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18 Close-to-Practice Qualitative Research Methods
18 Close-to-Practice Qualitative Research Methods
18 Close-to-Practice Qualitative Research Methods
Expertise is inherently linked to the context in which experts work. Qualitative methods
are used to provide answers to “how” and “why” questions and to disentangle the impact
of different interactions occurring in complex and uncertain situations. Such approaches
are critical in order to understand context and be open to unexpected findings, and to tru
ly understand how expert judgment works in the real world. This chapter considers how
and why qualitative methods make important and distinct contributions to understanding
expertise development in professional work. The application of qualitative methodologies
to the study of expertise provides researchers with tools to explore and explain contextu
alized and social practices. Close-to-practice qualitative methodologies are described,
highlighting the different research questions these approaches can answer and explain
ing why the methodologies are well suited to exploring the messiness and complexity of
expertise.
Keywords: qualitative methods, complexity, qualitative research, theory, theoretical perspectives, methodology,
practical methods
Introduction
THIS chapter argues that qualitative methods make an important and distinct contribu
tion to the study of professional expertise. It describes various methodologies, encourag
ing readers already familiar with qualitative research to extend their repertoires. Schön’s
theory that expert practice “emerges” in unpredictable situations is central to our argu
ment (Schön, 1987). While the strength of quantitative methodologies is that they allow
researchers to measure changes and conduct experiments, the need to predetermine
variables limits the power of these methodologies to explore indeterminate aspects of ex
pert practice. Qualitative methodologies, which make fewer a priori assumptions, can ex
plore the emergent expertise of professionals as they carry out complex tasks in authen
tic settings. This chapter highlights close-to-practice qualitative methods. It describes
several such methodologies, illustrating the different research questions these can an
swer and explaining how they can explore the messiness and complexity of real-world
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expertise. It then presents qualitative studies which have changed our own understand
ing of expertise. In making the case for qualitative research, it uses a range of examples
from medicine and medical education because these research disciplines have enthusias
tically adopted close-to-practice qualitative methodologies. Specific examples are includ
ed to help readers visualize how qualitative methodologies might play out in their own
disciplines. Finally, the chapter discusses key considerations in undertaking qualitative
research and future directions for the interested reader.
Expertise is complex because practitioners must make difficult judgments based on im
perfect information under time pressure. Medicine has championed qualitative expertise
research because doctors routinely base significant decisions on short interactions with
patients who are diverse (e.g., rich or poor, native or immigrant, articulate or inarticu
late), and whose illnesses have emotional and psychological as well as physical dimen
sions. They treat presumed rather than proven beyond doubt diagnoses, balancing the
likelihoods of competing diagnoses and of different interventions leading to more or less
favorable outcomes. They are not alone in this. Experts in all fields make, communicate,
and justify tough decisions, while managing the expectations of their clients about the
likelihood of unpredictable outcomes.
Cognitive psychology has made important contributions to the study of expertise. Re
searchers have described two types of knowledge: analytical knowledge (Norman et al.,
2007) and experiential knowledge. Novices draw heavily on analytical knowledge, gather
ing information systematically and relying on their limited practical experience to tell
them how to proceed. Experts, in contrast, draw heavily on experience and use internal
narratives to recognize patterns, draw inferences, and make predictions (Charlin et al.,
2007; Schmidt et al., 1990). Expert doctors, for example, draw on their repertoires of ill
ness scripts to rule diagnoses in or out, hone their questioning, and choose investigations
that can confirm, refine, or refute working diagnoses (Groves et al., 2003). Expert knowl
edge is qualitatively different from novices’ knowledge. Not only do experts understand
concepts better but they have a wealth of experience of applying those concepts in prac
tice. Experts can identify the difference between uncertainty about their own knowledge,
uncertainty about the limits of knowledge, and uncertainty about which of the former is
the true source of uncertainty in any specific circumstance (Fox, 1957).
