Caste in Contemporary India Divya Vaid

SO40CH18-Vaid ARI 1 July 2014 9:28
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Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2014. 40:391–410 Keywords

The Annual Review of Sociology is online at
soc.annualreviews.org caste, class, labor market, social mobility, discrimination, change
This article’s doi: Abstract
10.1146/annurev-soc-071913-043303
The caste system, its salient characteristics, and its subtle and more ob-
Copyright c 2014 by Annual Reviews.
All rights reserved vious transformations, coupled with its persistence and pervasiveness,
have been central to studies of Indian society. This review provides
a specific view of caste and its transformations with an emphasis on
the socioeconomic or labor market dimension. Such a perspective is
particularly crucial as one of the distinctive features of caste is the in-
heritance of occupations. A major argument of modernization has been
the increasing movement away from occupational inheritance. This re-
view traces the limited support for the “Orientalist” view of caste as
essentially unchanging and focuses on the fluid nature of caste and its
transformation in the economic domain.
391
INTRODUCTION In response to Bouglé, Dumont (1970

[1998], p. 43), in his now classic Homo Hierar-
The caste system, its salient characteristics, and
chicus, reduces the caste system to one core fea-
its subtle and more apparent transformations,
ture: hierarchy, or more specifically, the “hier-
coupled with its persistence and its pervasive-
archical coexistence of the two opposites,” i.e.,
ness, have been central to studies of Indian so-
the “pure” and the “impure.” Prior to scholars
ciety. These subjects have received attention
such as Dumont, colonial administrators also
from diverse perspectives, including sociology,
saw caste as a part of Indian tradition tied closely
anthropology, political science, literature, and
to religion, with hierarchy as the key feature of
economics. This review of caste and its transfor-
Indian society (Dirks 2001; see also the intro-
mations emphasizes the socioeconomic or labor
duction to Fuller 1996). Later scholars argued
market dimension, which is of particular inter-
that along with and sometimes even beyond
est given that a distinctive feature of caste is the
hierarchy, the important element of caste was
inheritance of occupations. Furthermore, a key
difference (Gupta 1991a, Shah & Desai 1988).
theme of modernization theory is the move-

However, both hierarchy and difference needed
ment away from occupational inheritance.

to be visibly manifest (Gupta 1991a, p. 2). In
Caste, sometimes referred to as varna or jati
his introduction to Caste Today, Fuller (1996)
(a distinction made clearer in the next section),
traces the theories of caste, caste as a colonial
is an ascribed form of stratification. According
construct, the criticisms of these approaches,
to Béteille (1965, p. 46), caste is “characterised
and caste as we see it today.
by endogamy, hereditary membership, and a
In brief, scholars such as Dirks (2001) and
specific style of life which sometimes includes
Jodhka (2012a) have argued that the perception
the pursuit by tradition of a particular occupa-
of caste today is an outcome of the colonial
tion and is usually associated with a more or less
imagination or, rather, the colonial practice
distinct ritual status in a hierarchical system.”
of enumerating castes, which was preoccupied
This definition brings out some of the distinc-
with identifying and listing castes with the
tive elements of the caste system: endogamy
broader aim of establishing a pan-Indian
(although there is a possibility of hypergamy);
categorization. However, both village studies
hierarchy, which allows for a loose ranking of
(Srinivas 2002) and studies of urban India
castes (Ghurye 1932); and status delineated by
(reviewed in Fuller 1996, Jodhka 2012a) have
hereditary occupations and ritual purity and
found little support for the colonial or, as some
pollution rules. Further, according to Bouglé
have argued, Orientalist trope of looking at In-
(1971, p. 9), “repulsion,” along with “hierarchy
dia as a unique example of a closed society with
and hereditary specialization . . . must be borne
no or limited mobility and with a universal caste
in mind if one wishes to have a complete defi-
system across the country embedded within
nition of the caste system.” This element of re-
the social system. As Jodhka (2012a, p. 13)
pulsion extends beyond the ritual domain into
argues, although Weber (1958) and Bouglé
intercaste relations in the social and economic
(1971) derive much of their understanding of
domains. This repelling, according to Bouglé
caste from these “Orientalist” writings, neither
(1971), leads to castes segregating themselves
consider “caste-like status groups” to be “pecu-
through rituals and through the development of
liar to India.” Further, Dumont’s (1970 [1998])
elaborate rules of social interaction; in extreme
contrast between the pure and the impure,
cases, it leads to the “practice of pollution or un-
along with the characteristic of hierarchy as the
touchability” ( Jodhka 2012a, p. 6). This further
core element of the caste system, has also had
restricts the occupations that can be performed
its share of detractors [ Jodhka (2012a) provides
by certain castes, with polluting occupations
a summary and critique of the Dumontian
such as manual scavenging largely restricted to
view; see Madan (1991) for an overview of
the lower, formerly untouchable, castes.
Dumont and Berreman (1991) for a critique].
392 Vaid
These debates on what comprises caste, varnas are considered “twice-born” or ritually
along with the mounting empirical evidence purer than the Shudras. The untouchables, ac-
against a universal or essentializing view of cording to this traditional understanding, are
caste, highlight the flexibility of the caste sys- not a part of the four varnas but rather lie out-
tem. Obituaries on the caste system (Srinivas side this system and, according to some, form
2003) hence may be premature, as the transfor- a fifth category (although the placement of un-
mation and stubborn persistence of caste, par- touchables in this fifth category is controver-
ticularly in the socioeconomic realm, is indis- sial: see Kumar 2010; Jodhka 2012a traces the
putable. Here I review the continuity of caste discussions of the origins of caste). Untouch-
with special reference to the labor market, oc- ables, made up of a collection of subcastes, or
cupational persistence, and social mobility. My jatis, were restricted from performing ritual ac-
specific focus is on the secular dimensions of tivities, as they were considered ritually impure
status (Stevenson 1954). I look at how caste in- (polluted), and an interaction between an un-
equalities persist and evolve in contemporary touchable and a member of a higher caste was
India. believed to pollute the latter.

This review begins by briefly outlining the The formal, textual division of caste has
main features of the caste system, particularly “deeply influenced the interpretation of the
the understanding of caste as varna, caste as jati, ‘ethnographic reality’ of caste” (Srinivas 1991,
and caste as constitutionally recognized cate- p. 28). Varna arguably “provides models for
gories. The changes in the various domains (rit- imitation by different jatis” (Srinivas et al.
ual, social, and economic) of the caste system are 1959, p. 140). Thus, those lower down the hi-
discussed next, highlighting their flexible na- erarchy may achieve upward mobility through
ture with regard to occupations; this contrasts imitation of those higher up in the hierarchy
with the closed system of stratification that caste (discussed below). But this varna model has
was purported to be. This is followed by sec- also led to many “misinterpretations of the
tions on caste and occupational changes and on realities of the caste system” (Srinivas 2002,
caste and discrimination in the labor market. p. 170). These misinterpretations arise because
The review ends with a discussion of whether the complexities of the “lived experience of
the caste system is dying, declining, or going caste” captured by ethnographic research
through a period of rebirth. [referred to as the “field-view,” in contrast
to the traditional textual understanding or
“book-view” (Béteille 1991a, pp. 6, 8)] resist
THE CASTE SYSTEM: reduction to the fourfold varna classification.
AN OVERVIEW Thus, through field-based work, including
The term caste, from the Portuguese casta for village studies, researchers have shown that,
breed or race, has two possible meanings in in the empirical reality of everyday life, the
the Indian context: caste as varna and caste as division of caste is not straightforward because
jati (Béteille 1965, 1969; Jodhka 2012a; Srini- of the sub- or sub-subdivisions of castes (jatis).
vas 1991, 2002). Although varna technically Thousands of jatis can exist for and across
means color, the varna classification can be each varna, and thus there is no pan-Indian or
seen as a broader and simplified categoriza- standardized way of relating jati with varna.
tion. Derived, as some believe, from the San- These jatis are also ranked by ritual purity, at
skritic text Manusmriti, the classification dis- least theoretically. Jati can be regarded as the
tinguishes four varnas in the Hindu system of empirical manifestation of caste and the level at
caste: the Brahmins (priests and doctors), Ksha- which occupational diversification, endogamy,
triyas (rulers and warriors), Vaishyas (business- and purity and pollution rites are actually
men), and Shudras (the lowest caste, including performed (for more on the complexity of caste
artisans and manual laborers). The first three and on varna and jati distinctions, see Srinivas
www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 393

