Phillips, D. C. Encyclopedia of Educational Theory and Philosophy.
Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE
Publications, Inc, 2014. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed February 14, 2015).
706 Reproduction Theories
...0 what differentiates them as members of different
sociocultural communities. Yet there are grounds for
rejecting this assertion. Prohibition will be viewed
(perhaps justifiably) as discriminatory and oppres-
sive by many and will contribute to their sense of
alienation from and resentment toward the state. It
may lead many religious parents to withdraw their
children from the public schools, which is liable
to be detrimental to the prospective autonomy of
those students who have been withdrawn as well
as those students who remain in the suddenly less
diverse public school setting. Furthermore, ban-
ning religious dress in the public school would seem
to deprive the entire school community of some
very concrete examples of cultural and religious
diversity-an understanding and appreciation of
which is essential for the exercise of empathic and
responsible citizenship in a liberal pluralist society.
Perhaps the conclusion to be drawn here is that
the adoption of a blanket policy on the wearing of
religious clothing and symbols in public schools is
unwise. Across-the-board toleration may not be sensi-
tive enough to the pressure and coercion that some
children endure from those who insist they should
wear such clothing. Blanket prohibition, on the other
hand, seems likely to impose unequal burdens on
already marginalized groups. Both policies, when
implemented indiscriminately, run the additional risks
of contravening the autonomy-related interests of
children as well as the civic interests of the democratic
state. Perhaps, then, addressing this issue on a case-
by-case basis, after taking proper account of local cir-
cumstances and contingencies, is the better approach.
Josh Corngold
See also Autonomy; Citizenship and Civic Education;
Diversity; Identity and Identity Politics; Liberalism;
Multicultural Citizenship; Multiculturalism; Religious
Education and Spirituality; Rights: Children, Parents,
u
....." and Community; Toleration
""'
]
.g
Further Readings
Galeotti, A. E. (2002). Toleration as recognition .
a.. ..
"-' "'
Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
"'...-"
<
'-".r;
+"' Gereluk, D. (2008). Symbolic clothing in schools: What
..,.• .......c:n should be worn and why. London, England:
~
OP
~
>-
g.
Continuum.
ii Gutmann, A. (1996). Challenges of multiculturalism in
democratic education. In R. K. Fullinwider (Ed.), Public
a. a.
0 a.
education in a multicultural society (pp. 156-179).
u"' Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
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AN: 800416 ; Phillips, 0. C.. ; Encyclopedia of Educational Theory and Philosophy
Account: s5940188
Levinson, M. (1999). The demands of liberal education.
Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
REPRODUCTION THEORIES
In his masterpiece Democracy and Education
(1916), John Dewey pointed out that due to the
ineluctable facts of the death of its members and the
birth of their replacements, all societies face the need
to reproduce their cultures, structures, and institu-
tions, and education is the main process by which
this is accomplished. More recent scholars across
many of the modern social sciences have been inter-
ested in the processes and forces by which socie-
ties reproduce what can be regarded as their
positive features, but they have displayed special
interest in the ways in which their economic inequal-
ities and differences in political power and status
are preserved and reproduced over the generations.
It has appeared obvious to many-following in
Dewey's footsteps-that education plays an impor-
tant role in the generational persistence of inequality.
This entry first looks at functionalist explanations
of how the educational system serves as a mechanism
of social reproduction and at the critique expressed
in conflict theories such as that of Karl Marx, who
saw class conflict as the basic root of inequities in
many social institutions including education. Turning
to the evolution of reproduction theories in the 20th
century, the entry examines their shared concern with
the generational persistence of unequal educational
opportunities, a concern that is discussed in terms of
the characteristics of economic structures; the rela-
tions of domination based on class, race, and gender;
and symbolic struggles related to culture, power, and
ideology, especially in capitalistic societies.
The entry also focuses on the following themes:
(a) the proliferation of competing forms of educa-
tional reproduction theory in the 1970s and 1980s,
(b) the subsequent rethinking of reproduction theo-
ries in response to cultural and political shifts, and
(c) the more recent revival of Pierre Bourdieu's non-
Marxist, reflexive sociology and theory of cultural
and educational reproduction.
