Investigating Democracy and Social Capital in India

Author(s): Hans Blomkvist and Ashok Swain

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , Feb. 24 - Mar. 2, 2001, Vol. 36, No. 8 (Feb. 24 -
Mar. 2, 2001), pp. 639-643
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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 Special articles

Investigating Democracy
and Social Capital in India
Social capital refers to trusts, networks and norms shared by a group of actors that enable
themz to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives. The study of civil society and
social capital allows for the study of conflict over resources or group domination. The
theoretical significance of social capital is not that it will necessarily lead to societal peace
and harmony, nor does its study necessarily exclude politics and political conflict. The point is
to focus attention on non-material resources at the micro-level and their possible impact on
the macro-level. Whether these resources, the social capital, are structured on the basis of
class, caste, religious group or geographical belonging is open to empirical investigation.

HANS BLOMKVIST, ASHOK SWAIN

ore countries than ever before according to one reviewer [Laitin together
1995J more effectively to pursue shared
are democracies. This is one of - Putnam suggests and gives evidence that
objectives. It is a resource -.a capital - that
consists
the great global achievements ofsocial capital is the explanation behind the of the relations you have with
the last century. While we do not wish to 'high quality' democracy in northernother
Italy.people. It is 'social' since one cannot
belittle the importance of liberal demo-Last year Putnam published a 540-page
have it in isolation, contrary to human
cracy, two things are unmistakable: most capital. The term social does not imply.
.study - Bowling Alone - showing a decline
of social capital in America since the
citizens in any country expect more than 1960s or politically praiseworthy actions
socially
a democratic political system (such as and
a why that has negatively affected
or goals; a party like Shiv Sena also has
democracy and political participation.
fair share of economic resources), and there social capital. A simple example may illu-
are degrees of democracy. There is a The articles that follow - by Dwaipayanstrate the idea. We can think about a group
growing focus and awareness among social of underprivileged people - agricultural
Bhattacharyya, Niraja Gopal Jayal, Bishnu
scientists on the latter fact. As Linz and Mohapatra, and Sudha Pai - are parts of
labourers, pavement dwellers or dalits. If
Stepan have argued, "Within the category the Agora Project, a collaborative research
this group of people live in the same place
of consolidated democracies there is a con- but do not trust each other, do not know
project on Democracy and Social Capital
tinuum from low to high quality demo- in Segmented Societies, betweenJawaharlal each other and do not have shared norms,
cracy; an urgent political and intellectual Nehru University and Utkal University in less likely to act together against
it is much
task is to think about how to improve the India, Witwatersrand University in
a landlord, a threat of eviction or against
quality of most consolidated democracies" Johannesburg, South Africa and Uppsala
oppressive behaviour by upper castes. On
[Linz and Stepan 1996:6]. In a recent article University in Sweden and financed the other hand, if the members of such a
by the
Patrick Heller (2000) has discussed the Swedish agency SAREC. Also included groupintrust each other and share norms -
same 'problematique' within an Indian this collection are two additional papers in other words, if they have social capital
context. by scholars working in this area, -Peter they can utilise this capital to act col-
Mayer and Renata Serra. The aim of
During the last decade, the most widely the
lectively. This social capital can be used
debated answers offered to the question Agora
of Project is to investigate, byfor quali-
political action but it can also be used
how to improve the quality of democracy tative and quantitative research methods, for mundane but important things such as
if social capital has an impact on helping
have been civil society and social capital. demo- your neighbour, keeping a watch-
The contemporary discussion on cracy civil and environmental protest ful move-
eye on others' children, or getting
ments in India and South Africa. Articles
society - the importance of an autonomous important information. But social capital
sphere between the state and the house- based on our personal interviews ofis not synonymous with formal associa-
hold - was strongly influenced and 3,200
in-randomly chosen individuals in tions. The point is worth underlining since
spired by the political opposition under the
31 districts in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal,Putnam's and some others' use of asso-
east European communist regimes. The Kerala and Gujarat are publishedciational membership as a proxy or indi-
Orissa,
elsewhere
energetic debate around social capital was [Blomkvist 2001 a, 2001 b; Swain cator of social capital has been mistakenly
2000].
provoked by Putnam's study of regional read by some as the same as social capital;
governments in Italy, Making DemocracyWhat then is social capital? It refers toit is also important in an Indian context
Work (1993). In this book - "a stunning
trust, networks and norms shared by awhere comparatively few citizens are
members of a formal association.
group of actors that enable them to act
breakthrough in political culture research"

