purified proteins to form functional receptors—capable of stimu-
lating adenylate cyclase—as one step in his comprehensive study of adrener-
gic processes (chapter 6). Lefkowitz had received his M.D. from Columbia
University in 1966 at age 23, and after clinical training in internal medicine,
he spent two years in research at NIH before further training in cardiology at
Harvard University. In 1973 he was appointed associate professor of medicine
and assistant professor of biochemistry at Duke University, where he initiated
an active and productive research program.
Lefkowitz now obtained partial amino acid sequences from purified fiz-
adrenergic receptors and used these sequences to construct oligonucleotide
probes for screening a hamster library, identifying in 1986 the DNA that
encoded a protein containing 418 amino acids with a molecular weight of 46
kDa.36 The deduced sequence contained likely sites—"consensus sequences,"
since these appeared at demonstrated occurrences in other proteins—for phos-
phorylation by protein kinases and for glycosylation (covalent attachment of
Receptor Structures and Receptor Families (1983-1990) 209
FIGURE 8-3. Amino acid sequence and folding pattern for the human /32-adrenergic
receptor. The amino acid sequence is depicted in the one-letter symbols for the amino
acids (A for alanine, R for arginine, N for asparagine, etc.). Black circles with white let-
ters indicate sites where the human and hamster receptors differ. The seven trans-
membrane a-helices, containing hydrophic amino acids, are shown, as well as two sites
for glycosylation on asparagines in the N-terminal extracellular segment. (From Kobilka
et al. [1987], Fig. 3, courtesy of Robert J. Lefkowitz.)
tion and affirmed the common name for this group (alternative names include
"heptahelical receptors" and "metabotropic receptors").
The same year that Lefkowitz reported the first sequence for an adrenergic
receptor, 1986, Numa reported the first sequence for a muscarinic cholinergic
receptor.47 Muscarinic receptors had just been purified from pig brain, so Numa
obtained partial amino acid sequences by chemical means, produced oligonu-
cleotide probes based on these sequences, and then screened a pig brain cDNA
library with these probes. He identified the cDNA for a 51 kDa protein con-
taining 460 amino acids, with sequence homologies to rhodopsin and the /?2-
adrenergic receptor, including seven likely transmembrane segments. Expres-
sion in Xenopus oocytes produced characteristic electrical responses to
administered acetylcholine that were blocked by atropine.48
At that time pharmacological approaches distinguished two major classes of
muscarinic receptors, MI and MZ; the receptor classes also had different dis-
tributions in the brain. Numa identified his protein as MI based on the corre-
sponding localization of its mRNA in the brain as well as on the binding of a
diagnostic MI antagonist to oocytes expressing the cDNA.
The cDNA representing this receptor did not, however, encode the
sequences of certain peptide fragments present in proteolytic fragments of mus-
carinic receptors purified from pig brain. Numa concluded that these aberrant
sequences might belong instead to M£ receptors present along with MI in his
receptor preparation. Accordingly, he synthesized oligonucleotide probes cor-
responding to the aberrant sequences and screened cDNA libraries from brain
and from heart, where M2 receptors are prominent. The identified cDNA
encoded a protein of 466 amino acids (52 kDa) having sequence homology to
MI and containing seven likely transmembrane segments.49 Localization of
mRNA for this protein in the brain and heart indicated that it was M£. Daniel
Capon in San Francisco identified the cDNA encoding this receptor inde-
pendently, reporting the next year, 1987, that expression of this cDNA in
tissue culture cells led to the binding of a characteristic antagonist to M£
receptors.50
Also in 1987 Tom Bonner in Bethesda and Capon independently identified
two additional muscarinic receptors, MS and M^51 They used oligonucleotide
probes based on conserved sequences for screening libraries under conditions
of lowered stringency. The four encoded proteins that they detected—corre-
sponding to MI through M4—had similar sequences but distinctive cytoplas-
mic loops; when expressed individually, the proteins bound cholinergic ligands
with distinguishable affinities. (Their approach, searching for previously
unknown proteins through low-stringency screening, represented a powerful
exploratory mode then coming into prominence.)
212 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
In 1988 Capon showed that these receptors were coupled to particular sec-
ond messenger systems.52 He expressed each individually in tissue culture cells
that otherwise lacked muscarinic receptors: administering cholinergic agonists
then inhibited cAMP production in cells expressing M£ or M4 but increased
phosphatidylinositol-fozsphosphate hydrolysis in cells expressing MI and Ma.53
Bonner identified a fifth subtype in 1988; it also increased phosphatidylinosi-
tol-£>isphosphate hydrolysis.54
During these years similar approaches revealed sequences for serotonin
(SHTiA, 5HTic, and 5HT2) and dopamine (D£) receptors.55 These receptors,
too, had sequence homologies, seven likely transmembrane segments, and
responses mediated through G-protein coupled systems: SHTiA and Dg affect-
ing cAMP production and 5HTic and 5HT2 phosphatidylinositol-tephosphate
hydrolysis.
Receptor Regulation
Earlier studies demonstrated that cells could adjust the responses of their
receptors, often in a compensatory, homeostatic manner. One well-recognized
process was desensitization, a diminishing response despite continued stimu-
lation. With some receptors this desensitization represented an obligatory con-
formational step between open and resting stages (chapter 6). Chronic admin-
istration of agonists could, however, alter responses in more complex fashions.
For example, adding /3-adrenergic agonists elevated cellular cAMP levels
acutely, but the cAMP levels then plateaued or even fell despite the continued
presence of agonist. Plausible explanations invoked feedback loops. In this case,
/3-adrenergic agonists would elevate cAMP levels and thereby activate protein
kinase A; protein kinase A would phosphorylate the receptor and thus dimin-
ish its response. When cAMP levels returned to basal levels, protein phos-
phatases would dephosphorylate the receptor, restoring its basal activity.
Receptor Structures and Receptor Families (1983-1990) 213
nist studied. Although no general account was possible by 1990, interest was
growing in mechanisms for altering the cellular content of mRNAs encoding
these receptors. For example, direct measurements of the mRNA for /3-recep-
tors revealed agonist-induced decreases that paralleled downregulation.66 Mol-
ecules of mRNA are also continuously broken down and replaced, so decreased
mRNA levels could be due to decreased transcription or increased degrada-
tion. As the decade closed several studies favored agonist-mediated "destabi-
lizations" of mRNA—a shortening of their functional lifetimes—without a
change in transcription rates.67
"Upregulation," on the other hand, refers to a gain of receptors. Prolonged
administration of receptor antagonists could increase the number of recep-
tors,68 just as prolonged administration of agonists could decrease their num-
ber. In some instances the increase was confined to the particular receptor sub-
types to which that antagonist bound.69
But broader changes could also occur, as shown by responses to cAMP. Many
genes have regions in their DNA where particular proteins bind to enhance
the expression of that gene. In 1986 Marc Montminy in La Jolla identified such
a site for cAMP-stimulated protein synthesis. He named this region of the gene
the "cAMP response element" (CRE). 70 The next year he identified a CRE
binding protein (CREB), which was activated through phosphorylation by pro-
tein kinase A.71 The sequence thus ran: elevated cAMP => protein kinase A
=> phosphorylated CREB => activated CRE => mRNA transcription. In
1989 Lefkowitz showed that cAMP enhanced the transcription of mRNA for
^3-adrenergic receptors through such a mechanism.72 Consequently, it would
seem that any agonist elevating cAMP levels might increase the synthesis of
/3-receptors.
By 1990 it was clear that homeostatic processes could attenuate the ther-
apeutic responses to chronically administered agonist or antagonist drugs.
Furthermore, even when the agonist or antagonist was highly specific for a
given class of receptors, heterologous regulatory mechanisms could extend
the drugs' actions to affect other proteins, including receptors for other neuro-
transmitters.
Conclusions
New techniques of molecular biology rapidly disclosed the amino acid sequences
for an expanding roster of neurotransmitter receptors. These sequences iden-
tified the receptors chemically, even if they did not immediately reveal the pre-
cise mechanisms. Still, two major classes of receptor function as well as struc-
ture became apparent. (1) Oligomeric subunits surrounding an ion-conducting
pore formed a ligand-gated ion channel that opened when neurotransmitters
filled the binding sites. (2) Monomeric proteins with seven transmembrane seg-
Receptor Structures and Receptor Families (1983—1990) 215
ments formed receptors that activated a coupled G-protein. With the first class,
chemical signals (neurotransmitters) were converted to electrical signals. With
the second, chemical signals were converted to different chemical signals:
G-proteins that then interacted with various enzymes and channels to elicit
both chemical and electrical responses.
The reductionist program that delineated these structures and functions thus
disclosed unanticipated unities characterizing these classes, despite a prolifer-
ating catalog of distinguishable receptors.73 These unities, of course, reflected
evolutionary relationships. Indeed, such similarities are expected in evolution-
ary systems: random modifications in an ancestral protein enable new ligands
to bind (as in the divergence of serotonergic and nicotinic receptors) and thereby
activate a functional component, either similar (as in cation-conducting chan-
nels of serotonergic and nicotinic receptors) or modified (as in the appearance
of GABAergic and glycinergic anion-conducting channels).
This spate of discoveries and realizations was made possible by the devel-
opment of new methods, just as the great advances in understanding metabolic
syntheses and degradations in the 1940s and 1950s followed the introduction
of new separatory techniques and radioisotope labeling procedures. The new
methods were labor intensive, however, and one further consequence was the
creation of large research groups generating multiauthored papers (one cited
here had 16 authors).
These new methods also provided a new research strategy. As Lefkowitz
pointed out,' 4 the old paradigm directed a progression from physiological
phenomena to pharmacological characterization to biochemical specification
to molecular biological identification and manipulation. But a new paradigm
now emerged: probes corresponding to a given protein's amino acid sequence
could be used to screen DNA libraries at various degrees of stringency, uncov-
ering genes for related but previously unknown proteins having similar func-
tions as well as similar structures. Moreover, the growing compilations of pro-
tein sequences, structures, and functions also facilitated deductions of the
corresponding structures and functions when a new sequence was deter-
mined. The recognition of conserved motifs in amino acid sequences—again,
a characteristic to be expected with evolutionary changes—also aided the
assignment of functions to structures. But these new understandings of neuro-
transmitter receptors were advanced not only by the new techniques and prin-
ciples from molecular biology and biochemical genetics. Progress was assisted
also by concomitant advances in understanding hormonal and sensory recep-
tors and by the deciphering of further intracellular signalling and regulatory
processes.
Better understandings of receptor structure and function improved under-
standings of diseases as well (chapter 13), and certain pathologies could now
be attributed to precise aspects of receptor structure. For example, the mus-
cular weakness of myasthenia gravis is due to a failure in transmission at neu-
216 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Notes
9. Numa chose the two clones having the longest inserts and therefore the greatest
likelihood of containing the entire representation of the a subunit.
10. In addition, the cDNA encoded a preceding stretch of 24 amino acids that formed
a "signal sequence" of amino acids, which assists in inserting the peptide chain into the
membrane and is then removed.
11. Noda et al. (1983b, 1983c). Others at that time also sequenced particular sub-
units by similar methods: y by Claudio et al. (1983); a by Devillers-Thiery et al. (1983).
12. Mishina et al. (1984).
13. Noda et al. (1983a)
14. Boulter et al. (1986).
15. See Robinson (1997).
16. Brisson and Unwin (1984); Toyoshima and Unwin (1990); and intervening papers.
17. Imoto et al. (1986).
18. Ibid., p. 673.
19. Imoto et al. (1988).
20. Ibid., p. 648.
21. Ibid.
22. Leonard et al. (1988).
23. Giraudat et al. (1986); Revah et al. (1990). See also Hucho et al. (1986); Char-
net et al. (1990). Leonard et al. (1988) also used channel blocking agents to assess func-
tional changes produced by site-directed mutagenesis.
24. For example, Kao and Karlin (1986).
25. Yakel and Jackson (1988). See also Derkach et al. (1989).
26. Schofield et al. (1987); Grenningloh et al. (1987). GABAA receptors were distin-
guishable pharmacologically from GABAfi receptors, which are not ligand-gated ion
channels.
27. In contrast to an "identity" of amino acids between two sequences being com-
pared, a "homology" refers to the presence of the identical amino acid or a "conserva-
tive substitution": an amino acid of the same size and polarity.
28. Montal (1990); Stroud et al. (1990).
29. For example, Levitan et al. (1988). See also Montal (1990); Stroud et al. (1990).
30. Hollmann et al. (1989).
31. Ibid., pp. 646, 647.
32. Stroud et al. (1990), p. 11,017.
33. Moriyoshi et al. (1991).
34. See Ortells and Lunt (1995).
35. Maricq et al. (1991).
36. Dixon et al. (1986). Initially they screened a genomic library, which contained
the entire DNA content of the nucleus and thus encoded all the proteins the organism
was capable of synthesizing. By contrast, a cDNA library represents only the proteins
synthesized by the particular cell type at the particular time. Elliott Ross in Dallas
reported the sequence of a /3-receptor from turkey red blood cells also in 1986 (Yarden
et al., 1986).
37. Nathans and Hogness (1983); Henderson and Unwin (1975).
38. Kobilka et al. (1987).
39. Frielle et al. (1987). To locate a similar sequence they used the probe from /3g,
hybridizing with low stringency. This encoded a then unrecognized protein; however, a
probe based on the sequence of this unrecognized protein hybridized with the DNA
for the j3i-receptor. (The unrecognized protein turned out to be a serotonin receptor.
Fargin et al. [1988].)
218 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Synthesis
If chemical neurotransmitters are present, then some means for their synthe-
sis must also be present, either locally or elsewhere in the body (or perhaps in
219
220 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Acetylcnoline
FIGURE 9-1. A, left, Hermann Blaschko (1900-1993). B, right, Julius Axelrod (1912-).
(A courtesy of the department of pharmacology, University of Oxford. B courtesy of
J. Axelrod.)
In 1950 Blaschko reported that mammalian tissues did not decarboxylate the
dopa derivative having a hydroxylated side chain (dihydroxyphenylserine), so
decarboxylation must precede hydroxylation of the side chain.17 The reaction
sequence, he concluded, ran from tyrosine hydroxylation forming dopa, to dopa
decarboxylation forming dopamine, to dopamine hydroxylation forming nora-
drenaline (Fig. 9-2A). When radioactively labeled dopa became available,
Blaschko was able in 1955 to demonstrate this pathway: adrenal homogenates
rapidly converted labeled dopa into labeled dopamine, and after prolonged
incubation into labeled noradrenaline.18
Characterization of the responsible enzymes—tyrosine hydroxylase, dopa
decarboxylase, and dopamine 0-hydroxylase (Fig. 9-2A)—progressed during
the following decades.19 Here, however, I will include only some of the steps
taken in recognizing the properties of tyrosine hydroxylase.
In 1964 Sidney Udenfriend in Bethesda achieved a partial purification of
tyrosine hydroxylase from adrenals, but further purification was achieved only
slowly.20 Nevertheless, in 1985 Jacques Mallet in Gif-sur-Yvette determined the
amino acid sequence of a 65 kDa protein by cDNA techniques; the active
enzyme was a tetramer of these subunits.21
Synthesis, Storage, Transport, and Metabolic Degradation ot Neurotransmitters 223
Udenfriend in 1964 also argued for tyrosine hydroxylase being the control-
ling enzyme of the biosynthetic pathway.22 It was the rate-limiting step in the
sequence (slowest in vivo), so changes in tyrosine hydroxylase activity—
increases or decreases—would change catecholamine production accordingly.
Earl Stadtman in Bethesda had recently stressed a principle of feedback con-
trol in biosynthetic pathways termed "end-product inhibition," whereby the
final biosynthetic product inhibits the first step in the pathway.23 Correspond-
ingly, Udenfriend showed that dopamine and noradrenaline inhibited tyrosine
hydroxylase.24 Moreover, Norman Weiner in Boston found that stimulating
sympathetic nerves increased tyrosine hydroxylase activity. He suggested that
the drop in noradrenaline levels, due to its release during stimulation, removed
noradrenaline s inhibition of the enzyme.25
Other regulatory modes soon became apparent. For example, cAMP in-
creased tyrosine hydroxylase activity acutely, and protein kinase A phosphory-
lated tyrosine hydroxylase.26 Protein kinase C also phosphorylated tyrosine
hydroxylase.27 But what signalled the rise in cAMP or diacylglycerol was still
being debated as the 1980s closed.28
Changes in total enzyme content could occur in addition to acute regulation
through feedback inhibition and enzyme phosphorylation. For example, deplet-
ing an animals stores of catecholamines with drugs or by stress (e.g., exposure
224 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
to cold) increased the amount of tyrosine hydroxylase present, with this change
following increases in mRNA for this enzyme.29 Added cAMP could also
increase the cellular content of tyrosine hydroxylase, and this change, too, was
associated with increased mRNA levels.30 Furthermore, the gene for tyrosine
hydroxylase, like the genes for certain adrenergic receptors (chapter 8), was
associated with a cAMP response element (CRE).31
The rate-limiting step in a biosynthetic pathway should be a prime target for
pharmacological control as well. But no practical activators of tyrosine hydrox-
ylase were discovered, and although an inhibitor, a-methyltyrosine, was stud-
ied, it found no significant role in therapy.
Serotonin
The biosynthetic pathway for serotonin resembles closely that for cate-
cholamines (Fig. 9-2B), and its elucidation sprang from parallel studies. In
1954 Udenfriend described the enzymatic decarboxylation of 5-hydroxytrypto-
phan, but he subsequently discovered, to his surprise, that this decarboxylat-
ing enzyme was identical to that for dopa.32 So in 1962 he suggested that a bet-
ter name for the common enzyme was aromatic amino acid decarboxylase.33
The hydroxylating enzyme, tryptophan hydroxylase, was identified in the
mid-1960s but not purified until the 1980s.34 Its amino acid sequence, obtained
by cDNA techniques in 1987, revealed a close structural and evolutionary rela-
tionship to tyrosine hydroxylase and phenylalanine hydroxylase.35 All three
hydroxylases commanded considerable attention because of an intriguing re-
action mechanism involving oxygen, iron, and a unique cofactor, tetrahydro-
biopterin.36
Tryptophan hydroxylase is the rate limiting step in the serotonin pathway, as
is tyrosine hydroxylase in the catecholamine pathway. It, too, is phosphorylated,37
but, unlike tyrosine hydroxylase, it is not subject to end-product inhibition.38
No therapeutically useful activators or inhibitors were developed by 1990,
but another route to manipulating serotonin synthesis was explored during
these decades. The cytoplasmic concentrations of tryptophan are insufficient
to saturate tryptophan hydroxylase, so increases or decreases in these levels
would increase or decrease 5-hydroxytryptophan formation (and serotonin also,
since 5-hydroxytryptophan is rapidly decarboxylated). Accordingly, feeding
large amounts of tryptophan could raise brain levels of serotonin.39 By 1990
clinical studies with tryptophan elicited some enthusiasm.40
Enkepnalins
When John Hughes and Hans Kosterlitz identified the first opioid peptides in
1975 (chapter 5), they noted that the amino acid sequence of met-enkephalin
Synthesis, Storage, Transport, ana Metabolic Degradation of Neurotransmitters 225
Storage
taken up with the catecholamines, and Kirshner, in accord with Hillarp s report
of ATPase activity in granules,66 proposed that ATP hydrolysis provided the
energy for active transport. Although binding within the granules could mini-
mize osmotic effects, active transport would account for the concentration
gradient.
Reserpine, a plant alkaloid recently established as an effective drug for treat-
ing schizophrenia (chapter 13), blocked ATP-dependent uptake. This was a sig-
nificant datum, since Marthe Vogt in Edinburgh had reported in 1956 that
reserpine caused a loss of catecholamines from brain and adrenals in vivo.67
Reserpine-inhibitable accumulation thus became the hallmark of catechol-
amine storage. (Adrenals could also accumulate serotonin in vitro, and reser-
pine blocked serotonin uptake in adrenals as well as serotonin uptake in the
brain.68)
A plausible mechanism for ATP-dependent transport would feature a cate-
cholamine-transporting ATPase, along the lines of the recently described
Na+/K+-ATPase that functions as the cell membrane Na'VK^-pump.69 The
Na+/K+-ATPase was the first transport ATPase to be characterized, and it estab-
lished the class of what became known as primary active transport systems:
these coupled metabolic energy (here, ATP) directly to transport (here, Na +
from and K + into the cell). But attempts to identify an analogous cate-
cholamine-transporting ATPase were unsuccessful.