1962, 2002). In practice, however, many jatis In addition to caste as varna or caste as jati,
are similarly placed for the purpose of social and caste is also a political construct in India. The
other interactions, and these placements are Indian Constitution recognizes three broad
dependent on the particular setting and region. groups for its affirmative action or reservation
There is no universal acceptance of any one policies. The Scheduled Castes (SCs, a listing
hierarchy across a region, let alone across the of predominantly ex-untouchable jatis) and
entire country. For instance, some Brahmin the Scheduled Tribes (STs, a listing of geo-
priests, as Parry (1980, p. 88) notes, have an graphically isolated groups) were identified
“anomalous status”—although Brahmins are via a schedule in the Indian Constitution
traditionally the highest caste, these particular in 1950 as groups deserving of preferential
Brahmin priests are considered “impure and treatment in light of historical discrimination
inauspicious” because of their work as funeral and disadvantage. The third group, called the
priests (see also Srinivas 2002). The placement Other Backward Classes (OBCs), received
of jatis in a hierarchy also varies from region to reservations in the 1990s after much con-
region, with some jatis being specific only to a tentious debate and violence. The definition of
particular region. Raheja (1989) also questions OBCs is more complex, as they are technically
the Brahmin-centric understanding of caste not simply castes or jatis, but classes. Officially,
through her ethnographic study of regions of however, the central listing of OBCs includes
Uttar Pradesh in North India. She finds that castes and communities considered socially,
the Gujjars (a collection of non-Brahmin jatis economically, or educationally “backward”
present across certain states) are dominant both by the National Commission for Backward
in terms of material conditions and ritually, as Classes (for more on the OBCs, see Béteille
well as with regard to the rules of prestation or 1992; Galanter 1978, 1984, 2005). Thus, the
the rituals of gift giving and receiving ( Jodhka OBCs are a more amorphous category com-
2012a also discusses Raheja’s work; see Raheja prising roughly 50% of the Indian population
1988 for a review of the literature on hierarchy and including those groups considered rela-
and dominance). This idea of the dominant tively more deprived than the upper castes and
caste is an important development in tracking classes. They form the “bulk of the Shudras—
the evolution of the understanding of lived the fourth category (varna) of the classical
caste. In contrast to the traditional view of Hindu social arrangement” ( Jaffrelot 2000,
Brahmins as superior regardless of material or p. 86), while the ex-untouchables form the bulk
numerical strength, Srinivas (1987) coined the of the SCs. OBCs include groups of jatis such
term dominant caste to refer to those who were as the Yadavs (originally a caste of cowherds)
considered more locally dominant because in states such as Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.
of their numerical or material socioeconomic These SCs, STs, and OBCs receive a particular
strength, regardless, to a certain extent, of their number, in proportion to their population, of
ritual purity. reserved seats in the public sector, educational
This discussion makes it clear that the de- institutions, and some legislative institutions
scriptive view of the caste system of a very small (see Galanter 1984; for more on electoral reser-
region at one point in time leads to the misin- vations, see McMillan 2005, Srinivas 1996a).
terpretation of caste as a hierarchy of immo- Critics of these reservations have argued that
bile groups (Srinivas 1996a). As Srinivas (2003, it solidifies caste identity, whereas supporters
p. 456) goes on to state, “The fact that the rank have emphasized the need for corrective proce-
order of a jati in the local hierarchy is frequently dures to help these castes overcome centuries of
a matter of doubt and ambiguity is . . . evidence oppression and discrimination (Srinivas 1996a).
of the dynamism of the caste system at the Caste can be understood in many ways, but
macro or all-India level.” the constitutional categories of SC, ST, and
394 Vaid
OBC arguably have a greater importance in the Rolfe 2010). The next section discusses the
political domain and with regard to affirmative flexibility of caste, placing these debates in the
action. Varna has a more ritual significance, context of evolving occupational inheritance.
and, as previously discussed, jatis are “the ac-
tual social units, or the concrete endogamous
social groupings” ( Jodhka 2012a, p. 9). Hence, THE FLEXIBILITY OF CASTE
along with the constitutional categories, jatis Debates on the flexibility of caste can have many
have more importance for the economic or la- overlapping dimensions, including flexibility
bor market dimension. in the social, economic, ritual, and political
Finally, caste is not restricted to Hindu so- domains. The above discussion has demon-
ciety nor to communities in India alone. Caste strated that the understanding of caste as closed
exists in a variety of forms in other religions and unchanging, or as having a universally
in India, leading to a hierarchy of ritual sta- accepted meaning across diverse regions, is
tus in these religions as well [for castes among naive and problematic. This is particularly true
Muslims, see Ahmed (1978), Bhatty (1996), and in the context of debates on the possibilities
Fanselow (1996); for castes among Christians, of social mobility in the caste system. Whereas
see Tharamangalam (1996)]. A recent study some scholars, deriving their theses from the
on “caste and discrimination” in four South book-view, have argued that castes are more
Asian countries—Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, or less closed groups with little or no mobility,
and Bangladesh—underscores the existence of others have argued that some mobility is
caste and caste-like discrimination outside of always possible but is largely restricted to the
India ( Jodhka & Shah 2010). Based on field- numerically and physically dominant (Dumont
work across these four countries, the authors 1970 [1998]). In other words, those with wealth
report that and political power can use these resources to
move up in status en masse. In contrast, many
even when meanings of untouchability or even others have long believed that the caste system
its sources (religion or tradition) vary across affords a certain amount of fluidity for most
regions, as also its forms, from physical touch people (see Béteille 1965, 1969; de Zwart 2000;
and residential segregation to taboos and re- Driver 1962; Jodhka 1997; Sivaram 1990;
strictions on inter-dining, physical movement Srinivas 1966, 1987). For example, Silverberg’s
or pursuing occupations of one’s choice, its ef- (1968) volume brings together research on
fects on those placed at the bottom are quite occupational mobility within the caste system.
similar, viz. economic deprivation, discrimi- Social mobility of castes can be thought of
nation and a life full of humiliation. ( Jodhka in two ways. First, group-level mobility can oc-
& Shah 2010, p. 2) cur through ritual and lifestyle imitation, which
requires others to accept this change in status.
Furthermore, research among the Indian Second, at the more individual level is the possi-
diaspora has highlighted the persistence of bility of intergenerational social mobility; that
caste, especially in social relationships and is, can individuals across castes take equal ad-
religious practice (Borbas et al. 2007, Kumar vantage of social or economic mobility oppor-
2004, Metcalf & Rolfe 2010). For instance, tunities? Both types of mobility are discussed
there are certain Gurudwaras or Sikh places below.
of worship in the United Kingdom that are Sanskritization, which belies the hypothe-
frequented by low-caste Sikhs only. Some sized immobility of groups, is a critical concept
groups in the United Kingdom have also and process in the context of social mobility
demanded that caste be included within the in the caste system. Srinivas’s (1956) idea of
Equality Act (Borbas et al. 2007, Metcalf & Sanskritization—a term for upward social

