Literature on Jim Crow

Author(s): Raymond Gavins

Source: OAH Magazine of History, Vol. 18, No. 2, Jim Crow (Jan., 2004), pp. 13-16
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of Organization of American Historians
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 Raymond Gavins

Literature on Jim Crow

Southern black life?along with the influence of white racism on Origins

class, gender, and power relationships?is central to much of the Because of Woodward's influential view, we generally date the Jim
recent historical literature. Black experience mirrored?and con Crow Era from 1890 to the 1960s. Nevertheless, challenges to that
tinues to mirror?the caste structure of American society over time and periodization began in 1961 and continued, enlarging discussion of
place. Until the 1960s, historians largely ignored blacks, the majority of Jim Crow's chronology, geography, and nature. To "segregate" means
whom lived in the South. There they had struggled behind "the Veil that to set apart, isolate, or seclude. Historians' debate over its historical
hung between us and Opportunity," as W. E. B. Du Bois declared in meaning can be useful for exploring its relationship to slavery as well
1903. During the 1970s, however, social his as to other regions or ethnic groups?south
tory infused a "bottom up" approach in slavery, western American Indians, Latinos, west coast
emancipation, and civil rights studies. By the Asians, for example?or to colonialism in the
late 1980s, a number of scholars, some using Atlantic World. Teachers may also compare
oral history, expanded the study of "the two de facto and de jure or statutory forms of
worlds within and without the Veil" (1). Schol group isolation.
ars now emphasize "black agency" even as they Woodward's thesis, set in the bloody
explore the reality of "white supremacy." Both Democratic campaigns against Populists and
themes mark contemporary scholarship, un Republicans, is the focal point. He argued
derscoring the importance of sources and per that "it was not until the post-1890 period
spectives to historical interpretation. IS^^^S^ml ^^^PHfei^^HJ^Ei^^^BH^H^^^^^^H that a rigid segregation code 'lent the sanc
tion of law to a racial ostracism that extended
Classics to churches and schools, to housing and
While the African American community jobs, to eating and drinking'" (4). The chal
is becoming the focus of inquiry by newer lengers to Woodward's thesis, however, dem
scholars, researchers already agree that the onstrated that free blacks were segregated in
Jim Crow system fueled economic exploita the North and southern cities before general
tion, electoral disfranchisement, legal segre emancipation. One challenger, Joel
gation, and extra-legal violence. Treasure Williamson, edited an important essay col
troves of teaching materials, early seminal lection reflecting both sides of the debate (5).
works on African Americans and "the color Timing was a key problem. De facto seg
line," are still available in libraries or as re regation accompanied and followed Recon
prints. Their concepts and contents range struction, explained Howard N. Rabinowitz.
widely. For example, in The Souls of Black Segregation's legalized and coercive charac
W.E.B. Du Bois, portrait by Laura W. Waring. (From
Folk (1903), Du Bois defines the individual's ter after 1890 revealed federal complicity,
"Portraits of Outstanding Americans of Negro Origin
self-concept of "twoness,?an American, a Painted by Two Women Artists," ca. 1943-1963, reflected the Democrats' and Republicans'
Negro" that inspired the freedom struggle (2). Harmon Foundation Collection, National Archives deal to segregate rather than completely ex
Others interpret black ideologies, institutions, and Records Administration.) clude blacks, and was a response to urban
and protests. Several books document the black resistance. Resistance persisted and the
segregated domain, both private and public, exposing customary or de laws of segregation accumulated. In 1984, John Anthony Scott showed
facto Jim Crow in the North, Midwest, and West. Stetson Kennedy's that the custom of segregation had been integral to enslaving blacks.
Jim Crow Guide to the U.S.A.: The Laws, Customs, and Etiquette "Perspectives: The Strange Career of Jim Crow," a 1984 journal
Governing the Conduct ofNonwhites and Other Minorities as Sec exchange, includes valuable articles by Rabinowitz and Woodward.
ond-class Citizens (1959) rivets the reader. The Negro in American Although praising the four editions of Strange Career, Rabinowitz
Life and Thought: The Nadir 1&JJ-1901 (1954), by Rayford W. Logan detailed evidence that "segregation had become the norm in much of
of Howard University, coined the Nadir as the lowest point in southern society" over a decade prior to the disfranchising conven
postbellum race relations. The Strange Career of Jim Crow (1955), by tions. He believed that Woodward "aimed to provide a historical
C. Vann Woodward of Yale University, attributed the southern Jim foundation for hopes that desegregation would be peaceful and
Crow laws to violent conflict in the 1890s (3).