The relevant precedent came instead from formulations of an alternative
mechanism, promulgated in the early 1960s by Robert Crane in St. Louis and
Peter Mitchell in Edinburgh.70 Their models of secondary active transport
depicted transmembrane gradients of one solute serving as energy sources for
transporting another solute. In these co-transport systems the energetically
downhill fluxes of one solute drove energetically uphill fluxes of the other, as
in the coupled influxes of Na+ and glucose that occur across the cell mem-
branes of the intestinal epithelia. Mitchell also incorporated this concept in his
chemiosmotic hypothesis for oxidative phosphorylation, whereby metabolic oxi-
dations established H+-gradients across mitochondrial membranes, and these
gradients then drove ATP synthesis. Mitchell proposed that a class of reagents
known as uncouplers of oxidative phosphorylation prevented ATP synthesis by
dissipating transmembrane H+-gradients.
More than a decade after Kirshner's description and Mitchell's proposal,
George Radda in Oxford reported that such uncouplers also blocked ATP-
driven catecholamine uptake by adrenal granules.71 Radda suggested that the
granule ATPase was a H+-transport pump that established H+-gradients across
granule membranes. Then catecholamine "transport could . . . occur by [a] co-
transport mechanism associated with the movement [of H+]."72 Two years later,
in 1977, Radda demonstrated an ATP-dependent acidification of the granule
interior, consistent with an ATPase transporting H + from cytoplasm to gran-
228 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Degradation
Cnolinesterase
apparently pure enzyme.90 In 1986 Palmer Taylor in La Jolla reported the amino
acid sequence for a 66 kDa protein from Torpedo electric organ, using cDNA
techniques.91 The enzyme had no transmembrane segments but was tethered
to the outside of the cell membrane through a covalently-attached lipid:
cholinesterase was thus sited effectively for cleaving released acetylcholine.
(In 1991 Joel Sussman and Israel Silman in Rehovot determined the three-
dimensional structure by X-ray crystallography.92)
The reaction mechanism attracted enzymologists' attention, not only because
it resembled the extensively studied mechanism of serine proteases93 but also
because it approached a "perfect enzyme" in catalytic efficiency: the reaction
rate was near the limit set by substrates diffusing to and by products diffusing
from the active site.
In the 1950s I. B. Wilson, initially collaborating with Nachmansohn, exam-
ined the enzyme s kinetic properties and proposed a model for its active site
bearing an "esteratic" or catalytic domain plus a negatively charged "anionic"
domain where the quaternary ammonium group of choline bound.94 Wilson
also formulated a two-step reaction sequence, with an initial acetylation of the
enzyme by acetylcholine, releasing choline, followed by hydrolysis of this
acetylenzyme, releasing acetate.95
Certain organophosphorus compounds inactivated cholinesterase by form-
ing nonhydrolyzable enzyme-phosphoryl adducts, corresponding to the acetyl-
enzyme intermediate.96 Radioactive inhibitors labeled a serine of the enzyme,
and Wilson in 1966 proposed that this serine was also acetylated by acetyl-
choline during hydrolysis.97
These organophosphorus compounds were first studied as insecticides in the
1930s, before their mode of action as cholinesterase inhibitors was recognized.
Then during World War II scientists in Germany, Britain, and the United States
developed organophosphorus compounds for chemical warfare.98 These also
became valuable reagents for studying the serine proteases as well as cholin-
esterase. And they continued to be important insecticides (e.g., parathion,
malathion) and potential war gases (e.g., tabun, sarin, soman). (Wilson in 1955
developed a reagent to reactivate cholinesterases blocked by these organophos-
phorus compounds, providing an antidote to such poisonings.99)
Reversible cholinesterase inhibitors—physostigmine and various relatives
both natural and synthetic—found continuing therapeutic uses, notably in treat-
ing glaucoma and myasthenia gravis. As the 1980s closed, new interest in such
drugs sprang from their potential benefits in treating Alzheimer's disease.
Monoamine Oxidases
FIGURE 9-3. Metabolic degradation of noradrenaline. The pathway on the right shows
the more common sequence: methylation of one ring hydroxyl to form normetanephrine,
followed by oxidative deamination and further oxidation to the final methylated, deam-
inated acid. Either sequence can occur, however, and all products, except the reactive
aldehydes, can be identified in animals.
232 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
the name monoamine oxidase to distinguish this amine oxidase from enzymes
that oxidatively deaminated diamines, such as histamine.103)
Richter concluded in 1937 that the "most probable function of the amine
oxidase appears to be the destruction of toxic amines . . . but it may also have
a special role in ... the physiological inactivation of adrenaline."104 Both those
roles were subsequently verified, but here the focus is on the latter process.
Blaschko and Richter had identified the enzyme in the brain, and others sub-
sequently identified it in sympathetic nerves.105 Still, the relative slowness of
noradrenaline s and adrenaline's oxidations in vitro fostered considerable skep-
ticism about the physiological relevance of this degradation.106 But with the
advent of radioactive tracer techniques, Richard Schayer in Chicago was able
to show in the early 1950s that administered adrenaline was deaminated/
demethylated in vivo. He concluded that these results "indicate a major role
for amine oxidase in [adrenaline] metabolism in the intact animal."107 Bernard
Brodie in Bethesda then used a recently recognized inhibitor of monoamine
oxidase, iproniazid (Marsilid), to produce marked increases in noradrenaline
levels in the brain.108 This finding implied that monoamine oxidase degraded
noradrenaline in the absence of this inhibitor.
In 1955 Udenfriend discovered that monoamine oxidase acted on serotonin
also, catalyzing its oxidative deamination to an aldehyde.109 After the action of
aldehyde dehydrogenase, the ultimate product would then be 5-hydroxyin-
doleacetic acid. Brodie found that inhibiting monoamine oxidase in vivo
increased the brain levels of serotonin as well.110 Subsequent studies confirmed
the degradation of both catecholamines and serotonin by monoamine oxidase
in vivo, although they did not demonstrate that monoamine oxidase acted phys-
iologically to destroy neurotransmitters released at the synapse.111 In fact, the
enzyme was localized to mitochondria in 1952,112 indicating an mfracellular
site of degradation.
With the development of new monoamine oxidase inhibitors, different pat-
terns of susceptibility appeared, depending on the source of monoamine oxi-
dase and the particular substrate assayed. This diversity led to proposals in the
late 1960s that two (or perhaps more) forms of monoamine oxidase existed.113
Although purification of monoamine oxidases was difficult and fraught with
artifactual fragmentations, the amino acid sequences of two distinct monoamine
oxidases, A and B, were obtained by cDNA methods in 1988.114 Both were
oligomers with subunits of 60 and 59 kDa, respectively.
Even though other mechanisms for terminating the actions of catecholamines
and serotonin were recognized later (see below), interest in monoamine oxi-
dases continued because of the therapeutic potential of drugs that inhibited
these enzymes. In the mid-1950s the first effective drug for treating psycho-
logical depression, iproniazid, was discovered by chance; when its antidepres-
sant efficacy was attributed to inhibition of monoamine oxidase, a search for
further antidepressant inhibitors followed (chapter 13). These drugs were
Syntnesis, Storage, Transport, and. Metabolic Degradation or Neurotransmitters 233
prescribed extensively in the 1960s, but they fell from favor when newer
drugs, acting by different mechanisms and having fewer side effects, became
available.
The original monoamine oxidase inhibitors blocked both monoamine oxidase
A and B. In the 1970s, however, deprenyl (selegilene, Eldepryl) was shown to
inhibit monoamine oxidase B selectively. Rationales then appeared for using
this drug in the treatment of Parkinson's disease (chapter 13). The clinical suc-
cesses in the 1980s soon reinvigorated the search for clinically effective mono-
amine oxidase inhibitors.
Catecnol-O-Methyltransrerase
Enkepnalin-Cleaving Proteases
As soon as enkephalins became available for study, it was apparent that their
actions in vivo were quite brief. Neural tissues rapidly destroyed activity in
vitro, apparently through enzymatic destruction, and in 1978 Bernard Roques
and Jean-Charles Schwartz in Paris identified a cleavage point between glycine
and phenylalanine (Fig. 5-4E).123 Roques and Schwartz named the responsi-
ble enzyme "enkephalinase," and they argued for a physiological role since
treating with morphine increased this enzyme s level, whereas inhibiting this
enzyme produced experimental analgesia.124 Four years earlier John Kenny in
Leeds had described a neutral endopeptidase125 in kidney, and in 1983 he
showed that enkephalinase was the same as this widely distributed enzyme.126
Moreover, this neutral endopeptidase, a membrane-bound enzyme belonging
to a large family of zinc-containing peptidases, had its active site oriented toward
the extracellular milieu, appropriate for a neurotransmitter-destroying enzyme.
In 1987 groups in Paris, Montreal, and San Francisco reported the amino acid
sequence, defining an 85 kDa protein with one transmembrane segment.127
Early studies also revealed the cleavage of tyrosine from the N-terminus of
enkephalin, reflecting the action of an aminopeptidase.128 In 1985 Kenny iden-
tified this aminopeptidase as membrane-bound aminopeptidase-N.129 This
enzyme, too, belonged to the family of zinc-containing peptidases and was
widely distributed throughout the body. In 1988 Ove Noren in Copenhagen
reported the amino acid sequence for a 110 kDa protein with a single trans-
membrane segment.130
These peptidases cleaved other peptides besides enkephalin, and other pep-
tidases could cleave enkephalin. Nevertheless, they were closely tied to
enkephalin destruction and considerable interest then focused on finding
inhibitors of the neutral endopeptidase and/or aminopeptidase-N. Such
inhibitors could produce analgesia,131 but by 1990 no clinically useful agent was
identified.
Transport ("Reuptake")
eral organs, notably heart, spleen, and adrenal, took up significant amounts of
labeled adrenaline; furthermore, the loss of labeled adrenaline from these
organs was protracted, with an appreciable fraction retained for hours.133 Axel-
rod repeated this study with labeled noradrenaline, and an even larger fraction
was taken up and retained by tissues.134 This noradrenaline was in nerves, since
prior denervation markedly diminished uptake.135 Moreover, autoradiography
combined with electron microscopy—as well as cellular fractionation studies—
showed labeled noradrenaline in synaptic vesicles.136 And although intra-
venously administered noradrenaline did not appear in the brain (like many
polar substances, it is excluded by the "blood-brain barrier"), when labeled
noradrenaline was injected into the cerebral ventricles it entered brain cells,
too.137
In 1961 Axelrod showed that noradrenaline initially taken up by nerves was
released when he stimulated these nerves.138 His model (Fig. 9-4A) summa-
rized this observation, depicting both release from the nerve ending and uptake
into it.
Also noteworthy were the effects of drugs on noradrenaline uptake. Reser-
pine, cocaine, and the recently introduced antidepressant drug imipramine
(Tofranil) all decreased tissue levels of labeled noradrenaline but increased
blood levels. In 1960 Axelrod concluded that these drugs acted "presumably
by interfering with binding" and in 1961 "by altering the binding sites at the
nerve endings"; later that year he added that they could act by "preventing the
entry and/or the binding."139
To distinguish between drugs blocking entry from the circulation (uptake)
and drugs preventing storage in neurons (viewed as binding), Axelrod gave
drugs before or after injecting labeled noradrenaline into animals.140 Cocaine
and imipramine reduced tissue levels when given before but not after; Axel-
rod concluded that they "block the entry . . . into storage sites but do not cause
. . . release."141 Reserpine, on the other hand, acted when given after as well
as before.142 The experiment not only tied specific drugs to actions at particu-
lar sites, it also distinguished between uptake, soon assigned to transport at the
cell membrane (see below), and storage, soon attributed to transport within
vesicles (see above).143
These findings, confirmed and extended by others, established transport into
nerve endings as the major means for terminating the effects of released nora-
drenaline.144 Since the transport system retrieved noradrenaline for reuse,145
the term "reuptake," emphasizing this recycling process, appeared in the
1960s146 and became the prominent designation.
These findings also accounted for some previously unexplained phenomena.
For example, denervation was known to enhance the responses to certain neu-
rotransmitters, and such "denervation supersensitivity" was now attributable to
the loss of reuptake—and hence the loss of inactivation—that followed the
FIGURE 9-4. Fate of released noradrenaline. A. Noradrenaline released from the nerve
ending (the horizintal Y on the left) can react with the receptor or be O-methylated
(within cells) or be lost into the circulation. In addition, as Axelrod's experiments showed,
noradrenaline in the blood can be taken up by the nerve endings, which can also take
up released noradrenaline. B. Brodie's scheme shows, at the top, a ouabain-inhibitable
ATPase (the Na+/K+-ATPase) that pumps Na + out of and K + into the nerve ending,
thereby establishing an electrochemical gradient for Na + across the membrane. This
gradient then drives the influx of noradrenaline by the carrier (C, in the middle of the
figure), a cotransport system (symporter). The noradrenaline that is taken up into the
cytoplasm is next packaged in storage vesicles, safe from monoamine oxidase (MAO)
that destroys cytoplasmic noradrenaline. The bottom of the figure indicates a Ca2+-
activated release of noradrenaline into the synaptic cleft. (A from Herting and Axelrod
[1961], Fig. 2, reprinted by permission of Nature, © 1961, Macmillan Magazines, Ltd.
B from Bogdanski and Brodie [1969], Fig. 4, courtesy of the American Society for Phar-
macology and Experimental Therapeutics.)
236
Synthesis, Storage, Transport, ana Metabolic Degradation of Neurotransmitters 237
having 12 transmembrane segments but distinct from the family of vesicle trans-
porters for these same neurotransmitters.159)
A major interest driving these investigations was the clinical efficacy of reup-
take inhibitors. Imipramine and its siblings—the tricyclic antidepressants
(named for their chemical structure)—supplanted monoamine oxidase
inhibitors as the first choice for treating depression by the mid-1960s because
of their greater efficacies and lesser toxicities (chapter 13). Then in the late
1980s fluoxetine (Prozac)—the first of the "specific serotonin reuptake
inhibitors" and which enjoyed still fewer side effects—supplanted in turn the
tricyclic antidepressants. The popularity of these drugs resulted not only from
their safety but also from their utility in treating a range of disorders: depres-
sion, obsessive-compulsive disorder, panic attacks, bulimia and eating disor-
ders, and more.
Conclusions
By 1990 various investigators across the globe had delineated specific steps in
neurotransmitter synthesis, storage, and disposition. In doing so they defined
particular processes and uncovered energetic and regulatory niceties, all in
accord with general mechanisms of cellular metabolism and transport. For his
contributions Axelrod shared the Nobel Prize in 1970 with Bernard Katz and
Ulf von Euler.
This chapter illustrates some diverse courses of discovery, citing studies on
acetylcholine, catecholamines, serotonin, and enkephalins. The resulting mod-
els depicted how:
Notes
1. Brown and Feldberg (1936a). They measured acetylcholine release into the veins
draining the ganglia, using a leech bioassay. Physostigmine was present to block acetyl-
choline destruction by cholinesterase.
2. Quastel et al. (1936). They, too, added physostigmine and measured acetylcholine
with a bioassay.
3. Nachmansohn and Machado (1943). They used homogenates initially but later
saline extracts of the homogenates; they also included fluoride to prevent depletion of
ATP by irrelevant ATPases. Lipmann (1941) had recently published his magisterial
review delineating the role of ATP and "energy-rich" phosphate bonds.
4. Nachmansohn (1953, 1961).
240 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
5. Lipmann (1945).
6. Lipmann and Kaplan (1946). Nachmansohn was also pursuing a cofactor (Nach-
mansohn and Berman, 1946), as was Feldberg (Feldberg and Mann, 1946).
7. Kaplan and Lipmann (1949). It was Feodor Lynen in Munich, however, who
described the chemical structure of acetylCoA (see Lynen, 1953).
8. Korey et al. (1951).
9. Korkes et al. (1952).
10. Itoh et al. (1986).
11. See Jope (1979).
12. Macintosh et al. (1956).
13. See Jope (1979).
14. See Johnston et al. (1992).
15. Holtz et al. (1938).
16. Blaschko (1939). See also Blaschko (1942); Holtz (1939).
17. Blaschko (1950).
18. Demis et al. (1955, 1956). Blaschko was then visiting with Arnold Welch in New
Haven, following Welch's visit with Blaschko in Oxford. See also Hagen (1956); Uden-
friend and Wyngaarden (1956); Kirshner (1957).
19. Dopaminergic neurons lack dopamine-/3-hydroxylase, which is present in adren-
ergic neurons. The adrenal contains in addition an N-methyl transferase that converts
noradrenaline to adrenaline.
20. Nagatsu et al. (1964); Shiman et al. (1971); Haavik et al. (1988).
21. Grima et al. (1985).
22. See also Levitt et al. (1965).
23. Stadtman (1963). See also Bonner (1961).
24. Nagatsu et al. (1964).
25. Alousi and Weiner (1966).
26. For example, Goldstein et al. (1973); Harris et al. (1974); Joh et al. (1978); Meli-
geni et al. (1982).
27. For example, Albert et al. (1984); McTigue et al. (1985).
28. See Zigmond et al. (1989).
29. For example, Mueller et al. (1969); Thoenen (1970); Black et al. (1985); Faucon
Biguet et al. (1986).
30. For example, Kumakura et al. (1979); Lewis et al. (1987).
31. Lewis et al. (1987). They also showed that glucocorticoids, which are released
with stress, interact with the gene for tyrosine hydroxylase through a response element
to which the steroid receptor binds.
32. Clark et al. (1954); Lovenberg et al. (1962). See also Sumi et al. (1990), who
showed that the expressed cDNA exhibited both catalytic activities.
33. Lovenberg et al. (1962).
34. For example, Grahame-Smith (1964); Lovenberg et al. (1967); Nakata and Fuji-
sawa (1982); Cash et al. (1985).
35. Grenett et al. (1987).
36. See Hufton et al. (1995).
37. For example, Hamon et al. (1978); Ehret et al. (1989).
38. For example, Jequier et al. (1969).
39. For example, Green et al. (1962); Wang et al. (1962).
40. For example, Boman (1988).
41. Hughes et al. (1975a).
Synthesis, Storage, Transport, ana Metabolic Degradation of Neurotransmitters 241
75. Schuldiner et al. (1978). See also Johnson et al. (1978); Phillips (1978).
76. Jonasson et al. (1964). See also Kanner et al. (1979).
77. Johnson et al. (1979). See also Knoth et al. (1980). The gradient is an electro-
chemical gradient, dependent on both the active transport pump and the passive per-
meabilities of the membrane.
78. Stern-Bach et al. (1990).
79. Liu et al. (1992); Erickson et al. (1992).
80. For example, Anderson et al. (1982); Naito and Ueda (1985); Kish et al. (1989).
For early studies on vesicles from peripheral nerve, see von Euler and Lishajko (1963).
81. See Mains et al. (1990).
82. See DeCamilli and Jahn (1990).
83. Hokfelt et al. (1980).
84. For reports of enkephalins localized with amine neurotransmitters, see Charnay
et al. (1982); Hunt and Lovick (1982); Altschuler et al. (1983).
85. Stedman et al. (1932).
86. Alles and Hawes (1940).
87. Augustinsson and Nachmansohn (1949).
88. Nachmansohn and Lederer (1939).
89. Rothenberg and Nachmansohn (1947).
90. Kremzner and Wilson (1963); Leuzinger and Baker (1967).
91. Schumacher et al. (1986). There are, however, alternative forms and sequences:
the enzyme exists as an oligomer of different multiples and the mRNA is processed
("alternative splicing") to produce different sequences from the same gene.
92. Sussman et al. (1991). Their structure featured an active site serine deep within
a catalytic "gorge" and adjacent to a histidine adjacent to a glutamate, forming a charge-
relay system analogous to that of the serine proteases.
93. See Robinson (1997).
94. Wilson and Bergmann (1950). The crystal structure, however, showed that the
"anionic site" was not composed of negatively charged amino acids but of aromatic amino
acids, whose 7r-electron clouds serve the same function.
95. Wilson et al. (1950); Wilson (1951).
96. See Burgen (1949); Aldridge (1950).
97. Wilson (1966).
98. For a historical account, see Holmstedt (1963).
99. Wilson and Ginsburg (1955). See also Childs et al. (1955).
100. Hare (1928). Tyramine is the decarboxylation product of tyrosine, analogous to
dopamine but having a single phenolic hydroxyl. Hare reported that her enzyme did
not affect adrenaline, apparently because enzmatic oxidation of adrenaline is far slower
than oxidation of tyramine, whereas the spontaneous oxidation of adrenaline is rapid.
101. Blaschko et al. (1937a, 1937b); Richter (1937). The key to their success was
blocking other routes of oxidation with cyanide. For an autobiographical reminiscence,
see Blaschko (1972).
102. Racker (1949).
103. Zeller (1951). This repeated a less accessible naming in German during the war
(Zeller et al., 1940).
104. Richter (1937), p. 2028.
105. For example, Holtz and Westermann (1956) found monoamine oxidase activity
in adrenergic nerves, while Burn and Robinson (1952) and Stromblad (1956) reported
the disappearance of such activity after nerve degeneration.