Functionalist Theory
Functionalist or "consensus" sociological theory
(from Emile Durkheim to Talcott Parsons's social
system theory) was based on an organic analogy
that viewed education as serving the functional

'-
0 imperative of social order and, in general, the inter-
ests of society as a whole. According to functional-
ism, societies are like living organisms that need to
sustain and reproduce themselves, and their struc-
tures and systems that fulfill vital functions are inter-
related, like the organs in a living animal. As alluded
to earlier, the educational system had the function of
ensuring that members of a society had the knowl-
edge and skills necessary to maintain and reproduce
its social and economic institutions.
From this liberal perspective, educational expan-
sion was part of a process of democratization that
resulted in social mobility. In contrast, conflict theo-
ries that emerged as part of the revival of Marxist
and neo-Weberian conflict sociologies in the late
1960s sought to reveal the broken promises of lib-
eral reform.
Social Reproduction and Marxist Thought
Marx introduced the topic of social reproduction
in passing to refer to the noneconomic precondi-
tions of economic reproduction, starting with the
social reproduction of labor power itself in institu-
tions such as the family and education in a society's
superstructure. The term reproduction theory is
most closely associated with approaches-initially
of neo-Marxist inspiration-that viewed education
as part of a cultural superstructure that functioned
to reproduce and maintain social structures and pat-
terns of relations between classes in the interest of
the dominant capitalist class.
The full implications of the neo-Marxist approach
were not explored in depth until two independent
theoretical innovations in the 1930s, though their
reception was delayed until the late 1960s, largely
because of World War IT and its aftermath.
Antonio Gramsci
The Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci
(1891-1937) developed a theory of cultural repro-
duction based on the concepts of hegemony and
counter-hegemonic resistance. He viewed hegemony
as a form of control in which intellectual and moral
leadership made domination seem "natural" to the
dominated. Cultural hegemony refers to an entire
system of beliefs and values that was accepted, or
consented to, by the working class even though it
was an ideology that did not serve their interests
but rather supported the power of the ruling class.
Thus, capitalist social reproduction in civil society
was based not only on coercion but also on consent.
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Reproduction Theories 707
Gramsci rejected the economic determinism of
orthodox Marxism, arguing that even though class
was a major factor in socialization, individuals had
some choice in how they interacted with the edu-
cational system. He emphasized the role of human
agency and creative human action in historical
development and viewed culture as the mediator
between structural inequality and individual agency.
Gramsci believed that for the working class to chal-
lenge the hegemony of the capitalists, they would
need to organize ideological alliances with other
societal groups supportive of the interests of the
working class-a counter-hegemony.
The Frankfurt School
Orthodox Marxist determinism was also rejected
by the Frankfurt school, a group of "critical theo-
rists" who initially worked within the framework of
the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research after Max
Horkheimer became its director in 1930. More pes-
simistic than Grarnsci, early Frankfurt school criti-
cal theorists proposed a theory of culture industries
whereby capitalism produced forms of popular cul-
ture that functioned to pacify the masses and encour-
aged them to adjust to the "humiliating conditions"
of their lives. Led by Theodor Adorno and Herbert
Marcuse, they argued that in the 20th century the
mass media had become a new source of ideological
reproduction that was reinforced by a positivist edu-
cational culture that reduced all research and knowl-
edge to the model of the quantitative methodology
of the natural sciences. As Marcuse famously sug-
gested, the result was a "one-dimensional" society in
which critique was no longer possible.
Theories of Reproduction in Education,
1970s to 1980s
The canonical texts that founded reproduction
theory in education appeared in rapid succession
from 1970 to 1977, a confusing process that was
influentially clarified by a critical differentiation of
three types by Henry Giroux in a journal article in
1983: (1) economic reproduction theories, (2) cul-
tural reproduction theories, and (3) emergent state-
hegemonic theories of resistance.
Economic Reproduction Theories
Louis Althusser
The French neo-Marxist philosopher Louis
Althusser (1918-1990) proposed the first version
 708 Reproduction Theories
'-
0 of economic reproductive theory that claimed to
overcome economic determinism by recognizing
the relative autonomy of the ideological superstruc-
tures, contrasting the "repressive state apparatus"
that exerts physical control over individuals with the
-~ "ideological state apparatus" composed of institu-
~
a. tions such as religion, education, and law. Since the
V>
economic sphere was still determinant "in the last
"'::>
V>
instance," however, Althusser's ahistorical struc-
.....'-
...."' turalist methodology was widely criticized for an
.....a.
explanatory functionalism that could neither account
~ for the agency necessary for his theory of revolu-
"'
tion nor provide guidance for empirical research.
