UNIT 12 MUGHAL THEORY OF

SOVEREIGNTY

I Structure
Objectives
Introduction
The Background
Nature of Cenval Asian Polity: Turco-Mongol Impact
12.3.1 Influence of Turah
12.3.2. Turco-Mongol Concept of Sovereignty
12.3.3 Nature of Political Structure
12.3.4 Custom of Succession
12.3.5 Centre-State Relationship
12.3.6 The Nobility
The Mughal Theory of State: Its Development
12.4.1 Babur and Hurnayun
q 4 . 2 Akbar
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

1 12.0 OBJECTIVES
It This Unit deals with the evolution and nature of the Mughal theory of sovereignty.
No polity or state organisation could ever develop in isolation. The study of the present
i Unit would enable you to see the varied shades of influences on and *aspects of Mughal
sovereignty in India. After reading this Unit you would be able to l k about:

:I the formative factors and the impact of Persian and Turco-Mongol traditibn;
the concept of sovereignty and the nature of political structure in the ancestral
kingdom of the Mughals; and
the Mughal concept of divine theory of kingship and various remnants of Turco-
Mongol administration.

I
!
12.1 INTRODUCTION

The Indian political thought as well as the Persian and Tmo-Mongol traditions have
attached much importance to the institution of sovereignty for preserving order and
stability of society and for eradicating anarchy and lawlessness. Monarchy was
considered to be the keystone of the medieval polity. Thus according to Abul Fa& "If
royalty did not exist, the storm of strife would never subside, nor selfish ambition
disappear. Mankind being under the burden of lawlessness and lust would sink into the
pit of destruction ..." The nature of the state and complexion of administrative structure
of an Empire were determined largely by the theory of sovereignty and the policies
propounded and pursued by the king himself. A study of the Central Asian theory of
state and its various aspects is, therefore, essential for c o m t understanding of Mughal
polity.

( 12.1 THE BACKGROUND

t The Mughal rulers of India were not new to the art, of governance: they possessed an
experience of almost two centuries of dynastic rule in Central Asia They brought with
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them a well-med and established principles of administration. The need to adapt in a

new land had made them flexible enough to absorb the tradition of their surroundings. Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 , Polltld m ~ InsUlutlom
~ d The general administrative structure and the policies of the Mughds in India, therefore,
appear to be a conglomeration of Indo-Islamic trends. The rich Central Asian heritage
and Turco-Mongol legacy in the form of practices, ir~stitutions,loan words and terms do
appear occasionally. The remnants of the Chingizi and Timuri polity are often noticed in
the Mughal structure in India.
Babur took pride in calling himself a 'Turk' though he was a Turco-Mongol. Babur was
related to Chingiz (on mother's side) and Timur (on father's side). Notwithstanding
Babur's occasional outbursts against the Mongols, he held Chingiz Khan and his family
in high esteem. Akbar's attitude towards his "ancestors" is appropriately reflected in the
comments of Abul Fazl who called Chingiz a "great man". By thus elevating and
glorifying the Mongols, the Mughals in India were adding prestige to their own dynasty.
Extending their hereditary claims over the Indian territories by virtue of having the
blood of Chingiz and Timur in their veins was, therefore. logical and expedient. Babur's
dynasty in India was variously called 'Chaghatai', 'Mughal' and 'Qarawanah',
disregarding the genealogical differences and their relationship to Chingiz through
females. The significance of this relationship was not only fully realized but was equally
utilized and emphasized by the Mughal rulers and their court chronicles in biographies,
historical accounts, royal letters and other documents. 'lhis emphasis on kinship between
the families of Chingiz and Timur brings to the surface the undercurrents of Mughal
anxiety to claim a close relationship and quality with the ruling family of Chingiz Khan
on the basis of their genealogy, whether d or fictitious. To a grtat extent they
preserved their rich legacy even while ruling over in India -an alien and somewhat ,
different region. There arc a number of terms and institutions which are similar in
nomenclature though different in connotation. A thorough adaptation of Central Asian
.
terms and institutions in accordance with the needs or circumstances and the
surroundings is also noticed.

