CRTlVE, REPRESSION AND TERROR

IN I N D POLITICS
~
Structure
32.0 Objectives
32.1 Introduction
32.1.1 The ~ e a n i n ~ s 'politics
of
32.1.2 Transition in Indian Politics
32.2 Crime and Politics
32.3 What is Repression?
32.4 Tenor: A Contested Category
32.5 Let Us Sum Up
32.6 Some Usekl Books
32.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

32.0 OBJECTIVES
Crime, repression and terror have become commonly used adjectives to
describe Indian politics. Each of these aspects, however, has specific meanings
within the fiameyork of democratic theory. They are o h seen as perversions
in democracy, and manifestations of a rupture in the democratic processes.
AAer going through this unit, you will be able to understand:
How crime, repression and terror form significant contexts of Indian
politics; and
The manner in which they determine the content of Indian politics.

3 2.1 INTRODUCTION
32.1.1 The Meanings of Politics
Before one can begin talking about crime, repression and terror ifi Indian
politics, it perhaps makes sense to talk first about the meaning of 'politics'.
It is only after having understood the meaning'of politics, that we can
understand how crime, repression and terror, 'corrupt' or 'pervert' politics,
and change its meaning altogether. Generally speaking, the expression politics
refers to a distinctive space as well the activities and relationships which
characterise the space. ~ h u sin our common usage of the term we tend
to differentiate the 'political' h m other spheres of human activity which form
the private concerns of individuals and groups, viz., social, cultural, economic,
etc. Politics has generally been understood in three broad ways:
a) Politics is seen as associated with governmental activities. This understanding
of politics can perhaps be illustrated with the help of the notion of politics
as it existed in classical Greece. Politics in Greek usage pertained to
participation in decision-making and the, exercise of authority. In the
nineteen sixties, David Easton conceptualised politics as the 'authoritative
allocation of values'. For others like Bernard Crick, politics refers not
so much to authoritative decision-making, but the processes by which Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
decisions could be reached amiably.
 Contcrt o f Indian State b) Politics is also understood as referring to the public domain, a space
which is distinguished fiom the private and personal. This domain, unlike
the private space, is concerned with activities whereby norms and rules
which govern the entire society are determined and applied through the
use of covert andlor overt coercive power.
c) There is yet another understanding of politics which seeks to change
radically the above understandings of politics. According to this
understanding, politics refers not merely to decision-making but pertains
to the manner in which power, wealth and resources. are distributed in
society. Politics is also not seen as confined to the public domain, but
as something which permeates all institutions and unfolds at every level
of social existence. We may mention here, that the feminists were the
most persuasive in this redefinition of politics, emphasising that the private
sphere including the family was also permeated with power structures.
Therefore this definition also includes in its scope, struggles by people
and movements of resistance which aim at altering the manner in which
resources are distributed in society, in order to make society more
egalitarian.
32.1.2 Transitions in Indian Politics
From politics of trust to politics of suspicion, the two decades immediately
following independence have been characterised by Rajni Kothari as 'decades
of trust'. Politics in these decades was determined by a sense of trust
between people marked by a mutual concern h d understanding about what
constituted the 'common good'. Politics was seen as an 'ethical space' where
conflicts were resolved amiably and honourably. The seventies, however,
marked according to Rajni Kothari, an 'obituary' of the politics of trust
of the preceding decades. The 'ethical space' of politics was vitiated by
violence, crime, corruption and repression, marking what Kothari calls the
'the virtual elimiiation of politics':

What we confront today is not the crisis of politics but its virtual elimination.
The last decade has marked the beginning of the Indian State that has not
only deprived society of a basic consensus, but which has eschewed any
scope of dialogue $om it. The violence, the fear, the repression, the rhetoric
of deceit and d&ublespeak, are symptoms not of crises, but of the end
of politics. (Rajni Kothari, Politics and the People: In search of a Humane
India, Ajanta Prakashan, Deihi, 1989, p.439. emphasis added)

Indian politics was no longer the democratic space where, through dialogue
and interaction, the aspirations and needs of the people could be affirmed
and resolved. The 'end of politics' is seen as the period in which the
relationship of dialogue among people as well as the people and the state,
is ruptured by crime, repression and terror as the means of conflict resolption.
Crime, repression and terror make themselves manifest in several forms. In
the sections that follow we shall examine crime, repression' and terror
respectively, as they appear as characteristics of, and provide the;contexts,
in which politics in India unfolds.