mobility derived from the root word Sanskrit, public endorsement, which is a “slow and ten-
the language that was largely the prerogative uous process, and is not likely to be reinforced
of the Brahmins or upper castes—developed if the caste concerned does not simultaneously
in light of the movement he saw occurring improve its economic status and political
between different ritual positions. That is, a clout.” Hence, mere imitation without a
process of cultural mobility (Charsley 1998, simultaneous change in economic position will
Singh 1994) occurs when lower castes take on not result in successful upward caste mobility.
the beliefs, rituals, and practices of a higher This discussion suggests that Sanskritiza-
caste for economic and status advancement (see tion occurs not in isolation but rather in close
Srinivas 1966, 1987, 1996a). This process can association with a caste’s interaction within
be achieved through, for example, changing the political and economic spheres. For many
commensal rules, giving up alcohol, or turning castes, the process of Sanskritization is “not
to vegetarianism, considered to be purviews of only an attempt to claim higher status but also a
the higher castes (Lynch 1969 described this demonstration of the new economic position of
as elite emulation). a lower caste household” (Karanth 1996, p. 94;

The articles by Damle (1968) and Marriott see also Panini 2001). The Yadav caste provides
(1968) in Silverberg (1968) apply Robert an interesting example of such social mobility.
Merton’s (1957) reference group theory to the Originally cowherds, they are a collection of
analysis of how one caste establishes a reference jatis that have demonstrated upward mobility
group (a higher jati within the broader caste through the process of Sanskritization, and
group) and models itself on the reference group many have left their original occupation. How-
for upward mobility. A caste may also want ever, they have simultaneously demonstrated
to avoid the “values and norms” of another significant political and economic strength
caste it establishes as a negative reference and are a strong political force across a few
group (Damle 1968, p. 96). For Damle (1968, North Indian states. Yadavs, as mentioned
p. 98), this “anticipatory socialization” is above, receive preferential treatment under the
“encouraged,” and although there is indeed OBC category (see Michelutti 2008 for more
some mobility, the upwardly mobile caste information on Yadavs and their politics).
may not be so easily absorbed “into a higher A distinctive feature of the caste system
caste (jati).” Damle (1968, p. 101) lists various is the association between caste, or more
models and examples of “reference group specifically jati, and occupation (Béteille
behavior,” including the Brahmanic, Vaishya, 1991b, 1996a; Jodhka 2012a; Srinivas 1996a,
Kingly, and Western models. 2003). Although no caste has ever been entirely
Jodhka (1997, p. 35) argues, however, closed to the possibility of mobility, avenues of
that “attempts to claim a higher ritual status mobility can be restricted by ritual, economic,
through, what Srinivas called sanskritisation and political hurdles. Mobility or movement
[sic], was not a simple process. It could not be between castes is understood to take place
achieved only through a ritual and life-style in the realms of occupation, work, and the
imitation and had to be also negotiated with economic front (but the above discussion on
the local power structure.” The higher castes Sanskritization shows that the possibility of
or jatis would attempt to stall this process of ritual movement in the caste hierarchy is often
upward mobility of the lower castes, sometimes insufficient for a caste to stake its claim for
with violent repercussions, to prevent their own upward mobility). In this context, the qualities
position from being threatened and to uphold of movement and mobility need to be further
the existing patron-client relation with the examined. Next, I explore the relationship
lower castes (Dube 1955, p. 175; Jodhka 1997, between caste and hereditary occupations and,
p. 35). Furthermore, according to Jayaram in turn, caste and social mobility, as well as the
(1996, p. 79), Sanskritized castes wish to gain possible changes in the caste system over time.
396 Vaid
CASTE AND OCCUPATIONAL of mobility in Kerala, predominantly among

MOBILITY one jati.3 Deshpande (2011) reviews the more
recent economic literature on discrimination
Social mobility research in India presents a
and mobility. Few researchers have studied the
picture of a relatively stable society with lim-
broader or macro picture of mobility at the na-
ited intergenerational occupational mobility
tional level or the differing patterns and impact
(Deshpande & Palshikar 2008; Kumar et al.
of this mobility on the disadvantaged castes
2002a,b; Vaid & Heath 2010).1 Although this
(Kumar et al. 2002a,b; McMillan 2005; Vaid
mobility is closely connected to the shape of the
2012; Vaid & Heath 2010). These macro stud-
Indian occupational structure—a large agrarian
ies, especially those that look more specifically
sector and a small but expanding salariat and
at the caste-occupation association using large
service sector—the existence of caste also
data sets, capture the overall patterns of change,
contributes to this intergenerational stability.
in contrast to ethnographic studies that look
Under the theories of modernization (e.g.,
more specifically at changes in one location.
Treiman 1970), there is an assumption that

In light of the Indian government’s policies
industrialization and urbanization will weaken

to redress the inequalities suffered by the back-
the link between social origins (caste, class, and
ward castes and tribes, Kumar et al. (2002a,b)
so on) and destinations, i.e., modernization
set out to study whether these political and so-
will increase social mobility. Furthermore, this
cial movements have made India a more mo-
weakening is arguably expected to impact the
bile society in the past five decades. In their
association between caste and class over time,
first paper (2002b), they lay out the trends in
breaking down the traditional caste-based
mobility of men, and in the second (2002a),
inheritance of occupations (Srinivas 2002; for
they study the determinants of this mobility.
discussions and critiques of modernization and
Using the 1971 and 1996 male-only National
its impact, see Vaid 2012, Vaid & Heath 2010).
Election Study (NES) data (a large, individual-
The research reviewed here provides some
level, nationally representative data set), they
evidence, although fairly weak, of change and
conclude that “there has been no systematic ad-
mobility; the predominant picture seems to be
ditional weakening of the links between father’s
of intergenerational continuity.2
and son’s class positions, or between caste and
Most studies on mobility in India have
class” (Kumar et al. 2002a, p. 4096). They find
focused on a state or a small region within
that specific castes are associated with particu-
a state; for example, Deshpande & Palshikar
lar class destinations. For example, the “upper
(2008) study Pune, Maharashtra, and Ramu
castes show a relatively high propensity to be in
& Wiebe (1973) focus on Mysore, Karnataka.
the salariat, 20 per cent of upper castes being in
Sivaram (1990) summarizes mobility studies
the salariat compared with the overall figure of
in different parts of the country and delves
into occupational mobility within the caste
system. Osella & Osella (2000) provide an
3
anthropological account of the experiences Osella & Osella (1999, 2000) cover a range of fields in which
socioeconomic mobility is expressed, including property and
conspicuous consumption. The Izahavas of the South In-
dian state of Kerala, whom the Osellas studied, made use
1
of remittances from labor migration to negotiate their rela-
The psychological concerns that arise from rapid social mo- tions with other low- and high-caste groups. Critical to the
bility from low social origins, although of interest—especially Osellas’ work was the expression of the caste’s changed status
in the context of social mobility in the caste system—are out- in terms of the increase of conspicuous consumption. Osella
side the scope of this review (for more on this topic, see Ciotti & Osella (2003) also look at the observance of a religious
2006, Dickey 2012, Naudet 2008). ritual conducted by Izahavas that may at first seem to follow
2
Economists Munshi & Rosenzweig (2009, pp. 35–36) argue the principles of ritual seen in Sanskritization. However, the
that the persistence of caste networks that “provide mutual ritual is tied to the larger project of conspicuous consumption
insurance to their members” lead to limited “spatial and mar- and provides a contemporary lens with which to view a now
ital mobility in rural India.” classic sociological concept.