12.3 NATURE OF CENTRAL ASIAN POLITY:

TURCO-MONGOL IMPACT

.As we have already read, the Central Asian polity was adopted by the Mughals in many
ways, bearing .Turkish and Mongol traits. But controversy exists about the magnitude of
Turkish and Mongol influences. Some scholars hold that Mongol traditions w m
predominant, while others suggest that Turkish influence was so strong that the Mongol
system had really been converted into whpt can onlx be designated as Turco-Mongol.
When Chingiz came to Cenval Asia, his army mainly comprised Turks, albeit with only
a nucleus of Mongol. It is supported by several sources that the prescribed norms and
Mughal customs and practices were often being followed "in the fashion of Chingiz
Khan". The Empire of Timur was also a "unique combination'of Turco-Mongolh
political and military system". The Barlas tribe to which Timur himself belonged was
actually a Turco-Mongol tribe.

12.3.1 Influence of Turah

Besides having Turkish traditions, the Central Asian administration was considerably
influenced by the turah, that is the laws formulated by Chingiz after his ascendancy
(other terms were yasa, yusun, yasaq). The turah did not contain any religious element
and dealt mainly with political principles and the organisation of government and civil
and military administration. The turah was considered to be an immutable code.
Akbar was proud of Central Asian connections and traditions. A fine blend of Cenral
Asian and Indian traditions with a veneer of Perso-Islamic principles is, therefore:
noticed in various spheres of Mughal politics and administraiton under A k h . The
turah figures in Jahangir's autobiography and flickers through some of his measures.
The references to turah, however, start fading and dwindle gradually in the reign of
shah Jahan and is finally engulfed by the "religious revivalism" during h e reign of
Aurangzcb. Nevertheless, the principles of turah and the Chaghatai traditions had
limited utility in Indian context. A survey of the Mughal sources shows that the
emphasis on turslh was motivated by a real politik of the Mughal Emperors who
wanted to highlight their links with the two formv conquerors of India and to the great
Empire builders namely Chingiz and Timur. It may, however, be pointed out that the
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turah was preserved and at best its traditions continued to linger in the Mughal E m p h Mughd Theory of
Swerelgnty
mainly in the sphere of the laws of ceremonies and etiquettes. Nevertheless, the
occasibnal references to the 'Chaghatai traditions' found in early Mughal sources are
conspicuously mhsing in the later period.