32.2 CRIME AND POLITICS

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The relationship between crime and politics can be appropriately illustrated
I
Perhaps the best and most authoritative delineation of this relationship, its Crime, Repression and
I Terror in Indian Politics
I roots and implications, has come from Rajni Kothari. Writing in the middle
I
of 1984 about the rise of the 'terrorist state', Rajni Kothari gives particular
I
attention to the 'criminalisation' of the Indian state. Kothari sees this
criminalisation as having unfolded in the process of the transformation of
Indian politics fiom an 'organic' and vibrant entity, i.e., something wholesome
and alive, into a mere 'mechanical', 'electoral system'. The logic of electoral
I politics determined by quantity or numbers, set forth a number of issues
r and brought into use a number of practices which were merely rhetorical
and aimed at gains in electoral politics, e.g., caste and communal politics.
/ This transformation of an organic polity into an electoral system which
deteriorated into a game of numbers and empty rhetorics, was accompanied
I by an even more frightening development viz., the permeation of Indian state
and politics by criminal elements. The criminalisation of politics was made
manifest in a combination of two processes witnessed at this time: (i) the
use of gangsterism as a substitute for party organisation and (ii) complete
permeation of the State by money power. Both these processes were
reflective of the means used to stay in power and simultaneously, the use
of political power to serve selfish ends rather than public good. (See Rajni
Kothari, 'The State, the People, the Intellectuals and 1984: Rise of the
Terrorist State' in Politics and the People, Vol.11, 1989)

The emergent inhstructure of politics in the seventies and eighties was a

, reflection of this degeneration of Indian pglitics. Politics no longer comprised
of individuals sensitive to the needs and aspirations of people at the grassroots
and local levels, but of musclemen and local mafias who were supported
and maintained by a new high-growth sector of the Indian economy, 'the
combination of liquor kings, smugglers and fast-buck politicians'. The gangsters
were needed to capture booths and smugglers to provide election finances.
Over the passage of time, they increasingly mediated the play of power
itself. It may be pointed out that in July 1993 the Government of India
set up a committee headed by the then Home Secretary, N.N.Vohra, to
take stock of all available information about the activities of crime Syndicate1
Mafia organisations which had developed links with and were being protected
by government hnctionaries (Vohra Committee Report, Ministry of Home
1
Affairs, New Delhi, 1993, p.1). The Committee submitted its report in
October 1993. It took note of the fact that among other agencies, the Central
Bureau of Investigation (CBI) too, had reported the existence to crime
syndicates all over India, and their nexus with the police, bureaucracy and
politicians. The Committee felt that the existing criminal justice system was
inadequate to deal with the activities of the Mafia, the provisions of law
being especially weak in regard to economic offenses. (Vohra Report, p.2)

The Election Commission too has pointed out the existence of a large number
of Members of Legislative Assemblies (henceforth MLAs) having criminal
records, and the need of weeding out criminal elements fiom politics. During
the 1998 Lok Sabha elections, an eminent panel consisting of Justice Kuldip
Singh, Madhav Godbole, C. Subramaniurn and Swami Agnivesh, identified
as many as 72 Lok Sabha candidates facing serious criminal cases. It may
be said that the majority of criminals enter the electoral fray through the
medium of National and State parties, including the two large& all-India
parties. Another alarming fact is that the bulk of the criminal candidates fell Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
in the categories of accused of serious crimes. Thev include Dersons alreadv
 Context of Indian State charge-sheeted by a judicial court or by an investigating agency and those
with long crime hiistory (Outlook, 23 February 1998, 10-11).