OAH Magazine of History January 2004 13

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successful." Woodward replied: "what I did was to put the question
when before the questions where or how" (6).
Politics
White domination and black opposition were entwined. The
processes included not only white one-party rule and lynching but also
black organizing and protest. Political realities tell bitter truths. Blacks
organized and protested for freedoms with few allies or protections.
Federal officials ignored their concerns up to the New Deal years and
did not enact protective legislation until the Civil Rights Act of 1957
(7). More recent state histories thus describe blacks' heroic struggles,
portraying them as subjects rather than objects. Denied suffrage and
lynched more frequently than in other states, black Mississippians
indeed harbored "the resistant spirit" that moved many community
based causes. Neil R. McMillen portrayed the "Federation of Colored
Women's Clubs, the now all but forgotten Committee of One Hun
dred, and the state's first NAACP (National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People) branches" (8).
Blacks endured and fought. Against a national background with
Trouble in Mind (1998), Leon F. Litwack painted a powerful regional
portrait of brutality and dissent. Other monographs discussed the
disfranchisers' rule, but African American women, in particular, em
braced activism?regionally and nationally. Even as most elite leaders
espoused democratic reform, large numbers of unionists and workers
turned to radical politics. Community studies, therefore, increasingly
explore gender, class, or cultural differences. Meanwhile, local NAACP
branches sustained the antilynching and voting-rights crusades (9).
Economics
Historiography focused on black economy depicts ideals of inde
pendence through business, labor, and thrift and examines planters'
and employers' tyranny over the black worker as well. As William
Cohen reminded us in At Freedom's Edge: Black Mobility and the Southern
1^^^Bm1B|?1|W ^ -
Many African Americans escaped the poverty of the South by migrating north.
Here, black children play leap frog in a Harlem street, ca. 1930. (Image from the
Photographic File of the Paris Bureau of the New York Times, ca. 1900 -1950
held with the Records of the U.S. Information Agency, 1900-1988, National
Archives and Records Administration.)
14 OAH Magazine of History January 2004
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White Quest for Racial Control, 1861-1915 (1991), sharecroppers, tenant
farmers, leased convicts, and domestics subsisted; but a critical mass of
black landowners avoided severe suffering and rural farmworkers who
migrated to cities often escaped it. These migrant wage-earners became
the lifeline of the "race economy" in southern cities. For instance, their
dollars buttressed North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company of
Durham, North Carolina. In 1925, sociologist E. Franklin Frazier
contributed an article to The New Negro entitled "Durham: Capital of the
Black Middle Class." Meanwhile, southern rural poverty and northern
job opportunities created the waves of Great Migration. About five
million black southerners setded in the North and elsewhere through
out urban America from 1915 to i960 (10).
Work and workers form the major lens through which historians
look at political culture at the grass roots. Well-known narratives
such as All God's Dangers: The Life of Nate Shaw (1974) and The
Narrative ofHosea Hudson: His Life as a Negro Communist in the South
(1979) are chock-full of stories revealing how the bulk of black
people affirmed and empowered themselves. Stories like theirs, as
well as those of educators or lawyers, recast our understanding of
black communities during the first half of the twentieth century (11).
Thousands of blacks joined locals of the American Federation of
Labor or Congress of Industrial Organizations and promoted civil
rights unionism. More and more young people graduated from
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and entered
professions. Many of the ministers, among them Martin Luther
King Jr., joined the widening movement against Jim Crow.
Autonomous Institutions
Black homes and neighborhoods were not fortresses, but they
furnished a measure of security. Leroy Boyd of Memphis, Tennessee,
recalled that neighbors once gathered in armed self-defense of his
uncle, who otherwise would have been killed by a white mob.
Wilhemina Baldwin of Tuskegee, Alabama, remembered a similar
neighborhood standoff to protect a returning World War II soldier
who accidentally brushed against a white woman. Community insti
tutions usually provided another kind of safety (12).
Studies show that churches, schools and colleges, fraternal lodges,
and women's and civic clubs were vital centers. True sanctuaries, they
ministered to black spiritual and temporal needs while providing safe
places for affirmation and celebration (13). Union or NAACP mem
bers could always meet at the church or lodge hall, if not the local
school. With the injustices in separate schooling, those institutional
networks, including parent-teacher associations, were indispensable
for the education of black children.