106. See Kopin (1972). Richter (1940) had also expressed doubts about the func-
Synthesis, Storage, Transport, and Metabolic Degradation or Neurotransmitters 243
tional role, and Blaschko (1952) wondered whether an active termination mechanism
was necessary in light of the prolonged effects of peripheral sympathetic stimulation.
107. Schayer (1951a, 1951b); Schayer and Smiley (1953). Schayer did not demon-
strate deamination directly but showed a cleavage between the methyl carbon of adren-
aline and the a carbon of the side chain.
108. Spector et al. (1958); see also Pletscher (1957). These experiments were with
rabbits and rats; with some other species monoamine oxidase inhibitors produced lesser
effects (Kopin, 1972).
109. Sjoerdsma et al. (1955). Blaschko (1952) had reported the oxidation of serotonin
by tissue extracts earlier.
110. Spector et al. (1958).
111. For example, Grout (1961) found that inhibiting monoamine oxidase in vivo did
not affect cardiovascular function. See also Kopin (1972).
112. Hawkins (1952).
113. For example, Maitre (1967); Johnston (1968); Squires (1968).
114. Bach et al. (1988); Hsu et al. (1988); Ito et al. (1988).
115. Armstrong et al. (1957).
116. Cantoni (1953).
117. Axelrod (1957); Axelrod et al. (1958); Axelrod and Tomchick (1958); LaBrosse
et al. (1958).
118. Tilgmann and Kalkkinen (1990); Salminen et al. (1990).
119. LaBrosse et al. (1958), p. 593. See also Kopin (1972); Guldberg and Marsden
(1975).
120. Wylie et al. (1960).
121. Depending on the organism, there could be a substantial fraction of membrane-
bound catechol-O-methyltransferase, although this enzyme, too, acted on cytoplasmic
catecholamines. See Broch and Fonnum (1972); Roth (1980, 1992).
122. In the late 1990s an inhibitor of catechol-O-methyl transferase, tolcapone (Tas-
mar), showed promise in the treatment of Parkinson s disease.
123. Malfroy et al. (1978). See also Sullivan et al. (1978); Gorenstein and Snyder
(1979).
124. Malfroy et al. (1978); Roques et al. (1980).
125. Peptidases that cleave the terminal amino acids are exopeptidases; aminopepti-
dases and carboxypeptidases cleave the N- and C-terminal amino acids, respectively.
Endopeptidases cleave peptide bonds father within.
126. Kerr and Kenny (1974); Matsas et al. (1983). The designation refers to the opti-
mal pH for catalysis and distinguished this endopeptidase from the well-known one that
cleaves optimally at acidic pHs.
127. Devault et al. (1987); Malfroy et al. (1987).
128. Hambrook et al. (1976).
129. Matsas et al. (1985).
130. Olsen et al. (1988).
131. For example, Roques et al. (1980); de la Baune et al. (1982); Waksman et al.
(1985).
132. LaBrosse et al. (1958); Axelrod et al. (1959). Axelrods methods for separating
adrenaline and its metabolites were crucially important for these studies.
133. Earlier Burn (1932) had inferred an uptake of adrenaline into tissues, and sub-
sequent investigators, measuring unlabeled adrenaline, also argued for an uptake (e.g.,
Raab and Humphries, 1947; Nickerson et al., 1950).
134. Whitby et al. (1961).
244 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
135. Hertting et al. (1961a). Fluorescence techniques also revealed the uptake of
unlabeled catecholamines into neurons (Hamberger et al., 1964).
136. Wolfe et al. (1962); Potter and Axelrod (1963).
137. Glowinski et al. (1961).
138. Hertting and Axelrod (1961). They gave labeled noradrenaline to animals, load-
ing nerve endings in the spleen. They then removed the spleen and perfused it. When
they stimulated the nerves to the spleen, labeled noradrenaline appeared in the per-
fusate.
139. Whitby et al. (1960), p. 605; Axelrod et al. (1961), p. 384; Hertting et al. (1961b),
p. 152.
140. Axelrod et al. (1962).
141. Ibid., p. 297.
142. Reserpine was then thought to cause depletion of stores, an effect later attrib-
utable to enzymatic destruction of catecholamines that had been prevented by reser-
pine from entering the storage vesicles.
143. Iversen (1965) identified a second uptake system, designated uptake£, with lower
affinity for catecholamines. This system was later localized to non-neuronal cells, where
it uses quite different transporters; these can nevertheless function importantly in neu-
rotransmitter disposal.
144. For example, Stromblad and Nickerson (1961); Iversen (1967). Moreover, Kopin
et al. (1962), using perfused rat hearts, found less than half as much labeled noradren-
aline metabolized as taken up into reserpine-sensitive stores. Correspondingly, Grout
(1961) demonstrated that even when administered together, the inhibitors of
monoamine oxidase and of catechol-O-methyltransferase altered adrenergic responses
minimally.
145. See Brown (1965).
146. For example, Folkow et al. (1967).
147. Frohlich and Loewi (1910). MacMillan (1959) proposed that cocaine blocked
uptake into neural stores, as did Muscholl (1960).
148. For example, Marchbanks (1966); Blackburn et al. (1967); Ross and Renyi
(1967); Iversen and Neal (1968); Kuriyama et al. (1969).
149. For example, Neal and Pickles (1969); Logan and Snyder (1971).
150. Dengler et al. (1961, 1962); Dengler and Titus (1961).
151. Iversen and Kravitz (1966); Bogdanski and Brodie (1966).
152. See Robinson (1997).
153. Bogdanski and Brodie (1969).
154. Blackburn et al. (1967); Ross and Renyi (1967).
155. Bogdanski et al. (1968).
156. See Kanner and Schuldiner (1987). Although the electrochemical Na+-gradient
was the crucial driving force for these transporters, many had various requirements for
other ions, too.
157. Guastella et al. (1990).
158. Pacholczyk et al. (1991); Usdin et al. (1991); Hoffman et al. (1991); Kilty et al.
(1991); Blakely et al. (1991); Shimada et al. (1991).
159. See Schloss et al. (1992). Glutamate transporters belong, however, to a differ-
ent family (see Worrall and Williams, 1994).
10
NEUROTRANSMITTER
RELEASE
Proposals
a different source for the augmented response,3 and by 1950 Alan Hodgkin
and Andrew Huxley had demonstrated that during action potentials K + flowed
from the cell (chapter 4). Nevertheless, Brown, Feldberg, and Dales sugges-
tion persisted for some years. For example, a prominent pharmacology text-
book stated in 1956 that K + "released during passage of the nerve impulse . . .
may liberate free acetylcholine from a precursor protein complex, perhaps by
cation exchange."4
On the other hand, Bernard Katz and Paul Fatt in London found that a
decrease in the external Na + concentration diminished e.p.p.s at neuromus-
cular junctions.5 So they suggested in 1952 that the inward flow of Na + dur-
ing action potentials stimulated acetylcholine release. Their model of Na+
exchanging for acetylcholine invoked a membrane carrier that could alternately
transport Na + inward and acetylcholine outward across cell membranes.6
(The notion of membrane carriers ferrying polar solutes across nonpolar
membrane barriers was then in vogue.7 James Danielli had developed a model
for cell membranes in the 1930s that featured layers of lipid molecules flanked
by surface proteins. To account for the ready diffusion into and from cells of
small ions, such as K + , or small polar molecules, such as water, Danielli later
invoked pores through his model membrane. In the 1940s and 1950s selective
"carriers" were also included: such lipoidal carriers would form nonpolar com-
plexes that could diffuse across the lipid barrier, transporting larger polar sub-
stances, such as sugars and amino acids. No carriers had been identified by
1952, but Katz and Fatt's suggestion met the spirit of these conjectures.)
Then in 1954 Katz and Jose del Castillo described a quantal model for neuro-
transmitter release (chapter 4). They identified the smallest e.p.p. evoked at neu-
romuscular junctions—achieved by lowering the external Ca2+ concentration—
with the smallest spontaneously occurring m.e.p.p.s, and they interpreted this
"unit potential" as the response to one quantum of released acetylcholine. Ordi-
nary e.p.p.s thus represented the summed responses to hundreds of such fun-
damental quanta.
That year Eduardo DeRobertis in Seattle and Sanford Palay in New York
independently described electron micrographs of nerve endings filled with
numerous small vesicles (chapter 4). DeRobertis, moreover, reported that
"some of these vesicles seem to perforate the presynaptic membrane, so that
portions of the vesicles seem to lie in the intermembranal space [i.e., the synap-
tic cleft] and come into direct contact with the post-synaptic membrane."8
The obvious identification of physiologists' quanta with microscopists' vesi-
cles (or "particles") led Katz and del Castillo in 1955 to "imagine a mechanism
by which each particle loses its charge of [acetylcholine] in an all-or-none man-
ner when it collides with, or penetrates, the membrane of the nerve terminal."9
(They also presented evidence against Katz's earlier model for Na+/acetylcholine
Neurotransmitter Release 247
exchange via a membrane carrier.) Later in 1955, however, Katz and del Castillo
specified a more restricted process that became the standard model for neu-
rotransmitter release through 1990 (and beyond): vesicles might bind to reac-
tive sites on the membrane and there fuse with the membrane, opening a path-
way to the exterior through which the vesicle contents could enter the synaptic
cleft (Fig. 10-1A).10 In his Croonian Lecture of 1961, Katz specified that
"We do not believe that . . . vesicles are discharged bodily from the nerve
terminal."11
Soon afterward, Christian de Duve named the process of vesicles fusing with
cell membranes "exocytosis"; the complementary process—pinching off invagi-
nations of the membrane to form vesicles—he named "endocytosis".12 Accord-
ingly, neurotransmitter release achieved through fusion of vesicle with cell
membrane became known as "exocytotic release."
But even if neurotransmitters were stored in synaptic vesicles, other mech-
anisms for release were conceivable. Indeed, some investigators claimed that
vesicles dispensed their neurotransmitter into the cytoplasm of the presynap-
tic neuron. Release into the synaptic cleft would then occur from the cytoplasm
through pores or carriers in the cell membrane. For example, Nils-Ake Hillarp
in Lund reported in 1954 that after catecholamines were released from the
adrenal, the storage vesicles (or "granules") remained in the cells "apparently
unchanged in number"; he concluded that "secretion is not accompanied by
the discharge of these granules from the cells, but rather [catecholamines are]
liberated and then secreted."13 Later, he found no appreciable loss of adrenal
granule proteins during catecholamine release, in accord with his contention
that the entire granule was not discharged.14 Since less of the nonmembrane
("soluble") protein of the granules was lost than would occur if the entire gran-
ule contents were discharged, he also concluded that catecholamines were
released first into the cytoplasm, from which they would "have little difficulty
in permeating the cellular membrane."15 By contrast, the soluble proteins would
be retained within the cell.
Arguments for neurotransmitter release from the cytoplasm were reinforced
in the 1960s by comparisons of the neurotransmitter content of isolated synap-
tic vesicles with the content of free, unbound neurotransmitter (chapter 4).
Appreciable amounts of neurotransmitter appeared to be free in the cytoplasm,
and although some of this was clearly due to losses from the vesicles that
occurred during their isolation, significant amounts of cytoplasmic neurotrans-
mitter still seemed to occur in the native cell. Moreover, studies on neuro-
transmitter synthesis, storage, and reuptake demonstrated that neurotransmit-
ters passed through the cytoplasm to gain entry to the vesicles (chapter 9).
Correspondingly, neurotransmitters might pass from vesicles to cytoplasm en
route to the synaptic cleft. Thus, in 1966 Ulf von Euler in Stockholm referred
248
Neurotransmitter Release 249
Morphological Studies
FIGURE 10-1. Proposals for exocytotic release. A. Katz and del Castillo's version, show-
ing as dots the molecules on each membrane that interact to assure fusion of vesicle
with presynaptic membrane, followed by exocytotic release. B. Heuser and Reese's cycle
at neuromuscular junctions, showing the presynaptic terminal lying beneath a (striped)
Schwann cell and above the (striped) muscle. On the left, synaptic vesicles move toward
the membrane and fuse for exocytotic release. On the right, vesicle membrane is
retrieved as coated pits and coated vesicles, enclosed within clathrin baskets and bound
for intraterminal cisternae from which new synaptic vesicles bud. C. Breckenridge and
Aimer's sequence of reversible and irreversible steps, showing the initial formation of
a fusion pore followed by full exocytosis. (A from Fig. 5 of the report of a meeting held
in 1955 [del Castillo and Katz, 1957]. B from Heuser and Reese [1973], Fig. 36, repro-
duced by permission of Rockefeller University Press. C from Breckenridge and Aimers
[1987], Fig. 6, courtesy of Wolfhard Aimers.)
250 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Ceccarelli, however, argued against a collapse of vesicle into the cell mem-
brane and for a "quick direct removal of the vesicle membrane without it flat-
tening into the [cell membrane]."30 Through the 1980s controversies persisted
about the fate of the vesicle membrane: whether release required coalescence
with the cell membrane or involved merely a transient opening between vesi-
cle interior and synaptic cleft, followed by withdrawal of the emptied vesicle.
Biochemical Studies
Electrical Studies
FIGURE 10-4. Capacitance and fluorescence studies of release from mast cell vesicles.
The upper tracing shows an initial flickering of the capacitance changes (in pF) after
stimulation of release. The lower trace, over the same time course, shows the fluores-
cence change (F), representing the release of a fluorescent compound from the vesi-
cles, beginning after the period of flickering. (From Breckenridge and Aimers [1987],
Fig. 3B, courtesy of Wolfhard Aimers.)
By 1990 a wealth of studies provided firm support for exocytosis. Still, evidence
for exocytosis was most compelling for secretory cells, such as adrenal and mast
cells; for neurons evidence was strongest at neuromuscular junctions. Gener-
alizations from these cases to all chemical synapses satisfied most investigators,
but sufficient complexities were apparent to provoke continuing criticisms from
an active few.
First, not all neurotransmitter release was quantal. In the absence of stim-
ulation, even acetylcholine release at neuromuscular junctions failed this cri-
terion: in 1963 John Mitchell in Babraham measured release by bioassay and
found that at rest only a small fraction was attributable to quantal release, with
"a large proportion . . . derived from some other source."46 Indeed, Katz and
256 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Ricardo Miledi argued in 1977 that "a steady leakage . . . from the terminals
[being monitored could] exceed the . . . quantal discharge by at least an order
of magnitude."47 Leakage, however, did not increase during stimulation, so that
quantal release then became far larger.
Second, newer studies revealed less clear-cut characteristics of quanta!/
vesicular release than initial measurements at neuromuscular junctions had
implied. The number of acetylcholine molecules per vesicle, calculated from
brain and sympathetic ganglia preparations, was 1000-2000, whereas the num-
ber of molecules per m.e.p.p. (or quantum) was 6000-10,000; in the far larger
vesicles of electric organ preparations, the number was greater than 100,000.48
These imperfect correlations between vesicle and quantum accompanied
renewed uncertainty about statistical analyses of release. Katz and del Castillo
calculated in 1954 that the number of quanta available for discharge was roughly
200.49 This was far smaller than the number of vesicles present in the region
being studied, and in 1977 A. Wernig in Munich argued that "a quantum might
be due to the simultaneous discharge of several or all the vesicles in one 'active
zone.' "50 Wernig's interpretation not only provided a value comparable to Katz
and del Castillo's estimate, it also fitted descriptions by Mahlon Kriebel in Syra-
cuse of postsynaptic responses smaller than m.e.p.p.s (together with multiples
of these sub-m.e.p.p.s).51 KriebePs observations raised the possibility that
m.e.p.p.s—and conventional quanta—were composed of subunits: each m.e.p.p.
could require the release of more than one vesicle, and one vesicle (or less)
could elicit a sub-m.e.p.p. Moreover, Henri Korn in Paris and Donald Faber
in Buffalo analyzed release at brain synapses as independent all-or-none pro-
cesses at each active zone, which could represent the coordinate discharge from
an invariant number of vesicles.52
Third, neurotransmitters seemed to be present in at least two pools, but the
functions and subcellular locations of these pools were debated. On the one
hand, Richard Birks and F. C. Macintosh in Montreal described the stimulated
release of acetylcholine from sympathetic ganglia in 1961, interpreting their
data as the sequential outflow from two intraneuronal pools.53 They suggested
that the smaller, more readily releasable pool corresponded to vesicles close to
the presynaptic membrane. The larger pool might then serve as a reservoir for
replacing acetylcholine in emptied vesicles of the smaller pool. Indeed, stud-
ies in the late 1960s using radioactive tracers supported models depicting a
readily releasable pool that was preferentially replenished. For example, Irwin
Kopin in Bethesda administered a labeled precursor of noradrenaline and then
compared the radioactivity in the noradrenaline released by stimulation from
an adrenergic nerve to that remaining in the nerve: he concluded that "newly
synthesized [noradrenaline] is selectively released."54
On the other hand, these labeling experiments did not actually identify the
pool of readily releasable neurotransmitter as that in vesicles adjacent to the
presynaptic membrane. And in the 1970s some—notably Maurice Israel in
Neurotransmitter Release 257
Triggering or Release
extracellular Ca2+ was necessary for nerves to elicit muscle contractions. Oth-
ers, however, advocated roles for K + and Na + in promoting neurotransmitter
release, as noted above.
During investigations of such cation effects, Katz and Fatt included exami-
nations of how Ca2+ affected neuromuscular transmission, and in 1952 they
uncovered a "curious effect": lowering extracellular Ca2+ "reduces the e.p.p.
in definite 'quanta,'" that is, in a stepwise fashion.63 That year del Castillo
reported correlations between Ca2+ concentrations and e.p.p. amplitude, sug-
gesting that "the amount of acetylcholine released . . . is a function of the con-
centration of calcium ions."64 Two years later Katz and del Castillo recast such
interpretations as Ca2+ increasing the quantal content of e.p.p.s, and they
argued that Ca2+ acted by raising the probability of quantal release.65
Katz and Miledi then used ganglionic synapses of squid giant axons, where
neuronal elements are large enough for direct electrical manipulations, to dem-
onstrate that graded electrical depolarizations, induced presynaptically, could
elicit graded responses postsynaptically as long as extracellular Ca2+ was pres-
ent.66 But when they raised the transmembrane potential of the presynaptic
terminals so that Ca2+ influx could no longer occur,67 there was no sign of neu-
rotransmitter release.
Douglas's work on secretory cells in the early 1960s, from which he prom-
ulgated the concept of Ca2+-dependent "stimulus-secretion coupling" (chap-
ter 7), thus complemented the conclusions of Katz and his collaborators. Taken
together, these studies promoted the notion that exocytotic release required
Ca2+ and that a requirement for Ca2+ implied exocytotic release.
The mechanism by which Ca2+ acted was less clear, however. Katz and col-
laborators first proposed an acetylcholine carrier in the membrane that must
initially contain Ca2+.68 On the other hand, Hodgkin and Richard Keynes, cit-
ing the disruptive effects of Ca2+ on cytoplasmic structures, suggested in 1957
that intracellular Ca2+ might be involved "in breaking up the intracellular vesi-
cles near the membrane . . . and releasing acetylcholine from them."69 Although
it was soon clear that Ca2+ must enter the cytoplasm to act, what happened
next would remain uncertain during the next 30 years.
Defining the entry process progressed more rapidly. In 1967 Katz and Miledi
concluded that "depolarization opens a 'gate' to calcium," and since pulses of
extracellular Ca2+ were effective only at brief intervals during a stimulus, nerve
activity must open such gates transiently.70 They also measured currents, attrib-
utable to Ca2+ influxes, that were associated with neurotransmitter release.71
The Hodgkin-Huxley model for nerve action potentials relied on voltage-
gated channels for Na + and for K + that opened in response to membrane depo-
larizations. Voltage-gated Ca2+ channels were identified soon thereafter. In
1985 voltage-gated Ca2+ channels were allocated among several classes, based
on electrical properties and sensitivities to particular inhibitors, and the amino
Neurotransmitter Release 259
acid sequence of one class of channels was defined in 1987.72 Meanwhile, Bal-
domero Olivera and William Gray identified a toxin from cone snails that caused
muscle paralysis, a peptide that they named w-conotoxin.73 The previous year,
1984, Lynne Kerr and Doju Yoshikami, also in Salt Lake City, had described
this toxin's ability to block neurotransmitter release by preventing Ca2+ entry.74
The w-conotoxin was subsequently confirmed as a specific blocker of the per-
tinent class of Ca2+ channels and became a valuable reagent for studying
the role of Ca2+ in neurotransmitter release as well as for identifying these
channels.