Economic and Political Weekly February 24, 2001 639

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 The theory of social capital speaks to the the working class in western Europe based on ethnicity, caste, religion, lan-
general issue of cooperation. As Elinor could be read as a story of the buildingguage, region, or culture. But - and this
Ostrom writes, 'The really big puzzle in of social capital among agricultural andis important - we also find linguistic and
the social sciences is the development of industrial workers. Labour unions and regional differences, which become bases
a consistent theory to explain why coop- for political demands and parties, in west
socialist parties wanted to create networks,
eration levels vary so much" (1998:9). trust and shared norms between men and European countries like Belgium, Switzer-
women employed in the same factory andland, Finland, Spain, orthe UK. One central
Successive generations have added to the
(sometimes) the simultaneous destructionquestion in our research project concerns
stock of everyday knowledge about how
to instill productive norms of behaviour in of social capital between the labourer andthe relation between social capital within
their children and to craft rules to support the owner of the factory. To paraphrasesocial groups, such as castes and religious
collective action that produces public goods John Keane who has pointed out that communities, and social capital between
and avoids 'tragedies of the commons'. "thanks to the existence of civil liberties,such groups. Is the first type - bonding
What our ancestors and contemporaries foxes enjoy the freedom to hunt downsocial capital - good or bad for the second
have learned about engaging in collective chicken" (1998:46); we might say that type - bridging social capital? And how
action for mutual defence, child rearing, both foxes and chicken can create social do the two different types of social capital
and survival is not, however, understood capital for themselves. affect democracy and protest mobilisation?
or explained by the extant theory of col- Susanne Rudolph (2000) has scrutinised These formulations suggest that we can
lective action. Yet, the theory of collective
some of the weaknesses and ambiguities also theorise and study social capital at
action is the central subject of political
in social capital theory in an earlier issue different levels of aggregation. Compara-
science [Ostrom 1998:1].
of EPW and her discussion is a useful tively high social capital at the level of
Social capital is one of the important social starting point for extending the discussion the village does not necessarily imply
conditions that can facilitate 'solutions' to about social capital and to clarify some high social capital at the level of the
the 'logic of collective action'. 1 At its core, questions. Rudolph's first challenge district
is or the state - or vice versa.
social capital theory proposes that varia- whether the concepts of civil society and The important point to reiterate is that,
tions in the character of social connected- social capital cope"in the context of highly in our conceptualisation, the study of civil
ness have a strong impact on our ability inequal societies in the grip of radical society and social capital allows for the
to cooperate. Social capital facilitates social change, the condition of many study of conflict over scarce resources or
coordinated action between individuals and countries in the south" [Rudolph group domination. The theoretical signifi-
is hence a means of making collective 2000:1764]. The question is warranted cance of social capital is not that it will
action problems less problematic. It is in against the background of many formula-necessarily lead to societal peace and
this theoretical and empirical context that tions in the literature. John Keane has put harmony. The study of social capital does
research on social capital ought to be un- it aptly: "Civil society is viewed (amongnot necessarily exclude politics and politi-
derstood. Social capital (ceteris paribus) its friends) as a given good" [Keane cal conflict. This is worth emphasising
increases communication, since trust, 1998:49]. Keane is very critical of this since some have (mis)understood the
networks and shared norms mean precisely understanding of civil society, and weagenda of social capital and civil society
this. Social capital has been shown to concur. He emphasises that "The birth or as having the ambition of 'doing away'
increase democratic responsiveness as well rebirth of civil society is always riddledwith political disagreements. (To the extent
as economic performance.2 with dangers, for it gives freedom to despotsthere is a 'hidden agenda' to that effect
The theory of social capital does not and democrats alike" [Keane 1998:45]. we do not share it). The point instead is
have imperial claims or pretensions. It can "Modem civil society is a restless battle-to focus attention on non-material resources
easily be combined with some other theo- field where interest meets interest" at the micro-level - trust in others, net-
ries. Underprivileged people need social [ibid:50]. works and shared norms - and their pos-
capital before they can act collectively. Such interests could either be structured sible impact on the macro-level. Whether
But this claim could be combined with the around material resources, status, or iden- these micro-level resources - the social
marxist idea that the economic structure tities. The conflict between opposing in- capital - are structured on the basis- of
and class position 'weigh the dice' in favourterests could potentially be either of a class, caste, religious group or geographi-
of collective action by some and not positive sum type where a solution that cal belonging is open to empirical inves-
others; the theory we are discussing here benefits all groups does exist; or of a zero- tigation. And whether one group's social
is simply agnostic or mute on this issue. sum conflict type where the gains of one capital is positive, neutral or negative for
Some theories of identity politics also share group necessarily disadvantage the other another group or political purpose is again
ground with social capital theory. Indeed, group. In this issue, Sudha Pai's study of an empirical question.
'shared norms' can often be founded on dalit mobilisation in Uttar Pradesh is an
a shared identity. This point also bringsinteresting illustration of how the strength- Orissa Experience
out the fact that social capital is notening
a of solidarities and social capital in
one group can lead to division and conflict A good illustration of our approach is
theory 'without agents'. Social capital can
be created and it can be destroyed.with other groups. Pai's article is also aour study of protest mobilisation in India.
Organisations like VHP, BJP, BSP and good demonstration of an analysis of theRecent years have seen an increase in the
CPI(M) are attempting every day to build other main theoretical concern of the Agora numbers of environmental protests in India.
Project, viz, segmentation. By a 'segment'These protests are directed against some
social capital; to maintain networks, norms
and identities and create new ones that we refer to a subnational identity thatdevelopmental policies adopted by the state,
were not there yesterday. The historymatters
of politically, whether it is a cleavageand have been an important hindrance in