Though giving culture more autonomy than tradi-
tional Marxism, structuralist interpretations denied
agency because social actors were viewed as ulti-
mately mere puppets of controlling coercive and
ideological structures. As an abstract, speculative
theory based on new "Marxist" conceptions of sci-
ence, structuralism did not encourage empirical and
historical comparison of how particular societies
actually organize reproduction processes.
Samuel Bowles and Herbert Giotis
Independently, the American economists Samuel
Bowles and Herbert Gintis developed a more influ-
ential version of economic reproduction theory in
Schooling in Capitalist America (1977). Drawing
on a more traditional Marxist base-superstructure
"'
.0 model, their empirical analysis of American educa-
.....
g tion was based on a "correspondence principle"
>- suggesting formal relations of interdependence
"'
::.:
between the economy and the classroom "hidden
curriculum" that inculcated the docility and disci-
pline appropriate for working-class jobs. "The divi-
sion of labor in education," they wrote, "as well
as its structure of authority and reward, mirror
those of the economy" (Au & Apple, 2009, p. 84).
u
Though Bowles and Giotis were also criticized for a
c:
H mechanistic economic determinism, they later clari-
fied their position by emphasizing contradictions
and radical democracy. In periods of crisis, the func-
tional correspondence between education and work
could weaken (e.g., as evident in unemployment,
the lack of jobs appropriate for given educational
qualifications, or increased awareness of racial and
gender discrimination). Revealing such contradic-
tions in turn potentially contributes to large-scale
democratic mobilization to contest the role of edu-
cation and other institutions in the reproduction of
inequality.
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Cultural Reproduction Theories
Pierre Bourdieu
The origin of cultural reproduction theories
is associated primarily with the French sociolo-
gist Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002), especially his
Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture
(1970/1977) coauthored with Jean-Claude Passeron.
Opposing Althusser's structuralist Marxism,
Bourdieu analyzed educational reproduction in
terms of the contingent strategies of diverse class
agents rather than conceiving of it as an automatic,
even if relatively autonomous, functional outcome
of production relations. Moreover, a Marxist binary
class model was replaced, following the classical
German sociologist Max Weber, by a relational and
multidimensional one in which status competition
was central. Whereas Marx's analysis focused almost
exclusively on the conflict between the owners of
capital and the relatively unskilled labor power of
manual workers, Weber pointed out the significance
of other, emerging class positions, especially the·mid-
dle classes who, as owners of educational credentials
and cultural capital, could use their professional
status to justify work autonomy and higher salaries.
Among the central concepts in Bourdieu's theory
of cultural reproduction were habitus, cultural capi-
tal, fields, the cultural arbitrary, and symbolic vio-
lence. The habitus, formed in the family household
within the context of a system of class relations, is
the enduring, internalized, and embodied disposi-
tion of agents and the source of the cultural capital
. that increases the probability of success within the
field of education. Schools in turn exert symbolic
violence by imposing a "cultural arbitrary" in the
sense that the content of much of the curriculum
reflected the imposition of the cultural tastes and
ideology of dominant groups rather than having any
relation to either the skills required by the economy
or the cultural interests of subordinated classes. The
classifications of the cultural arbitrary cause agents
to "misrecognize" that apparently legitimate culture
is actually part of a dominant culture that contrib-
utes to the social reproduction of the class system.
Also associated with cultural reproduction theory is
the British sociologist Basil Bernstein's (1924-2000)
sociolinguistic analysis of restricted and elaborated
codes, which, though initially developed inde-
pendently, provided a theory of transmission that
complemented Bourdieu's approach. Influenced by
Bourdieu, the neo-Weberian conflict theorist Randall
Collins developed in his The Credential Society
 Reproduction Theories 709

.._
0 (1979) a powerful analysis of educational expansion
as part of a process of credential inflation that had
more to do with status group competition for jobs
than with technical skill. The reception of Bourdieu's
approach in education from the 1970s into the
1990s, however, was limited, focusing on cultural
capital as a predictor of educational outcomes and
largely without reference to his subsequent publica-
tions. Furthermore, Bourdieu's cultural reproduction
theory also became the target of emerging theories
of resistance that criticized the structuralism of both
economic and cultural reproduction theories and
their failure to provide an adequate understanding ·
of agency and resistance.