Miledi succeeded in 1973 in showing that Ca2+ injected into presynaptic ter-
minals could evoke neurotransmitter release, confirming a cytoplasmic role.75
A year earlier Rodolfo Llinas in Rochester, Minnesota demonstrated, using a
light-emitting Ca2+-indicator, that cytoplasmic Ca2+ levels within presynaptic
terminals rose following stimulation, in accord with electrical measurements of
Ca2+ currents through transmembrane channels.76 Further studies with a vari-
ety of indicators confirmed such rises, but the limited spatial and temporal res-
olution of these techniques were inadequate for precise characterization of the
cytoplasmic Ca2+ changes. Nevertheless, calculations showed that, due to local
binding, the regions of elevated Ca2+ would be tightly circumscribed after a
localized influx.77
This spatial restriction was pertinent to the placement of calcium channels
relative to neurotransmitter release sites. In 1974 Heuser and Reese suggested
that the rows of intramembrane particles visible in freeze-fracture micrographs
of synaptic active zones (Fig. 10-3) might be Ca24" channels.78 Llinas, now in
New York, supported this identification in 1981 by correlating the number of
such particles, the conductance of Ca2+ channels (previously determined), and
the measured current flow across presynaptic terminals.79 And in 1990 Milton
Charlton in Toronto used labeled w-conotoxin to demonstrate that these Ca2+
channels were present exclusively at the active zones.80 This localization would
therefore allow the efficient interaction of incoming Ca2+ with synaptic vesi-
cles arrayed at the active zones, poised—according to the exocytotic model—
to discharge their neurotransmitter into the synaptic cleft.
Mechanism of Release
How does this localized Ca2+ influx trigger exocytosis and how does the exo-
cytotic machinery work? Early explanations invoked simple solutions. John
Eccless suggestion in 1959 took the form of a question: "Is it possible that
vesicles are positively charged and hence are greatly accelerated . . . across a
depolarized membrane?"81 In 1966, however, Banks demonstrated that adre-
nal vesicles bore instead net negative charges, incompatible with such an elec-
260 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
trophoretic extrusion.82 Banks then proposed that divalent Ca2+ could link neg-
atively charged vesicle membranes to (presumably) negatively charged cell
membranes, thereby promoting fusion and exocytosis, although he did not spec-
ify how the latter events occurred. Defining the basic processes, it was clear,
would require a better understanding of the components. It was also clear in
1990 that the identification of these components was still incomplete.
Synapsin
FIGURE 10-5. Baskets of coated vesicles, from Kanaseki and Kadota (1969). Figure 24
shows a soccer ball composed of hexagonal and pentagonal panels, while Figure 25
shows a model of a coated vesicle with similar hexagons and pentagons outlining its sur-
face. Figure 26 is an electron micrograph of a coated vesicle from the brain, also show-
ing outlines of hexagons and pentagons. (Reproduced by permission of Rockefeller Uni-
versity Press.)
FIGURE 10-6. Electron micrographs of clathrin triskelions from brain coated vesicles.
(From Ungewickell and Branton [1981], Fig. 3a, reprinted by permission of Nature,
©1981 Macmillan Magazines, Ltd.)
FIGURE 10-7. Proposal for the conversion of clathrin hexagons to pentagons through
"small distortions of the triskelion." (From Crowther and Pearse [1981], Fig. 4. Repro-
duced by permission of Rockefeller University Press.)
264
Neurotransmrtter Release 265
the baskets did not occur at cytoplasmic ionic strengths, but Keen and Fasten
identified a fraction from coated vesicles—containing a 110 kDa protein—that
mediated the reconstitution under physiological conditions. They named this
the basket assembly factor. Subsequent studies in the 1980s revealed additional
assembly proteins with molecular weights of roughly 50 and 20 kDa; together
with the 110 kDa protein, they formed complexes capable not only of con-
trolling the size of the coated vesicles but also of selecting which areas of the
membrane surface would be transformed into coated pits and vesicles.113 More-
over, the assembly protein complexes were themselves regulated by phospho-
rylation/dephosphorylation cycles.
Before endocytotic vesicles can fuse with membranes their coats must be
removed. But whereas coat assembly proceeded without an extrinsic energy
source, coat removal required added ATP. In 1982 James Rothman in Palo Alto
found that a cytoplasmic factor promoted dissociation of the baskets at physi-
ological ionic strengths if ATP were present.114 ATP was hydrolyzed during the
dissociation process, and Rothman then purified the "uncoating ATPase," iden-
tifying a 70 kDa cytoplasmic protein that stripped the coats away.115 In 1986
he grouped this enzyme with a family of 70 kDa proteins mediating cellular
responses to stress (called heat shock proteins because of the stress first stud-
ied).116 The following year John Ellis in Coventry included these proteins in
his category of molecular chaperones, proteins that assist other proteins in fold-
ing and unfolding.11' But what spurred the uncoating ATPase into action was
not then apparent.
The critics of exocytotic release noted above were concerned with Ca2+-
dependent processes. Different issues arose with the recognition by 1970 that
release could also occur in the absence of extracellular Ca2+.118 If such Ca2+-
independent release implied nonexocytotic mechanisms, then an obvious can-
didate for carrying neurotransmitters from cytoplasm to synaptic cleft would
be the cell membrane reuptake transporter (chapter 9) running in reverse.119
These Na + cotransport systems are normally driven by Na4" flowing down its
electrochemical gradient from outside the cell to the inside, carrying the neu-
rotransmitter in the same direction. But if the gradients were reversed—by
electrical depolarization and/or lower ratios of extracellular to intracellular Na +
and/or lower ratios of extracellular to intracellular neurotransmitter—the Na +
cotransport system could carry cytoplasmic Na + plus neurotransmitter out of
the cell.120
Accordingly, in 1978 Carl Cotman in Irvine reported that depolarizing synap-
tosomal preparations with high concentrations of extracellular K + could trig-
266 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
ger the release of GABA even in the absence of extracellular Ca2+.121 More-
over, this Ca2+-independent release appeared to come from a different intra-
cellular pool of GABA (as reflected in the degrees of labeling) than did the
Ca2+-dependent release that could also be evoked. If they first incubated the
synaptosomes in Na+-free media with agents that facilitated Na+ fluxes, then
the subsequent Ca2+-independent release was diminished; this was explainable
as the manipulations causing a loss of intracellular Na + , which would magnify
the Na + gradient from out to in. Conversely, raising intracellular Na + by facil-
itating influx or by hindering efflux, which would minimize the gradient, pro-
moted Ca2+-independent GABA release.122
Nevertheless, release in the absence of extracellular Ca2+ might still be
occurring through a Ca2+-dependent exocytotic process, but one sensitive to
elevated levels of intracellular Na + : in 1970 David Lust and Joseph Robinson
in Syracuse proposed that higher concentrations of intracellular Na + could free
into the cytoplasm Ca2+ sequestered within mitochondria.123 Consequently,
orthodox exocytotic release that requires a rise in intracellular Ca2+ could still
be operating in the absence of extracellular Ca2+ under these circumstances.
But in 1988 S. Bernath and M. J. Zigmond in Pittsburgh directly implicated
the cotransport system, showing that an inhibitor of the Na + -GABA cotrans-
porter blocked neurotransmitter release in the absence of extracellular Ca2+.124
Similar studies with other neurotransmitters also implicated Ca2+-independent
release in particular instances.125 Three categories of such Ca2+-independent
release were established by 1990, as illustrated below.
Physiological Release
Horizontal cells in the retina release GABA even though they do not contain
synaptic vesicles, and in 1982 Eric Schwartz in Chicago described release from
these cells in the absence of extracellular Ca2+.126 Subsequently, Schwartz
showed that such release occurred even when the intracellular Ca2+ concen-
tration was kept low with buffers to counteract any rise in Ca2+ contributed by
intracellular reservoirs; on the other hand, GABA release was blocked by an
inhibitor of the Na + cotransporter.12'
Pathological Release
Pharmacological Release
Conclusions
The quantal hypothesis, advanced by Katz in the early 1950s from studies at
neuromuscular junctions, attributed e.p.p.s to summations of m.e.p.p.s, each
representing the release of a uniform packet of neurotransmitter. Soon after-
ward electron microscopists described vesicles in nerve terminals, and Katz
identified his quanta with the contents of these vesicles. This elaboration trans-
formed his quantal hypothesis to an exocytotic one: release was achieved
through the fusion of neurotransmitter-containing vesicles with presynaptic
membrane. Evidence supporting and extending these models accumulated in
the following decades, with measurements of neurotransmitters within vesicles,
268 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Notes
1. Brown and Feldberg (1936b), p. 291. See also Feldberg and Guimarais (1936).
2. Dale (1938b), p. 420.
3. Brown and Macintosh (1939). Stimulating the presynaptic fibers would cause them
to release more neurotransmitter.
4. Goodman and Gilman (1956), p. 399.
5. Fatt and Katz (1952a).
6. Fatt and Katz (1952c). This model followed an earlier proposal by Hodgkin and
Huxley for the ion transfer during action potentials occurring by membrane carriers
Neurotransmitter Release 269
(although by this time Hodgkin and Huxley had withdrawn their proposal because of
contrary evidence).
7. See Robinson (1997).
8. DeRobertis and Bennett (1954), p. 35. The observation and interpretation was
repeated in DeRobertis (1958).
9. del Castillo and Katz (1955b), p. 410.
10. del Castillo and Katz (1957). The meeting at which they presented this paper was
in 1955.
11. Katz (1962), p. 471.
12. de Duve (1963).
13. Hillarp et al. (1954), p. 162.
14. Carlsson and Hillarp (1956).
15. Ibid., p. 239.
16. von Euler (1966).
17. For example, Birks et al. (1960); Hubbard and Kwanbunbumpen (1968).
18. Active zones were depicted by Birks et al. (1960) and named by Couteaux and
Pecot-Dechavassine (1970).
19. Jones and Kwanbunbumpen (1970). Parducz and Feher (1970), however, claimed
that hemicholinium caused a breakdown of synaptic membranes due to the cell's con-
sequent lack of choline for phospholipid biosynthesis.
20. For example, Birks (1971) stimulated at 20 Hz for 20 minutes without hemi-
cholinium; Pysh and Wiley (1972) used interrupted trains of stimuli at 20 to 32 Hz for
150 to 190 minutes in the presence of hemicholinium.
21. Pysh and Wiley (1972), p. 192. See also Pysh and Wiley (1974).
22. Ceccarelli et al. (1972). See also Ceccarelli et al. (1973).
23. Holtzman et al. (1971) had earlier correlated peroxidase uptake with nerve
activity.
24. Heuser and Reese (1973).
25. Heuser et al. (1974). See also Pfenninger et al. (1972); Peper et al. (1974).
26. For example, Birks et al. (I960); Couteaux and Pecot-Dechavassine (1970); Dou-
glas et al. (1970).
27. Douglas et al. (1971) had already proposed a role for coated vesicles in neu-
rosecretory cells of the pituitary.
28. Heuser et al. (1979), p. 275. They also stimulated transmitter release chemically
to improve the yield of exocytotic processes. Previously, Birks et al. (1960) calculated
that exocytotic processes should be too rare to record in micrographs consistently. See
also Heuser and Reese (1981).
29. Torri-Tarelli et al. (1985).
30. Ibid., p. 1398.
31. Carlsson and Hillarp (1956).
32. Douglas et al. (1965).
33. Carlsson and Hillarp (1956).
34. Banks and Helle (1965).
35. For example, Blaschko et al. (1967); Kirshner et al. (1967); Schneider et al. (1967).
36. Viveros et al. (1968, 1969).
37. For example, Geffen et al. (1969); Weinshilboum et al. (1971).
38. von Wedel et al. (1981).
39. Capacitance changes linked to surface area changes had been studied with other
cellular phenomena earlier. For example, Rothschild (1957) determined with this
approach the cell surface changes that accompany fertilization.
270 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
reinforcing the possibility that Ca2+ acted on the surface of the membrane, not after
crossing the membrane.
76. Llinas et al. (1972). They used aequorin, a protein that emits a flash of light when
exposed to Ca2+. See also Llinas and Nicholson (1975).
77. For example, Fogelson and Zucker (1985); Simon and Llinas (1985). Moreover,
the brief time interval between depolarization and release meant that the path of Ca2+
diffusion must be short (Llinas et al., 1981).
78. Heuser et al. (1974).
79. Pumplin et al. (1981).
80. Robitaille et al. (1990).
81. Eccles and Liley (1959), p. 103.
82. Banks (1966). See also Blioch et al. (1968).
83. Ueda et al. (1973).
84. Ueda and Greengard (1977).
85. Bloom et al. (1979).
86. DeCamilli et al. (1983a). Greengard subsequently distinguished a family of
synapsins: see Siidhof et al. (1989).
87. Huttner et al. (1981); Kennedy and Greengard (1981).
88. Llinas et al. (1985).
89. DeCamilli et al. (1983b).
90. Bahler and Greengard (1987). See also Petrucci and Morrow (1987).
91. Hirokawa et al. (1989), p. 111.
92. Matthew et al. (1981).
93. Perin et al. (1991).
94. Perin et al. (1990).
95. Jahn et al. (1985); Wiedenmann and Franke (1985).
96. Siidhof et al. (1987); Leube et al. (1987). See also Buckley et al. (1987).
97. Thomas et al. (1988).
98. Trimble et al. (1988).
99. Baumert et al. (1989).
100. Scheer and Meldolesi (1985).
101. Ushkaryov et al. (1992).
102. Oyler et al. (1989).
103. See Wilson et al. (1991).
104. See Kelly (1988); Aimers (1990); Trimble et al. (1991).
105. Roth and Porter (1964).
106. Kanaseki and Kadota (1969).
107. Pearse (1975), p. 97. Later, she and others would identify a number of other
functionally important proteins of the coated vesicles.
108. Crowther et al. (1976).
109. Ungewickell and Branton (1981). See also Kirchhausen and Harrison (1981).
110. Earlier, Pearse (1978) described 30-36 kDa proteins from the coat, but she did
not calculate a 1:1 stoichiometry with the 180 kDa proteins.
111. Crowther and Pearse (1981).
112. Keen et al. (1979). See also Woodward and Roth (1978); Schook et al. (1979);
Unanue et al. (1981).
113. For example, Pearse and Robinson (1984); Manfredi and Bazari (1987); Keen
et al. (1987); Virshup and Bennett (1988).
114. Patzer et al. (1982).
272 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
The Neuron Theory arose at the end of the nineteenth century as holistic con-
ceptions of neural function were waning. Physiological and anatomical studies
identified discrete pathways for voluntary and autonomic systems as well as for
particular reflex circuits having sensory and motor limbs (chapters 1 and 2).
Accordingly, formulations grounded in the Neuron Theory depicted neural
pathways as cellular units linked through specific synapses. Such formulations,
in turn, required accounts of how such linkages came to be.
Embryology was then a flourishing science,1 led by a German school of
descriptive embryologists that began in the early nineteenth century with Carl
Ernst von Baer and embraced such pioneers as Rudolph von Koelliker and
Wilhelm His. They were now joined by a new wave of German experimental
embryologists, starting with Wilhelm Roux and Hans Driesch, who intervened
in the developmental processes to demonstrate capabilities and alternative out-
comes. They and their successors in the twentieth century, including Viktor
Hamburger, Hans Spemann, and Paul Weiss, identified sequential transfor-
mations that were effected through cellular differentiations and migrations,
with ancestral precursors giving rise to mature cells of distinct types and func-
tions then assembled into specific tissues and organs.
273
274 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
His's studies on the outgrowth of nerve cell processes provided a central foun-
dation for the Neuron Theory (chapter 1). These morphological studies also
supported concepts of neural development through the extension of such pro-
cesses to reach particular destinations. Santiago Ramon y Cajal pursued these
issues with characteristic vigor and insight, in the process discovering a crucial
participant, the growth cones at the termini of elongating axons (chapter 1).
His's and Cajal's interpretations were based on microscopic examination of
fixed, stained specimens taken from different neurons at different stages of
development, requiring interpolations and extrapolations to reconstruct a con-
tinuous process from the collection of discontinuous images. Ross Harrison
confirmed Cajal's inferences about amoeboid locomotion by watching axonal
extensions from neurons grown in tissue culture (chapter 1). Harrison could
thus follow the protoplasmic extension of growth cones, with processes extend-
ing to spin out an axon from the fixed cell body. Observations of live neurons
in tissue culture would remain a valuable model for studying neural develop-
ment through the twentieth century, despite the inherent artificiality of such
isolated growth and development.
Another opportunity for continuously monitoring axonal extensions was
microscopic examination of neural development in (suitable) organisms. For
example, in the 1930s Carl Speidel in Charlottesville took time-lapse pho-
tomicrographs of developing nerves in transparent tadpoles, recording the
advances and retractions of motile growth cones on axonal sprouts.2 Although
Speidel recorded responses of the outgrowing axons to some experimental
Formation or Speciiic Synapses 275
In the decades after Cajal and Langley argued that chemical attractants guided
axonal outgrowth, these proposals languished despite the eminence of their
advocates. No evidence for attraction was forthcoming, and attempts to dem-
onstrate it failed. For example, in 1934 Weiss, now in Chicago, reported that
adding saline extracts of brain to discrete regions of the tissue culture medium
neither attracted nor repelled axonal outgrowth.5
But even before this demonstration, Weiss had suggested an alternative
mechanism. While still in Vienna he advanced in 1924 a Resonance Principle
to account for the apparently specific connections between nerves and end
organs, such as muscles and sense organs.6 When Weiss grafted an additional
leg near a developing one in amphibia, this extra leg became innervated and
then moved in concert with the natural one. Weiss believed that these "homol-
ogous responses" arose from homologous muscles responding specifically to
(resonating with) particular frequencies of impulses carried by the nerves.
Coded frequencies thus selected which muscle contracted: functional connec-
tions were effected not by activating particular pathways but by evoking par-
ticular patterns of impulses—in nerves broadly—to which only certain muscles
would resonate/respond.
When Edgar Adrian in Cambridge succeeded in recording from the indi-
vidual fibers of nerves in 1928 (chapter 3), he found no such pattern of impulses
keyed to particular muscles.7 Two years later C. A. G. Wiersma, while visiting
Adrian in Cambridge, directly examined Weisss proposal. Wiersma found
action potentials appearing not in all the fibers of a motor nerve, but only in
those running to the particular muscle actually responding.8 So Weiss devised
a new account, pushing back the site of frequency-dependent control to the
central nervous system (although he retained the term Resonance Principle).9
Outgrowing axons, Weiss now argued, were initially unspecified functionally,
but when axons reached a muscle, even if by random growth, they were mod-
ified by this contact: "converged] from indifferent into selective receivers
specifically adapted" to activate this muscle.10 The motor nerve now resonated
with the proper directives from the central nervous system; inside the central
nervous system, Weiss believed, commands were encoded as particular pat-
terns of frequencies.11 Weiss acknowledged that the modification or "modula-
tion" of contacting axons may "plausibly be supposed to be a biochemical effect"
of muscle on neuron, although he could not define those changes further.12
By 1934 Weiss favored a mechanical guidance of nerve directly to muscle.
Twenty years earlier, Harrison had showed that axons in tissue culture required
a solid support for growth and could follow surfaces within this support.13 Weiss,
in the same paper where he discounted chemical guidance, described exten-
sions of Harrison's studies. He aligned fibers within the matrix supporting neu-
Formation or Speciric Synapses 277
rons in tissue culture and found that outgrowing axons then followed this align-
ment.14 Earlier experiments had shown that growing tissues, such as trans-
planted legs in amphibia, attracted outgrowing axons.15 So in 1941 Weiss argued
that growing tissues induced a tension in the intercellular matrix, thereby align-
ing molecular fibers of this matrix to form a pathway to the developing end
organ.16
Weiss in 1941 also extended Harrisons notion of initial pathfinder neurons,1'
adding a mechanism whereby the pathfinder neuron on reaching a target would
be altered, as in his earlier Resonance Principle. Now, however, the alterations
would include modifications of the pathfinder neuron's surface such that any
neurons contacting it would grow alongside it. Consequently, neurons accu-
mulating around the pathfinder would form a bundle ("fasciculus"). This "selec-
tive fasciculation" would thus assemble a group of axons running together to
the same target. Contact with the target then assured that each incoming axon
was modulated, or tuned, to receive the central commands activating this mus-
cle specifically.
Weiss, after receiving his doctoral degree in Vienna and working in Berlin,
went to New Haven in 1929 to visit Harrison and then spent the years from
1933 to 1954 in Chicago. Among his graduate students there was Roger Sperry
(Fig. 11-1A), who received his Ph.D. in 1941, the year Weiss's summation of
pioneering neurons and selective fasciculation appeared. Sperry, however,
began an independent course that edged him step by step away from Weiss s
formulations.