10 per cent in this class” (Kumar et al. 2002b, gins behind” (Vaid 2012, p. 420). Thus, in “the
p. 2986). Similar results are obtained for busi- arenas where caste cannot be used to gain ac-
ness as well. But these authors also show that cess to these resources” of upward mobility,
class inequalities seem to be more persistent “privileged families are able to use their wealth
than caste inequalities. and class instead” (Vaid 2012, p. 422). Béteille
In his study of the various aspects of the (1991b), tracing the pattern of change in ur-
development of SCs and STs in light of reser- ban professional occupations, reports this con-
vations, particularly electoral ones, McMillan tinued clustering at the extremes. Like Vaid,
(2005, p. 133) analyzes the social mobility he finds that the family’s resources, more than
patterns of these Scheduled groups and com- caste alone, are important for occupational
pares these patterns with those of the “other” achievement.
group (which he defines to include the OBCs Other studies (as reviewed in Vaid 2007)
and other minority groups such as Muslims). that have looked at only one region have come
McMillan uses both the 1971 and 1996 NES up with results similar to those of national
surveys [the same surveys used by Kumar et al. studies. For example, through surveys and
(2002a,b) above, although he combines the data participant observation in the Kolar Gold
for women and men]. The patterns of absolute Mines (in Karnataka, in southern India), Ramu
mobility in the 1996 data lead him to conclude & Wiebe (1973) conclude that all classes have
that the “growth in the number of skilled and experienced educational mobility, although
professional occupations has given the Sched- differences remain in that higher castes are still
uled Castes some opportunity for upward mo- able to maintain their predominance in terms
bility” (McMillan 2005, p. 147). But the picture of access to education. These authors conclude
is different for their mobility relative to the non- further that the association between castes
scheduled castes: The SCs and STs “have not and their traditionally defined occupations
been able to compete with the non-SCs/STs is still quite high. Brahmins predominate at
successfully, and their relative disadvantage has the executive and professional positions, i.e.,
got worse” (McMillan 2005, p. 149). white-collar occupations, but there has been
Vaid & Heath (2010) extend Kumar et al.’s less movement for the Kshatriya castes (ranked
(2002a,b) research. Using the 2004 NES data, below Brahmins).
they find that SCs and STs, despite reserva- Of the studies on social mobility in India
tions, seem to “consistently lag behind” the reviewed here, although some examine trends
higher castes with regard to access to profes- in mobility, only Kumar et al. (2002b) and Vaid
sional occupations “with little or no improve- & Heath (2010) look at the determinants of
ment in their relative position over time” (Vaid this mobility. Although some do mention occu-
& Heath 2010, p. 156). Vaid (2012), using the pational restructuring, few have convincingly
same 2004 NES data but applying a more de- analyzed its empirical importance. An excep-
tailed caste analysis, substantiates this argument tion is the work by Deshpande & Palshikar
in her study of social mobility opportunities of (2008, p. 61), who study the caste-occupation
various castes and finds that higher castes dis- link in Pune and question whether the “modern
play a weaker inheritance of parental class— urban location” aids the disadvantaged castes in
and hence have greater opportunities for occu- gaining access to upward social mobility. Their
pational mobility—whereas these mobility op- findings support the picture of stability painted
portunities are restricted for the lower castes. by Kumar et al. (2002a) and Ramu & Wiebe
Higher castes are not cushioned or entirely (1973). However, with regard to caste, they
protected from chances of downward mobil- find that the starting point on the path to social
ity, but the lower castes—especially the SCs, mobility is significant, i.e., those already at the
which include the ex-untouchable jatis—have higher levels of the class schema can effectively
a much tougher time “leaving their class ori- use their social, cultural, and economic capital
398 Vaid
and consolidate their position over generations. 240 SC government employees from Kanpur
In Pune, the two higher castes, including the city in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous
Maratha-Kunbis, display consistent upward state, finds that SCs from better socioeconomic
mobility over four generations, thus allowing origins are more likely to experience upward
them to “consolidate their ‘upper’ position social mobility. Using measures of both “com-
both materially and within the caste hierarchy” posite” or socioeconomic (e.g., occupation, ed-
(Deshpande & Palshikar 2008, p. 65). The ucation, income) and “corporate” (caste) sta-
Dalits, or lower castes, demonstrate a move tus, he arrives at a “comprehensive evaluation
away from the lowest or traditional occupa- of the social status of the respondents” (Ram
tions, but their mobility does not seem to take 1995, p. 453). He concludes that there is a lack
them beyond the lower-middle-level positions of “complete social mobility,” i.e., the corre-
in the class schema (see also Deshpande 2011). spondence between composite and corporate
This overlap, with more stability and a social status is not identical in terms of self-
stronger caste-class overlap at the extremes and perception. Also, whereas the SCs interviewed
increasing mobility in the middle, is further did have “diagonal interactional relationships
supported by Vaid’s (2012) research. Vaid sets with their nonscheduled caste acquaintances,”
out to study the changes occurring in a liberaliz- there was still a certain hesitation in the “free
ing economy, with a particular focus on whether acceptance of each other” (Ram 1995, p. 453;
social mobility for all castes has increased with see also Ram 1988).
the changes in the occupational structure, i.e., In addition to the research on larger or
the contraction of agriculture and the expansion macro patterns of mobility and change, the an-
of manual and service occupations. Using the thropological literature also distinctly depicts
NES 2004 data set, she finds a persisting con- the socioeconomic changes, especially in rural
gruence, with signs of a slight weakening over areas. For example, Mayer’s (1996) repeat visits
time, between broader caste groups and classes to Ramkheri, a village in central India where he
(birth cohorts are her proxy for time). Vaid finds first conducted research in the early 1950s, aptly
that higher castes, which are ineligible for the capture the changes that have taken place over
state’s reservation or affirmative action policy, four decades. He notes that along with a weak-
are generally concentrated in the higher so- ening of the rules of commensality, the link
cial classes, i.e., in professions including doctors between traditional occupation and caste has
and lawyers, large business and farming occupa- devolved (only the carpenters continue to fol-
tions, and white-collar work. Conversely, SCs, low their traditional occupation). However, al-
which are eligible for reservations, are under- though occupational ranking itself has become
represented in secure white-collar or business more fluid and “less clear-cut,” castes gener-
and farm ownership classes and are strikingly ally continue to be identified with certain occu-
overrepresented in “lower income, less stable, pations and occupational rankings despite the
temporary employment in the manual work cat- move away from traditional occupations (Mayer
egories and in Lower Agriculture as labourers” 1996, p. 50).
(Vaid 2012, p. 414). The nature of the data set Other village studies also provide support-
precludes her from looking at any one occupa- ing evidence of change. For example, Harriss
tion in detail; however, higher castes appear to et al. (2010, p. 47), in their study of Iruvelpattu,
avoid crossing the manual-nonmanual divide, an agricultural village in the southern Indian
especially by avoiding polluting occupations. state of Tamil Nadu, describe some of the
In contrast to studies on intergenerational changes taking place, including the increasing
occupation mobility, Ram (1995) used a multi- “diversification of employment” away from
dimensional approach to capture mobility and agriculture; however, they also report on the
social distance in a unique study of SCs in gov- increasing dalitization of agriculture (with
ernment employment. His 1973–1974 study of Dalit being an alternative broader term for