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limited capacity to predict how experts will perform in the messy real world. Other quan
titative approaches, while making important contributions to practice development, have
similar limitations. The evidence-based practice movement valorizes quantitative over
narrative knowledge (Dornan, Peile, & Spencer, 2008). (p. 410) Competency-based educa
tion (ten Cate, 2016) shifts the emphasis from educating students to think and act inde
pendently to training students to achieve predetermined and measurable learning out
comes. Researchers and professional leaders thereby decontextualize and simplify exper
tise in order to conduct experiments on it and regulate professional performance. Expert
practitioners, however, are more at home in messy situations than experimentalists. This
allows them to work in more intuitive and individual ways than these pedagogies recog
nize.
Schön (1983, 1987) used the term messy to describe the complex, indeterminate situa
tions that expert practitioners routinely encounter. He uses the term technical rationality
to describe the science, evidence, and competences, which emanate from the high hard
ground of universities. Expert practitioners, according to Schön, practice in swampy low
lands where technical rationality alone is insufficient. They make messy problems
amenable to technically rational solutions by virtue of their ability to frame problems. The
writings of other theorists (Billett, 2014; Billett & Bruner, 1986; Eraut, 2004) reinforce
Schön’s view that professional expertise is often tacit, personal to practitioners, and con
text-specific.
Quantitative experimentalists might contest our use of the term complexity to describe
this argument. That is because in vitro research filters out misleading and emotionally
salient features of practice, which experts must resolve before they even start to make di
agnostic or therapeutic choices. Researchers have a responsibility to represent complexi
ty well (Regehr, 2010). This calls for methodologies that can provide valid knowledge
without first filtering out contextual features that create uncertainty and indeterminacy.
Qualitative methodologies are better suited than quantitative ones in situations that de
pend on human choices and where values and feelings defy measurement.
Experts often work within large and complex organizations, which employ members of
different professions, each with their own hierarchy. Here, acknowledging, interpreting,
and navigating social contexts is critical to expert judgment. As Bull, Mattick, and
Postlethwaite (2013) put it: “This context is far more than the stage on which decision-
making happens: it shapes what kinds of decisions are possible and what counts as good
decision-making” (p. 402).
Notions of expertise, evidence, and competence that focus attention on knowledge and
skills tend to conceptualize practitioners individualistically, rather than as members of so
cial groups or teams. Further, they focus on cognitive attributes rather than on the inte
grated performance of mind and body in social settings. Medicine has recently re-learned
the lesson (known since Hippocrates) that, while doctors must be technically skilled, ex
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pert doctors are not solely technicians. Medicine is, essentially, a social practice. Context
is a determining feature of expertise. Surgery used to be cited as (p. 411) a counter-exam
ple but we now know that technically competent surgeons who lack the social skills to
create a collaborative climate in operating theatres have poor patient outcomes (Lingard
et al., 2008; McCulloch et al., 2009; Mishra et al., 2008). Research has to address both
the social and technical dimensions of expertise, and how the two interact (Papoutsi et
al., 2017).
The social argument acknowledges, also, the exercise of power in practice settings. Con
sider a general practitioner treating a patient who believes their cough is due to pneumo
nia rather than asthma and will not resolve without antibiotics. Conceding to this
patient’s wish will contribute to the global epidemic of antibiotic-resistant bacteria. Nego
tiating a safer outcome requires the doctor to manage the expectations and concerns of
patient and carers, who may disagree between themselves. The doctor has to gatekeep
society’s collective health from what the patient may view as the lowly status of a gener
alist. Precisely the same action by a specialist may be accepted with demur. Expertise re
search tends to be conducted from a professional standpoint, which bypasses some of this
social complexity.
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might be military personnel who are trained to focus on a common goal but achieve this
through semiautonomous functioning and on-the-spot decision making. Such comparisons
are reliant on a rich understanding of the realities of practice in a given setting and de
tailed consideration of the degree to which certain approaches are context-specific or
might provide useful insights to another setting, with appropriate tailoring.