Sperry's dissertation described the consequences of surgically interchanging
nerves to the extensors and flexors of rat leg muscles.18 Unlike Weiss s findings
in amphibia (and some earlier reports on mammals), movements of the rein-
nervated rat leg were reversed, and this reversal was permanent: the aberrant
responses could not be overcome by learning. Thus, the muscles, after being
reinnervated by "incorrect" nerves, did not contract as they had before the
interchange, a result contrary to Weiss s initial Resonance Principle that envi-
sioned muscles responding to their characteristically coded impulses transmis-
sible by any nerve. Sperry's results also did not support the revised Resonance
Principle that envisioned muscles altering any arriving nerve so that it accepted
and transmitted signals to the muscle from the appropriate centers in the cen-
tral nervous system. Sperry suggested that, after their initial embryonic differ-
entiation and synapse formation, mammalian motoneurons could no longer
undergo muscle-specific modulation when regenerating. They were "no longer
in a sufficiently labile state to be respecified by foreign muscles."19
By 1943 Sperry, now working in Cambridge, Mass., moved further from
Weiss s formulations of functional rather than topographical connections.20 In
amphibia the ganglion cells in the retina send axons through the optic nerve
to a region at the top of the brain, called the tectum, that receives responses
from the retina. Sperry now found that after cutting the optic nerve and rotat-
ing the eyeball 180°—so what was formerly up was now down—the amphib-
ians visual world after the optic nerve regenerated was inverted also: the
amphibian reacted to food placed above it as if the morsel were below. Sperry
concluded that regeneration reestablished the original connections, which
would now report the world upside down. He suggested that the guiding fac-
tors were chemicals, perhaps induced during embryonic differentiation, that
directed regenerating fibers to their original targets in the tectum. By 1949
Sperry, back in Chicago, was advocating a "chemoaffiniry theory" to account
for this specificity.21
Sperry's observations in the 1940s were functional, not histological, and he
could not demonstrate that retinal neurons actually reconnected with their orig-
inal targets. He continued to cite the coding aspects of the Resonance Princi-
ple also, acknowledging that such a mechanism could specify "the quality of
the excitatory impulses which different kinds of fibers discharge," so that "func-
tional organization [would] depend . . . not upon a specificity of fixed neuron
connections, but upon the emission of qualitatively distinct excitatory agents
[with] a selective receptivity to these discharges permitting functional preci-
sion."22 Consequently, there could be an "orderly recovery of precise functional
relations despite random, indiscriminant" connections of retinal with tectal
Formation or Specinc Synapses 279
Not until the late 1950s did Sperry, now in Pasadena, undertake experiments
showing in a convincing manner that regenerating retinal neurons did indeed
reconnect to their original tectal loci.24 He destroyed the ganglion cells in one
half of the retina of a fish and then cut the optic nerve; regeneration could only
be from the half of the retina not destroyed. By destroying different halves
(upper, lower, left, right) Sperry demonstrated that the residual neurons (from
lower, upper, right, left halves) grew to distinguishably different regions of the
tectum (Fig. 11-2). Moreover, ingrowing fibers would pass inappropriate tec-
tal neurons to proceed, over their original courses, to the proper targets.
How could these neurons find their way? Sperry, in an influential paper
reviewing these studies in 1963, advocated a chemical specification.25 He imag-
ined two or more chemical gradients that would determine by their relative
strengths along opposing axes the latitude and longitude for a correspondingly
receptive axon to follow. Support for this proposal would require identifica-
tions of these guiding chemicals and demonstrations of how outgrowing axons
could respond to specific concentrations of chemical signals. Sperry himself
did not pursue these demands (he soon became diverted by studies on split
brain preparations, for which he was awarded a Nobel Prize). Those who did
found the technical difficulties formidable, and progress on chemical guidance
was delayed for some decades. In the meantime, other relevant concerns came
into focus.
The death of certain cells, it was recognized early in the twentieth century,
helps to shape organisms to their adult form. Significant losses of neural cells
occur also. So selective innervation might reflect an early generalized innerva-
tion with a subsequent elimination of inappropriate connections. Indeed, evi-
dence accumulating by mid-century pointed to such initial overproductions fol-
lowed by selective exterminations.
This appreciation emerged, however, from considering another issue: how
did the numbers of neurons growing out from the spinal cord match the size
of the end organ they innervated? The problem was illustrated clearly by
Samuel Detweiler, a student of Harrison in New Haven. In 1920 Detweiler
reported that grafting an extra limb bud in amphibia increased the size of the
dorsal root ganglion innervating this region, whereas removing the limb bud
decreased the size.26 In the early 1930s Victor Hamburger reexamined this
phenomenon. Hamburger, who had been a student of Hans Spemann in
Freiburg but was now visiting in Chicago, found that after destroying limb buds
in avian embryos, the motoneuron region in the spinal cord decreased pro-
portionally to the loss of muscle.27 He imagined that the initial axons contact-
ing a muscle sent signals back to the spinal cord to increase or decrease the
number of motoneurons being differentiated from their embryonic precursors.
A different suggestion came from Rita Levi-Montalcini (Fig. 11-1B), work-
ing first in Turin as the war broke out and continuing alone after her flight to
the countryside to escape German occupiers.28 Levi-Montalcini found, by
counting cells at successive times, that the decrease after extirpating an end
organ reflected a dramatic loss of differentiated neurons. After the war Ham-
burger invited her to St. Louis, where he was now working, and in 1949 they
reported that while an end organ could increase or decrease the proliferation
of neuronal precursors, it also "provides conditions for continued growth and
maintenance of neurons" after the first outgrowth of axons.29
the route to characterizing the first of these deserves mention. Elmer Bueker,
who had studied with Hamburger but was now working in Washington, wanted
to study axonal outgrowth in a rapidly growing but less complex tissue. For this
purpose he tried transplanting several tumors into avian embryos and in the
late 1940s found that a mouse sarcoma induced a pronounced enlargement of
the spinal ganglia that sent sensory neurons to the transplant.30 He did not pur-
sue these issues further, but Levi-Montalcini and Hamburger soon confirmed
Bueker's observations. In 1951 they proposed that the sarcoma "producefd]
specific growth promoting agents which stimulated the growth of sympathetic
and of sensory . . . cells . . . but not of motor [cells]."31 Two years later they
reported that sarcomas transplanted at a distance could still promote axonal
outgrowths, so the factor(s) must be diffusible.32 The following year, 1954, they
described a stimulated outgrowth from dorsal root and sympathetic ganglia cells
in tissue culture, providing a means for quantitating the factor in vitro.33 Using
this assay, Stanley Cohen, a biochemist who had joined them, could now show
stimulation by cell-free homogenates of the sarcoma.34 While attempting to
purify the factor, Cohen and Levi-Montalcini used snake venom preparations
rich in phosphodiesterase activity to destroy nucleic acid polymers. To their
astonishment, the snake venom alone stimulated axonal outgrowth spectacu-
larly.35 Subsequently, they tried mouse salivary glands—homologs to snake poi-
son glands—and these proved to be still richer sources. With this starting mate-
rial Cohen purified a protein fraction in 1960 that they called nerve growth
factor (NGF).36 Antibodies prepared against this material, which should block
its actions, indeed destroyed sympathetic ganglia when injected into newborn
mice. This was compelling evidence that NGF was necessary to maintain devel-
oping sympathetic postganglionic neurons. Using a new, highly sensitive assay,
Hans Thoenen in Martinsreid was finally able to show in 1983 that target tis-
sues actually contained NGF, present in amounts correlating with the density
of their sympathetic innervation.37 The amino acid sequence, published in 1971,
specified a 13 kDa peptide,38 with active NGF being a dimer of this peptide.
(The three-dimensional structure followed twenty years later.39) For their sem-
inal discoveries Levi-Montalcini and Cohen received the Nobel Prize in 1986.
Demonstrating how NGF functioned was a more challenging quest. In the
mid 1970s Leslie Iversen in Cambridge and Thoenen, then in Basel, showed
that labeled NGF was taken up by sympathetic nerve endings and transported
along the axons to their cell bodies, as might be expected for a growth factor
secreted by end organs to regulate survival of innervating neurons.40 In 1979
Eric Shooter in Palo Alto described high- and low-affinity binding sites for
NGF that might be receptors,41 but further identification proved difficult.
(In 1991 groups in New York, Frederick, and Princeton showed that the
high-affinity binding site corresponded to trk-A, a tyrosine kinase of previously
unknown function.42 By this time several cellular growth factors, including
282 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
insulin and epidermal growth factor, were known to bind to membrane recep-
tors that then functioned as tyrosine kinases: phosphorylating proteins on the
phenolic hydroxyl of tyrosine [rather than on the alcoholic hydroxyls of serine
and threonine as did, for example, protein kinases A and C]. As in the responses
of other tyrosine kinases, trk-A dimerized when it bound its activating ligand,
NGF, and then catalyzed its own phosphorylation. Thus activated, trk-A next
catalyzed the phosphorylation of certain other proteins, on their tyrosines, to
initiate cascades of cellular second messenger systems.43 On the other hand,
the identity of the low affinity binding sites remained uncertain, as did the
functional consequences of NGF s transport to the cell body, which had been
demonstrated earlier.)
Levi-Montalcini and Hamburger showed that NGF affected sensory neu-
rons from dorsal root ganglia and postganglionic sympathetic neurons. Thoe-
nen found in 1979 that NGF also affected certain cholinergic neurons in the
brain.44 But what modulated the growth and survival of other neurons? It
seemed likely that many more growth factors operated; indeed, additional
growth factors with distinctive targets but structures similar to NGF were iden-
tified during the 1980s (and more were characterized in the following decade).45
While Sperry was demonstrating regrowth to the tectum in the 1960s, addi-
tional examples of precise routings were also being cataloged.50 Further char-
acterizations of the requisite mechanisms were not forthcoming at that time,
however, but two later endeavors merit specific mention. Lynn Landmesser in
New Haven found that motoneurons proceeding to limb muscles in avian
embryos made few errors, with adjacent fibers growing to different and spe-
cific destinations. Landmesser concluded in 1981 that these "observations
exclude models . . . in which there is a widespread testing of the environment
with removal of projection errors by cell death."51 And Corey Goodman in Palo
Alto was then mapping the outgrowth of specific neurons in insect embryos.
Identifiable axons grew along discrete courses, making abrupt turns at charac-
teristic loci to reach their particular end organs (Fig. 11-3). Goodman argued
that they must follow labeled pathways.52
Diffusible Factors
FIGURE 11-3. Schematic map of axonal outgrowths from specific neurons of develop-
ing insects. The circles represent the cell bodies of neurons identified by the enclosed
letters and numbers. The emerging lines show the pathways followed by their growth
cones, turning at particular points to reach their distinctive targets, in some cases ante-
riorly, in others posteriorly, while other axons pass through these branch points without
turning. In the figure anterior is up. (From Raper et al. [1983b], Fig. 11, ©1983 by the
Society for Neuroscience.)
to grow along proper pathways and then identified the mutated genes respon-
sible. Among those identified by 1990 was unc-6.57
(Continuations of these studies during the next five years—[1] by purifying
active proteins secreted by floorplate cells and then determining their amino
acid sequences by cDNA techniques and [2] by sequencing the unc-6 gene—
Formation or Speciiic Synapses 285
Adhesion Molecules
Harrison, as noted above, showed that neurons in tissue culture required a sup-
porting matrix for axonal outgrowth, and Weiss argued for mechanical guid-
ance by such supports. On the other hand, the matrix might attract or repel by
chemicals on its surface. Accordingly, Letourneau in the mid-1970s demon-
strated hierarchies of adhesiveness to various surface materials guiding growth
in vitro.5Q Others soon demonstrated gradients in the retina and tectum.60 But
identifying the pertinent molecules was difficult: the scientific problem was
obvious, but solving this problem—choosing a feasible system and devising suc-
cessful methods—demanded insight and ingenuity.
One attempt began in the early 1980s with investigations of proteins that
form the extracellular matrix in the nervous system as well as in other body
organs. For example, when one of these proteins, a laminin, was applied to the
surface of tissue culture plates, it promoted axonal outgrowth over itself.61 Soon
thereafter a family of cell membrane proteins, integrins, was recognized as
receptors for laminins and other matrix proteins.62 Interactions between a par-
ticular integrin on a cell and an extracellular protein such as a laminin could
thus favor growth selectively. Moreover, laminins had restricted localizations,
and Letourneau, now in Minneapolis, identified in 1988 a laminin-coated path-
way for axonal extension within the developing brain.63 On the other hand, this
laminin pathway existed transiently, so other guides must operate as well.64
Additional candidates included members of two families of cell surface mol-
ecules identified during these decades. These membrane proteins interacted
with like molecules (homophilic associations), in contrast to the heterophilic
interactions between laminins and integrins. The first identified was a neural
cell adhesion molecule (N-CAM). Gerald Edelman in New York, having deci-
phered essential properties of antibody molecules (Nobel Prize, 1972), described
in 1977 structurally related molecules that promoted adhesion between neurons
in avian embryos.65 These N-CAMs, like the antibody immunoglobulins, existed
in a plethora of subtly different structures, and studies through the 1980s dem-
onstrated specific interactions dependent on particular N-CAMs.66 The second
family, N-cadherins, were identified in 1983 by Masatoshi Takeichi in Kyoto as
Ca2+-dependent proteins that also produced intercellular adhesion.67 Further
studies soon demonstrated that N-cadherins also represented a range of vari-
ants capable of selective associations.68 N-CAMS and N-cadherins could there-
fore promote association between neural processes.
So it was clear by 1990 that multiple modes of interactions were involved in
axonal guidance, including the steering of pioneer neurons along a novel course
286 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
as well as the enlisting of follower neurons to form the nerve bundles. Weiss s
notion of selective fasciculation was firmly supported.
But in addition to attractions and adhesions, local interactions could also be
negative. For example, Friedrich Bonhoeffer in Tubingen demonstrated in
1990 the collapse of growth cones induced by membranes from tectal cells.69
(In 1992 Goodman, now in Berkeley, identified, by using antibodies to screen
for its effects, a cell surface protein that controlled axonal turning.70 The fol-
lowing year Jonathan Raper in Philadelphia identified a protein that induced
growth cone collapse.71 Goodman then pointed out that these belonged to a
structurally and functionally related family, named semaphorins, that included
both membrane-bound and diffusible repellants.72)
How do growth cones follow these cues? This question includes an inquiry
about motility. Cajal likened advancing growth cones to amoebae extending
pseudopodia. Such locomotion also appeared in many motile cells of higher
organisms: cytoplasm apparently flowed into the advancing margins, often fol-
lowing fingerlike extensions. In axonal outgrowth, however, the cell body did
not accompany the advancing growth cone but remained behind as the axon
elongated. In addition, microscopy revealed tiny spikes ("filopodia") first
extending from the leading edge of the growth cone (Fig. 11-4), with the web
between adjacent filopodia then advancing, or the filopodia retracting and new
ones extending elsewhere.
Explanations for amoeboid movement reflected the mechanistic mode of the
age. For example, in the 1930s, when colloidal processes seemed to underlie
FIGURE 11-4. Growth cone morphology. A. The growth cone at the axon terminus
ends in numerous filopodia. B. The growth cone cytoplasm contains microtubules, mito-
chondria, and vesicles. Actin microfilaments are not depicted. (From Bray [1973], Figs.
1 and 2. Reprinted by permission of Nature, © 1973, Macmillan Magazines, Ltd.)
Formation or Speciric Synapses 287
of actin from the leading edge of the growth cone back toward its center, where
the filaments depolymerized; nevertheless, he still considered a role for myosin
in propelling actin filaments.84
The actin microfilaments, moreover, seemed linked to the membrane
through various actin-binding proteins; these in turn bound to integral mem-
brane proteins that extended to the exterior.85 Consequently, adhesion of filopo-
dia to the extracellular matrix could then be coupled to the cytoskeleton, allow-
ing the tension development necessary for growth cone advancement.86 Such
mechanisms had inherent problems,87 but notions of treadmilling and/or actin
flow remained popular explanations as the decade closed.
The second relevant antecedent was the identification in numerous cell types
of microtubules, recognized as polymers of a protein subunit, tubulin, that
formed structures several times the diameter of microfilaments.88 In neurons
these microtubules ran longitudinally within axons. By 1970 microtubules were
implicated in certain motile functions, including chromosome separation dur-
ing cell division. Colchicine, a plant toxin, disrupted microtubules, providing a
reagent for them akin to cytochalasin for microfilaments.
In 1970 Wessells also reported that colchicine caused a retraction of elon-
gated axons, although this response lagged behind the changes induced by
cytochalasin; the next year Bray found that tubulin, like actin, was strongly
labeled in growing nerve cells.89 Further studies through the 1980s showed
that microtubules entered the growth cones but stopped short of the filopo-
dia.90 In numerous cells, moreover, the microtubules appeared to advance by
treadmilling, and in 1986 Bray, now in London, described the assembly of
microtubules at the tips of growing axons, consistent with such a mechanism.91
Both actin and tubulin polymers thus seemed to participate in growth cone
advancement.
A further requirement for elongating axons was an addition of new material
as the axon grew. This also seemed to occur distally. For example, Karl Pfen-
ninger and Marie-France Pfenninger in New York argued in 1981 that during
elongation new membrane appeared at the growth cone.92
For all these processes a critical issue was how guidance cues controlled out-
growth. Second messenger systems, triggered through receptors for diffusible
agents or through cell adhesion molecules in the membrane, seemed likely par-
ticipants.93 But by 1990 the identification of these systems was just beginning.
Synapse Formation
Not only must axons grow to their proper destinations, but they also must make
functional synaptic contacts on arrival. Synapse development requires a trans-
formation of growth cones into nerve terminals containing synthetic enzymes
Formation or Specific Synapses 289
agrins for release into the synaptic cleft, where these proteins became incorpo-
rated into the basal lamina. But how did extracellular agrins trigger aggregation
of cholinergic receptors in muscle membranes? This question remained unan-
swered in 1990, but by then another likely participant had been identified.
Acetylcholine receptors in muscle membranes that had been stripped of their
basal lamina still did not diffuse within the membrane, suggesting that the
receptors were linked to the muscle cytoskeleton. Jean-Pierre Changeux in
Paris had identified a 43 kDa protein in cholinergic receptor preparations, and
in 1982 he reported that a selective removal of this protein enabled the recep-
tors to diffuse laterally in the membrane.103 (By this time S. J. Singer's fluid
mosaic model for membranes104 was generally accepted: integral membrane
proteins, like the acetylcholine receptor, would diffuse in the plane of the mem-
brane unless specifically anchored, as by linkage to the cytoskeleton.) Jonathan
Cohen in St. Louis derived the sequence of this 43 kDa protein, subsequently
named rapsyn, by cDNA techniques in 1987.105 Identification of this DNA also
allowed the corresponding mRNA and its encoded protein to be synthesized.
In 1990 Stanley Froehner in Hanover and Jim Patrick in Houston described
the expression in Xenopus oocytes of cholinergic receptors and rapsyn, singly
and together.106 With receptors alone expressed, they distributed diffusely over
the oocyte membrane. With receptors plus rapsyn expressed, however, the
receptors formed clusters in the membrane. Evidently rapsyn promoted recep-
tor aggregation. But there remained an obvious causal as well as spatial gap
between agrins in the extracellular space and rapsyns associated with the cyto-
plasmic domains of the cholinergic receptor. As the decade closed the search
for additional participants continued.
Conclusions
growth cones at the axon termini. This motility relied on actin and tubulin poly-
mers of the cytoskeleton, although the precise mechanism was still uncertain
in 1990. Also uncertain was the means by which extracellular cues modulated
the advance to direct growth cones along designated courses.
A final requirement was the establishment of synaptic function between
apposed cells. Here, too, a number of necessary elements were known in 1990
while others remained unidentified.
Despite such gaps, the explanatory accounts constructed by 1990 represent
impressive achievements, sketching the nature of the processes and pointing
toward likely areas for further exploration. The accounts emerged, as usual, by
applying insights and techniques successful elsewhere, here notably from stud-
ies of other motile systems and of other developing cells. The accounts also
resulted from new approaches and new techniques applied specifically to neu-
roembryology, permitting the examination of obvious questions. And the actual
course to formulating these accounts included, as usual, proposals and gener-
alizations that, after further scrutiny, failed. For example, an initial inability to
demonstrate chemical guidance was construed as the absence of chemical guid-
ance. Moreover, a bias toward unitary explanations discounted additional pos-
sibilities, blunting the quest for alternative mechanisms. Thus, Weiss had con-
cluded it "could hardly be regarded as satisfactory to assume that in one instance
mechanical [and] in another chemical. .. agents were the guiding principle."107
Also influencing experimental attention and explanatory formulations were gen-
eral concepts of how the nervous system functioned: as a network of particu-
lar circuits or as a unitary system resonating to encoded frequencies. In all
cases, as usual, every mechanistic proposal turned out, on closer examination,
to be far more complex, involving additional entities interacting through addi-
tional processes.