I 12.3.2 Turco-Mongol Concept of Sovereignty

Although it is said that Chingiz had borrowed his divine theory of sovereignty from the
Uighlurs, the Mongols themselves seem to believe in absolute power of the Khan which
is evident from the following words of a Mongol Khan: "In the sky there can only be
one sun or one moon; how can there be two masters on earth". Nonetheless, division of
the Empire among the ruler's sons for facilitating administration with all its rigours and
satiating the desires of governance among princes was the cardinal principle of Mongol
concept of sovereignty. But Timur followed the concept of absolute sovereignty who
pronounced that "the whole expanse of the inhabited part of the world is not worthy of
two kings: since God is one, therefore, the vicegerent of God on earth should also be
one." Babur also confms that "partnership in rule is a thing unheard of'.
Despite these assertions, a controversy has existed among the historians about the
tradition of absolute monarchy entertained by Timur who had accepted the nominal
I
overlordship of a descendant of Chingiz Khan. Timur himself never used any title higher
than amir. Though Timur's successor Shahrukh assumed the title Padshah and
Sultan-ul Azam, the idea of the nominal overlordship of the Khan remained alive down
to the time of Abu Saeed Mina. However, the existence of puppet Khans was a
political necessity for Timur. Timur did not belong to the royal family of Chingiz md in
the given situation "only men of the tribe of Chingiz could claim the title Khan". n u s ,
Timur's right to accession was likely to be challenged by the Mongols.
These Khans were kept confined lo a particular locality and the only royal prerogative
enjoyed by them was the manshurs (orders) and certain coins of Timur carried the
names of these "prisoners". Nevertheless, Timur continued to maintain his supremacy
over the Khans. No sooner had he acquired necessary power and secured enough
support from the Chaghatai nobles than he proclaimed himself sovereign in 1370 with
the title of sahib-i qiran (a title given to a ruler who had ruled for forty years). ?he
coronation ceremony was held with all royal grandeur for Timur alone. Timur never
"rendered honours to the Khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn
surroundings. Honours due to the monarch were always personally received by Timur".
Being a fm believer in absolutism, Timur never attached undue importance to the
consultative assembly (qwltai). Besides, he considered himself to be the temporal as
well as spiritual leader. Concept of sovereignty was stretched by him to its logical end.
He announced that he "received direct revelations from the Almighty", thus giving
divine sanctions to his enterprise. Thus, the practice of installing puppet Khans was
'merely a political game which had been played by Timur and his successors to mobilize
the support of Mongol forces and to use them finally to establish their own power and
to legitimize their rule over a territory which was actually usurped by them from the
Mongols. At any rate, after the death of Mahmud in A.D. 1402, Timur did not care to
appoint any other Khan.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Tick mark (xld ) the correct statements:
i) Babur was related to Chingiz (from his father's side) and Timur (from his
mother's side).
ii) There was a significant impact of Turco-Mongol concepts of sovereignty over
the ~ u g h a theory
l of %ate.
iii) The Mughals put their legal clairp on Timur's legacy of India.
iv) Abul Fazl comments that if royalty subsides, selfish ambition disappear.
2) Write a short note on turah.

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 3) Discuss the Turco-Mongol Concept of sovereignty.

12.3.3 Nature of Political Structure

Was the political structure of the Timuri rulers of Central Asia oriented towards
centralisation? Some scholars hold that there were trends towards greatex centralisation.
But this view has been contended by others. The latter argue that the tribal character of
the Mongol polity did not permit the rise of an absolutism comparable to Turkish
monarchy. Chingiz Khan's Empire belonged not to the ruler but to the ruling family. But
others point out that even when the Timuri state declined and disintegrated, the traditions
of despotic and absolute monarchy continued. It is fair to conclude, then, that Timuri
polity was one of absolutism and that minor deviations or exceptions cannot
fundamentally modify this basic fact.

12.3.4 Cqstom of Succession 1"

While Chingiz Khan had nominated his own successor, he had, however, emphasized
that anyone from amongst the sons and grandsons of the kings could succeed him
prwided that such a person was worthy of this office. 'Ihis system of nomination by the
Khan on the basis of merit seems to have continued upto the Timuris. The nomination
of the Khan was not always respected, but the worth of a person always enabled him to
conmve his own enthronement. As 'worth' happened to be the main criterion for
accession, aspiratioirs of many energetic and enterprising prhces were excited.
Consequently, civil wars, fratricide and rebefions became a regular phenomenon in
Central Asia and in Mughal India as well. In accordance with the Old Turco-Mongol
traditi~n,kingship was not reserved for the sons of the king only. With the extension of
this opportunity to the grandsons and uncles of the king (Kban), the number of aspirants
became very large. Either worth or even popular support could decide the issue of
succession. In all three situations (i.e. nomination, conrrivance and selection), the
question of succession had to be formally ratifled by a qumltai (assembly of princes
and nobles) which symbolized an assurance of submission by all the notables.