These developments in Indian politics have resulted in both a narrowing of

its social base and a loss of autonomy owing to the infusion of criminality
and gangstelism inbo the realm of politics. These developments were directly
responsible for the transformation of the state into an instrument of internal
repression. Symptomatic of this is the brutalisation of the police and the
paramilitary forces, which shall be discussed in the sections on repression
and terror. Apart from the abuse of power, and the use of force in a way
that violates the rights of people, another manifestation of crime in politics
is what may be termed as governmentill corruption. Governmental corruption
pertains to the misappropriation and misdirection of public resources.
Conuption in a political context most typically suggests the misuse of political
office for material advantage. Bribery is perhaps the activity most closely
associated with political corruption, and is in effect an improper inducement
to influence the performance of a public act in a manner that it favours
specific individuals rather than the people in general. In the past fifteen years,
the concepts of 'scams' and 'scandals' have also become an integral part
of Indian politics. From the 'Bofors' scam in the nineteen eighties through
'Hawala' to the 'Fodder' scam, the amount of money misappropriated in
these scams has increased manifold. The 'Tehalka' scandal which exposed
the manner in which decisions are made and deals struck in politics, gave
audio-visual evidence about activities which perhaps many already believed
to be true. Such scandals, however, invariably become part of the contest
for one-upmanship between the government and the opposition parties. The
foundational principles of politic_s, ethics, morality, and transparency, are
unfortunately, seldamrestored.
,
Apart from crimes of corruption, economic and electoral malpractice, it may
also be pointed out that Indian politics is characterised by a growing
insensitivity towards the basic needs of the people. In a country where a
large number of people have to struggle daily to survive, the carelessness
of the politicians and bureaucrats towards the basic needs of people, viz.,
food, shelter, self-determination and life, violates universally defined human
rights pertaining to food, shelter, self-determination, and life. The starvation
deaths in Kashipur district of Orissa in the July-August, 2001, is a recent
example of negligence and the resultant misery for large numbers of people.
1
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
--
1) What do you mean by politics in the "decades of trust"?

2) What do you mean by criminalisation of politics?

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6
 Crime, Reprassion and
Terror in Indian Politics

32.3 WHAT IS REPRESSION? '

The dictionary meanings of 'repress' are 'to restrain', 'to keep under', 'to
put down', etc. The terms repression and repressive are more often than
not, associated with political regimes and governments, as a description of
their character and functioning. Like 'criminalisation', repression too, denotes
a disruption in democratic relationships in the domain of politics. It also
b
1 indicates the degeneration of politics as an ethical space where democratic
1 participation takes place. We have mentioned in the earlier section that Rajni
Kothari characterised the decade of the seventies as the beginning of the
period of the demise or elimination of politics, owing to a growkg criminalisation
of politics. In a similar vein, A.R. Desai spoke of the same period as
characterised by a growing 'assault' on the democratic rights of the people
by the law and order machinery of the state. This period, points out Desai,
was characterised by an 'assertion' of the large masses of the 'economically
exploited' classes, and the socially, politically and culturally oppressed sections,
of their elementary aspirations and demands for basic rights. If we recall
here the third definition of politics, i.e., as a means to distribute resources,
we may see the struggles by the large masses of the oppressed and excluded
people, as trying to effect change in the manner in which resources were
being distributed in society. They were, in other words, trying to transform
the inegalitarian political-institutional and social-cultural structures through which
'authoritative allocation of values' were being made. The struggles made
themselves manifest in various forms viz., Constitutional Court battles,
processions, strikes, dharnas, satyagrahas, and militant actions. The response
of the state was frequently to silence these voices of protest through various
measures both legal and extra-legal. These struggles by the people to radically
change the structures of power and decision making were seen by successive
governments as 'anti-social' and a threat to law and order in society. They
took recourse to a wide range of 'legal' and 'administrative' measures to
restore 'law and order', curb 'anti-social' elements, and halt the processes
of change in the existing structures of authority. There are a,nu.ber of articles
and reports which chronicle the violation of the righp of various marginalised
sections, including the dalits, the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, the
working class, women, religious minorities, etc. They also list the various
measures - legal (including the preventive detention laws, disturbed areas iaws
etc.), and extra-legal (disappearances, encounter deaths etc.) - through which
aspirations for change were dealt with by subsequent regimes.