the deprived sections, which includes within ible change would be expected (Vaid & Heath
its ambit the SCs). That is, “nearly 70% of 2010).4
all agricultural labour households are dalit” Research on caste and the urban economy is
(Harriss et al. 2010, p. 53). And although increasingly available. These studies have high-
there is a slight shift toward nonagricultural lighted the discrimination of Dalits in the labor
occupations, Dalits are mostly concentrated in market in self-employment and as profession-
labor occupations. Harriss-White (2003) also als (Deshpande 2011, Jodhka & Newman 2010,
finds that Dalits are usually concentrated in Thorat & Newman 2010) as well as the discrim-
the lowest-level occupations in agriculture and ination faced by Dalits in private entrepreneur-
nonagricultural work; for a study with slightly ship (Thorat & Sadana 2009, Harriss-White
contrasting findings, see Kapur et al. (2010), et al. 2013).
who use a survey data set in which they report Jodhka’s (2010) study regarding discrim-
some movement away from caste-specific ination against Dalits in private enterprise
occupations and into professional and business shows the rising level of self-employment and
jobs, as well as changes in agriculture. Dalit entrepreneurship in two cities: Panipat in

The findings reported here are especially Haryana state and Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh
significant given that most jobs in agriculture state. Sixty-three percent of the 118 Dalit en-
in the past were not caste specific, whereas trepreneurs in Jodhka’s sample claimed “caste-
artisanal or service jobs were more closely related discrimination” in their private lives,
linked to caste. The more modern occupations with 42% reporting discrimination in business.
[for example, information technology (IT) Furthermore, 57% of his sample believed that
sector jobs] have not been caste-specific (C.J. caste had a “negative” impact on their busi-
Fuller, personal communication). These find- ness, compared with 2% who felt it had a “posi-
ings underscore that although mobility does tive” impact ( Jodhka 2010, p. 46). This negative
take place, the lower castes are increasingly impact ranged from general prejudice, includ-
concentrated in the lowest-level occupations, ing preconceptions regarding Dalits as a non-
including lower agriculture and manual traditional business community, to more tan-
work; the upper castes are better able to take gible discrimination. In particular, clients are
advantage of the new opportunities. unwilling to come into Dalit shops or do not
want Dalits to provide services in the client’s
home (pp. 46–47). In addition to the economic
CASTE AND LABOR MARKET discrimination Dalits suffer in setting up their
DISCRIMINATION: AN businesses, as entrepreneurs they also suffer
ENDURING REALITY from a lack of adequate social networks and
The above section on the relation between caste prior capital—both economic and, more cru-
and occupation demonstrates that little support cially, social capital—required to establish and
exists for the assumption that industrialization run a business.
and the resultant urbanization would weaken The impact of liberalization has been
the relation between ascribed characteristics twofold ( Jodhka 2010). First, the state has
such as caste and the achieved occupational des- retreated from the economic role it had
tination. Nowhere is the persistent congruence performed post-independence under the
between castes and occupations or the lack of leadership of the first Indian prime minister,
mobility more starkly evident than in the con- Jawaharlal Nehru. And second, this increasing
text of Dalits. This section reviews recent re-
search on the persistent role of caste in occu-
pational continuity and the discrimination that 4
The impact of caste on educational inequalities is outside
certain castes continue to face in the more mod- the scope of the present paper; for discussions, see Desai &
ern urban labor market sectors, where more vis- Kulkarni (2008) and Vaid (2004).
400 Vaid
privatization has led to the “shrinking of jobs the job. However, what merit comprises is in
available under the quota system for reserved itself nebulous, especially as some markers of
categories,” which had been a mainstay of the merit, such as doing well in written exams or in-
earlier, preliberalization regime. The subse- terviews, require prior training or cultural cap-
quent “proposals” and the “emphasis . . . on ital, which is not equally distributed across all
development of entrepreneurial culture that groups ( Jodhka & Newman 2010, pp. 57–58).
can enable dalits to participate in the private The recruitment managers also find no “contra-
sector and informal economy on equal terms” diction” in asking candidates about their “fam-
have had mixed results, as the fundamental ily background” ( Jodhka & Newman 2010,
issue in the labor market has been, and con- p. 59). This family background could be con-
tinues to be, the discrimination faced by these sidered as shorthand for a variety of potentially
communities ( Jodhka 2010, p. 41). discriminating pieces of information, such as
For Desai & Dubey (2011, p. 41), “caste and parental education, sibling information, place
economic status” are closely related because of residence, and so on. This information may
of both “exclusion from access to produc- be used against candidates who lack a sufficient
tive resources such as land and education” history of education or social and cultural capi-
and “discrimination in the labor market.” tal. In a similar vein, the recruiters hold various
Discrimination, according to the authors, is regional and caste stereotypes that they do not
important both in terms of “inequality of believe contradict the language of merit they
opportunity” and “inequality of outcome.” To used. Jodhka & Newman (2010) thus find a per-
measure the former, the authors look at land sistent and subtle language of caste and discrim-
ownership, education, household consumption ination that pervades what would superficially
expenditure, and the extent and nature of seem to be a neutral recruitment process (for
social networks reported by the respondents. a study on the IT sector in Tamil Nadu, see
For inequality of outcome, they study annual Fuller & Narasimhan 2008b).
earnings, wage and salary income, and basic Recently, several economists have also
reading skills. Regarding the inequality of studied the issue of discrimination. Deshpande
opportunity, they find lower levels of land (2011) uses large-scale, household-level, sec-
ownership, years of education, social capital, ondary data sets such as the National Family
and consumption expenditure compared to the and Health Surveys and the National Sample
upper castes. With regard to outcomes, they Surveys to study the relation between eco-
conclude that “even for children from similar nomic discrimination, disparity, and caste (see
socioeconomic backgrounds, something about also Thorat & Newman 2010 for a collection
school environment results in lower levels of of articles on this theme). She emphasizes the
skill acquisition on the part of dalit and adivasi continuing levels of economic discrimination
children, resulting in a long-term cycle of despite social and legal policy intervention and
disadvantage” (Desai & Dubey 2011, p. 44). shows “how economic outcomes are shaped by
This inequality in opportunity is embedded caste, even after all other attributes, including
in the labor market as well. In a novel study class, have been accounted for” (Deshpande
of human resource managers from large firms 2011, p. 6). For her, then, “identities” continue
in Delhi, Jodhka & Newman (2010) provide a to be crucial in the labor market (Deshpande
unique perspective from the point of view of 2011, p. 11). Further, in her joint work with
those doing the hiring. The language used by Katherine Newman, Deshpande follows a
the managers interviewed for the study stresses longitudinal approach with student interviews
the importance of merit over contacts or per- from three universities in Delhi and “com-
sonal networks. The managers’ use of the term pare[s] . . . job expectations, job search methods,
merit seems to imply an objective criterion for actual placements and the differential role that
selection of the most appropriate candidate for social networks . . . play in determining their