12.3.5 Centre-State Relationship

The king was the pivot of administration. The kbutba was read and the coins were
struck in 'the name of the king throughout the Empire. The provinc,ial rulers were
appointed by the king. They were required to act in accordance with the regulations and
orders of the king and owed their status to the sweet will of the ruler. The provincial
rulership and the land grants served as sources of income to the members of the myal
family. Nevertheless, the final authority rested with the king. The pmvifi::id rulers were
not permitted to interfere in the collection of the king's share of revenue. For these and
for other administrative purposes, special deputies were appointed by the Khan in each
khanate. The failure of a provincial ruler (Sultan) to comply with the orders of the
Khan or to fulfil his military or financial obligation at a certain time would have
disastrous consequences for him. While they were allowed to have diplomatic relations
with external powers, certain major decisions like the waging of war or the signing of
treaty were taken by the king personally. The king was authorised to intervene in
interstate feuds and even to transfer or depose an unruly Sultan.
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 Thus.' it seems that division.was necessary to facilitate the administrarion of a vast
Empire and also to satisfy the ambitions of rulership amongst the princes. From all this.
it can hardly be' deduced that the king in the Chingizi or Timuri Empire was simply one
from amongst the other Sultans.

'12.3.6 The Nobility

The nobility being the creation of the king himself was supposed to be the main source
of his strength. At the fime of the accession of a new Khan, the nobility had to take an
oath-for remaining loyal and subservient to the king. The examples of a number of
vicious and unscrupulous nobles of the later Timuris (in the last quarter of the Timuri
rule in Central Asia) present a somewhat shocking picture of the Timuri nobles. These
should not lead one to conclude that there were certain inherent weaknesses in the
system itself which encouraged this attitude amongst the nobles and ultimately hampered
the development of Central authority. The Turco-Mongol political structure had been
built in such a way that nobles remained subsensient to the Khan, notwithstanding their
conditional privileges. Nevertheless. some scholars art of the view that the prevalence of
hereditary privileges among a large section of the nobility discouraged the growth of
absolutism in the Mongol Empire. Although it cannot be denied that many rulers of
Transoxiana from time to time assigned special status to their favourite amim, and.
some of these privileges were even hereditary, it is also a fact that such privileges were
being enjoyed by the nobles only on a reciprocal basis. In case of any defiance, these
privileges could always be withdrawn. Each new king could renew or withhold aIl kinds
of privileges granted by his predecessors. The very fact that Chingi. had prescribed a
clause in his code whereby 4; nobles enjoying special status could be forgiven only for
nine offences itself shows that the king could exercise his absolute power over the
nobles. The$ are number of examples where the nobles had a high standing and were
enjoying hereditary privileges also but were dismissed, executed, punished. fined or
banished.

Check. Your Progress 2

1) Briefly discuss the nature of centre-state relationship in Central Asia Answer in 50
words.

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2) ' Assess the role of nobility in the Timuri Empire. Write your answer in 60 words.
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THE MUGHAL THEORY OF STATE: ITS

DEVELOPMENT
).

In the present section we will be dealing with the development of the Mughal concept
of sovereignty under Babur and Humayun and how later under Akbar it reached at its
climax.
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 PolIW Id- .ad ~ t 12.4.1
u Babur
~ and Humayun
*
Some historians argue that the fimuri polity was influenced by the Turco-Mongol polity
and it was absolutist in nature and essentially oriented towards highly centralised state
structure. They consider it superior to the structure of the Afghan power which had
reduced the Sultanate to a confederacy of tribes holdings different regions. But for
others, it was only in the beginning that the Mongol influence was greaC later, the
Mongol polity s t d losing its centralizing and absolutist character.
Now let us examine the nature of Mughal polity. We have already discussed (Sec. 12.3)
in detail the characteristic features of the Timuri and Mongol polity and found that
Tirnuri polity was influenced by both Turki and Mongol structure. Let us-see what
legacy Babur had inherited when he came to India.
As for absolutist nature of Mughal polity, it is argued that the Timuri rulers down to
Babur despite pressing circumstances did not think it appropriate to assume the title of
khaqaan suggests that they conceded special status to the Khaus. But it seems an
oversimplification of a complicated problem. As stated above, division of the Empire
among the sons of the ruler was the cardinal principle of Mongol theory of kingship.
But Babur never approved this concept: when after the death of Husain Mirza. his two
sons shared sovereign powers, he showed his surprise. Similarly he also rejected any
idea of sharing sovereignty with his begs (nobles), But the Mughals at early stages do
not seem to have totally alienated themselves from Mongol influences. The Mongol
principle of the division of the Empire was put to test soon after the death of Babur.
Humayun divided his Empire among his brothers but failed. In 1556 at the battle of
Ushtargram, Akbar and one of the daughters of Kamran were put on the throne, but
it was a short lived emergency measure. Nonetheless, Babur assumed the title of
'Padshah' -a Turkish title. Humayun's decision to shift sovereignty to a watercanier
for a day, who had saved his life, shows that the Mughals considered sovereignty as
personal property of the 'Padshah'. Even the so-called hereditary privileges of the nobles
got the sanction'of the ruler. Such privileges had to be renewed by the new ruler.
Therefore, it is not quite correct to infer that the prevalence of hereditary privileges
among a large section of nobility discouraged the growth of absolutism in the early-
Turco-Mongol polity. Later, both Babur and Humayun are known to have respected the
Chaghatai code of laws (turah) which was allergic to the concept of more than one
ruler at one time.