Our three arguments share the assumption that expertise involves a far wider range of
human capabilities than just cognitive ones. For example, a large multisite ethnographic
study of accountability in healthcare (Aveling, Parker, & Dixon-Woods, 2016) concluded
that, while moral responsibility is inherent in professional practice, individuals and sys
tems are not mutually exclusive but interacting. Experts need a fine-tuned moral compass
and the ability to navigate complex social situations where power is at play as well as in
tellectual and psychomotor skills. They have to be tolerant of ambiguity and have a capac
ity to withhold action or act in the face of uncertainty, based on a fine balance of risks and
benefits. Qualitative research can help us to understand this complexity.
Qualitative research can build a rich picture of phenomena exploring subtle social dynam
ics and interactions between individuals and employing organizations, as is often the case
in expertise development. In such situations, researchers are trying to understand what is
happening, when, and why. This chapter focuses particularly on close-to-practice qualita
tive research because this captures the complexity of expertise as it plays out dynamical
ly in authentic contexts. Researchers may choose to examine one or more of several lev
els of practice, from the activities of individual professionals, to local settings, or to the
entire organization or system in which they work. Researchers typically seek out different
stakeholders whose different perspectives and explanations contribute to an in-depth
analysis of the practice. The exploratory and explanatory nature of qualitative research
makes it better suited to some topics than others and that is reflected in the phraseology
of research questions. Closed research questions (inviting yes/no answers), questions
about the quantity of something, and comparative questions are generally unsuited to
qualitative research, yet inexperienced researchers often ask them. As a rule of thumb,
how and why questions are more appropriate than whether, which, and how often
questions. Imagine you are an expertise researcher wishing to understand the expertise
of professional musicians. A suitable (p. 413) research question might be: “How do musi
cians reconcile their wish to build successful careers with the need to protect themselves
from locomotor problems caused by overuse?” Or considering front-line lawyers working
with under-served populations, who must make sparing use of specialist lawyers charging
high fees: “How do generalists experience their responsibilities to serve individual clients
well whilst making judicious use of specialist services?” Or an emergency physician who
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must prioritize care for sick patients who exceed the capacity of their hospital to admit
them: “How do front-line practitioners prioritize acutely ill patients for hospital admission
when the demand for beds outstrips capacity?” Qualitative research is well placed to an
swer these types of question because of the scope it allows experts to raise issues that
would have been challenging for researchers to anticipate (Brooks & King, 2017; Bryman,
2015; Cohen, Mannion, & Morrison, 2001; Corbin & Strauss, 2008).
Qualitative research can also illuminate and explain quantitative findings. Depending on
the topic and research questions, it may be appropriate to use multiple qualitative meth
ods or combinations of qualitative and quantitative methods. The term mixed methods
usually means combining quantitative and qualitative methods in a single-study design.
The term multiple methods describes combinations of either quantitative or qualitative
methods (see Yardley, Brosnan, & Richardson, 2013 for an example of multiple methods).
Terms such as an embedded qualitative study are used to describe the collection of quali
tative data from participants in a, usually larger, quantitative study. The embedded quali
tative study may be designed to clarify quantitative findings, or explain participants’ ex
perience and why something did or did not work (e.g., McLachlan et al., 2015; McLellan
et al., 2016). Another way qualitative and quantitative research can synergize is when a
qualitative interview study identifies constructs to include in a measurement scale. In this
case, qualitative and quantitative methodologies are combined sequentially rather than
concurrently. Schifferdecker and Reed (2009) provide a helpful typology of categories of
mixed methods research designs.
Differences between qualitative and quantitative research are far deeper than a choice of
whether to use numbers or words to represent more or less the same thing. Numbers are
only as good as the a priori choices researchers have made about what to measure.
Words give research participants far greater agency and can illuminate realms that nei
ther researcher nor participant could have contemplated a priori. Quantitative and quali
tative research represent different research paradigms, with different assumptions about
reality and the nature of knowledge. Qualitative researchers’ starting assumption is that
there is no single external reality or, if there is, then it can never be fully and completely
defined—as human nature is to view it through a complex set of pre-existing beliefs and
experience. Phenomena, therefore, exist as conceptualized by different people. Different
researchers, or even the same researcher on different (p. 414) occasions, can apprehend
them in different but equally valid ways. Subjectivity is inherent to qualitative research
and, if deliberatively applied to qualitative analysis, an asset rather than a problem.