Expressive Culture
Cultural expression, folk and formal, reflected African Americans'
quest for liberation and represented their collective sense of dignity
and identity. Folklife and art, musical and religious traditions, pat
terns of institution-building, dance, and visual art framed its myriad
expressions. So did drama and literature and the rich pipeline of talent
and intellect between HBCUs and the Harlem Renaissance. Blues
and jazz were shaped in New Orleans, Memphis, and Durham, North
Carolina, and in St. Louis, Chicago, and New York (14).
Two essays in Souls of Black Folk, "Of Our Spiritual Strivings" and
"The Sorrow Songs," speak powerfully to religion and the spirituals in
African American striving. Surely the narrators in Remembering Jim
Crow: African Americans Tell About Life in the Segregated South (2001)
embodied what Du Bois meant when he was describing how African
Americans survived slavery and oppression. Tellingly, Litwack used a
variety of folk or literary epigrams linking the blues song Trouble in
Mind and the spiritual O, Lord, I'm Troubled in Mind! to convey black
resilience (15). Recentiy published accounts explore the vitality of
kinship and the genius of black baseball. A Way Out of No Way:
Claiming Family and Freedom in the New South (2002) follows the
Swann family from chattel bondage to self-sufficiency in Buckingham
County, Virginia. Beyond the Shadow of the Senators (2003) recovers the
famous but forgotten Home
stead Grays, the Washington,
DC, franchise in the Negro
Leagues (16).
Endnotes
i. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of
Black Folk: Essays and
Sketches, (1903; reprint,
Norton Critical Edition,
Henry Louis Gates Jr. and
Terri Hume Oliver, eds.,
(New York: W. W. Norton &
Co., 1999), 5, 50. On the
benefits of social history re
search, see Darlene Clark
Hine, ed., The State of Afro
American History: Past,
Present, and Future, (Baton
Rouge, LA: Louisiana State
University Press, 1986). See
also David Levering Lewis,
W. E. B. Du Bois: Biography
of a Race (New York: Henry
Holt, 1993). - -*.-^-^s^^^^x^*^!^ '
2. Du Bois, Souls, 11,17.
3. On African American ideolo Drinking fountain on the county courthouse lawn, Halifax, North Carolina (John
gies, see Henry Allen Bul Vachon, photographer. Image Courtesy of the Farm Security Administration, Office of
lock, A History of Negro War Information Photograph Collection Library of Congress, LC-USF33- ooni2-Mi.)
Education in the South from
i6ig to the Present (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967);
Ralph J. Bunche, The Political Status of the Negro in the Age of FDR (1941;
reprint, introduction and ed. Dewey W. Grantham, Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1973); E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Church in America
(New York: Schocken Books, 1964); Frazier, The Negro Family in the
United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939); August
Meier, Negro Thought in America 1880-igiy. Racial Ideologies in the Age of
Booker T. Washington (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press,
1963); Meier and Elliott Rudwick, Along the Color Line: Explorations in the
Black Experience (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1976); Hortense
Powdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (1939;
reprint, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993); Sterling D.
Spero and Abram L. Harris, The Black Worker: The Negro and the Labor
Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931); Carter G.
Woodson, The Mis-Education of the Negro (Washington, DC: Associated
Publishers, 1933). On the segregated domain, see Charles S. Johnson,
Patterns of Negro Segregation (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1943);
Stetson Kennedy, Jim Crow Guide: The Way It Was (1959; reprint, Boca
Raton, FL: Florida Atlantic University Press, 1990); Pauli Murray, comp.
and ed., States' Laws on Race and Color (1951; reprint, Athens, GA:
University of Georgia Press, 1997); Gunnar Myrdal, An American Di
lemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy, 2 vols. (New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1944). See also Rayford W. Logan, The Negro in
American Life and Thought: The Nadir, 1877-1901 (1954; reprint, New
York: Collier Books, 1965); C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim
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Crow (1955; 4th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974).
4. Quoted in "Perspectives: The Strange Career of Jim Crow," Journal of
American History 75 (December 1988): 844.
5. Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961); Richard C. Wade, Slavery
in the Cities: The South, 1820-1860 (New York: Oxford University Press,
1964). See also later books by Ira Berlin, Slaves Without Masters: The Free
Negro in the Antebellum South (New York: The New Press, 1974); and
James Oliver Horton, Free People of Color: Inside the African American
Community (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1993).
Joel Williamson, ed., The Origins
of Segregation (Boston: D. C. Heath
and Co., 1968); see also
Williamson, After Slavery: The Ne
gro in South Carolina During Re
construction, 1861-1877 (Chapel
Hill, NC: University of North
Carolina Press, 1965), 274.
6. Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race
Relations in the Urban South, 1865
1890 (New York: Oxford Univer
sity Press, 1978); John Anthony
Scott, "Segregation: A Fundamen
tal Aspect of Southern Race Rela
tions, 1800-1860," Journal of the
Early Republic 4 (Winter 1984):
421-41; "Perspectives: The Strange
Career of Jim Crow," 844,851,857.
7. Federal issues (notably Con
gressional acts and Supreme Court
decisions under the 13th, 14th, and
15th Amendments) were and re
main paramount. An excellent
survey is Mary F. Berry, Black Re
sistance/White Law: A History of
Constitutional Racism in America
(1971; reprint, New York: A. Lane,
1994). For comparisons to South
Africa, see John W. Cell, The High
est Stage of White Supremacy: The
Origins of Segregation in South Af
rica and the American South (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,
1982); George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in
American and South African History (New York: Oxford University Press,
1981). The reach of white supremacy is explored in Jane Elizabeth Dailey,
Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, and Bryant Simon, eds., Jumpin' Jim Crow:
Southern Politics from Civil War to Civil Rights (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 2000); and J. Douglas Smith, Managing White Su
premacy: Race, Politics, and Citizenship in Virginia (Chapel Hill, NC:
University of North Carolina Press, 2003). For comparisons to several
United States minorities of color (Chinese, Filipinos, Hawaiians, Indians,
Japanese, Mexicans), see Ronald Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in
Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
New readings are in John David Smith, ed. When Did Southern Segregation
Begin? (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2002). On the foundations of black
politics, see W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America 1860-1880
(1935; reprint, New York: Atheneum, 1970), 637-708; Armstead L. Robin
son, "The Difference Freedom Made: The Emancipation of Afro-Ameri
cans," in The State of Afro-American History, ed. Darlene Clark Hine, 51-74
(Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1986).
8. Neil R. McMillen, Dark Journey: Black Mississippians in the Age of Jim Crow
(Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1989), 302, 305-18. State
framed analyses are numerous. See John Dittmer, Black Georgia in the
Progressive Era, 1900-1920 (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1977);
and Adam Fairclough, Race and Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in
Louisiana, 1915-1972 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1995).
OAH Magazine of History January 2004 15
9. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1998). Antisuffrage is well studied. I recommend J.
Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and
the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880-1910 (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1974). Also see Michael Perman, Struggle for Mastery:
Disfranchisement in the South, 1888-1908 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of
North Carolina Press, 2001); Gail Williams O'Brien, The Color of the Law:
Race, Violence, and Justice in the Post-Wold War II South (Chapel Hill, NC:
University of North Carolina Press, 1999). On black women, see Glenda
Elizabeth Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White
Supremacy in North Carolina (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North
Carolina Press, 1996); Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The
Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 1995); and Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, African
American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850-1920 (Bloomington, IN:
Indiana University Press, 1998). See also John Hope Franklin and
August Meier, eds., Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century (Urbana, IL:
University of Illinois Press, 1982); Kevin K. Gaines, Uplifting the Race:
Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel
Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Jonathan Scott
Holloway, Confronting the VeiUAbram Harris, Jr., E. Franklin Frazier, and
Ralph Bunche, 1919-1941 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina
Press, 2002); Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Commu
nists During the Great Depression (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North
Carolina Press, 1990); Kelley, "'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking
Black-Working Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," Journal of
American History 80 (June 1993): 75-112; David Levering Lewis, W. E. B.
Du Bois: The Fight for Equality and the American Century, 1919-196} (New
York: Henry Holt, 2000). For variation in places, see Albert S. Broussard,
Black San Francisco: The Struggle for Equality in the West, 1900-1954
(Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1993); David S. Cecelski and
Timothy B. Tyson, eds., Democracy Betrayed: The Wilmington Race Riot of
1898 and Its Legacy (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press,
1998); Karen Ferguson, Black Politics in New Deal Atlanta (Chapel Hill,
NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); Earl Lewis, In Their Own
Interests: Race, Class, and Power in Twentieth-Century Norfolk, Virginia
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991); George C. Wright,
Life Behind a Veil: Blacks in Louisville, Kentucky, 1865-1930 (Baton Rouge,
LA: Louisiana State University, 1990). Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP
Crusade Against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 1980); Steven F. Lawson, Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South,
1944-1969 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976).
