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Americas Courts and The Criminal Justice System 11th Edition Neubauer Solutions Manual 1
Americas Courts and The Criminal Justice System 11th Edition Neubauer Solutions Manual 1
Americas Courts and The Criminal Justice System 11th Edition Neubauer Solutions Manual 1
Chapter 8
Judges
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
KEY TERMS
American Bar Association (ABA): The largest voluntary organization of lawyers in the
United States. (204)
judicial election: Method of judicial selection in which the voters choose judicial
candidates in a partisan or nonpartisan election. (206)
judicial independence: Normative value that stresses a judge should be free from
outside pressure in making a decision. (209)
Missouri Bar Plan: The name given to a method of judicial selection combining merit
selection and popular control in retention elections. (206)
CHAPTER OUTLINE
CHAPTER SUMMARY
The formal powers of judges extend throughout the criminal court process. From arrest
to final disposition, the accused face judges whenever decisions affecting their futures are
made. Judges set bail and revoke it; they determine whether sufficient probable cause
exists to hold defendants; they rule on pretrial motions to exclude evidence; they accept
pleas of guilty; if a trial takes place, they preside; and after conviction, they set
punishment. In the course of their workday, they conduct hearings, accept guilty pleas,
impose sentences, or work in chambers. In carrying out the responsibilities of the office,
judges mainly react to the work of prosecutors and defense attorneys.
Judges have been given a high level of prestige and respect. Federal judges enjoy life
terms, as do judges in a handful of states. Terms of office for state judges range from 6
to 10 years, a reflection of the independence of the American judiciary. For many
lawyers, a judgeship is the capstone to a successful career. Judicial salaries are not the
highest incomes in the legal profession, but they are higher than the average of other
criminal justice personnel. For the majority of lawyers, however, a judgeship represents
a significant decrease in earning power (Jensen 2011). Many judgeships carry with them
considerable patronage powers.
One of the most frustrating aspects of being a judge is the heavy caseload and
corresponding administrative problems (Rosen 1987). Moreover, the judge’s actions are
limited by the system—lawyers are late, court documents get lost, jails are crowded.
Added to these general constraints is the overall low prestige of criminal court judges,
who occupy the lowest rung within the judicial system. Despite these frustrations, judges
appear to be very satisfied with their jobs.
Judges are constrained by the actions of other members of the courtroom work group—
prosecutors, defense attorneys, and probation officers. Sanctions can be applied against
judges who deviate from the consensus of the courtroom work group, but by no means
are judges totally controlled by the courtroom work group. As the most prestigious
members of the group, judges can bring numerous pressures to bear on prosecutors,
defense attorneys, and others. The amount of influence judges actually exert on the other
members of the courtroom work group varies. Some judges are active leaders of the
courtroom work group while other judges have a laissez-faire attitude. In large courts,
“judge shopping” is a common practice. Although organizational pressures work to
provide a certain degree of consistency among judges, any examination of a multi-judge
court immediately shows that judges differ in terms of the sentences they hand out, the
way they run their courtroom, and the number of cases they have pending.
Which lawyers are selected to be judges is determined by both formal selection methods
and informal procedures. The major formal selection methods used in states include
partisan elections, nonpartisan elections, merit selection, and appointment. However,
formal selection methods (law on the books) are far less important than informal methods
(law in action) in determining which lawyers reach the bench. How selection is
determined establishes the formal routes to who becomes a judge; however, when a
judicial vacancy occurs, interim selection methods are needed.
In evaluating which selection system is best, a key criterion is whether one system
produces better judges than another. Researchers use measurable judicial credentials,
such as education and prior legal experience, as indicators of judicial quality. These
studies point to two different types of conclusions. From the standpoint of individuals
who wish to become judges, methods of judicial selection make a difference, but not
much. When legislators appoint judges, former legislators are more likely to be selected.
When the governor appoints, the system benefits those who have held state office.
Elective systems elevate to the bench a higher proportion of persons who have held local
political office. Under the Missouri Bar Plan and elective systems, former DAs are more
often selected as judges. From a broader perspective, methods of judicial selection have
only a marginal influence on the types of lawyers who become judges. Whether elected
by the voters, appointed by the governor, or selected through merit plans, state judges are
more alike than different. In terms of personal background characteristics, the systems of
judicial selection does not seem to make much difference.
Does one method of judicial selection produce higher-quality judges than another?