Rather than proving the existence of phenomena and measuring how those phenomena
vary, qualitative research provides rich representations of phenomena (Crotty, 1998).
Critiques of interview-based research have questioned whether participants tell the truth,
whether they give partial accounts of events (intentionally or otherwise), and whether
what they say reflects what they do (Hammersley, 2005). These concerns arise because
people who are thinking within one paradigmatic set of assumptions apply those assump
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tions to a different paradigm. If one believes in a single reality that can be measured and
known, then the assumptions underpinning qualitative research are problematic. On the
other hand, if one believes reality or truth for human beings can only be partially known
through their personal perspectives, then qualitative research gives access to multiple
understandings of reality—and quantitative research lacks richness. Qualitative re
searchers are careful not to use leading questions or value-laden language that would
make it hard for interview participants to speak freely. They may increase the validity of
their work by grounding interview conversations in the realities of practice (such as in
close-to-practice qualitative research) to avoid social desirability biases that may occur in
less contextualized conversations (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Saks & Allsop, 2007).
Qualitative research is not a single methodology but a family of methodologies that share
an ability to find meaning in ill-structured situations. Qualitative research is made rigor
ous by purposefully choosing a theory of knowledge that is suited to the research ques
tion. That is what the term methodology means. There are many theories of knowledge
and qualitative methods, allowing researchers to answer a wide range of research ques
tions, or consider things from a wide range of perspectives. For example, there are meth
ods that allow researchers to interpret interview or focus group transcripts subjectively
and develop a theory of the phenomenon of interest by alternately interpreting data col
lected before and gathering fresh data (e.g., constructivist grounded theory; Watling &
Lingard, 2012). Other methods allow researchers to interpret and report peoples’ lived
experiences by listening deeply to how subjects speak of their experiences and interpret
ing the phenomenon from participants’ perspectives (e.g., interpretive phenomenology;
King & Horrocks, 2010). Yet others examine how one person’s choice of words, use of
metaphors, and grammatical constructions exercise power over another person (e.g., dis
course analysis; Hodges, Kuper, & Reeves, 2008). Focus groups, interviews, constant
comparative analysis, and so on contribute to qualitative research but they are not, of
themselves, qualitative research. Using those methods within a declared (p. 415) method
ology to answer an appropriate research question, however, is qualitative research (Sil
verman, 2005).
It is critical that qualitative research shows coherence between the overarching aim, re
search question(s), theoretical perspective, and methodology. A defining feature of any
piece of high-quality qualitative research is that it has an explicit conceptual orientation.
In other words, theory helps researchers conduct their work in rigorous ways and arrive
at valid conclusions. There are two ways in which theory does this. Subject matter theo
ries provide ways of thinking about a topic. And methodological theories help researchers
arrive at valid conclusions by defining what constitutes knowledge. Our argument that
human activities are inseparable from the contexts in which they take place, for example,
reflects our orientation toward social theory. As a result, some of our work draws on so
ciocultural theories, including activity theory (Johnston & Dornan, 2015). Analyzing textu
al data about complex medical expertise from the perspective of social theory would help
a researcher build on a corpus of widely accepted knowledge and relate their findings to
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The relativist nature of qualitative inquiry opens new possibilities for researching exper
tise. A realist approach (more aligned with quantitative research) would require a clear
definition of expertise, which would help researchers operationalize a priori constructs to
measure how those constructs differ under different conditions. A relativist approach
(more aligned with qualitative research) makes it possible to take the stance: “I can’t de
fine expertise but I know it when I experience it; let me find instances of it, explore them,
and see how that allows me to think about expertise in new ways.” It is possible, more
over, to choose a qualitative methodology that serves a specific purpose. Grounded theory
could explain how experts match available solutions to the expectations of different
clients. Phenomenology could richly describe how clients experience expert practitioners.
And discourse analysis could analyze how experts encourage clients either to exercise au
tonomy or to do just what the expert wants.