10. These are select examples. William Cohen, At Freedom's Edge: Black
Mobility and the Southern White Quest for Racial Control, 1861-1915 (Baton
Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1991); Mary Ellen Curtin,
Black Prisoners and Their World: Alabama, 1865-1900 (Charlottesville, VA:
University Press of Virginia, 2000); Tera W. Hunter, To Joy My Freedom:
Southern Black Women's Lives and Labors After the Civil War (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1997); Joe William Trotter Jr., ed., The
Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class,
and Gender (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991); Walter B.
Weare, Black Business in the New South: A Social History of the North
Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company (1973; reprint, Durham, NC:
Duke University Press, 1993). For the Frazier article, see Alain Locke, ed.,
The New Negro (1925; reprint New York: Atheneum, 1992), 333-40.
11. Theodore Rosengarten, All God's Dangers: The Life of Nate Shaw (1974; reprint,
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000); Nell Irvin Painter, The Narra
tive ofHosea Hudson: His Life as a Negro Communist in the South (Cambridge,
i6 OAH Magazine of History January 2004
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MA: Harvard University Press, 1979). See Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers
of New Orleans: Race Class, and Politics, 1863-1923 (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1991); William H. Chafe, Raymond Gavins, and Robert
Korstad, eds., Remembering Jim Crow: African Americans Tell About Life in the
Segregated South (New York: The New Press, 2001), 205-67; Michael Honey,
Black Workers Remember: An Oral History of Segregation, Unionism, and the
Freedom Struggle (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999); Robert
Rogers Korstad, Civil Rights Unionism: Tobacco Workers and the Struggle for
Democracy in the Mid-Twentieth-Century South (Chapel Hill, NC: University
of North Carolina Press, 2003); Stephanie J. Shaw, What a Woman Ought to
Be and to Do: Black Professional Women Workers During the Jim Crow Era
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
12. Chafe, Gavins, and Korstad, eds., Remembering Jim Crow, 89-91.
13. See James D. Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860-1935
(Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Sarah L.
Delany and A. Elizabeth Delany with Amy Hill Hearth, Having Our Say:
The Delany Sisters' First 100 Years (New York: Dell Publishing, 1993); Adam
Fairclough, Teaching Equality: Black Schools in the Age of Jim Crow (Athens,
GA: University of Georgia Press, 2001); Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham,
Righteous Discontent: The Women's Movement in the Black Baptist Church,
1880-1920 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993); C. Eric
Lincoln and Lawrence H. Mamiya, The Black Church in the African Ameri
can Experience (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990); Pauli Murray,
Proud Shoes: The Story of an American Family (New York: Harper & Row,
1956); Vanessa Siddle Walker, Their Highest Potential: An African American
School Community in the Segregated South (Chapel Hill, NC: University of
North Carolina Press, 1996); Loretta J. Williams, Black Freemasonry and
Middle Class Realities (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1980).
14. Mamie Garvin Fields with Karen Fields, Lemon Swamp and Other Places: A
Carolina Memoir (New York: Free Press, 1983); Raymond Gavins, "North
Carolina Black Folklore and Song in the Age of Segregation: Toward
Another Meaning of Survival," North Carolina Historical Review LXVI
(October 1989): 412-42; Lawrence W. Levine, Black Culture and Black
Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thought from Slavery to Freedom (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1977); David Levering Lewis, ed., The
Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader (New York: Penguin Books, 1994);
Kelly Miller, "Howard: The National Negro University," in The New
Negro, Locke, ed., 312-22; Richard Robbins, Sidelines Activist: Charles S.
Johnson and the Struggle for Civil Rights (Jackson, MS: University Press of
Mississippi, 1996).
15. Du Bois, Souls, 9-16,154-64; Chafe, Gavins, and Korstad, eds., Remember
ing Jim Crow, 89-151; Litwack, Trouble in Mind, ix, 3, 52,114,179, 217, 280,
326, 404, 481. Federal use of black culture to foster democratic plural
ism, as well as anticommunism, is examined in Barbara Dianne Savage,
Broadcasting Freedom: Radio, War, and the Politics of Race, 1938-1948
(Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1999).
16. Dianne Swann-Wright, A Way Out of No Way: Claiming Family and
Freedom in the New South (Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia
Press, 2002); Brad Snyder, Beyond the Shadow of the Senators: The Untold
Story of the Homestead Grays and the Integration of Baseball (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 2003).
Raymond Gavins, professor of history at Duke University, is author q/The
Perils and Prospects of Southern Black Leadership: Gordon Blaine
Hancock, 1884-1970 (1977), many journal articles, and coeditor of
Remembering Jim Crow (2001). He is a 2003-2004fellow of the Woodrow
Wilson International Center for Scholars, where his project concerns Hack
North Carolinians in the age of Jim Crow.