State-Hegemonic Reproduction Theories
State-hegemonic reproductive theories strongly
influenced by Gramsci emerged in the wake of the
publication in England of Paul Willis's ethnographic
study, Learning to Labor: How Working Class
Kids Get Working Class jobs (1977). The book
became widely acknowledged as a turning point
in reproduction theory-and an implicit refutation
of Bourdieu- because of its ethnographic integra-
tion of a structural theory of reproduction with a
more phenomenological, agent-oriented study of
resistance on the part of English working-class male
adolescents. Such resistance primarily took the form
of negative reactions to schools and the learning
of intellectual skills, a self-destructive process that
contributed to both the lowering of expectations
in working-class schools and a fatalistic sense of
being destined for manual working-class jobs. Ev~n
though the resistance characteristic of the adoles-
cent males studied by Willis largely served to ensure
poor academic performance that led to working-
class jobs, his analysis opened the door to more
political interpretations. Henry Giroux's Theory and
Resistance in Education (1983) provided an influen-
u
.....c: tial synthesis, incorporating gender and race in a cri-
"'c: tique of class reductionism that envisioned a critical
More Recent Debates: Post-1980s
Several historical developments contributed to the
subsequent partial waning and rethinking of repro-
duction theories in education: the further discredit-
ing of Marxism following the collapse of the Soviet
bloc; postmodernist critiques of the metanarratives
of universalizing theory; the rise of neoliberal ide-
ologies, which became the new polemical target
of educational reproduction theories; and the suc-
cess of neoliberal policies in generally stalemating
the advance of the radical democratic and populist
visions of transformative resistance. Nevertheless,
all of the earlier approaches continued to have
adherents and, though originating in research pub-
lished in French and English, have now influenced
educational research traditions worldwide. In the
English-speaking world, however, state-hegemonic
resistance theories based on the relative equivalence
of class, race, and gender (now often interpreted
as relations of "intersectionality") have remained
the most influential, as evident in the writings of
Apple and his diverse collaborators. The continuing
development of resistance theories arose from con-
structively responding to the challenges of postmod-
ernism, as well as incorporating critiques of class
reductionism developed in feminist and race theories
influenced by critical social theory and poststruc-
turalist theories of identity and difference, including
thP. nsP. of Mic.hP.l Fonc.:::~nlt'.c; thP.01:y of power and
knowledge to understand aspects of reproductive
processes, especially the marginalization of the per-
spectives and knowledge of subordinated groups.
State-hegemonic theories have also responded to
globalization by addressing transnational social
reproduction in comparative analysis of the varie-
ties of capitalism not only within but also outside the
West. Nevertheless, some have continued to defend
Marxist economic reproductive approaches and the
primacy of the capital relation, rejecting theories
that abandoned revolutionary Marxism by conced-
ing too much to postmodernism, multiculturalism,

]
..0
theory of schooling in the United States based on a
utopian "language of possibility" inspired by Paulo
and identity politics. Another significant develop-
ment has been a remarkable revival of interest in the
"-
::0
~ Freire's critical pedagogy. Michael Apple, as part of work of Bourdieu.
..,...... ....."'
rethinking his earlier economic Marxist, class-based
«....,
"' -'= Future Directions: Bourdieu's Legacy
..,.· ......_"'
~
perspective, also converged on a similar position
.., >-
. . . g. grounded in a theory of counter-hegemonic popu- A new interdisciplinary reception of Bourdieu emerged
@ u
..... ~
lar movements and democratic struggles. Critics in the late 1990s and accelerated in the decade after
.<= ..0
questioned, however, the hope placed by resistance his death. By 2007, he had become the second most
·:"'"'
.:::
>- .-'
c. c. theories on the potential of education to transform cited academic author in the world, just behind
0 c.
u"' society. Foucault and somewhat ahead of Jacques Derrida

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 710 Reproduction Theories
.... (Thomson Reuters Web of Knowledge). A central
0
concern has been locating the development of his
work in relation to his own sociologically interpreted
autobiographical reflections: early years in provincial
southwestern France; elite training in philosophy in
Paris, followed by a turn to structuralist anthropology
and fieldwork in Algeria (recently recognized as the
source of a "postcolonial Bourdieu"); a break with
structuralism in the late 1960s-evident in a turn to
a reflexive sociology based on synthesizing the work
of Marx, Weber, and Durkheirn-and the formation
of a sociological research group in Paris; election to a
Q)
chair in sociology at the College de France in 1981;
E
..c
and a turn to political activism as a public intellectual
in the 1990s until his death in 2002 .