The exploratory and inherently uncertain nature of qualitative research, moreover, allows
researchers to find out how phenomena are enacted in social settings. In a series of our
own studies, for example, we came to a startling conclusion. Whereas curricula teach
young doctors how to choose medications for patients in hospital, there are many occa
sions when prescriptions are more the product of an idiosyncratic set of circumstances
than the choice of any one individual (McLellan et al., 2015; Mattick, Kelly, & Rees, 2014
—see later in this chapter, Papoutsi et al., 2017). The requisite expertise for young doc
tors, then, is to manage the social context of practice as much as it is to make rational
therapeutic choices. This has significant implications for curricula and clinical services.
This section presents approaches to qualitative research that ensure qualitative data are
collected close-to-practice and are, therefore, relatively true to the contextualized prac
tice under scrutiny.
One approach is ethnography (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). Different academic disci
plines and practice traditions use the term in different ways, sometimes far removed from
its original meaning. Ethnography involves immersive study of people, their cultures,
their customs, and their habits, and how these differ between populations or ethnic
groups. Ethnographers observe, sometimes as flies on the wall, sometimes as partici
pants, how social groups live their lives. Ethnography typically involves participant obser
vation whereby researchers observe extensively in a given setting (e.g., a professional
workplace), shadowing participants within that setting (receptionists, managers, accoun
tants, and practitioners, for example) and interviewing people whose experiences might
illuminate the researcher’s interpretation. Ethnography can provide a rich understanding
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of the context in which expertise develops and the individuals and activities contributing
to that development.
A narrative approach is underpinned by the assumption that people make sense of their
experiences through narrative (stories). Retelling those stories can yield data that are
close-to-practice (Riessman 2008). Participants in expertise research would be asked to
recount significant events in their experience of practice, and provide real examples and
events, typically as a story with a beginning, middle, and end. How participants select
events to describe and sequence their stories gives researchers deep insight into the
practice.
Another way of ensuring research data are contextualized to practice is to incorporate vi
sual stimuli from workplaces into interviews. Video reflexivity is one such approach,
whereby video recordings of clinical practice (either real or simulated) are used as a stim
ulus for evaluating practice and promoting behavior change of individual practitioners or
healthcare teams. For example, Gough, Yohannes, and Murray (2016) videoed final-year
physiotherapy students working through simulated practice scenarios and then inter
viewed them individually to explore their perspectives on that action. Stimulated recall is
another approach. Bull et al. (2013) used field notes they had made while observing ju
nior doctors’ ward-based practice to stimulate recall of events for discussion in subse
quent research interviews. Walking interviews, when the research participant and inter
viewer walk through the relevant environment while undertaking the interview, are an
other approach. In a walking interview the researcher can experience something of the
participants’ daily routines and use artifacts and environments as prompts for discussion.
Dube, Schinke, Strasser, and Lightfoot (2014) used a participant led guided walk to ex
plore the lived experiences of medical students undertaking placements by moving
through their environment with them while discussing their experiences, thereby gener
ating data from context-rich interactions. A hypothetical example in expertise develop
ment would be to video-record a (p. 417) healthcare team making a complex decision and
then ask participants to review, prompted by the video tape, and discuss their various
contributions to that process.
Researchers may also give research participants tasks. In photo- or object-elicitation in
terviews, for example, participants bring an image or object which they see as relevant to
the topic under discussion (Kronk, Weideman, Cunningham, & Resick, 2015). Graphic
elicitation interviews incorporate a drawing task within an interview; for example, to
draw out a timeline, or relationships between groups within an organization (Bagnoli,
2009). Many of these approaches can be applied within group interviews or focus groups,
as well as individual interviews (Kvale & Brinkman, 2009).