Notes
1. See Gilbert (1994); Horder et al. (1986); Nyhart (1995). Purves and Lichtmanns
text (1985) contains useful historical information.
2. Speidel (1933, 1941). These studies answered crtiticisms that Harrisons observa-
tions in vitro did not represent growth in vivo.
3. See Ramon y Cajal (1995), vol I, p. 532, and references cited. Forssman (1898)
also advocated chemical guidance vigorously.
4. Langley (1895).
5. Weiss (1934). He also presented evidence against electrical guidance, which some
then advocated.
6. Weiss (1924).
7. Adrian and Bronk (1928, 1929).
8. Wiersma (1931).
9. See Weiss (1936).
292 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Background
Among the essential attributes of mind and brain is the ability to learn. It is
also one of the most amazing. Experience leaves traces in our minds, so that
we can both recapture events from the past and modify accordingly our
thoughts and actions in the future. Yet the nature of these processes has long
remained mysterious.1 Explanations in antiquity adopted various metaphors for
learning and memory, such as impressing images on wax tablets and filing away
notes among the pigeonholes of the mind's storehouse. Advancing beyond these
speculative images to some underlying neural mechanism obviously required
an appreciation of basic neural capabilities. Indeed, when the Neuron Theory
directed attention to cellular relationships and properties, suggestions for neu-
ronal mechanisms quickly followed.
Experimental psychologists also began to define particular aspects of learn-
ing late in the nineteenth century, in the process developing useful methods
for displaying and evaluating such behaviors. Early in the twentieth century
Ivan Pavlov described conditioned responses, subsequently termed classical
conditioning: pairing a conditioned stimulus (such as the ringing of a bell, which
initially did not affect the behavior studied) with an unconditioned stimulus
(the sight of food) capable of eliciting an unconditioned response (salivation),
295
296 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
so that after a number of trials together the conditioned stimulus alone would
elicit the response. At that time Edward Thorndike embarked on comple-
mentary studies using puzzle boxes, investigations developed prominently by
B. F. Skinner as instrumental conditioning: animals in appropriate apparati asso-
ciated chance behavior (such as stepping on a pedal) with a consequent reward
(release of a food pellet), thereby learning how to gain the reward through spe-
cific actions. Such trial-and-error learning protocols included another favorite
test system, the learning of successful routes through mazes by following envi-
ronmental cues. In contrast to these associative modes of learning were two
nonassociative processes: habituation, a decreasing response to a recurring stim-
ulus, and sensitization, an increasing response.
In addition, early experimenters distinguished between short-term memory,
of limited duration (seconds to minutes), and long-term memory, which could
persist for years in exquisite detail. Moreover, interventions that affected neu-
ral activity, such as anesthesia or electric shocks, could erase recent memories
while leaving older memories largely unaffected. Formation of long-term mem-
ory apparently involved processes requiring a significant passage of time—
minutes to hours—termed the consolidation period.
Experimental psychologists explored a further characteristic of stored mem-
ories, their physical location within the brain. Contradicting earlier concepts of
discrete localizations within the brain, such as "memory lobes," S.I. Franz and
then notably Karl Lashley considered memories to be represented instead
throughout the brain. In studies begun in the 1910s and continued through
several decades, Lashley systematically examined the consequences of destroy-
ing particular regions of the brain. He found that even after a learned task was
obliterated by sufficiently extensive lesions, that task could still be relearned.
Moreover, the degree of loss of a learned task (measured, for example, as the
number of trials required to relearn it) was proportional to the area destroyed.
Such results, Lashley argued in 1926, "cannot be deduced from any explana-
tory system dependent upon the connections of particular neurons."2 He ques-
tioned formulations based on "low synaptic resistance between certain definite
neurons arranged in more or less intricate fashion"; instead, he favored notions
centered on "the ratio between [the] parts, and not the particular neurons
excited."3 Later reinterpretations stressed merely a diffuse and redundant rep-
resentation of learning within the brain.4 And -later criticisms questioned the
extent of the lesions and hence Lashley s interpretation of generality.5
This chapter will ignore many crucial concerns in attempting to understand
learning and memory, such as how memories are organized and generalized in
storage and how specific memories can be retrieved on demand. Instead, it will
focus on the cellular changes required to produce experience-dependent alter-
ations in neural function. This account, as are those of previous chapters, is
grounded on issues raised by Santiago Ramon y Cajal. His monumental trea-
Learning 29?
Chemical Representations
cific nucleoprotein, which then acted as a template for constructing within this
neuron a specific protein lattice. The lattice would govern transmission, so that
organization of the first neuron then spread to adjacent neurons, each in turn
forming the specific nucleoprotein and the consequent lattice (with the organ-
izing chains halting wherever they encountered previously organized neurons).
Thereafter, excitation would proceed only over pathways with identical nucle-
oprotein lattices. Learning would be represented by an assembly of neurons,
but with the linkages established by molecules specific to a particular memory.
At that time dozens of proteins had been distinguished, although the first
report of a protein's amino acid content appeared only in 1945 and the first
report of an amino acid sequence not until 1951.12 By 1960, however, Francis
Crick had promulgated the "central dogma" of information flow from DNA to
RNA to protein, and details of the underlying processes were accumulating
rapidly.
These new understandings then suggested new formulations for biochemi-
cal changes during learning. In 1960 Holger Hyden in Goteborg proposed that
memory traces were formed through altering the nucleotide sequence of neu-
ral RNA.13 Wesley Dingman and Michael Sporn in Rochester independently
argued that memory traces resulted from changing RNA structures and pro-
ceeded to examine one experimental consequence of such schemes.14 They
found that administering to rats a nucleotide analog that is incorporated into
RNA and that interferes with RNA's function, 8-azaguanine, retarded the rats'
learning of a new maze without interfering with their performance in mazes
previously mastered. And the next year, 1962, Hyden reported that teaching
rats a balancing task altered, after four days' training, the composition of nucle-
otide bases in the RNA of Deiter's cells (which are involved in circuits con-
trolling balance).15
The changes in RNA described in both studies could, by Cricks scheme,
alter protein structure and function. So in 1963 Josefa and Louis Flexner in
Philadelphia injected puromycin, a known inhibitor of protein synthesis, into
mouse brains and found that such administration interfered with the animals'
learning a new task.16 Subsequent studies by Samuel Barondes in New York
showed that protein synthesis was required for preserving learned behavior
for more than several hours and that this synthesis began within minutes of
training.1'
All these observations were interpretable as protein synthesis being neces-
sary for forming long-term memories. But the synthesized proteins could be
required either to facilitate synaptic transmission, as in Hebb's formulation,
or to store specific memories in unique molecules.18 Moreover, actual identi-
fications of the involved RNA or protein molecules were not forthcoming. At
that time methods for separating and characterizing these macromolecules
were not well developed. In any case, the pertinent changes would probably
Learning 299
Learning? in Aplysia
rons to the gills whose cell bodies were also in the ganglia. Again using isolated
abdominal ganglia with attached sensory nerves, he showed that stimulating
sensory nerves from the head alone had no effect on the motor neurons. But
stimulating nerves from the head augmented the motor neurons' response to
sensory input from the siphon: sensitization.38 This augmentation represented
an increased neurotransmitter release from presynaptic terminals of siphon sen-
sory neurons. Accordingly, Kandel proposed a circuit whereby (1) neurons from
the head nerve elicited presynaptic facilitation of (2) the siphon neurons' out-
put onto (3) the motor neurons (Fig 12-2C). By surveying potential neuro-
Learning 303
FIGURE 12-3. Expanded neural circuit for habituation and sensitization. This circuit
adds facilitating interneurons between the sensitizing neurons (here from the tail rather
than the head). The termini from these interneurons make synaptic contact with the
presynaptic terminals of the sensory neurons from the siphon, and it is these interneu-
ron termini that release serotonin to produce sensitization. (From Kandel et al. [1991],
Fig. 65-3, reprinted by permission of the McGraw-Hill Companies.)
305
306 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
adding evidence for the involvement of protein kinase C and CaM kinase as
well as postsynaptic processes.51 More than one cellular mechanism could be
involved in synaptic facilitation.
But the relevance of changes in these simple nervous systems to learning in
complex mammalian brains remained unestablished. Moreover, Kandel argued
that his findings did not follow Hebb's formulation, which required that acti-
vation of cell A (here siphon neuron) be coupled with activation of cell B (motor
neuron).52
Learning in Drosophila
search for pertinent synapses and the definition of localized cellular changes
seem unattainable. Hebb's formulation included synaptic changes that should
be measurable, but even if such changes were found, how could they be linked
causally and specifically to learning? Where among all the brains synapses
should the changes be sought? If memory were broadly represented through-
out the cortex—as Lashley s experiments seemed in the 1950s to imply—could
a particular learning event be detected amongst the multitudes of other neu-
ral activities proceeding concomitantly?
The path to resolving these uncertainties began with an enabling simplifi-
cation: the recognition in the 1950s that, contrary to Lashley's views, some cat-
egories of learning required a distinct and restricted region of the brain. Exam-
ination of this region uncovered characteristic synaptic changes that could
plausibly represent learning. And analyses of these changes then identified
underlying cellular mechanisms. This progression, however, sprang fortuitously
from some chance observations.
Injuries to the brains temporal lobes (Fig. 12-5A) can result in seizures, and
when such epilepsy is resistant to anticonvulsant medications, one therapeutic
approach is removal of the damaged tissue. While developing this approach,
Wilder Penfield, a celebrated neurosurgeon in Montreal, stimulated the brain
in conscious patients to identify responsible areas and to avoid vital ones. He
found, unexpectedly, that stimulating some parts of the temporal lobes could
evoke vivid memories of isolated moments from the patients past, such as revis-
iting a certain scene or rehearing a particular song on a specific occasion.58
FIGURE 12-5. Temporal lobe and hippocampus. A. The lateral view of a human brain
shows the left temporal lobe and, by the hatching, the location of the left hippocampus
beneath the medial surface of the temporal lobe. B. The diagram of the hippocampus
in cross section shows an excitatory input through the perforant pathway to granule
cells. The granule cells then activate CAS neurons, whose axons send recurrent branches
(Schaffer collaterals) to excite CA1 neurons. The arrows show the direction of impulse
flow. Not shown are the large numbers of interneurons that modify activity.
308 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
depends on the hippocampus and records events and facts, and nondeclarative
memory, which depends on other brain regions and participates in conditioned
responses, attaining skills, and such.
FIGURE 12-6. Long-term potentiation. Responses of the granule cells to test stimula-
tion of the perforant pathway—measured by extracellular microelectrodes and expressed
as e.p.s.p.s of the population (and normalized to initial values)—are plotted for exper-
iments lasting six hours. High-frequency trains of stimuli to the perforant pathway were
administered at the arrows. The open circles are control responses. (From Bliss and
L0mo [1973], Fig. 4, courtesy of the Physiological Society.)
Unfortunately, LTP was not always easy to observe. A major advance, offer-
ing easier, more accessible, and more reproducible studies, was recording in
vitro from isolated slices of the hippocampus, as described in 1975 by Philip
Schwartzkroin and Knut Wester in Oslo.76 This approach was then widely
adopted for examining and defining the process, although some significant con-
cerns remained.
Among these concerns was the locus of change. L0mo and Bliss noted that
potentiation could result from alterations at pre- or postsynaptic sites, or at
both. Evidence for all three possibilities was still being debated as the 1980s
closed.
Another significant concern was the dearth of evidence linking the observed
synaptic changes to actual learning. Nevertheless, the enhanced synaptic effi-
cacy made a causal connection seem highly plausible. A further capability
enhanced this appeal. In 1979 William Levy in Charlottesville identified two
pathways to the granule cells, the first of which produced LTP following high-
frequency stimulation, whereas the second did not.77 But stimulating both
pathways together produced LTP in the second pathway as well. Levy likened
this phenomenon to associative learning at synapses, in accord with Hebb s for-
mulation. In 1983 Thomas Brown in Duarte demonstrated the same associa-
tion for CA1 neurons in hippocampal slices.78
During the 1980s evidence for LTP appeared at sites beyond the hip-
pocampus, and LTP became recognized as a common physiological process
Learning 311
throughout the nervous system.79 Moreover, in 1989 Patrick Stanton and Ter-
rence Sejnowski in Baltimore described an associative long-term depression of
synaptic activity, the converse of LTP.80 They adapted Levy's and Browns
schemes, pairing stimuli over two pathways but with the stimuli out of phase;
responses to test stimuli were then depressed for protracted periods.
Deciphering one aspect of how LTP occurs began with a pharmacological study
published in 1983.81 By that time three classes of glutamate receptors were
distinguishable by their responses to various reagents and named for identify-
ing agonists: kainate, quisqualate, and NMDA (chapter 6). Graham Collin-
gridge, working with Hugh McLennan in Vancouver, extended this approach
to hippocampal slices, chosen for the "wealth of information concerning [their]
neurochemistry . . . anatomy . . . and electrophysiology [and their] amenabil-
ity to investigations."82 He stimulated the Schaffer collaterals and monitored
responses of CA1 neurons after administering various reagents to these cells
microelectrophoretically. Specific antagonists for kainate and quisqualate
receptors prevented e.p.s.p.s in CA1 neurons, but antagonists for NMDA
receptors did not. Instead, NMDA antagonists blocked LTP. Collingridge con-
cluded that different classes of glutamate receptors served distinct functions:
kainate and quisqualate receptors mediated excitatory transmission between
Schaffer collaterals and CA1 neurons, whereas NMDA receptors mediated
LTP.
That year Gary Lynch in Irvine argued that LTP required a rise in intracel-
lular Ca2+: LTP no longer occurred after he injected into CA1 neurons a chela-
tor of Ca2+.83 Also in 1983 Raymond Dingledine in Chapel Hill showed that
administering NMDA to hippocampal neurons triggered a voltage dependent
influx of Ca2+.84 Three years later groups in Bethesda and New Haven dem-
onstrated that this influx occurred through NMDA receptors; meanwhile,
groups in Paris, London, and Bethesda found that physiological concentrations
of extracellular Mg2+ blocked ion fluxes through NMDA receptors but that
depolarizing the cells relieved this block.85 Since the interiors of neurons at
rest are electrically negative with respect to their extracellular environment,
Mg2+ would be drawn inward through ion channels, where it could obstruct
the channel's fluxes. Depolarizing the neuron would allow the Mg2+ to diffuse
outward, thereby removing the obstruction.
Holgen Wigstrom and Bengt Gustafsson in Goteborg synthesized these
observations in 1985 into a model for the NMDA receptor and LTP that
depended on "coincident pre- and postsynaptic activity." (Fig. 12-7 depicts an
expanded model from 1991. )86 The initial activation (through kainate or
quisqualate receptors conducting Na + and K + ) would depolarize the postsy-
312 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
FIGURE 12-7. NMDA receptors and long-term potentiation. A. During normal synap-
tic transmission glutamate released from presynaptic terminals can bind to NMDA,
quisqualate, and kainate receptors, but only the latter two classes can function as ligand-
gated ion channels since the NMDA receptor is blocked by Mg 2+ . B. When the post-
synaptic dendritic spine is depolarized, however, Mg2+ can exit and relieve the block-
ade, allowing Ca2+ as well as Na + and K + to move through the NMDA ion channel.
The elevated cytoplasmic Ca2+ can then activate various protein kinases and initiate
short- and long-term consequences. These may include release of a retrograde mes-
senger that affects the presynaptic neuron. (From Kandel et al. [1991], Fig. 65-11,
reprinted by permission of the McGraw-Hill Companies.)
naptic cells, producing e.p.s.p.s. This depolarization could also relieve inhibi-
tion of the NMDA receptors by releasing Mg2+ temporarily from these recep-
tors' channels. A second, closely associated activation would then allow Ca2+
influx through the unblocked NMDA receptors. Wigstrom and Gustafsson
emphasized the parallel with Hebbs formulation, whereby "the synapse is
strengthened only when the presynaptic volleys occur in conjunction with the
firing of the postsynaptic cell."8'
Learning 313
Just how the rise in intracellular Ca2+ could produce LTP was not specified,
but by then Ca2+'s role as a second messenger was well established. Reports
soon described increased protein kinase activity associated with LTP, although
the proteins targeted for phosphorylation were not yet identified.88 Persistent
LTP seemed likely to require protein synthesis, and as the decade ended
searches were underway to demonstrate its causal dependence on gene tran-
scription.89
Meanwhile, a convincing link between LTP and learning had appeared. In
1986 Lynch and Michel Baudry showed that NMD A antagonists given in vivo
impaired the learning of a task that depended on the hippocampus.90 By con-
trast, learning a task that did not rely on the hippocampus (i.e., could still
occur after the hippocampus was destroyed) was unimpaired. Nevertheless,
NMDA receptors were present not only in the hippocampus, and, as noted
above, LTP occurred in other regions of the brain as well. And although LTP
occurred at a third synaptic junction in the hippocampus—between axons
from the granule cells and CAS neurons—NMDA receptors were not involved
here.
Retrograde Messengers
Structural Changes
Conorusions
ical changes in a neural circuit that controlled a learned behavior, define the
pharmacological characteristics of the synapses in the circuit, and specify the
biochemical consequences of receptor activation. The studies implicated cAMP
second messenger cascades that modified synaptic activation through protein
phosphorylations, affecting ion channel conductivity and neurotransmitter
release as well as the gene transcriptions required for long-term changes. Inves-
tigations using a different approach in another invertebrate—genetic studies
of learning in Drosophila—confirmed a role for cAMP-mediated processes.
The other course began with fortuitous observations of surgical patients that
implicated a certain structure, the hippocampus, in some forms of learning.
Independent explorations of hippocampal circuits revealed synaptic changes
that suggested the learning mechanism Hebb had formulated. Long-term
potentiation of transmission from presynaptic to postsynaptic neurons, occur-
ring at distinguishable classes of synapses, followed two experimental proto-
cols: trains of high frequency stimuli to presynaptic inputs or paired stimuli
over two converging pathways. The latter seemed a credible representation of
associative learning. Pharmacological investigations pointed to the participation
of NMDA receptors for glutamate, the excitatory neurotransmitter at these
synapses. NMDA receptors are ligand-gated ion channels that permit Ca2+
influx, but this conductivity requires not only glutamate but also the relief
through a priming depolarization of the receptor's blockade, achieved by trains
of high frequency stimuli or paired stimuli. The Ca2+ influx presumably trig-
gered short- and long-term changes that mediated persisting potentiation, but
many details remained unclear in 1990. Supporting the mechanistic plausibil-
ity of this scheme were studies showing that antagonists to NMDA receptors
prevented learning dependent on the hippocampus.
Both successful courses reflected a hierarchical sequence of investigations:
characterization of synaptic changes in defined neural circuits followed by
examinations of the molecular processes underlying these changes. One course
rewarded a patient and thoughtful campaign incorporating ingenious
approaches, and the other included astute recognitions of what independent
observations implied and how they might be extended. By contrast, some other
approaches in the 1960s skipped the identification of synaptic changes and
attempted to correlate learning tasks with biochemical changes in the brain.
These yielded no new mechanistic insights. Analytical techniques were impre-
cise and the multitudes of irrelevant activities obscured identifications.
Common advice to neophyte scientists includes an endorsement of asking
the right question. Here the global question was obvious: How does the brain
change during learning? The questions that generated effective research strate-
gies were more focused: Does learning modify activity over a circuit control-
ling the learned response? How is synaptic efficiency in such circuits altered?
What regulates the variable efficiency? Progress with these questions also
required an assessment of experimental practicality: What techniques are
316 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
needed, and can these be adapted from available methods or be developed fea-
sibly? Here a range of contemporary approaches—learning protocols, genetic
analyses, microelectrode recordings, pharmacological interventions, biochem-
ical explorations, electron microscopic examinations—were recruited to unravel
causal strands. By 1990 the forms of several models had emerged, although
the possibility remained that additional mechanisms for learning might also
function.
Notes
24. A more modest interpretation was that some change, neural or nonneural,
increased, at some point in the causal chain, responses to the conditioned stimulus.
25. McConnell (1962).
26. See Rilling (1996).
27. Corning and John (1961).
28. Jacobson et al. (1966).
29. Byrne et al. (1966).
30. Rilling (1996, p. 591) noted that "McConnell, an innovator, raced from one excit-
ing phenomenon to the next without comprehensive experimental analysis or adequate
controls." Bennett (1970, p. 150) complained that "in spite of ten years or more of
research in this area . . . even Dr. Corning [who was active in this research] cannot point
to a 100% procedural replication of any one training study."