"c.
Q)
~
From this revised perspective, it is now clear
that the earlier reliance of educational researchers
on the 1970 book on reproduction, Reproduction
in Education, Society and Culture, contributed to
unfortunate misreadings. As Bourdieu himself noted,
it was a "work of youth" that still had vestiges of
structuralism, limitations that were reinforced by
being read independently of the empirical research
on which it was based, as well as both his reflexive
sociology and the theory of cultural and educational
reproduction, the foundations of which appeared
in his Outline of a Theory of Practice (1972/1977)
and his later work, which included two books on
French elite higher education: Homo Academicus
(1984/1988) and The State Nobility (1989/1996).
Beyond his book on Distinction (1979/1984 ), a
widely discussed sociology of artistic taste, later
publications also included topics such as the logic
of practice, cultural production (especially art and
literature), masculine domination, social structures
of the economy, the state and power, television, and
a sociological autobiography.
Several issues can be singled out in relation to
educational reproduction theory. As against his
alleged structuralism, Bourdieu's mature sociologi-
cal position is now often characterized as a form
of poststructuralism, or what he called "genetic
structuralism" or "constructivist structuralism,"
that gives primacy to "strategies" over structuralist
"rules." Furthermore, the resulting reflexive sociol-
ogy is grounded in a radical historicist reflexivity
and comparative methodology.
With respect to the frequent charge that he over-
generalized the case of French education, many now
argue that he provided the reflexive tools necessary
for the historicist translation and respecification
necessary for comparative research. For example,
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Account: s5940188
though earlier efforts to apply the concept of cul-
tural capital drew rather literally on his French
high-culture examples from the 1960s (e.g., museum
attendance), more recent work has focused on the
culturally specific expectations of different educa-
tional systems, drawing on both qualitative and
quantitative comparative methods. As well, aware-
ness of his later work has opened up a wide range of
new educational topics.
Finally, despite earlier criticism that he neglected
resistance, Bourdieu's project was based on the
assumption that critical sociology contributed to
liberation by revealing misrecognition, suggesting
greater affinities with state-hegemonic resistance the-
ories than previously realized. Moreover, his turn to
a critique of neoliberalism as a public intellectual in
the 1990s implied recognition of a changed histori-
cal context, even though a posthumous compilation
of texts relating to his activist interventions reveals
the continuity of his concerns. Nevertheless, more
recent discussions have raised questions about the
consistency of his conception of practice, especially
the tension between the relativism of the cultural
arbitrary and his defense of scientific universaliza-
tion and the autonomous "collective intellectual" in
research. The claim that the curriculum-especially
in the humanities-is arbitrary and ideological
rather than having a universal meaning or economic
function has the paradoxical effect of potentially
legitimating neoliberal efforts to undermine uni-
versity autonomy by reorienting higher education
and research to focus primarily on the supposed
needs of the economy. Particular attention has also
been given to extending and revising his approach
by clarifying the conditions under which habituses
change-as in the case of Bourdieu's own tormented
"cleft habitus" as an ambivalent provincial outsider
in Paris-and the implications for theories of social
movements and the public sphere.
Raymond A. Morrow
See also Apple, Michael; Capital: Cultural, Symbolic, and
Social; Code Theory: Basil Bernstein; Critical Theory;
Equality of Educational Opportunity; Freire, Paulo:
Pedagogy of the Oppressed and Critical Pedagogy;
Hidden Curriculum; Marx, Karl; Social Class
Further Readings
Atkinson, W. (2012). Reproduction revisited:
Comprehending complex educational trajectories.
Sociological Review, 60(4), 735-753.