Data analysis procedures are equally varied. Again, these must be congruent with the
researcher’s explicitly stated theoretical perspective and approach to data collection. For
example, a researcher might thematically analyze qualitative data, seeking patterns
across and within data sets. Narrative analysis examines research participants’ stories in
order to understand how characters and events contribute to the richness of the rich sto
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ry (see Riessman, 2008). A question well suited to thematic analysis might be “What do
early career professionals regard as important for expertise and why?”; a question well
suited to narrative analysis might be “How do early career professionals describe their
experiences of leadership development?” If thematic analysis is chosen, then the research
may stop at the point of having identified and described component themes, with exem
plar quotes to illustrate each theme. They may, alternatively, undertake an interpretative
analysis and/or develop a new theory or a three-dimensional model or framework.
As the body of published qualitative studies grows, researchers are increasingly synthe
sizing meta-interpretations from multiple primary investigations addressing a single top
ic. Readers are referred to a recent journal article (Gough & Thomas, 2016) which de
scribes diverse approaches to systematic reviews of research. In addition, there is a pro
liferation of qualitative metasynthesis methodologies, which are increasingly refined and
sophisticated. Secondary analysis of existing qualitative datasets is another emerging ap
proach. This is attractive because it is resource-efficient, although researchers may face
methodological problems and must consider any ethical issues raised by potentially
reusing data without participants’ explicit consent (Hinds, Vogel, & Clarke-Steffen, 1997;
Yardley, Watts, Pearson, & Richardson, 2014).
Long before medical education was an identifiable research field, turning novice medical
students into expert doctors drew the attention of sociologists. Two large sociological
studies are credited with introducing qualitative research (including, but not limited to,
classical ethnography) to the study of medical expertise. First published was The Student-
Physician (Merton, Reader, & Kendall, 1957), soon followed by Boys in White (Becker,
Geer, & Strauss, 1961). The importance of these studies is that they recognized the im
portance of social and professional factors in being (and becoming) a doctor, and made in
novative use of qualitative research to explore them.
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ated by observing students and making field notes, and interviewing them. This research
identified tensions arising from the pressure to accommodate expanding scientific knowl
edge into an already overfilled curriculum. It showed how medical students socialized in
to the powerful position of doctors by modeling on faculty and senior doctors. Students
were not just seeking to know what doctors know but to be what doctors are.
Boys in White sought to explain student culture, focusing on social interactions in medical
school and students’ changing perspectives as they progressed through their first year.
This study showed how students transitioned from novices towards expert by being sub
versive. For example, they rapidly changed from trying to learn everything to recognizing
this was impossible and developing strategies to meet faculty demands, while accommo
dating the knowledge that real-life practice could not be fully anticipated through acade
mic study. Becker et al. were more explicit than Merton et al. about how they conducted
their research. Their starting point was “to discover what medical school did to medical
students other than giving them a technical education” (p. 17). The theoretical orienta
tion of their studies was toward collective social action; in particular, the concept of sym
bolic interaction and the study of phenomena that caused tension among their medical
student subjects. This led the research team to rely heavily on participant observation as
a method for data generation, complemented by other qualitative methods such as inter
viewing. Boys in White further exposed the importance of social interaction and the im
portance of recognizing expertise as an identity as well as a knowledge base and set of
practical and technological skills. These findings are not unique to medicine, or even to
the so-called professions, vocations, or scientific disciplines. The expertise, often called
know-how or work-arounds, gained in workplaces may not always be formally recognized
but is crucially important for understanding how (p. 419) workers function and handle un
certainty (for more recent further examples see the work of Stephen Billett, 2014, and for
examples outside of medicine see Scott, 1998). Together these studies changed our un
derstanding of expertise development by drawing attention to social and cultural influ
ences that shape expertise in a person, challenging the view that expertise could solely
be conceptualized as scientific and technical knowledge, and identifying the importance
of considering organizational and interpersonal interactions in studies of expertise devel
opment rather than simply measuring individual attainment.
The concept of safety is dominating thinking in health and other professions. Pursuing an
appropriate course of action is equated with practicing safely. Avoidable harm caused by
poor performance of technical procedures or omissions of simple protective actions has
rightly caused outrage. But while medicine and other professions need to reduce pre
ventable error, the idea that all risk is predictable and preventable is contentious. It is
true that risk may be predictable and preventable in determinate situations, but it can
not, by definition, be wholly preventable in indeterminate ones. Applying the blanket as
sumption of simplicity to complex situations will, according to the law of unintended con
sequences, do harm as well as good—and maybe even more of the former than the latter.