Scholars are divided on this question. It is important to note the evidence that judges
selected in partisan elections react to public opinion, whereas those appointed to office
are free of this constraint (Brooks and Raphael 2003; Pinello 1995). Evidence also exists
that judicial-selection methods may in some cases influence outcomes. Thus, it does
appear that the method of judicial selection matters. Which is “best,” however, is a
matter of interpretation.
Judges share some important similarities. In general, judges are men from the upper
middle class, they are more often white and Protestant, and they are better educated than
the average American. Another similarity among judges is that most were born in the
community in which they serve. Finally, judges are seldom newcomers to political life.
The profile of judges as white males has begun to change. Federal appointments have
begun to include more women and minorities. The picture with regard to state judges is
significantly more complicated. Until the 20th century, the number of female judges in
America was so small that they could be counted on the fingers of one hand. The 20th
century began witnessing gradual changes. As the number of women serving on the state
and federal benches has risen, there has been an understandable interest in probing the
“difference” women may bring to the bench (Martin 1993). Most studies find no gender
differences among judges (Miller and Maier 2008). That African-Americans are under
represented on the bench is partially a reflection of the paucity of African-American
attorneys, but also a product of how judges are selected.
What should be done about unfit judges? While there is a lack of clarity in what
attributes a god judge should possess it is apparent that a few judges do not fulfill
minimal standards. A system for removing unfit judges, while at the same time
guaranteeing judicial independence, is a critical issue. Systems for removing or
disciplining unfit judges must not only strike a balance between judicial accountability
and judicial independence, it must also grapple with the wide range of misbehavior
encompassed by the phrase “judicial misconduct” (Begue and Goldstein 1987). One of
the most difficult situations involves judges of advanced years whose mental capacity has
become impaired. A growing number of states impose mandatory retirement ages for
judges.
In 1980 Congress passed the Judicial Councils Reform and Judicial Conduct and
Disability Act, which lays out a precise mechanism for acting on complaints against
federal judges. Complaints are initially heard by the judicial councils. Most result in
either a finding of no misconduct or the imposition of nonpublic sanctions. However, if
substantial evidence of serious misconduct exists, the judicial council sends a written
report to the Judicial Conference, which may recommend that the U.S. House of
Representatives begin impeachment procedures. Impeachment does not mean
conviction, but rather allegations of wrongdoing. The trial on the articles of
impeachment is conducted before the Senate. Conviction requires a two-thirds vote of
the senators present and carries with it removal from office and disqualification from
holding any future office.
The American Bar Association developed a Model Canons of Judicial Ethics, similar to
the codes of legal ethics, but each state has adopted its own canons of judicial ethics. The
purpose of these codes of judicial conduct is to preserve the integrity of the judicial
system and to foster public confidence in the system (Gray 2003). Accusations of
improper conduct by judges often reflect a lack of understanding of the role of judges in
the adversary system. Judges face public criticism for reaching decisions that the public
finds unpopular. Prohibition on conduct that brings the judicial office into disrepute is
another requirement of canons of judicial ethics. The tension between electing judges
and appearances of impropriety is emerging as a major issue in judicial ethics. Judges
play a key role in enforcing legal ethics.
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. Judges often cooperate with the other members of the work group and share their
decision making power. Is this a good or bad policy for judges to employ?
Explain.
Discussion Points: Judges often share their power in order to manage the heavy
case load in their court and ‘clear the docket’. If they retained all of their formal
powers, the work simply may not get done. Students may argue that this is both
good and bad, or a necessary evil.
LO 1
3. Which form of judicial selection do you think is best? What are the differences?
Discussion Points: The different ways that judges can be put into their positions.
Consider the importance of judicial independence.
LO 3
ASSIGNMENTS
1. Utilize the internet to research judges in your county. Have there been any cases
of misconduct mentioned in the newspaper, on ‘watchdog’ websites, or otherwise
reported online? If so, were these cases you had heard about in the news prior to
doing this research? If not, why do you think that is the case? Discuss your
findings in the classroom forum.
LO 5
2. Ask your friends and family if, when they voted last, they remember if they voted
for any judges in the election. If so, ask if they remember who those judges were,
and whether they knew anything about them before they cast their votes that day.
Summarize your findings in a 1 page paper.
LO 2
3. Read the following article about the infamous case of a judge beating his disabled
daughter: http://www.nbcdfw.com/news/local/Texas-Judge-William-Adams-
Accused-of-Beating-Disabled-Daughter-133090233.html
Discuss the importance of judicial ethics. Should a judge be held accountable for
his/her behavior outside the courtroom? Why or why not? Write a brief paper on
your thoughts.
LO5
INTERNET ASSIGNMENTS