.... Au, W., & Apple, M. (2009). Rethinking reproduction:
0 their inception more than 2,000 years ago. Even in
Neo-Marxism in critical education theory. In M. Apple,
W. Au, & L.A. Gandin (Eds.), Routledge international
handbook of critical education (pp. 83-95). New York,
NY: Routledge.
Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J.-C. (1977). Reproduction in
education, society and culture (1st ed.; R. Nice, Trans.).
Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. (Original work published 1970)
Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. J.D. (1992). An invitation to
reflexive sociology. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago
Press.
Collins, J. (2009). Social reproduction in classrooms and
schools. Annual Review of Anthropology, 38, 33-48.
Giroux, H. (1983). Theories of reproduction and resistance
in the new sociology of education: A critical analysis.
Harvard Educational Review, 53(3), 257-293.
Gorski, P. S. (Ed.). (2013). Bourdieu and historical analysis.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Grenfell, M. (2008). Pierre Bourdieu: Education and
training. New York, NY: Continuum.
Lareau, A., & Weininge~; E. B. (2004). Cultural capital in
education research: A critical assessment. In D. L.
Swartz & V. L. Zolberg (Eds.), After Bourdieu (pp.
105-144). Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic.
Morrow, R. A., & Torres, C. A. (1995). Social theory and
education: A critique of theories of social and cultural
reproduction. Albany: State University of New York
Press.
Reed-Danahay, D. (2005). Locating Bourdieu.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Silva, E., & Warde, A. (Eds.). (2010). Cultural analysis and
Bourdieu's legacy. London, England: Routledge.
Susen, S., & Tume~; B.S. (2011). The legacy of Pierre
Bourdieu. London, England: Anthem Press.
Xu, J., & Hampden-Thompson, G. (2012). Cultural
reproduction, cultural mobility, cultural resources, or
trivial effect? A comparative approach to cultural capital
and educational performance. Comparative Education
Review, 56(1), 98-124.
.....
.....
<C
RHETORICAL CANONS
The Roman educational system emphasized
five canons of rhetoric: (1) invention (inventio ),
(2) arrangement (dispositio), (3) style (elocutio),
(4) memory (memoria), and (5) delivery (pronuntia-
tio). Together, these five elements of effective com-
munication provide a guide for developing, as well
as analyzing, rhetorical arguments. While devised
for oratory, the canons were seen as applicable to
any type of rhetoric, whether verbal or written, and
they have remained influential in education since
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Rhetorical Canons 711
the modern technological world, far removed from
the ancient Roman society and its emphasis on ora-
tory as the primary means of communication, the
canons are often used as a way of teaching rhetoric,
whether in verbal, written, or multimedia formats.
Rhetorica ad Herennium
It is unknown today precisely how the rhetorical
canons were developed and by whom. However, it is
clear that by the time that Cicero (106-43 BCE) was
a student of rhetoric, the Roman system of rhetorical
education was established, and the rhetorical canons
were firmly recognized as an important part of the
pedagogical tradition. The most complete treatise
on the rhetorical canons that survived antiquity is
the text of the Rheturica ad Herennium, composed
around 90 BCE. The document provides in-depth
explanations of the five canons.
The author of the Rhetorica ad Herennium is
unknown. Because the section on invention so
closely resembles Cicero's On Invention, which
was written when the statesman was a young man,
it was believed for more than 1,000 years that
Cicero was the author of Rhetorica ad Herennium.
Today, scholars believe that the similarities simply
exist because Cicero and the unknown author were
likely contemporaries. They may not have known
each other, but they would have both been students
within the same system of rhetorical education.
The Rhetorica ad Herennium was not a novel or
groundbreaking text at the time it was produced.
It provided a summary of what was essentially
common practice in Roman education. However,
from a modern standpoint, because it provides the
most complete picture of the rhetorical canons from
ancient Roman education, it is one of the most
important educational documents to survive from
antiquity.
The Canons
The five rhetorical canons can be separated for
the sake of study, but they were meant to be used
together for an orator to develop an effective rhetor-
ical act. Each canon influences the others, and with-
out giving consideration to all, the rest would be
ineffective. Invention (inventio) references devising
the subject of a speech and what one will say about
it. Arrangement (dispositio) is the organization of
one's thoughts, giving careful consideration to the
order in which an argument is made. Style (elocutio)