Years of experience help experts choose the least unsafe course of action in indetermi
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nate, safety-critical situations but they may not understand how they do so, let alone ex
plain this to novices. Organizations typically put in place mass mandatory training to pre
vent harms such as this. This may do no more than drive uncertainty underground. What
may be more effective is the precise opposite—to legitimize uncertainty.
As part of this safety debate, researchers have sought to understand how issues of safety
relate to the development of expertise, for example in how the process of decision making
is conducted. The use of qualitative research methods has facilitated investigation of real-
life practice, achieving a level of dynamic understanding of situated expertise to direct fu
ture education interventions for the development of expertise, increasing the likelihood of
real-world impact. For example, in healthcare, prescribing errors related to antibiotics
are common. Doctors have to weigh up significant potential consequences arising from ei
ther under- or over-prescription for individual patients and populations. Judgements
about when and what to prescribe are often required without full clinical information
such as laboratory test results. Patient pressure to prescribe can contribute to the chal
lenges. Mattick et al. (2014) undertook a narrative interview study of junior doctors at
two UK hospitals. The doctors were asked to tell stories about their experiences of pre
scribing antibiotics, in order to understand what types of experiences they have and how
they make sense of these experiences. The researchers drew on social constructionist
epistemology and used multiple analytical approaches to answer the research questions,
including framework analysis (a type of (p. 420) thematic analysis; Ritchie, Spencer, Bry
man, & Burgess, 1994) and in-depth narrative analysis. They found that the decision to
prescribe, and if so what to prescribe, is much more complicated and socially mediated
than has been recognized. Junior doctors reported significant variability in local prac
tices, received seemingly conflicting advice from senior staff, and felt they rarely received
feedback on the consequences of their decisions. The authors’ use of constructionist
methodologies showed that social hierarchies and expectations were coming into conflict
with evidence-based practice when doctors prescribed antibiotics. The problem was not
so much that doctors lacked expertise as that they found it hard to decide which exper
tise should have most weight when making decisions. This finding suggested that infor
mal practice-based opportunities to discuss decision making and receive feedback were
more likely to reduce errors than provide information.
Other studies have used alternative frameworks such as activity theory, a sociocultural
theory that provides a framework for studying the influence of informal learning in work
places on medical practice. McLellan et al. (2015) studied how medical students learn to
prescribe in a study informed by cognitive psychology, sociocultural theory, and systems
thinking. Participants kept audio diaries over a two-week period and participated in mini
mally structured qualitative interviews. The researchers also observed practice and con
ducted short in-situ interviews with participants who had particular contributions to
make. Grounded theory analysis demonstrated a complex interplay between individual
students and social dimensions of learning: learners needed to be situated in the right en
vironment and exposed to meaningful learning opportunities (including active engage
ment in the process) if they were to develop their own internal cognitive-based expertise
for future prescribing tasks. That is, the ability to develop expertise was dependent on un
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quantifiable but essential social factors. Newly qualified doctors in the UK are required to
demonstrate their prescribing abilities in decontextualized, simulated assessments. Quali
tative research by Mattick et al. (2014) and McLellan et al. (2015) explains this does not
prevent prescribing mishaps and suggests potential solutions.
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outside a system designed to support their expertise (Aveling, Parker, & Dixon-Woods,
2016).