640 Economic and Political Weekly February 24, 2001

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policy implementation [Swain 1997]. The for longer period of time. participation and government respon-
emergence of such protests in Orissa is a The writings of scholars which siveness; so does participation in associa-
recent phenomenon. Notwithstanding low emphasised the structural causes of tions [Blomkvist 2001b].
literacy, massive poverty, industrial back- mobilisation [Offe 1985], resulting from Rudolph alerts us to the possibility that
wardness, and a large proportion of 'sched- the changes in advanced capitalism, could different kinds of organisations will gen-
uled' groups in the population, Orissa is not explain group mobilisation universally. erate different kinds of results - internally,
experiencing growing popular mobilisation The resource mobilisation approach [Zaldfor the organisation, or externally, for the
to protect human habitat and the natural and McCarthy 1987], by emphasising the wider public and politics. She highlights
environment. need of internal resources to mobilise three distinctions: Organisations that are
In the post-independence period, the groups, failed to explain the mobilisation
political versus social organisations; egali-
coastal region of Orissa has been politi- of groups which are poor in terms of
tarian versus hierarchical organisations;
cally and economically more powerful and ascribed versus voluntary or. inten-
resources. Sidney Tarrow (1994) has tried
than the inland region. In addition to the tional organisations. We find there are no
to address this important puzzle by bring-
regional disparity indevelopment, there is good theoretical grounds to exclude any
ing the creation of political opportunities
also a marked difference in popular of these types of organisations if we are
and social networks into the study of social
mobilisation for environmental protests in movements. For the formation of a broader
interested in their impact on democracy
these two regions. In the inland part of and more successful social movement, and protest mobilisation. Our data base
Orissa, in spite of a larger number of Tarrow emphasises "networks of ties from five Indian states allows us to empiri-
grievances against the government, people among different and interdependent socialcally study whiQh kind of organisation
do not protest as often as their coastal groups and localities". might have a stronger effect.
counterparts. If they protest, they are unable In order to be effective, these protestsSusanne Rudolph's second challenge to
to expand and sustain it for a decisive need to transcend the initial 'volcanic' social capital theory is to question the
result. The movements in the inland part stage [Tarrow 1993]. The levels of mobili-
crucial assumption that the collaborative
primarily fail to gather the momentum due skills
sation in a protest movement define to a learned in associations are trans-
to the failure of different groups coming certain extent its strength. People join
ferred to local government and larger
together. Strong communal - 'bonding protest movements in response to political
political contexts. Rudolph refers to Niraja
social capital' - ties prevent the coming opportunities, and subsequently through Gopal Jayal's paper on two Himalayan
together for a common cause: it not only collective action, create new opportuni- villages and states that "the social capital
restricts associational life, but also curbs ties. However, the notion is not, as somebuilt by particular associations transferred
popular mobilisation [Swain 2000]. have argued [Jenkins and Klandermans to a larger political sphere" [Rudolph
The Orissa experience shows that social 2000:1765]. But there is also a negative