options in the world of work” (Deshpande & ments posted by software companies and call
Newman 2007, p. 4133). These authors find not centers in the New Delhi region. Banerjee et al.
only that Dalits have “lower occupational ex- find no indication of caste or religious discrim-
pectations” than non-Dalits, but also that they ination in software jobs, although there is some
are less likely to use family resources for finding evidence of difference in call-back rates for call
jobs; furthermore, they expect to spend longer center jobs. They attribute the difference in the
searching for a job (9.6 months on average for results of the two sectors to the “nature of the
Dalit students, compared with 5.25 months for jobs” (p. 18) and the skills required to perform
non-Dalits). Significantly, in support of Jodhka them. Overall, they conclude that fast-growing
& Newman’s (2010) findings reported above, sectors such as software, which require what
although the language of the hiring process is they call harder skills, do not display signs
said to be based on merit, the interview practice of caste or religious discrimination; thus,
appears to be biased against Dalit students. For the acquisition of “credentials” may well be
instance, Dalit students find the questions on significant in reducing the gap between upper
family background to be negatively structured and lower castes in the job market (Banerjee
against them, whereas upper-caste students et al. 2009a, p. 23). However, call center jobs
view these questions fairly neutrally. require “soft skills” such as the ability to speak
Despite the assumption that the working of English, “qualities” that the authors suggest
the free market economy would leave no room may be inferred from “information or clues
for discrimination, which could be highly inef- a resume provides” and could hence lead to
ficient, economists such as Deshpande (2011, possible discrimination (Banerjee et al. 2009a,
p. 11) suggest that discrimination apparently p. 15). The difference between the Thorat
coexists with the free market economy (for & Attewell and the Banerjee et al. studies
more on labor market discrimination, see could thus stem from the nature of the jobs
Banerjee & Knight 1985, Madheswaran & that the authors included in their studies. For
Attewell 2007). Thus, the empirical evidence instance, Thorat & Attewell (2007, p. 4142)
reported by Deshpande (2011) in her review look at a broad range of firms, including sales,
of the economic literature suggests a persisting software, and construction, whereas Banerjee
disparity in the job market and in higher et al. look at two specific sectors. Interestingly,
education. in contrast to the sharp racial discrimination
This caste discrimination in the labor shown by Bertrand & Mullainathan (2003) in
market has been well documented. Thorat their study in the United States, Banerjee et al.
& Attewell (2007) use a correspondence (2009a, p. 15) find “more nuanced” and less
method (similar to the work by Bertrand & sharply delineated differences by caste.
Mullainathan 2003 on racial discrimination Finally, Deshpande & Weisskopf ’s (2010)
in the United States) in which they submitted empirical work seems to outrightly refute the
identical résumés with certain caste and reli- criticism of reservations as inefficient. Their
gion name signifiers in response to advertised research covers 22 years of data (from 1980
job openings in a variety of private sector to 2002) on the impact of reservations on
companies in cities across India. They find output and productivity in the Indian railways.
the call-back rate for interviews for college- They find “no evidence whatsoever to support
educated males with Muslim or lower-caste the claim of critics of [affirmative action]
names is lower than that for equally educated that increasing the proportion of SC&ST
upper-caste males. These results only partly employees will adversely impact productivity
support the results from the experimental study or productivity growth. On the contrary, some
by Banerjee et al. (2009a), in which the authors of the results . . . suggest that the proportion
submitted fictitious résumés to job advertise- of SC&ST employees in the upper . . . job
402 Vaid
categories is positively associated with produc- waned, but the institution of jati remains po-
tivity and productivity growth” (Deshpande & tent.” For Manor, “the decline in the power
Weisskopf 2010, p. 15). of caste hierarchies across most of rural India”
is similarly crucial. The weakening of caste hi-
erarchies occurs because of both “externalities”
DEATH OR REBIRTH OF CASTE (e.g., the spread of education; breaking down of
Caste has always shown some level of change jati-occupation links; policy interventions, in-
and evolution, in contrast to the colonial under- cluding reservations and judicial acts; political
standing of a closed and rigid structure. Recent competition for Dalit votes; and migration op-
work on caste focuses on one or more of three portunities) and “internalities” (e.g., the decline
broader issues that underscore the adaptability of the jajmani system) (Manor 2012).
of caste: first, the elements of caste that have Harriss (2012) argues against Manor’s
remained fairly stable; second, those that have stand, however, stating that Manor may “have
evolved; and third, those that have nearly died misjudged the extent of the reduction of the
out. This penultimate section attempts to draw power of locally ‘dominant’ castes.” Rather
together some of these discussions. than caste and class as “alternative ways of
In a paper published posthumously, Srinivas analyzing Indian society,” Harriss argues that
(2003) lays down a tentative argument for the caste “entails an ideology that explains and
death of the caste system. In this context, the legitimates the material differences of class
distinction between what he calls caste as a and power relations.” Furthermore, even if the
system and individual castes is significant (see importance of caste as an ideology is waning, its
Natarajan 2012 for an explication of the foun- importance with regard to the acquisition and
dations of the caste system). He argues that usurpation of “cultural capital” remains sig-
the time has come for an obituary of caste as nificant (Harriss 2012). In this regard, the key
a system, whereas individual castes are resurg- role played by the family, as discussed above,
ing. For Srinivas (2003, p. 455), the “essence should not be disregarded (Béteille 1996a, Vaid
of caste” is the “subsistence economy of ru- 2012). To this could be added the significant
ral India, dependent upon a jati-based division chances the upper castes have of usurping
of labor.” He argues that the advent of British social and economic capital, which gives them
rule, followed by the green revolution in parts a leg up in the labor market (Béteille 1996a,
of India in the 1960s and the introduction of Desai & Dubey 2011, Deshpande & Newman
new technologies for agrarian production, led 2007, Fuller & Narasimhan 2008b, Jodhka &
to a decline of traditional caste-based, patron- Newman 2010). We also see this manifested
client (jajmani) relations. The occupation-jati in findings on the congruence of caste and
link thus began to dissolve, leading to the even- occupations or class at the extremes, with
tual decline and death of the caste system. How- lower castes continuing to dominate the lower
ever, although the caste system may be dy- manual or agricultural jobs and higher castes
ing, the mobilization of individual castes in the concentrating in more privileged positions
economic and political arena continues (Sheth (Deshpande 2011, Vaid 2012, Vaid & Heath
1991; Srinivas 2003, p. 459). 2010). Harriss’s (2012) argument is that despite
This reminds us of Dumont’s argument re- the “decline in dominance” of higher castes be-
garding the substantialization of caste, in which cause of the declining size of landholdings (or,
castes are increasingly moving from structure arguably, the diversification of occupations),
to substance (Dumont 1970 [1998]; see also the the higher castes are able to expand or alter their
introduction to Fuller 1996). As James Manor power or dominance in the region by acquir-
(2012) states, jati “is still crucial as a mate- ing alternative avenues of domination—i.e.,
rial reality, enhancing or undermining people’s through acquiring higher education and public
opportunities and capacities. Hierarchies have sector jobs (see also Jeffrey et al. 2004a,b).