It may be noted here that the Fundamental Rights in the Constitution of

India assure basic rights to the people irrespective of the conditions of their
birth, e.g., caste, class, race, religion, gender, etc. It is significant, however,
that the coficerns for political stability in the minds of the Constitution makers,
provoked them to include in the Constitution conditions under which these
basic rights could be withdrawn. Thus the Constitution of India (article 22)
itself provides for preventive detention or detention without trial even in times
of peace. It also contains Emergency provisions (Articles 352-360) which
provide for the suspension of the fundamental rights of the people when Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
the security of India or any part of it is threatened due to war, external
-. - -. - - - - -
 Context of Indian State
suspended rights would, under such conditions, also be suspended. Throughout
the history of independent India, several laws have been passed by various
governments which have suspended the normal procedures of law to detain
people without trial. For several years, notably the Emergency (1975-77)
and before that during India's wars with China and Pakistan, the whole of
the country was put under Emergency, facilitating the suspension of the normal
procedures of law and people's basic rights. The entire north-eastern region
of India has been under extra-ordinary laws like the Armed Forces (Special
Powers) Act, 1958 for several years giving wide ranging powers to the
c e d forces to put down movements by some sections of people belonging
to the region. A series of Acts, from the Preventive Detention Act, 1950,
through the Maintenance of Intemal Security ~ c t 1971, , the various Public
Safety Acts which were enacted by different states governments from time
to time, the National Security Act, 1980, to the most contentious and
repressive Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, were
used against various movements. Thus political opposition, political groups
ideologically at variance with the government of the day, and, popular
struggles asserting their rights to cultural identity and self determination were
brought under the purview of these Acts. The promulgation of The Prevention
of Terrorism Ordinance, 2001 in the month of November, has again emphasised
the fact that such extraordinary laws have perhaps become an integral part
of governance in India. The existence of such extraordinary laws is indicative
of the failure of democratic politics and the absence of democratic dialogue
in society.

32.4 TERROR: AXONTESTED

CATEGORY
The word 'terror' along with other fi-equently used expressions like terrorise
and terrorism derive from the Latin verbs 'terrere', which means 'to tremble
or to cause to tremble, and deter, to frighten fi-om'. While these meanings
refer to outcomes, or effects, the word terror also denotes actions which
have the capacity of causing dread, or alternatively, persons, objects or force,
inspiring dread. In a general sense the term 'terror' would signify a set
of conditions, constituted of persons, acts, objects, effects etc., which produce
a psychc state of great fear or dread. (Paul Wilkinson, Political Terrorism,
Macmillan, 1974.)

While the term 'terror' can be more or less accurately defined, the concept
of terrorism is less precise. Contested meanings have been attached to the
concept drawing from its history, its modem contexts, and the perspective
or vantage point from which one looks at it. In its historical origins the
term has been associated with terror by governments, notably by the French
revolutionary government against its opponents, and by the Bolsheviks in
Russia after 1917. In its contemporary usage, however, the frames of
reference seem to have shifted to cover acts of terror by the opponents
of governments and include bombings, assassinations, hostage taking and
plane hijackings. Also by the 1970s terms like international terrorism and
state terrorism gained widespread currency. While the former referred to
acts of terror by political groups outside the country in which they were
primarily active, the latter referred to (alleged) encouragement and support
by states of such acts of terrorism. In its current usage, three diverse
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meanings of terror and terrorism co-exist: (a) Acts of terror which occur
;n er\n+l;fit 4rlrlnn o;h~nf;r\nc ~ x r ; t h ; n nnGnnal h n ~ ~ n A a r iemo ~nrnrn~mallcprtarian
and ethnic violence in ethnically mixed or plural societies e.g., the conflicts Crime, Repression and
Terror in Indian Politics
between Christians and Muslims in Lebanon, between Tamils and Sinhalese
in Sri Lanka, Catholics and Protestants in p or them Ireland etc. (b) Very
often, however, most acts of terror are seen as carried out by the state
itself. While Nazism and Stalinism are often cited as relevant examples, there
are and have existed repressive regimes in this century (e.g. Pinochet's Chile).
It is argued that terror and coercion often play important roles in maintaining
state domination and power. (c) Acts of terror which form a part of the
larger agenda of radical social and political change or national independence.
In these cases it is argued the 'rejection' of 'terrorist' tactics has no bearing
on questions of 'legitimacy' of the larger goals of the struggle (see Fred
Halliday, 'Terrorism', in Joel Krieger ed. The Oxford Companion to Politics
of the World, New York, 1993, 902-904).