1995], that politics matters only for suc-
capital based on weak ties [Granovetter story to be told from the villages of
cessful mobilisation. Political opportuni-
1973] is crucial for protest. movements to ties draw people into collective action, Jardhargaon
but and Khavada: when the state
succeed. It is particularly important in a on the basis of social networks through came in to fund conservation activity it in
highly segmented society like India. By which social relations are organised.fact weakened the sense of community and
just aggregating trust and associations, it Social capital theory does not give local
us norms of responsibility towards forest
is not possible to analyse the relationship resources. And Rudolph notes that this
any guidance about the form social capital
between social capital and social action. comes in, either. Some authors, like Putnam
experience is far from unique. "The reports
It is not just the number of associations in his study of Italy, have focused of onIndian voluntarism from Andhra to Bihar
but their quality that help coordinate associational membership as an indicator are rife with stories that the entry of
of social capital. This is probably a good
effort in society. It is the quality of social government undermines routines of self-
ties that determine the type of associa- proxy in many industrialised countries help" [Rudolph 2000:1765].
tional life and also influence popular for the underlying factors we are inter- This observation is undeniably impor-
mobilisation. tant. To the extent that state initiatives in
ested in; not least because data are readily
The reciprocity between social capital available. But some have, mistakenlyfact we damage voluntary efforts and develop-
and protest movements is not simple and believe, taken membership in an associa- ment work, it teaches us an important policy
lesson but is also a corrective against
straightforward. The success or failure oftion to be the same as social capital. India
theories supporting state action. But this
the protests cannot be simply explained by is a very good case to illustrate the differ-
social capital alone. We are aware that ence. Few people in India have formal observation does not damage social capital
many other intervening variables may membership in an association. Our own theory at its core. James Coleman, Putnam
impact on the outcome of such collective survey in five states reveal that 31 per cent
and others have theorised the possible
action: leadership [Couto 1993, van Belleare members;3 from a high 51 per cent in
consequences of social capital on the state
1996, Nownes and Neeley 1996], the Kerala to a low 5 per cent in Uttar Pradesh. or the government; not the other way
responsiveness of the political system But there are loci of social capital other around. But the result from Jayal's study
[Francisco 1995, Weyland 1995], externalthan associational membership. In our is problematic in a 'second order' sense
support to the cause of the movement, etc. interviews with about 3,200 people for in social capital theory; viz, the common
However, social capital can probably play India we deliberately asked about more assumption of 'virtuous circles' - social
the most consequential role in providing informal networks and socialising. capital creates good government which
space for the fringe groups to coordinate Regression analyses reveal that three creates social capital which creates good
among themselves under a larger umbrelladifferent types of networks have a statis-
government, etc. Jayal concludes that elect-
of mobilisation and also help to sustain it tically significant effect4 on political
ions lie at the root of the schism in the