These changes lead Béteille (1996a, p. 172) ing view of caste and marriage from a gender
to conclude that rather than a “substantializa- perspective, as well as changes in marriage
tion of caste,” there is an increasing differen- practices]. However, the desire to marry within
tiation and heterogeneity of caste “in terms of caste still remains strong, as is evident through
occupation, education and income.” Hence, al- the research on caste-specific matrimonial
though caste may no longer be a crucial marker advertisements (see Banerjee et al. 2009b).
of social position, one’s status, prestige, and Caste has adapted and evolved in the ritual
“economic standing” can closely depend on domain. Fuller (1996) and Mayer (1996) have
one’s “occupation” (Béteille 1991b, p. 10). highlighted this adaptive nature of caste with
Some elements of the economic dimension particular reference to the domestic versus pub-
of caste, such as the jajmani relations, have lic domain, with caste taking on different roles
clearly all but died out, whereas others, such as in these different spheres. In the private, do-
caste’s relation to occupations, has evolved. It mestic domain, caste continues to follow the
is important to note that although this review rules of pollution, whereas in the public do-
has not focused specifically on gender, this main, certain higher castes have adapted to the
dimension is quite crucial for understanding changes occurring and are no longer averse to
the continuance of caste in the labor market working and interacting with members of lower
(Dube 2001), with regard to education (Munshi castes. Mayer (1996) finds increasing commen-
& Rosenzweig 2006), and with regard to the sality among castes in his village study, although
persistence of caste inequalities (Kapadia there are subtle nuances regarding the types
1991). of food that can be shared. This suggests that
Slightly contradictory movements are oc- caste barriers have not entirely disappeared here
curring in the more social and ritual domains. (Fuller 1996 also discusses this in the introduc-
Caste and its salience have not declined much tion to his book).
with regard to caste marriage. One of the key The deritualization and decline of the ritual
characteristics of the caste system is the closed hierarchy may be occurring because of the ero-
system of marriage or caste endogamy (Davis sion of some of the ritual basis of caste follow-
1941, p. 380). Intercaste marriages, although ing various modernization processes. However,
increasing in number, are still fairly rare in both many researchers have remarked on the politi-
rural and urban areas (exact numbers are not cization of caste (Béteille 1996a, Gupta 2005,
available). According to Caldwell et al. (1998, Jaffrelot 2012, Kumar 2013, Shah 2004, Sheth
p. 146), even though “some erosion of arranged 1999, Srinivas 2003). The alliance of jatis with
marriage has begun . . . and an increase has oc- similarly placed communities regardless of their
curred in cross-caste marriage,” these marriages caste or class is evidence of this trend. The rise
still tend to be between “castes of a similar hier- in the political dominance of the Yadav com-
archical level” (Caldwell et al. 1983 discuss the munity (mentioned above) is one example of
changes in marriage patterns in South India). this politicization of caste. The political domain
However, although endogamy might persist, may even signal a new kind of ritualization of
the arguments justifying it are no longer simply caste distinction and status. This is indicated in
couched in caste terms. For instance, in his lon- the work of scholars who see political rituals
gitudinal ethnographic study in Ramkheri vil- such as election campaigning as embodying the
lage in central India, Mayer (1996) finds that the rhetoric of caste (Michelutti 2008).
arguments justifying endogamy have evolved The role of castes as interest groups in the
over time and now include a wish to marry political arena has also been a subject of many
within a similar social background and common debates and is another indicator of the adaptive
cultural traits rather than caste per se [Banerjee nature of caste ( Jaffrelot 2012, Shah 2004). For
et al. (2009b), Lambert (1996), and Fuller & instance, the Bahujan Samaj Party, which has
Narasimhan (2008a, 2013) provide an interest- gained popularity in Uttar Pradesh and other
404 Vaid
northern states, is an example of a party geared (such as practicing pollution) are slowly, al-
specifically to those at the margins. though not entirely, disappearing from the pub-
Srinivas (1962, p. 5) suggests that “for pur- lic sphere, others (such as voting on the basis
poses of sociological analysis a distinction has of caste identity) have led to caste becoming a
to be made between caste at the political level part of contemporary political language. Caste
and caste at the social and ritual level.” In recent has evolved over time but has been quite re-
decades, particularly since the introduction of silient as an institution and has not disappeared
preferential policies for deprived castes, caste altogether. Current debates on the reservation
identity has been flexible. Caste plays a different policy in India highlight this further (see con-
role in the political and the private spheres. For tributions in Srinivas 1996a).
example, striving for a higher ritual status in the
private, religious sphere has been accompanied
by the contradictory process of castes claiming CONCLUSION: CASTE AND
a lower status with regard to the state’s prefer- STATUS
ential policies ( Jayaram 1996, Karanth 1996). In the allocation of status, greater salience is
In other words, certain castes claim a back- now being accorded to the achieved and inher-
ward status to benefit from the state’s positive ited wealth of individuals and to the political
discrimination policies (Harriss-White 2003). power of groups, rather than to inherited ritual
These castes strive for a backward position with privileges and dis-privileges. . . . In this emerg-
regard to scarce resources like jobs in a mod- ing system, units of the caste system are coa-
ern context (Karanth 1996, p. 95) but covet a lescing into new formations and alignments,
higher status in the religious or social (more informed more and more by commonality of
traditional) sphere ( Jayaram 1996, p. 80).5 material interest and its consciousness and less
Although the expected decline of caste with and less by considerations of the traditional
increasing industrialization and the importa- ritual hierarchy. (Sheth 1991, p. 334)
tion of “modern values and rational institu-
tions” ( Jodhka 2012b) may not have occurred, Status has long been a concern for sociolo-
industrial development and liberalization have gists and students of sociological theory. For
in fact weakened the caste system. However, the Weber (1978), caste in India epitomizes an ex-
stubborn persistence of caste in everyday lives treme form of a status society. In contrast to
is an empirical fact that is not related simply to class as “economically determined,” Weber’s
“caste-based identities and identity-based poli- (1978, p. 932) definition of status emphasizes
tics” ( Jodhka 2012b). “the positive or negative social estimation of
In sum, the caste system has clearly evolved honor,” along with the “style of life” of the
and adapted to socioeconomic and political members of a particular stratum, as its defining
changes. Whereas some of its characteristics criteria. In contrast to Weber’s (1978) “stand”
(estate) and “ehre” (prestige), for Sorokin (1927)
status encompasses “three components: eco-
5
As a final comment on the changing nature of caste, we could nomic status, political status, and occupational
also consider parallels between caste and other formations status” and provides a more tangible way to
such as ethnicity and race. In Weber’s (1978) conceptualiza-
tion, ethnic groups can become castes with their own senses measure status (Sørensen 2001, p. 289). Steven-
of honor, status, and descent vis-à-vis other ethnic groups. son (1954) delineates two kinds of status vis-à-
In contrast, according to Fuller (1996, p. 22), “the transfor- vis caste: ritual status and secular status. The
mation from ethnicity to caste described by Weber is now
proceeding in reverse in contemporary India. The ‘vertical dimension of ritual status encompasses the con-
social system’ defined by hierarchical relationships is decay- cepts of purity and pollution, whereas the secu-
ing and castes are becoming like ‘horizontally’ disconnected lar status is characterized by “occupation, skill,
ethnic groups, putatively differentiated by their own styles of
life.” Reddy (2005, p. 555) further discusses the “ethnicity of education, wealth, land ownership, public of-
caste.” fice, and even marriage customs” (Stevenson