31. Mechanisms necessary for McConnell's proposal contradicted emerging rules for
protein expression. They also defied recognized difficulties that extracellular macro-
molecules, such as RNA, encountered in crossing the cell membrane (a barrier to both
ingested and injected RNA). Moreover, if ingested RNA could direct protein synthesis
in planaria, then feeding hamburger, with its complement of mRNA molecules, should
force the worms to synthesize beef proteins: an unlikely but testable possibility. All these
problems with McConnell's formulations were recognized at the time.
32. von Neuman (1958).
33. See Allport (1986) for an account that includes personalities and rivalries.
34. Kandel and Tauc (1965a, 1965b). The work was done in Arcachon, where Aplysia
were available. The second paper concentrated on identifiable giant cells, although facil-
itation in these cells was not dependent on pairing the stimuli.
35. Kandel and Spencer (1968).
36. Pinsker et al. (1970); Kupfermann et al. (1970); Castellucci et al. (1970).
37. Castellucci and Kandel (1974).
38. Castellucci and Kandel (1976).
39. Brunelli et al. (1976).
40. Ibid.
41. Klein and Kandel (1980).
42. Castellucci et al. (1980, 1982).
43. Carew et al. (1972); Pinsker et al. (1973); Bailey and Chen (1983).
44. Bailey and Chen (1988a, 1988b).
45. Montarolo et al. (1986).
46. Schacher et al. (1988).
47. Barzilai et al. (1989).
48. Dash et al. (1990).
49. Greenberg et al. (1987).
50. Carew et al. (1981); Hawkins et al. (1983).
51. For example, Alkon (1984); Alkon and Nelson (1990); Crow and Alkon (1978);
Lukowiak and Sahley (1981); Morielli et al. (1986); Walters and Byrne (1983).
52. Carew et al. (1984). But see Sahley (1985) and the letters following: Trends Neu-
rosci. 9: 410^11 (1986).
53. Benzer (1967). Quinn et al. (1974) described the conditioning procedure.
54. Dudai et al. (1976); Duerr and Quinn (1982). Controls ruled out trivial alterna-
tives, such as alterations in perception, sensitivity to shock, etc.
55. Byers et al. (1981); Chen et al. (1986).
56. Dudai et al. (1983); Livingstone et al. (1984).
57. Levin et al. (1992).
318 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Scientists, while pursuing pure knowledge, are eager also for useful knowledge.
In fact, much biomedical research is applied science, dedicated to defining dis-
eases and developing therapies. In such endeavors the goals include recogniz-
ing distinct diseases, characterizing their pathophysiologies, and designing ther-
apies to counteract these pathophysiologies.1
Medical practice has long included the gathering and sorting of symptoms into
related groups that were then considered the manifestations of particular disor-
ders. Often-associated symptoms,2 collected into syndromes, could designate dis-
eases, and in many cases prominent alterations in form or function pointed to
readily identifiable ills, such as rheumatism, convulsions, and dropsy. In other
situations the dividing lines between apparent entities, and even the distinctions
between normal and abnormal, were less clear. Moreover, subsequent investiga-
tions frequently subdivided what once had seemed a simple entity. The search
for mechanisms underlying disease processes, which accompanied the develop-
ment of scientific (and cellular) pathology during the nineteenth century, revealed
different processes producing apparently similar symptoms. And while the search
for pathophysiology aided in developing new therapies, different responses to a
therapy could indicate different pathophysiologies and thus different diseases.
319
320 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Parkinson's Disease
FIGURE 13-1. A, left, Arvid Carlsson (1923-). B, right, Solomon H. Snyder (1938-;
courtesy of Arvid Carlsson and Solomon Snyder).
Diseases ana Therapies 323
FIGURE 13-2. Connections of the basal ganglia. Hornykiewicz's diagram shows fibers
from the substantia nigra (S.n.) innervating the putamen (Put.), caudate nucleus (N.C.),
and perhaps the globus pallidus (Pall), which constitute the basal ganglia. In addition,
fibers connect the cortex (areas 6ay and 4s), thalamus (Thai, with its nuclei L.po and
V.o.a), and basal ganglia. (From Hornykiewicz [1966], Fig. 2, courtesy of the American
Society for Pharmacology and Experimental Therapeutics.)
Levoo.'op a
are largely ionized and thus cannot diffuse across the nonpolar blood-brain
barrier). An obvious alternative was administering the immediate metabolic
precursor, dopa, which does penetrate and does then increase brain dopamine
levels (as Carlssons study indicated). So in 1961 Hornykiewicz injected intra-
venously into 20 patients with parkinsonism levodopa (L-dopa, the active
L-stereoisomer).12 He reported a marked relief of symptoms: patients "who
previously could not change from a prone position to ... sitting [were] able to
run and jump." Independently, Andre Barbeau in Montreal effected similar
improvements with oral administration of levodopa.13
Others, however, found only minimal improvements with low doses of levo-
dopa, while high doses produced serious and limiting side effects, including
nausea, vomiting, and elevated blood pressure and heart rate.14 But in 1967
George Cotzias in Upton described sustained improvement after administer-
ing severalfold higher doses, with side effects lessened by gradual increases in
the dosage from initially low amounts.15 Further studies soon confirmed the
striking improvement with high doses of levodopa, establishing Cotziass
approach as a practical and effective therapy.16
But even with Cotziass regimen the side effects were troubling. A clever
pharmacological ploy, however, minimized a significant class of toxicities,
including the gastrointestinal and cardiovascular disturbances, toxicities arising
from the conversion of levodopa to dopamine outside the brain ("in the periph-
ery").17 During attempts to develop better antihypertensive drugs, the phar-
maceutical industry synthesized various inhibitors of dopa decarboxylase (the
enzyme responsible for converting dopa to dopamine; see chapter 9), and in
1966 Sidney Udenfriend in Bethesda noticed that one of these, later named
carbidopa, unexpectedly increased dopamine levels in the brain.18 In 1969
Alfred Pletscher in Basel showed that carbidopa could not cross the blood-brain
barrier and thus blocked the conversion of levodopa to dopamine in the periph-
ery while allowing dopamine synthesis in the brain to continue.19 Clinical tri-
als indeed demonstrated that administering carbidopa together with levodopa
not only reduced the dose of levodopa required but also reduced the periph-
eral side effects.20 Merck then marketed this combination as Sinemet, which
became a standard form of levodopa therapy.
Other side effects, those attributed to altered brain function, were not dimin-
ished by carbidopa. Moreover, with prolonged administration of Sinemet as
well as of levodopa, there could appear disabling involuntary movements plus
abrupt transitions from mobility to immobility ("on-off effects"). And parkin-
sonian symptoms progressed even with continued dosages of these medicines,
so the drugs became less effective as time passed. Although levodopa offered
symptomatic relief to most patients, it did not halt the death of nigrostriatal
neurons, which continued throughout the course of Parkinson s disease.
Diseases and Therapies 325
Bromocriptine
Amantadine
Selegiline
Anticnolinergic Agents
be useful for treating patients before symptoms were severe and as adjuncts
with other drugs.
Experimental studies, moreover, provided a belated rationale. For example,
injecting cholinergic agents into the basal ganglia of experimental animals pro-
duced parkinsonian symptoms that were relieved by administering levodopa.37
Such observations fostered the notion that parkinsonism reflected an imbal-
ance between dopaminergic and cholinergic pathways.38
As the 1980s ended two other therapeutic possibilities were being pursued.
One involved transplanting dopaminergic cells into the brains of parkinsonian
patients.39 The other explored the possible use of various neurotrophic factors
to slow nigrostriatal death.40
Summary
Schizophrenia
Accounts of madness stretch back to ancient times, but only in recent centuries
have descriptions focused on discriminating among its manifestations.41 In 1893
Emil Kraepelin in Heidelberg applied the term dementia praecox to a chronic
and worsening disorder that began in late adolescence or early adulthood and
was associated with a deterioration of rational thinking, often accompanied by
hallucinations and bizarre behavior. This entity included groups earlier labeled
hebephrenia, catatonia, and paranoia. Five years later Kraepelin distinguished
between dementia praecox and manic-depressive illness, which involved exag-
gerated swings of mood, could begin at other ages, and did not necessarily have
so dire an outcome. Although Kraepelin s accounts were largely descriptive, he
endorsed the premise that altered behavior sprang from lesions in the brain.
328 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Reserpine
In 1931 two physicians in Calcutta, Gananath Sen and Kartick Bose, described
the efficacy of snake root in treating "insanity" and high blood pressure.54 This
root of an Indian bush (Rauwolfia serpentina) had been ingested since antiq-
uity to treat a range of maladies, from snake bite to madness, and after Sen
and Bose's report a flurry of publications, also in Indian journals, endorsed their
findings. In 1949 a report in a British journal led to trials with hypertensive
patients in the United States and to CIBA Pharmaceutical Products exploring
the active ingredients in snake root.55 In 1952 they isolated reserpine and iden-
tified it as the component responsible for sedation; the following year Freder-
ick Yonkman at CIBA coined the term "tranquilizer" to describe reserpine's
soothing properties.56
An article in The New York Times reported in 1953 an award in India for
the development of snake root to treat psychiatric illnesses. This account caught
the eye of Nathan Kline, an energetic psychiatrist at Rockland State Hospital
in Orangeburg. Kline, eager to identify effective remedies for psychiatric dis-
orders, quickly organized trials on chronically ill inpatients of a snake root
extract (Raudixin) provided by Squib and of purified reserpine (Serpasil) pro-
vided by CIBA. The following year, 1954, Kline described the preparations'
330 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
abilities to sedate and alleviate anxiety, but he detected "no evidence that [they]
in any way alter . . . the schizophrenic process itself."57 Kline noted, however,
that the patients tested were severely deteriorated; later he was more enthu-
siastic, and subsequent investigations demonstrated the suppression of specific
symptoms: diminished delusions and hallucinations plus normalization of the
thought processes.58 Reserpine s efficacy, however, was less than that of other
drugs then being introduced, and the latter became the predominant therapies
for several decades. Reserpine also suffered from a tendency to induce psy-
chological depression, an action that intrigued those pondering the mechanisms
of mood disorders (see below).
Reserpine was soon shown to cause depletion of catecholamine and sero-
tonin stores in the body (chapter 9), and it became a widely used tool in phar-
macological research. But because of its actions on this range of neurotrans-
mitters, reserpine did not implicate any particular pathophysiology for
schizophrenia.
dopamine receptors.71 The next year Paul Greengard in New Haven offered
further support for dopamine theories, describing chlorpromazine's and
haloperidol's inhibition of dopamine-activated adenylate cyclase activity in the
basal ganglia.72 This observation suggested that drug-sensitive dopamine recep-
tors were coupled to adenylate cyclase. Quantitative comparisons of receptor
blockade, assayed as inhibition of dopamine-activated adenylate cyclase, cor-
related well with the therapeutic potencies of a series of phenothiazine antipsy-
chotics. But, as Leslie Iversen in Cambridge pointed out in 1975, the correla-
tion failed with haloperidol, a potent antipsychotic but a poor inhibitor of
adenylate cyclase activation.73 Snyder, however, resolved this discrepancy the
following year. He assayed receptor binding in vitro as the ability of various
drugs to displace labeled haloperidol from a brain membrane fraction. Now
there appeared an excellent correlation for haloperidol as well as the pheno-
thiazines.74 Philip Seeman in Toronto independently obtained similar results,
published as a convincing plot (Fig. 13-5).75
FIGURE 13—5. Correlation between clinical dose and affinity for dopamine receptors.
The plot correlates clinical doses for treating schizophrenia with the drugs indicated (as
milligrams of drug per day) on the x-axis, with affinity for the dopamine receptor
(expressed as the ICso, the concentration of drug required for 50% inhibition of labeled
haloperidol binding, measured as moles of competing drug per liter) on the y-axis. (From
Seeman et al. [1976], Fig. 1. Reprinted by permission of Nature, © 1976, Macmillan
Magazines, Ltd.)
Diseases and Therapies 335
Clozapine
Summary
Iproniazid
Researchers at Hoffman-La Roche identified in the early 1950s the potent anti-
tubercular activity of isoniazid, which quickly became a major therapeutic agent
against tuberculosis. Attempts to synthesize still better drugs soon produced
iproniazid (Marsilid). Clinical use, however, revealed an unexpected ability to
cheer these chronically ill patients. Although initial trials of iproniazid with hos-
338 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
pitalized psychiatric patients were not promising,97 Kline in 1957 found that
70% of his depressed patients ultimately improved.98 Subsequent trials con-
firmed iproniazid's ability to elevate the mood of depressed patients.99 (Influ-
enced by psychoanalytical theory, Kline imagined that depression reflected a
loss of psychic energy to inappropriate realms of the mind. Effective therapy
would release this energy to reenergize the psyche, although too much energy
might result in schizophrenia. Accordingly, Kline termed iproniazid a "psychic
energizer.")
Earlier, Albert Zeller in Chicago had demonstrated that iproniazid inhibited
monoamine oxidase in vivo.wo By the mid-1950s this enzyme was recognized
as an important participant in metabolizing catecholamines and serotonin
(chapter 9), so drugs that inhibited degradation should potentiate the effects
of these biogenic amines. Studies with iproniazid, however, did not indicate
which of these neurotransmitters must be affected to relieve depression.
Unfortunately, iproniazid produced serious toxicities, and it was soon
replaced by other drugs having the common ability to inhibit monoamine oxi-
dase. This ability also provided the general name for such antidepressants:
monoamine oxidase inhibitors. The newer drugs were not without side effects,
either,101 and monoamine oxidase inhibitors were largely supplanted by another
class of drugs that came into use at almost the same time.
Imipramine
some if not all depressions are associated with an absolute or relative deficiency
of catecholamines, particularly [noradrenaline]. . . . Elation conversely may be
associated with an excess of such amines.106
Fluoxetine
not resemble the tricyclic antidepressants structurally, was also highly specific
in blocking the reuptake of serotonin both in vivo and in vitro, and he pre-
dicted that fluoxetine "may find clinical use . . . in mental depression."11' Flu-
oxetine indeed was an effective antidepressant,118 and when finally marketed
in 1988 it quickly became a spectacularly popular drug, boosted by glowing
accounts in the press as well as a best-selling book.119 Nevertheless, fluoxetine
was no more effective against depression than the tricyclic antidepressants. Its
advantage was fewer troubling side effects. (In addition, fluoxetine turned out
to be effective with additional mental ills, including panic attacks and obses-
sive-compulsive disorder.) Other pharmaceutical companies soon marketed
drugs with similar properties, establishing a class of "specific serotonin reup-
take inhibitors" ("SSRIs").
Lithium
While searching in the 1940s for endogenous toxins that cause manic-depres-
sive illness, John Cade, a psychiatrist in Bundoora, injected patients' urine into
guinea pigs. He identified urea as one urinary constituent responsible for the
resulting lethal convulsions, but urea levels were not elevated in patients' urine.
Cade then added another urinary constituent, uric acid, choosing its most sol-
uble salt, lithium urate. Instead of exacerbating the toxicity as he expected,
lithium urate, when added to the patients' urine, suppressed the convulsions.
Indeed, lithium salts alone produced marked lethargy in guinea pigs. Since
Cade's focus was on mania, he tried the sedating lithium salts on 10 patients
with manic-depressive illness. As he reported in 1949, lithium salts relieved
manic symptoms astonishingly well.120
Cade's paper generated little enthusiasm, but five years later, in 1954,
Mogens Schou in Risskov achieved similar success with controlled clinical tri-
als.121 Moreover, Schou in 1967 described a prophylactic effect against both
manic and depressive episodes of chronic treatment. Lithium extended the
interval between episodes and blunted symptoms when they recurred.122 Oth-
ers confirmed these successes.123 Although manic episodes might require added
antipsychotic medications and depressive episodes added antidepressants,
lithium for many patients was sufficient to prevent the devastating symptoms
of this disorder.
The U. S. Food and Drug Administration had banned lithium in 1949, the
year of Cade's initial success. Lithium chloride had been used as a dietary salt
substitute in hypertensive patients, but it was linked to lethal toxicities. Other
lithium salts, such as carbonate and citrate, were less toxic, and in light of the
accumulating evidence for their efficacy in bipolar disorder, these salts were
approved in 1970. Still, the range of dangerous toxicities to lithium remained
a serious concern, and therapeutic use required careful monitoring.
342 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
The various amine hypotheses proposed that mania and depression were
opposites, reflecting excesses and deficiencies. Accordingly, high doses of
monoamine oxidase inhibitors could elicit manic behavior. The ability of lithium
to forestall and blunt both manic and depressive symptoms was therefore unex-
pected. How could chemically simple lithium salts achieve such "normalizing"
effects? Attempts to identify the pertinent cellular actions were frustrated by
lithium's multitudes of effects, but during the 1980s a prominent proposal
invoked lithiums ability to inhibit inositolphosphate metabolism,124 which
would block this vital second messenger system (chapter 7). Critics of this pro-
posal, however, argued that therapeutic levels of lithium did not alter brain lev-
els of the second messengers significantly.125 This controversy was unresolved
by 1990, and no convincing mechanism had then appeared to account for inos-
itolphosphate controlling pathological mood swings.
Summary
Effective new medicines for depression and mania were identified through clin-
ical observations of drugs expected to have other actions (iproniazid, imipra-
mine) or serendipitously from explorations of hypothesized psychic toxins
(lithium). The actions of these drugs soon inspired accounts of pathophysiol-
ogy. Inhibition of monoamine oxidase or neurotransmitter reuptake, identified
as consequences of antidepressant drug administration, would potentiate
responses to endogenous noradrenaline and serotonin. (At this time anatomi-
cal studies—notably those exploiting fluorescence microscopy—were defining
noradrenergic and serotonergic pathways that arise from relatively few neurons
and then branch extensively to innervate the brain broadly. Such systems should
modulate mental function broadly, as emotions seem to do.) The resulting cat-
echolamine and biogenic amine hypotheses proposed that deficiencies of nora-
drenaline and/or serotonin were responsible for depression and excesses for
mania. Newer drugs developed from these mechanistic principles, such as the
specific serotonin reuptake inhibitors, yielded additional clinical successes.
Although further studies failed to correlate amine levels with disease, the
hypothesized deficiencies and excesses could be relative to more fundamental
aberrations in other (unidentified) systems that influence or are influenced by
the biogenic amines. On the other hand, the delayed onset of therapeutic ben-
efits suggested that complex cellular changes participated, such as altered
receptor numbers. How lithium's actions fit such schemes was unclear. In addi-
tion, evidence for other pathological aspects of mood disorders was also accu-
mulating, implicating possible metabolic and endocrine malfunctionings.126
(Probably the most effective treatment was electroconvulsive therapy. Its
administration altered neurotransmitter levels, receptor responses, and endo-
Diseases ana Therapies 343
crine function, but in 1990 the changes necessary for symptomatic remissions
remained undefined.127)
Conclusions
lying disorder (which in all cases was unknown). Such is the case with much
of medical practice, although curative drugs would obviously be better. And
the search for better drugs would be facilitated by better knowledge of patho-
physiologies. Second, all the drugs acted on synaptic transmission (as do the
vast majority of drugs used to treat neurological and psychiatric illnesses), but
in no case was there firm evidence for the illness being a primary disorder of
synaptic transmission. The synapse, nonetheless, is an ideal target for palliative
treatment since individual behaviors—whether mental or motor—represent
activities over particular pathways, with the pathways formed from chains of
neurons linked through synapses. The synapses are thus the sites controlling
communication over the pathway. In addition, drugs that act on synaptic trans-
mission may be relatively specific: critical synapses controlling a pathway may
use only a few of the dozens of neurotransmitters employed elsewhere, and
through only a few classes of receptors available to these defining neurotrans-
mitters.
Notes
1. See Ayd and Blackwell (1970); Berrios and Porter (1995); Caldwell (1970); Shorter
(1997).
2. Distinctions are often made between "symptoms" (that the patient feels and
reports) and "signs" (that the physician observes). For convenience I will use "symp-
toms" to include both categories.
3. For example, Kirk and Kutchins (1992).
4. Abridged in Marks (1974), pp. 9-17. See also Langston and Palfremon (1995);
Schiller (1967); Tyler (1991).
5. See Tyler (1991).
6. Translated in Marks (1974), pp. 21-28.
7. Wilson (1924); Ferraro (1928).
8. Carlsson et al. (1957).
9. Carlsson (1959). This was presented at a conference the previous year.
10. Translated in Marks (1974), pp. 47-56.
11. Hornykiewicz (1963). See also Anden et al. (1964); Poirier and Sourkes (1965).
12. Translated in Marks (1974), pp. 59-62.
13. Translated in Marks (1974), pp. 63-80.
14. For example, McGeer and Zeldowicz (1964); Fehling (1966).
15. Cotzias et al. (1967).
16. See Yahr et al. (1968).
17. Decarboxylation of dopa in the periphery floods the body with dopamine, which
then acts on adrenergic receptors to produce cardiovascular responses and on the
chemoreceptor trigger zone of the brain (which lies outside the blood-brain barrier) to
produce vomiting.