Throughout this chapter, we have argued that experts make socially situated complex
clinical judgements and that qualitative research can uncover processes of expert judge
ment as well as mechanisms of developing this expertise. In a further example, Cristan
cho, Lingard, Forbes, Ott, & Novick (2016) draw on their study of surgeons’ experiences
in complex situations to question the idea that experts are simply better at problem solv
ing. These authors used systems engineering theory to explore problem definition (rather
than problem solving) in authentic clinical judgements. They started from the premises
that person and context were inseparable, and that what emerges as a judgement is an
act of choice. Using the concept of a rich picture (whereby surgeons were asked to pro
duce and describe a picture or diagram of complex operations) alongside observations
and interviews the researchers were able to investigate how problem definition occurred
and was refined by different people interacting during surgical operations (p. 422) and to
explore different participant perspectives on these interactions. Part of the analysis
process involved a gallery walk whereby two researchers walked around a room with the
pictures on display and discussed, compared, and contrasted the different pictures
through conversation and written memos. What they found was that problem definition
was a live evolving process of making sense of what is going on that experts responded to
flexibly, adapting their choices and behaviors. Hence, expertise was not knowing what so
lution to deliver but knowing how to respond to a changing complex situation (see Chap
ter 51, “Reflections on the Study of Expertise and Implications for the Future of the
Field,” by Ward et al., this volume).
It is clearly important to ensure that qualitative research is high quality, in order to maxi
mize its contribution to knowledge and theory and to underpin the development and eval
uation of various initiatives. Key features of quality are likely to include a compelling de
scription of the problem needing research, a clear aim and/or research question(s), de
tails of the research team and their theoretical framework, a clear and detailed justifica
tion and account of the methodological approach, detailed results that are clearly derived
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from the methodological approach and address the original research question, and con
clusions that do not overstate the findings. However, appropriate criteria with which to
judge the quality of qualitative research is an ongoing debate, partly due to the signifi
cant diversity of qualitative methodologies which do not lend themselves to a one size fits
all approach. It is challenging to envisage a common list of features of high-quality quali
tative research that are applicable across the diverse range of methodologies that sit un
der this umbrella term. There are also understandable challenges when concepts from
quantitative research, such as validity and reliability, are transferred to qualitative re
search, given the different underpinning assumptions and worldview. A useful summary
of the debate can be found in Hammersley & Atkinson (2007). Despite the ongoing discus
sion, sets of criteria for qualitative research are increasingly available and, in some cases,
being made a requirement for publication (p. 423) in peer-reviewed journals. One example
is the COnsolidated criteria for REporting Qualitative research (COREQ), a 32-item
checklist for interviews and focus groups with three domains (research team and reflexiv
ity, study design, analysis and findings). The main aim of COREQ is to improve the quality
of reporting of qualitative research, which enables the reader to make a better-informed
judgment of quality, but implicit within it are some assumptions about quality in qualita
tive research. For example, COREQ items prompt the appraiser to consider whether the
following aspects are reported: “What experience or training did the researcher have?”,
“What are the important characteristics of the sample?”, “Were themes identified in ad
vance or derived from the data?”, and “Was there consistency between the data present
ed and the findings?” Other checklists, such as the Critical Appraisal Skills Program
(CASP) checklist for qualitative research, are more explicit in the link between the check
list and judgment of quality of qualitative research, asking the appraiser to make judg
ments such as “Was the research design appropriate to address the aims of the re
search?” and “Have ethical issues been taken into consideration?”
The protection of participants and other stakeholders is a key concern, even when the fo
cus of the research is on professionals rather than those arguably more in need of protec
tion (such as patients within the healthcare context). Research which involves access to
the workplace setting for the purpose of data collection poses specific considerations.
Gatekeepers who can introduce the researcher to key staff and advocate for their project
will help enormously with buy in for and recruitment to the research project. These rela
tionships may require substantial investment, however, and the research will need to en
sure that gatekeepers are familiar with research ethics principles, for example to ensure
that research participants are free from any coercion or undue influence. Where field
notes or video are being made in workplace, appropriate informed consent will be re
quired and confidential treatment of information including good data storage to provide
assurance about security will be important. The researcher may need to undergo checks,
such as the Disclosure and Barring Service checks in the UK for previous criminal convic
tions, and have an institutional sponsor, for example from their university. They may also
need to undergo specific training, for example relating to safety in that environment, or
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plex and uncertain situations. When people are involved, the use of qualitative methods
can illuminate how the human drive to create meaning from experience shapes attitudes
and behaviors. Although close-to-practice qualitative research is not without its chal
lenges, the rewards of undertaking this kind of research usually make up for the effort in
vested.
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