The definition of what constitutes 'terror' in the context of Indian politics,

comes-largely from government's legal formulations of what constitute 'terrorist'
and 'disruptive' activities. These legal definitions, contained in laws like
Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, and most recently,
The Prevention of Terrorism Act, (POTA) 2001, have come in the context
of various struggles for self-determination, often of a violent nature, in various
parts of India, primarily Punjab in the eighties and Kashmir in the nineties.
Generally, terrorism has been understood as a method, consisting of symbolic
acts of vidence, intended to have an effect much wider in magnitude than
the actualact. The 'terrorist' method has been used by quite a few groups
in India including groups espousing a revolutionary ideology of change, such
as the 'naxalite groups' in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. Groups fighting for
political autonomy or self-determination like the United Liberation Front of
Assam (ULFA), the Mizo National Front (MNF), the Jarnmu and Kashmir
Liberation Front (JKLF), the Khalistani Commando Force (KCF) in Punjab
and, the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen etc in Jammu and Kashmir, have also used
terrorism as a method. OAen groups struggling for self-determination have
sought legitimacy for their 'terrorist' activities in religious ideologies e.g.,
groups like the Harkat-ul-Ansa. in Jarnmu and Kashrnir and the Bhindranwale
Tiger Force in Punjab.

Legal definitions of terrorism have been modified h m time to time and these
definitions have invariably cited concerns about the 'security environment' of
India. The Law Commission's recommendations in April 2000, for bringing
in a new Bill, the Prevention of Terrorism Bill, noted the absence of a
'comprehensive anti-terrorism law7 to fill in the vacuum which had &sen
after the expiry of TADA. It cited the security concerns arising from 'terrorist
violence' in Jammu and Kashmir and the North-East, and the continuing
vulnerability of Punjab to sqch violence. The proposed Bill did not become
an Act. In the context of a worldwide condemnation of terrorist violence
aAer the 11 September, 2001 bombing of the World Trade Centre towers
in New York City, and the Pentagon in Washington D.C., the government
has been able to bring in first an Ordinance to deal with terrorism, viz.,
The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance, 2001, (POTO) and then a law
Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA).

Often, however, what the government sees as measures to counter terrorism,

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are seen by civil liberties groups as extraordinary, violative of democratic
. . .C .. .
. .
. 1..., * .
 Context of lndian State The civil liberties and democratic rights groups in India have pointed out
that some of the activities called Terrorism by laws like TADA and POT0
is actually political militancy. K. Balagopal, for example; differentiates between
political militancy which is a method of terror used by groups for a political
purpose (autonomy, seIfdeteminations, changing feudal and capitalist structures
of domination etc.) fiom what he calls plain terror of goondas, gun-toting
landlords, mafias, etc. He ernphasises that even if one does not-like political
militancy, and rejects any kind of militancy, it may nonetheless, be noted
that governments ace quick to arm themselves with extzaordinary laws against
political militancy. The t m r of goonda gangs, mafias, and gun-toting landlords,
which long predates the Khalistani Commando Force, the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen,
the ULFA, and the People's War, was never called terrorism, nor were
especially harsh laws ever contemplated for tackling it. Balagopal makes an
important point that the different treatment of political militancy by governments
is 'not so much because'it is militancy' but 'because it is politics, and that
too, polit;:s of a different kind'. It is also important to nbte that the so
called te l'cjrist groups have a politics which is not guided by 'just terror'.
Often, their politics, 'right or wrong', has a wide social base, which means
that a substantial number of people support it and its armed activity. This
support makes it very difficult to deal with them by methods or
means which look at them as mere law and order Goblem to be curbed
by harsh laws.
-
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the ene
of the unit.

1) What do the Articles 22 and 352-360 of the Constitution stand for'?

2) What do the terms International terrorism and State terrorism mean?

................................................................................................................

................................................................................................................
3) What are the Civil liberty Right groups?