12.4.2 Akbar
Abul Fazl says: "No dignity is higher in the eyes of God than royalty. Royalty is a
- remedy for the spirit of rebellion ...." Even the meaning of the word Padshah shows
this for pad signifies stability and passession and shah mehs origin, Lord. A king is.
therefore. the "origin of stability and possession". He adds "Royalty is a light
emanating from God, and a ray from the sun .... Modem language calls this light
farri izidi (the divine light) and the tongue of antiquity called it kiyan khwarah (the
sublime halo). It is communicated by God to kings without the intermediate assistance
of anyone. Again many excellent qualities flow from the possession of this light, e.g.,
a paternal love towards the subjects, a large hem, trust in God, prayer and devotion,
etc. At another place, Abul Fazl repeats that "The shamsa of the arch of royalty is a
divine light, which God directly transfers to kings, without the assistance of men ...."
The king was therefore deemed to be divinely appointed, divinely guided and divinely
protected.
The theory of sovereignty propounded by Abul Fazl on behalf of Akbar and reflected in
his mahzar and "Ai'n-i rahnamuni" seems to be as close to the Cenaal Asian and
, Perso-Islamic concepts as to the Chingizi traditions of sovereignty. It is significant that
the absolute traditions of sovereignty and conjunction of spiritual and temporal rulership
was developed at many courts as a defence mechanism against undue encroachment
upon king's authority by lesser mo&.me philosophy and the spirit of the concepts of
farri izidi, kiyan khwarah, etc. were the same. that is, the intention was to guard
against any direct or indirect share in king's authority. Alauddin Khalji had tried to
abide by the "law of expediency". Akbar went ahead of him. By the mahzar (drafted
by Shaikh Mubarak and his two sons), the Emperor was certified to be a just ruler
(Imam Adil) and was as guch assigned the rank of mujtahid, i.e. an "infallible
authority"; nay,*the pos&i of Imam Adil was declared superior to that of a mujtahid.
The "intellect of the just king" thus became the valuable source of legislation.
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Abul Fazl elucidates that "when h e time of reflection comes, and men shake off the
prejudices of their education, the thread of the web of religious blindness break and the
eye sees the glory of harmoniousness ... although some are enlightened many would
observe silence from fear of fanatics who lust for blood, but look like men ....The
people will naturally look to their king and expect him to be their spiritual leader as
well, for a king possesses, independent of men, the ray of Divine wisdom, which
banishes from his heart everything that is conflicting. A king will, therefore, sometimes
observe the element of harmony in a multitude of things.... Now this is the case with the
monarch of the present age. He now is the spiritual guide of the nation."

Check your'Progress 3

*
1) To what extent Tutco-Mongol traditions were followed by Babur and Humayun?