1954, p. 45). Significantly, in contemporary In- Although caste cannot be directly associated
dia, as reviewed here, social distinctions and sta- with occupation, certain castes can use other re-
tus are maintained more through occupation, sources at their disposal (such as economic, cul-
wealth, and educational distance than through tural, or social capital or political leverage) and
the ritual distinctions (Béteille 1996a, p. 173; ensure that they control scarce resources such
1996b; see also the introduction to Fuller 1996). as jobs to the greatest extent possible (Béteille
This may be indicative of the embeddedness 1991b, Desai & Dubey 2011). This complicates
of the economic relations in the social sys- the Orientalist view of the unchanging nature
tem, as indicated in Polanyi’s (2001) founda- of caste and also adds complexity to later treat-
tional text [see also Sheth’s (1991) quotation ments of caste. Caste has transformed, with
above]. members of some castes acquiring economic
This review has shown that contemporary and social advantages to maintain their edge
research on caste in many ways allows for an in the labor market while denying members of
extension of this logic of status fluidity. On the other castes similar opportunities. Thus, ten-
one hand, we see a persistence of certain di- sion remains between the continuing presence
mensions or characteristics of caste such as en- of inequality in caste-based relations and the
dogamy, but on the other hand, we see a trans- possibility of negotiation in relationships be-
formation of the economic domain of caste. tween different castes.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank Anthony Heath, Chris J. Fuller, John Harriss, Surinder Jodhka, Ankur Datta, and an
anonymous reviewer for their comments on drafts of this review.
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SO40-FrontMatter ARI 8 July 2014 6:42
Annual Review
of Sociology
Contents Volume 40, 2014
Prefatory Chapter
Making Sense of Culture
Orlando Patterson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Theory and Methods

Endogenous Selection Bias: The Problem of Conditioning on a

Collider Variable
Felix Elwert and Christopher Winship p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p31
Measurement Equivalence in Cross-National Research
Eldad Davidov, Bart Meuleman, Jan Cieciuch, Peter Schmidt, and Jaak Billiet p p p p p p p p p55
The Sociology of Empires, Colonies, and Postcolonialism
George Steinmetz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p77
Data Visualization in Sociology
Kieran Healy and James Moody p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 105
Digital Footprints: Opportunities and Challenges for Online Social
Research
Scott A. Golder and Michael W. Macy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 129
Social Processes
Social Isolation in America
Paolo Parigi and Warner Henson II p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 153
War
Andreas Wimmer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 173
60 Years After Brown: Trends and Consequences of School Segregation
Sean F. Reardon and Ann Owens p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 199
Panethnicity
Dina Okamoto and G. Cristina Mora p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 219
Institutions and Culture
A Comparative View of Ethnicity and Political Engagement
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v
Formal Organizations
(When) Do Organizations Have Social Capital?
Olav Sorenson and Michelle Rogan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 261
The Political Mobilization of Firms and Industries
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Political and Economic Sociology

Political Parties and the Sociological Imagination:
Past, Present, and Future Directions
Stephanie L. Mudge and Anthony S. Chen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 305
Taxes and Fiscal Sociology
Isaac William Martin and Monica Prasad p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 331
Differentiation and Stratification

The One Percent
Lisa A. Keister p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 347
Immigrants and African Americans
Mary C. Waters, Philip Kasinitz, and Asad L. Asad p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 369
Caste in Contemporary India: Flexibility and Persistence
Divya Vaid p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 391
Incarceration, Prisoner Reentry, and Communities
Jeffrey D. Morenoff and David J. Harding p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 411
Intersectionality and the Sociology of HIV/AIDS: Past, Present,
and Future Research Directions
Celeste Watkins-Hayes p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 431
Individual and Society
Ethnic Diversity and Its Effects on Social Cohesion
Tom van der Meer and Jochem Tolsma p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 459
Demography
Warmth of the Welcome: Attitudes Toward Immigrants
and Immigration Policy in the United States
Elizabeth Fussell p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 479
Hispanics in Metropolitan America: New Realities and Old Debates
Marta Tienda and Norma Fuentes p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 499
Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries
Fatima Juárez and Cecilia Gayet p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 521
vi Contents
Race, Ethnicity, and the Changing Context of Childbearing

in the United States
Megan M. Sweeney and R. Kelly Raley p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 539
Urban and Rural Community Sociology
Where, When, Why, and For Whom Do Residential Contexts
Matter? Moving Away from the Dichotomous Understanding of
Neighborhood Effects
Patrick Sharkey and Jacob W. Faber p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 559
Gender and Urban Space
Daphne Spain p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 581
Policy
Somebody’s Children or Nobody’s Children? How the Sociological

Perspective Could Enliven Research on Foster Care
Christopher Wildeman and Jane Waldfogel p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 599
Sociology and World Regions
Intergenerational Mobility and Inequality: The Latin American Case
Florencia Torche p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 619
A Critical Overview of Migration and Development:
The Latin American Challenge
Raúl Delgado-Wise p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 643
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 31–40 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 665

Cumulative Index of Article Titles, Volumes 31–40 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 669
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Sociology articles may be found at
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SO40CH18-Vaid ARI 1 July 2014 9:28

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2014. 40:391–410 Keywords

INTRODUCTION In response to Bouglé, Dumont (1970

theme of modernization theory is the move-

ment away from occupational inheritance.

India. believed to pollute the latter.

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 393

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 395

as elite emulation). a lower caste household” (Karanth 1996, p. 94;

CASTE AND OCCUPATIONAL of mobility in Kerala, predominantly among

Treiman 1970), there is an assumption that

industrialization and urbanization will weaken

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 397

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 399

jobs, as well as changes in agriculture. Dalit entrepreneurship in two cities: Panipat in

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 401

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 403

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 405

Davis K. 1941. Intermarriage in caste societies. Am. Anthropol. 43(3):376–95

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 407

www.annualreviews.org • Caste in Contemporary India 409

Contents Volume 40, 2014

Theory and Methods

Endogenous Selection Bias: The Problem of Conditioning on a

Political and Economic Sociology

Differentiation and Stratification

Race, Ethnicity, and the Changing Context of Childbearing

Somebody’s Children or Nobody’s Children? How the Sociological

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 31–40 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 665

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