18. Udenfriend et al. (1966). They believed, however, that the apparent rise in brain
dopamine was an artifact due to the drug's conversion to a dopamine-like substance.
Diseases ana Therapies 345
19. Bartholini and Pletscher (1969). They had earlier studied a different peripheral
inhibitor.
20. See Cotzias et al. (1969); Mars (1973).
21. Schwab et al. (1951). The motivation for clinical testing was apomorphine's abil-
ity to relieve rigidity in animals due to experimental lesions.
22. Ernst (1967). See also Anden et al. (1967); Cotzias et al. (1970). Apomorphine is
formed from morphine, but its structure is drastically altered (apomorphine has no anal-
gesic activity).
23. Calne et al. (1974). See also Corrodi et al. (1973). Bromocriptine was initially
used to inhibit prolactin secretion.
24. See Lieberman et al. (1976).
25. Schwab et al. (1969).
26. For example, Grelak et al. (1970); Von Voigtlander and Moore (1971); Mawds-
ley et al. (1972).
27. Langston and Palfremon (1995).
28. Langston et al. (1983).
29. Davis et al. (1979).
30. Burns et al. (1983).
31. Chiba et al. (1984); Markey et al. (1984); Heikkila et al. (1984).
32. Nicklas et al. (1985).
33. Javitch et al. (1985).
34. Knoll (1978). He also cited other means by which selegiline could work.
35. Birkmayer et al. (1985); Elizan et al. (1989); Tetrud and Langston (1989); Parkin-
son Study Group (1989).
36. For example, see Letters to the Editors, Science 249: 303-304, 1990.
37. Connor et al. (1967).
38. See Hornykiewicz (1971).
39. Yurek and Sladek (1990).
40. Schults (1991).
41. See Berrios and Porter (1995); Howells (1991); Thompson (1987).
42. See Leff (1977).
43. For example, Fromm-Reichman (1948); Bateson et al. (1956).
44. See Dunlap (1924).
45. Seymour Kety in Bethesda carefully examined successive proposals for schizo-
phrenias pathophysiology, only to find each seriously flawed (1959, 1967).
46. See Haug (1962).
47. See Bench et al. (1990); Lewis (1990); Suddath et al. (1990).
48. Gaddum (1953).
49. Wooley and Shaw (1954).
50. Connell (1958).
51. See Gottesman and Shields (1982); Kallman (1946).
52. Heston (1966); Kety et al. (1968).
53. See Karayiorgou and Gogos (1997).
54. Sen and Bose (1931). Astutely, they noted that reserpine relieved "maniacal" but
not "morose" symptoms. For historical accounts, see Ayd and Blackwell (1970); Cald-
well (1970); Healy (1996, 1997).
55. Vakil (1949); Wilkins et al. (1952).
56. Cited in Ayd and Blackwell (1970).
57. Kline (1954), p. 3.
346 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
98. Loomer et al. (1957); Kline (1958). Kline provided two rationales: iproniazid is a
monoamine oxidase inhibitor (without specifying why this should be beneficial), and
recent reports described excitation (in animals) after sequential treatment with iproni-
azid and reserpine. Kline initially planned to give iproniazid followed by reserpine (which
he was then using with schizophrenics) but observed relief with iproniazid before he
added reserpine. See also Crane (1957), who stressed "increased vitality" rather than
antidepressant activity per se.
99. For example, Kiloh et al. (1960).
100. Zeller et al. (1952).
101. See Blackwell et al. (1967) for an explanation of why tranylcypromine (Parnate)
produced dangerous hypertension in patients who ate cheese.
102. Kuhn (1957, 1958). He claimed he tested imipramine with depressed patients
on behalf of "thoroughness" as well as a "conviction that it must be possible to find a
drug effective in ... depression" (Ayd and Blackwell, 1970, p. 211).
103. For example, Lehmann et al. (1958).
104. Cole (1964).
105. Glowinski and Axelrod (1964).
106. Schildkraut (1965), p. 509. See also Bunney and Davis (1965).
107. Coppen (1967). He also reviewed evidence for changes in other factors.
108. For example, Maas (1975); Carver and Davis (1979).
109. Baraban and Aghajanian (1980).
110. For example, Agren (1982); Davis et al. (1988).
111. For example, Davis et al. (1988). There was, however, a correlation between low
levels of a serotonin metabolite in the cerebrospinal fluid and suicide (Asberg, 1976),
although low levels also occur in other psychiatric diseases.
112. Sulser et al. (1978). They also argued that new experimental drugs were effec-
tive without inhibiting monoamine oxidase or reuptake. See also Vetulani and Sulser
(1975).
113. For example, Wolfe et al. (1978); Peroutka and Snyder (1980).
114. For example, Charney et al. (1981); Sugrue (1983); Stahl and Palazidou (1986).
115. Downregulation might overshoot the homeostatic set point, producing an
absolute decrease in responses (although there was no precedent for this happening).
Or autoregulatory receptors might be downregulated, producing a greater release of
neurotransmitter. Or various classes of receptors might be downregulated to different
degrees, with the altered balance between their responses producing the therapeutic
change. Or. . . .
116. See Carlsson and Wong (1997).
117. Wong et al. (1974, p. 477, 1975). Fluoxetine was discovered by synthesizing
analogs to an antihistaminic known to block neurotransmitter reuptake. It was one of
57 compounds then screened for specificity toward serotonin reuptake.
118. See Stark and Hardison (1985).
119. Prozac made the cover of Newsweek (26 March 1990) and starred in P. Kramers
Listening to Prozac, New York: Viking Press (1993).
120. Cade (1949).
121. Schou et al. (1954).
122. Baastrup and Schou (1967).
123. For example, Coppen et al. (1971).
124. Berridge et al. (1982, 1989).
125. For example, Honchar et al. (1990).
126. See Honig and van Praag (1997), pp. 235-250.
348 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Progress
When formulated late in the nineteenth century, the Neuron Theory depicted
discrete nerve cells interacting at their points of contact. Nerve impulses, then
often identified with electrical signals traveling along neuronal processes, would
pass electrically from neuron to neuron at these synaptic contacts. Over the
next century, however, this view changed dramatically. Neurons could inhibit
as well as excite other neurons; communication between cells was generally not
electrical but achieved through the release of chemicals that then bound to
specific receptors to elicit excitation or inhibition; there were dozens of dis-
tinct chemical neurotransmitters and multiple classes of receptors for each;
receptors could initiate complex chains of metabolic alterations as well as elicit
electrical responses; receptors were present on presynaptic terminals, also,
modulating function at this site, too; neurotransmitters were not secreted after
synthesis but stored in vesicles, from which they were released exocytotically
as discrete quanta; transport back into presynaptic neurons terminated the
actions of some neurotransmitters, whereas metabolic degradation terminated
the actions of others. In addition, the formation of specific synapses during
development and the alterations in synaptic transmission accompanying learn-
ing also relied on intricate chains of cellular modifications.
349
350 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
Accumulating the detailed evidence for these entities and processes required
approaches from anatomy, biochemistry, embryology, medicine, pharmacology,
and physiology. Applying the techniques and concepts of these disciplines to
the various issues then created a vast body of new knowledge now called neu-
roscience. But as accounts of neural structures and mechanisms accumulated,
many of these capabilities were being identified in other cell types. For exam-
ple, voltage-gated ion channels of nerve action potentials and ligand-gated ion
channels of neurotransmitter receptors were initially described for neurons and
their end organs, but subsequent investigations demonstrated that ion chan-
nels functioned in essentially all cell types, from bacteria to liver cells. Signal-
ing within and between cells is an essential process that—across the biological
realm—utilizes ion channels, chemical signals, receptors, and second messen-
ger systems. Consequently, a complementary integration resulted, one that
embraced neuroscience within general cell biology.
By 1990 the formulations of cellular mechanisms were vastly richer in detail,
with hosts of new entities linked through new processes. These understand-
ings then directed and enabled new experimental manipulations for continu-
ing explorations as well as for improving therapeutic interventions. But despite
such spectacular progress, the overall picture was far from complete. Critical
gaps remained and further investigations were continuing successfully when
this history concludes.
Assumptions
Approaches
Goals
ited channels sharply restricted in range. Instruments may confirm these obser-
vations and vastly extend them—as by electron microscopy—but at the price
of theoretical justification and at the risk of artifact.
These common recognitions endorse modest and circumspect goals for sci-
entific research: the formulation of explanatory, causal models.5 These models,
like the geographers' maps of the world,6 then attempt to display similarities
to the real world in specified ways and at specified scales: models of behavior,
of nervous systems, of neurons, of synaptic junctions, of receptors. The con-
straints on how such models can represent observation and experiment, more-
over, reinforce the presumption that they reflect discoveries about a real world,
even though they are human constructions. The models are, of course, subject
to continuing amplification and correction in the light of further experiment
and analysis. And they serve as guides for further exploration.
Such causal models also embody an explanatory reductionism.7 For exam-
ple, questions about how reserpine causes parkinsonism initiate a hierarchical
chain: by depressing dopaminergic function in the basal ganglia; by depleting
the stores of dopamine in nigrostriatal neurons; by binding to the dopamine
transporter of the synaptic vesicles in these neurons and thereby inactivating
it. The explanatory regress of biomedical research has a clear terminus, the
laws of chemistry and physics (here, the theory of ligand binding to proteins).
The regress also is a guide to chemical manipulation of responses distinguish-
able at higher levels, as in drug therapy of behavioral disorders. On the other
hand, syntheses of complex wholes from models of their parts, while a pro-
claimed goal, is also a forbiddingly difficult one.
Scientists often use terms far more casually than their critics, causing con-
fusion over issues of "fact," "truth," "proof," and the like. These are indeed
words that can be construed in various ways. But, assuming a real world, there
should be facts about it, and descriptions that accurately describe these facts
would be true. If such absolutes are unattainable, the scientific quest at least
aims for closer and closer likenesses through its explanatory models, as dem-
onstrated by experiment and formulated through interpretation. Accordingly,
models of distinct neurons communicating through the release of chemical neu-
rotransmitters seemed by 1990 far closer to the truth than the reticular mod-
els of Gerlach and of Golgi.
Scientists commonly strive for the simplest explanations until forced by exper-
iment or interpretation into multiplying their entities and processes. The cen-
tury of research depicted here displays a proliferation of detail that embellished
initial representations. But this elaboration required the justification of each
354 MECHANISMS OF SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION
new entity and process. For example, arguments that inhibition could be presy-
naptic as well as postsynaptic were furthered by the discovery of anatomical
and pharmacological correlates of the proposed physiological mechanism.
The allegiance to parsimony also inspires the grouping together of individ-
ual entities and processes into common categories, such as neurons and recep-
tors and protein phosphorylations. These generalizations, however, serve as pro-
totypes having not only specified characteristics but also accepted ranges of
deviation. For example, all receptors are not alike, and when examined more
closely the designations are seen to embrace families of individuals distin-
guishable by the ligands they bind and respond to. Those binding and respond-
ing to noradrenaline are then further divided into functional (and later struc-
tural) classes such as a\, az, P\, and (3z, and these are again subdivided by
degree of regulatory phosphorylation, and so on. Such designations and allo-
cations have particular explanatory significance in specific contexts, including
functional capabilities (for example, sensitivity to certain ligands, linkage to sec-
ond messengers) and structural characteristics (for example, resemblances of
their amino acid sequences to those of certain other receptors).
In some instances, moreover, scientists are compelled to accept singular
exceptions to otherwise consistent patterns. For example, postganglionic sym-
pathetic fibers to the sweat glands release acetylcholine, as Dale acknowledged,
in contrast to postganglionic sympathetic innervation of essentially all other end
organs.
Biological research is thus enriched (or plagued, depending on one's view-
point) with identifiable prototypes that, on closer scrutiny, dissolve into popu-
lations of distinguishable individuals. Such diversity is, of course, understand-
able from the history of biological design. Mutations can cause a gene to
duplicate as well as change, and after duplication each is then subject individ-
ually to further random changes, forming families of variants. Natural selec-
tion then chooses among these for distinct functional roles—as, for example,
in accumulating families of receptors for different neurotransmitters. For the
organism, this multiplicity of related structures offers adaptive advantages. For
scientists, these relationships justify generalizations about classes of structures
operating similarly, so that, for example, certain stretches of amino acids when
appearing in distinct proteins can suggest a common function.
Scientists' quest for simplicity also abetted tendencies to imagine all struc-
tures and functions in the form first established, for example, generalizing to
all synapses the chemical transmission identified at certain sites, or generaliz-
ing all receptors as ligand-gated ion channels after the first classes of receptors
were so identified. Although there has been a danger of seeing today only what
one saw yesterday, further studies could still reveal exceptions, such as elec-
trical transmission at certain loci and receptors instead coupled to second mes-
senger systems.
Epilogue 355
Conflict Resolution
The routes to resolving scientific conflicts are also various, including refutation
of one hypothesis and confirmation of its rival. Here, too, the course is usually
pragmatic and opportunistic, recognizing available capabilities.
When experiments support and extend a given formulation, such confirma-
tions of predicted results are usually considered persuasive arguments for the
formulation s nearness to truth.8 Thus, Eccles accepted the principle of chem-
ical transmission at neuromuscular junctions when confronted by extensive evi-
dence favoring this notion, despite the absence of experiments explicitly refut-
ing electrical transmission at this site. Katz bolstered his quantal hypothesis of
neurotransmitter release from an additional physiological perspective by
describing how Ca2+ affected m.e.p.p.s. Electron micrographs showing vesi-
cles within presynaptic terminals then provided compelling arguments from an
independent discipline.
On the other hand, refuting a rival hypothesis is logically superior but often
difficult technically. Claims that an entity does not exist or a process does not
work may be contested by counterclaims that the attempted refutation was
insufficiently sensitive or specific. For example, when Cajal argued that fila-
ments did not cross from pre- to postsynaptic neurons, his critics complained
that Cajal was merely unable to see what they saw. Cajal answered with new
stains that revealed filaments but no continuity, satisfying many but not all. The
development of electron microscopy, with its far higher resolution, confirmed
Cajals refutation, albeit some decades later: fibrils were readily detectable
within neurons, but none of these crossed the synaptic cleft that separated the
neurons.9
Convincing refutations also occur in a more timely fashion, as in Eccles's
demonstration that inhibition produced electrical changes that contradicted
what he had predicted, and Wiersma's finding that impulses initiating con-
tractions in a particular muscle passed only in nerve fibers to that muscle, con-
tradicting Weiss's original Resonance Principle. (In addition, refuting alterna-
tive formulations is a daily part of scientific practice: experiments frequently
include "controls" to eliminate conceivable alternatives.)
Nevertheless, some critics claim that experimental evidence is inadequate
for resolving scientific controversies, which instead are settled through social
interests (political, economic, sexual, ethnic, etc.).10 Two philosophical issues
bear on this question of experimental adequacy.
Lessons
to the forums for presenting and arguing the fruits of labor and inspiration.
The hundred years covered here were blessed with growing opportunities and
access, vital ingredients in attaining the achievements recorded here.
Notes
1. See Harrison (1987). For efforts to describe scientific practice scientifically, see
Donovan et al. (1992). This book, however, selects cases as a reflection of its authors'
interests rather than—as methodological dicta advise—through random (or at least rep-
resentative) samplings of scientific practice.
2. For assorted arguments about scientific realism, see Leplin (1984).
3. Although most endeavors can be squeezed into the guise of testing some hypoth-
esis, the most straightforward characterization of many explorations is simple empiri-
cism. This is clearly the case, for example, in drug development by testing through var-
ious screening assays.
4. On the other hand, the principles of Darwinian evolution suggest that animals'
nervous systems were selected to deal successfully with the gross aspects of a natural
world: finding things to eat while avoiding being eaten.
5. See, for example, Cartwright (1983); Giere (1988, 1999). An interesting possibil-
ity is that more than one model could explain how the world works. But before taking
this possibility seriously, many scientists would like to see such an independent alter-
native.
6. Geographical maps also are developed at different scales for different purposes
and for emphasizing different aspects (e.g., physical, political, agricultural, climatic)
while still representing a real world, even if not in all its particulars.
7. See, for example, Robinson (1986a, 1992).
8. Arguments about justifying hypotheses through corroborating evidence have a long
history, which includes debates about the merits of induction. For many scientists cor-
roborative evidence is considered to increase the likelihood that the tested hypothesis
is (nearly) true, often on the basis of informal probabilistic assessments.
9. By the time evidence from electron microscopy was available, other arguments for
discontinuity—including that from physiological and pharmacological approaches—had
strongly confirmed Cajal's interpretation.
10. For example, "Despite the local and situated nature of scientific work, there
appear to be some semblances of agreement, stabilizations, and continuities across sit-
uations and through time[, but while] scientific realists choose to interpret these as the
outcomes of nature's guiding hand, most recent works in science studies take different
views" (Clarke and Fujimura, 1992, p. 12); "scientists at the research front cannot set-
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theories or clearer thinking" (Collins and Pinch, 1994, pp. 144, 145); and "Few con-
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INDEX
443
444 INDEX
Gaskell. W., 31, 44, 51, 53, 56, 79 Hedgecock, E., 283
Gasser, H., 76 Heikkila, R., 326
Gerard, R., 92 Heilbrunn, V, 186
Gerlach, J. v., 3, 5, 7, 353 Held, H., 20
Gershon, S., 332 Helle, K., 253
Gilbert, W., 201 Helmholtz, H. v., 8
Gillespie, J. I., 254 Hemicholinium, 221, 249
Gilman, A.G., 182, 183, 185, 193 Henle, E, 51
Ginzel, K.H., 147 Hermann, L., 8-10
Glowinski, J., 339 Heuser, J., 250-252, 254, 259
Glutamate Hill, A., 19, 20, 22
as neurotransmitter, 123, 131-133 Hill, A.V., 93, 144, 146-148, 152
receptors (kainate, metabotropic, NMDA, Hillarp, N-A., 125, 226, 227, 247, 253
quisqualate), 206-208, 212, 311-315, Hirokawa, N., 260
336 His, W., 2, 3, 7, 10, 23, 273, 274
Glycine Hodgkin, A., 50, 90-92, 112, 152, 188, 246,
as neurotransmitter, 133, 134 258
receptors, 206-208 Hofmann, E, 180
Goldman, R., 287 Hogeboom, G., 109
Goldstein, A., 136, 137, 162 Hokin, L., 189, 190
Golgi, C., 3, 5-7, 12-18, 22, 353 Hokin, M., 189, 190
Golgi stain, 1, 6, 11-21, 23 Hollmann, M., 207
Goltz, R, 31, 34 Holmstedt, B., 120
Goodman, C., 283, 286 Holtz, P., 124, 221
Gopfert, H., 93 Hornykiewicz, O., 322-324
G-proteins, 181-186, 192, 209-212, 215 Howell, W.H., 9, 21
Graham, J., 92 5-HT (5-hydroxytryptamine). See Serotonin
Granit, R., 45 Hubbard, J, 155
Gray, E.G., 110 Hughes, J., 136, 224
Gray, W., 259 Hunt, R., 60, 61
Green, J.P., 120 Huxley, A., 50, 88, 90-92, 112, 152, 188,
Greengard, P., 177, 179, 180, 189, 194, 260, 246, 258
261, 303, 334 Huxley, H., 88
Growth cone, 23, 274, 275, 286-288, 291 Hyden, H., 298
Grundfest, H., 74, 106
GTP (guanosine triphosphate) defined, 181 Imipramine (Tofranil), 235, 237, 238, 338,
Gundersen, R., 283 339, 342
Gustafsson, B., 311, 312 Impulse conduction, 7-10, 49, 50, 89-93
Inositol phosphates, 189-193, 209, 342
Hagiwara, S., 105 Inositol phospholipids. See Phosphatidyl-
Hall, M., 34 inositols
Halliburton, W., 4 Iproniazid (Marsilid), 232, 337, 338
Haloperidol (Haldol), 330-336 I.P.S.P.S (inhibitory postsynaptic potentials),
Halstead, W., 297 101, 171
Hamburger, V., 273, 280-282 Israel, M., 256, 257
Hare, M., 231 Iversen, L. 130, 131, 237, 281, 334
Harrison, R., 23, 274, 276, 277, 280-282,
285 Jacobsohn, D., 76
Hasselbach, W., 187, 188 Jacobson, A., 299
Hawes, R., 229 Jahn, R., 261
Heald, P.J., 179 Janssen, P., 331
Hebb, C., 109 Jasper, H., 133
Hebb, D.O., 297, 298, 306, 307, 310, 312, Jenden, D., 120
314, 315 Jessell, T., 283
Index 447