2) Comment on the theory of sovereignty propounded by Abul Fazl. Answer in 60

words.

12.5 LET US SUM UP

The Mughal perception of sovereignty primarily carried the impact of Turco-Mongol
traditions that had evolved in Central Asia, especially since the turah of Chingiz Khan.
The crucial question was the position and status of the ruler. Did he aspire for absolute
authority? Was he prepad to allow others to share his authority and powers? The key
to resolve these two queries is to be very clear about the difference between sharing of
sovereignty on the one hand, and sharing of power on the other. From the foregoing
account we can say that it was possible for others to exercise authority and enjoy power,
but we must not fail to see the vital point that such authority and power were in fact
delegated by the ruler to others (for example, princes being appointed as rulers or
Sultans of different regions). This practice by no means could be interpreted as "sharing
the sovereignty" which, for that matter, was totally a different thing. Stray and
momentary incidents are not of much consequence. Thus, there was no question of the
Turco-Mongol and the Mughal rulers to compromise on this fundamental principle of
absolute monarchy: it would not accommodate another person with concurrent
sovereignty.
Moreover, the divine element in the concept of sovereignty existed 'since early times.
The usual formula in the Islamic culture-area in this respect was zif-a1 Allah W 'arz
("shadow of God on earth'? which Babur, too, had adopted. But Akbar went further: he
changed the formula to farri izidi, that is, "light of God". This makes an enormous .,
difference: "shadow of God" is naturally inferior in perception to "light of God". The
latter links the monarch directly to God, rather he becomes a part of God. Thus, Akbat's
perception of sovereignty is the zenith that the Muslim mind could go. That was the Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
PolltI* id^^ -tutlom limit for a Muslim ruler: to cross that would have amounted to doing violence to the
concept of Allah among the Muslims. Surely, no mortal could declare himself as God.

12.6 KEY WORDS

: literally rules. Abul Fazl in his book Ain-i Akbari presents

the rules of Akbar's Empire. These. rules refer to imperial
household, mansabdars, imperial army, food-stuffs, royal .
stable, prices, revenue system, etc.
Ain-i-Rahnamuni ' : Ain 77. In this section Ahul Razl mentions His Majesty as
the spiritual guide of the people.
Khutba : a sermon recited in mosques on Fridays wherein the .name
of the ruler was included.
: lit. a decree. Akbar issued the famous decree of mahzar in
1580 which was drafted by Shaikh Mubarak. This decree
recognised the superior position of Sultan over the
mujtahids (interpreter of law).
Sahib-I qiran : lit. a fortunate and invincible hero. A title of Timur. This
title was given to a monarch who had ruled for forty years.
3
Steppes : a region north of China and east of lake Baikal. Mongols
were the original inhabitants of the region.
Uighlur8 : a Central Asian Tribe

12.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) i) x ii) 4 iii) 4 iv) x .
2) Read Sub-sec 12.3.1. &fine turah and highlight its importance. Also discuss
Mughal rulers' attitude towards it.
3) See Sub-six. 12.3.2. Discuss the Turkish and Mongol concepts of sovereignty and
to which extent Central Asian rulers were influenced by these tradiWconcepts.

Check Your Progress 2

1) See Sub-sec. 12.3.5. Read the section carefully and analyse the Turk and the
Mongol beliefs in the absolute power. Also discuss how Tirnur's limitations forced
him to accept nominal overlordship of Khans.
2) See Sub-sec. 12.3.5
Check Your Progress 3
1) Carefully read Sub-sec. 12.4.1. Analyse to what extent Babur and Humayun were
influenced by Turkish md Mongol concepts of sovereignty. Also disauss the
circumstances instrumental in influencing their actions.
2) Read Sub-sec. 12.4.2. Discuss Abul Fazl's concept of sovereignty. How and why
Akbar brought changes in the existing regulations. Discuss its impact To what
extent it helped the Mughals in assuming superior position than the ulama/
mujtahid?

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