Economic and Political Weekly February 24, 2001 641

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community since "it is the election that The third and last challenge to social which of these periods do we chose when
decides who contiols development capital by Susanne Rudolph concerns time. we make a longue duree explanation?
expenditure...The stakes are high by local A controversial part of Putnam's study of Rudolph makes us acutely aware of this
standards" (p 25). Why this was the case Italy was his assertion that the patterns of question since - by referring to Bishnu
in Tehri Garhwal district, and surely in high social capital in northern Italy and Mohapatra's article and results from a
many other districts in India, is all the morelow social capital in southern Italy could village in Orissa - she points to the vacil-
theoretically interesting since Anirudh be traced to the 13th century. Some saw lation between benign communitarianism
Krishna (1999) reports the contrary find- in this a conservative message: if you did and deadly conflicts even over a short
ing from a large study in Rajasthan. In all not have social capital 800 years ago it is period of a few years in the 1990s. If the
the villages he studied he found high levels just too bad. But explaining something in village of Talajanga is not a freak case, an
of social capital and high development terms of path dependence or historical exception, it clearly presents the theory of
performance of the local government legacy is not the same thing as saying that social capital - with a problem. Almost any
coexisting with high levels of electoral one cannot. change this historical pattern theory in social science must build on the
competition. Several different possible or tradition. Changing a pattern is often assumption of (at least some) continuity.
explanations of these contrasting results more difficult than continuing it, but it is If there is hardly any stability in a particular
suggest themselves, but we cannot pursue not impossible. factor - say, social capital - we should
any of them here. Our point is a more But there was another, more profound either be suspicious of its importance, or
humble one. First, India is a very large and more troubling, critique of Putnam's do some hard thinking. Maybe the causal
country. Therefore it should come as no analysis. Sidney Tarrow (1996) and some factors change together with that which
surprise that what is true in one part of the others asked: 'Which history?'. If- like we seek to explain (e g, democratic
country may be false somewhere else. Putnam - one is discussing the history of performance)? Or perhaps the rapid
Second, as social scientists we should more local, everyday life over eight centuries changes take place for some other reason?
consciously utilise these differences within one is bound to come across discontinuities. Finally, some reflections on the signifi-
India to develop our understanding of the Patterns of cooperation may be broken by cance of social capital and the need to work
subcontinent in general and social science periods of conflict; good governments may on it, especially in the context of develop-
theories in particular. be replaced by corrupt leaders, etc. So ing countries. The first reason is that it is

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642 Economic and Political Weekly February 24, 2001

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a theory. It is not merely a concept, a vague have drawn conservative or neoliberal political
New Visions, Stanford University Press.
idea, a 'scheme' or a set of tautological conclusions from this ubiquitous social and
Klingemann (eds): A New Handbook of Political
political dilemma. Such political conclusions
Science, Oxford University Press.
statements. It makes specific statements face substantial problems on two fronts. First,Stephen and Philip Keefer (1997): 'Does
Knack,
about causal relationships that it is the proposed political solution, a minimal 'night-
Social Capital Have an Economic Pay-Off? A
possible to investigate empirically. The watchman' state, would also encounter problemsCross-Country Investigation', The Quarterly
theory is therefore open to empirical of collective action [North 1990 and EvansJournal of Economics, CXII:1251-88.
critique and can be refuted in specific 1995 have emphasised the same point]. Second,
Krishna, Anirudh and Norman Uphoff (1999):
leftist political analyses usually acknowledge
'Mapping and Measuring Social Capital',
contexts or more generally. In this sense,
this problem. Jonathan Fox (1997:142) points.
Unpublished paper, Cornell University.
and in its non-imperial claims, it is an open
out that Karl Marx analysis of the collective
Laitin, David (1995): 'The Civic Culture at 30',
theory. action problem of small holders in Eighteenth
American Political Science Review, 89:168-173.
The second reason is that in many ways Brumaire "are remarkably Olsonian".Linz, Juan and Alfred Stepan (1996): Problems
it brings us back to classical terrain. Some 2 On India, see Blomkvist 2001b. Knack and of Democratic Transition and Consolid-
scholars have criticised Putnam and others Keefer (1997) show a strong correlation between ation, The Johns Hopkins University Press,
data on interpersonal trust and growth of GNP
Baltimore.
for presenting 'old wine in new bottles'.
per capita. Mitra, Subrata and V B Singh (1999): Democracy
But we see the 'old wine' as a strength of 3 Other interview studies have shown lower
and Social Change in India, Sage, New Delhi.
social capital theory, because the discus- figures: 13 per cent in Chhibber (1999:17) and
North, Douglass (1990): Institutions, Institutional
sion around social capital brings back many 15 per cent in Mitra and Singh (1999:219).Change and Economic Performance,
of the theoretical insights from the 'clas- 4 Controlled for respondents' education and Cambridge University Press, New York.
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Nownes, Anthony J and Grant Neeley (1996):
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