32.5 LETUS SUMUP

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SU he notion of politics signifies a domain and activities denoting the formal
..... - . . . . . . . . a ,- .* ., ,. .
resources are distributed in society. In a democracy, politics is seen as a Crime, Repression and
Terror in Indian Politics
domain to which everybody, irrespective of hislher conditions of birth has
equal access. It is seen as an activity which empowers people. The years
immediately after independence in India, were full of hope and enthusiasm.
Independence brought in the belief that h e liberty, equality and freedom,
can be achieved in the process of self-governance. Politics was seen as
an ethical space where deliberations could take place, and decisions made,
which would be for the common good. Significant developments, especially
since the nineteen seventies, greatly affected the way in which Indian politics
unfolded. The eminent political scientist, Rajni Kothari has described these
decades as marking the end of the politics of trust, and a virtual elimination
of politics as an ethical space. The demise of the politics of trust and its
degeneration fiom a space in which honourable dialogues took place, was
due to violence, fear and repression. Politics was permeated by crime which
was manifested by the growing use of gangsterism as a substitute for party
organisation and the use of money power. Such developments narrowed the
domain of politics by excluding people's parkipation and reduced its autonomy
by making it dependent on money power and local goondas. In such a
scenario where politics had a narrow social base, and the representatives
of the people were dependent on mafia and money power for sustaining
themselves, it was perhaps logical that the dissatisfaction of people, who
felt excluded from the political process, should make idself manifest in the
form of movements and struggles. The state in turn responded by taking
recourse to measures whch were designed to repress or put down such
movements and aspirations. In his wokks, A.R.Desai has brought together
a set of articles which look at the manner in which the state has repressed
or contained people's movements. Terror has become a significant context
of Indian politics since the nineteen eighties in the context of the movements
for self determination in Punjab, in the North-East and in Jamrnu and
Kashmir. By and large terrorism has been understood as acts or threats
of violence against ordinary, unarmed civilians, carried out in the pursuit of
a political abjective. Often, the response of the state to these movements
has been in terms of voicing 'security concerns' pertaining to the unity and
integrity of India S e v d e x t n m m laws including Terrorist and Disruptive
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, (TADA) and now Prevention of Terrorism
Act, 2001, (POT&, have been brought by successive govenunents, to deal
with threats from terrorism. Civil liberties groups, however, look at the manner -
in which extraordinary laws often violate the rights of ordinary people.
Moreover, they see the response in terms of legal measures, a misdirected
remedy for a problem which is political in n&e. They point out that often
what is loosely labeled 'terrorism' is not always 'mindless violence'. Such
movements often have strong socio-political roots and distinctive ideologies.
They cannot, therefore, be addressed by extraordinary laws, since these are
political questions and need to be addressed on that level rather than as
law and order problems. he permeation of crime, repression and terror,
in Indian politics has meant that politics in India lacks the fiarnework
conducive for popular participation. In such a scenario it is desirable that
people as the sovereign custodians of constitutional promises should be alert
to their rights and duties and work towards restoring the norms of a
democratic society and polity.

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 Context of Indian Stat9
32.6 SOME USEFUL BOOKS
Desai, A.R., Violation of Democratic Rights in India, Vol.1, Popular
Prakashan, Bombay, 1986.

Repression and Resistance, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1986.

Kothari Rajni, Politics and the People: In Search of Humane India,

Volume 11, Ajanta Publications, Delhi, 1989 (Chapter 22: 'The State, the
People, the Intellectuals' and Chapter 26: '1984: Rise of the Terrorist State').

Singh, Randhir, 'Terrorism, State Terrorism and Democr ic Rights', in

4
Randhir Singh, Five Lectures in Marxist Mode, Ajanta, De hi, 1993.

32.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise I
1) Politics in the first two decades immediately following independence as
it was marked by mutual trust between people.
2) Increasing role of crime in politics.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Article 22 provides for preventive detension or detension without tribal
even in times of peace; Articles 352-36 provides for suspension of
fimdamental rights during emergency.
2) The former refers to the'aacts of terror by political groups outside the
countty where they are primarily active. The latter meanings support or
encouragement by the state to acts of terrorism.
3) Groups which fight against the violation of the rights of the people.

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