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The Interaction Between Stand Up Comedy and Caste in India
The Interaction Between Stand Up Comedy and Caste in India
Shrutika Parli
From the 2010s, a new comic trend spread across India, dealing with a single comedian and an
audience. This was a stand-up comedy, and it did not take long for it to become accepted among
urban youth. However, long after its advent in India, the stand-up scene does not seem to have
gained much intersectionality, especially with regard to caste. There is little to no representation of
Dalit and lower caste voices. The comedians as well as their audiences are mostly upper-caste
people living in urban environments. There also seems to be a lack of caste consciousness among
comedians and audiences alike. Comedians often make jokes that have casteist undertones and
make references to their own upper-caste identities in their routines. This article analyses popular
standup comedians and their stance on caste, as well as instances in which they have mentioned
caste in their shows. It also outlines the broader issues of caste in Indian society. An attempt is also
made to look at alternative comedians and routines which deviate from upper caste-dominated
comedy. Further, it reflects on the ways that such comedians and routines are only a microcosm of a
Keywords: caste system, stand-up comedy, Savarna, Dalit, discrimination, Brahmin, Indian
society
Introduction
Stand up comedy is a genre or form of comedy, in which the comedian addresses a live
audience directly from a stage. It is usually performed without the use of props, or any
supportive materials, with the comedian being the only thing on stage. An advantageous
feature of stand up comedy is that it can be performed anywhere there is a live audience and a
This form of comedy has often been associated with subversive elements and elements of
satire. This is partly due to the idea of jester’s privilege, drawing upon the concept of Jester’s
in medieval Europe, who performed comedic routines in royal courts. Using comedy as a
shield, these performance artists were often the only people allowed to allowed to critique or
insult the royal family and king without facing legal repercussions for the same. According to
Jester’s privilege, audiences during a stand up comedy performance enter into an unspoken
agreement with the comedian, which allows the comic to suspend social norms and introduce
controversial or scandalous subject matters onto the stage. (Otto Beatrice.2007)This allows
for critique of existing power structures, as well as political and social satire.
In India too, comics, as well as audiences have hailed stand up comedy as a progressive
medium which has the potential to address and criticize wider social issues and practices.
(Film Companion. 2017) However, while the nature of stand up comedy can be used for
subversion, and often is, many comedians in India maintain caste as a blind spot which is
rarely if ever addressed. This might be due to their own caste locations, and that of their
audiences, which causes them to replicate power structures within their own comedy which
Indian media and entertainment, with sitcoms such as Tarak Mehta ka Ulta Chasma being
household pastimes for the entire family. In Bollywood, the funny sidekick often served as
the right-hand man of the hero, or even the villain, merely there for comic relief. However,
before the rise of the internet, and the boom of the 2010s- stand up comedy- the medium of
delivering comedy to a live audience from a stage, was still a niche phenomenon in India.
Comedians were mostly included as side acts, taking in the ten- to fifteen-minute slots in
between the performances of other acts at festivals, pubs, election rallies or birthday parties.
They were rarely, if ever, the main event. Johnny Lever, who would soon enter Bollywood,
first displayed his incredible comic timing by doing stand up in 1980s Mumbai.( Jha 2021).
The current scene of Indian English stand up comedy can be traced to the establishment of
The Comedy Store in 2009. The Comedy Store, began as a platform hosting solely British,
comedians, but soon started hiring local talent. The 2000s also saw the rise of three popular
comedy shows on Indian television, The Great Indian Comedy Show, Comedy circus and The
Great Indian Laughter Challenge. Two of these closed shop with a few years, but made quite
a mark on the comedy scene, with the The Great Indian Laughter challenge effectively
launching the career of the infamous Indian comedian Kapil Sharma. He later went on to
create his own comedy show ‘The Kapil Sharma show’, broadcasting on the television
channel Colours , which became hysterically popular among Savarna middle class
With the boom of the internet in the 2000s, tech savvy Indians, especially in urban areas were
exposed to Western standup for the first time, watching the shows of comics such as Vir Das
and Russel Peters for the first time. Russel Peters, in particular, became an overnight
sensation, with clips of his 2006 show Outsourced going viral among India college students.
When Russel finally performed in India in 2008, he promptly sold out every high-capacity
venue he performed in. In 2010, Vir Das returned to India, and promptly started performing
in The Comedy Store every Wednesday. (Jha 2021). In cities such as Mumbai, Delhi and
Bangalore, which had something of a pub culture, stand up comedy became a routine sort of
novelty act. All of this soon developed into the opening of clubs in major cities, entirely
dedicated to stand-up comedy. Comedy kicked off on Youtube with collectives such All India
Bakchod (AIB), EIC, and SnG posting videos of their comedic sketches and routines, as well
as doing regular live shows. These collectives lived and died in controversy, but they had
already ushered in the Golden Age of standup comedy in India. (Jha Aditya. 2021.)
Today standup comedy in India flourishes within its still narrow confines. The medium has
established a concrete online presence. Netflix and Amazon Prime have moved swiftly to
capture the market, setting up comedy specials for specific artists as well as general
programmes, which draw in audiences in the droves. For those who aren’t on Netflix or
Prime, there is always YouTube, a platform where virtually every comic posts his work in
hopes of reaching the stardom of Vir Das or Zakir Khan. There are brand endorsements,
corporate offers and a huge amount of money involved in the industry. Stand-up comedy is
no longer restricted to ten-fifteen minute intervals between events, it is now the main event
itself.
Yet stand up comedy in India continues to suffer from many issues. One that has caught the
ire of many of its fans is the censorship against prominent comics who made religious or
political critiques. It is not at all uncommon to hear about comics embroiled in police cases,
or death/rape threats. AIB’s greatest claim to fame still remains their 2014 roast on
Bollywood stars, the reaction to which forced them to take down the video. Kunal Kamra, a
sharp critic of the BJP government is always involved with some legal case or the other, and
is often in and out of jail, facing travel bans, FIRs and onstage evictions. Agrima Joshua who
allegedly poked fun at Chhatrapati Shivaji received graphic rape threats on video, threats that
did not decrease when she apologized for the video, she had made two years ago. The most
recent and outrageous case was that of comic Munawar Faruqui who was hauled off stage
and thrown in jail for allegedly making malicious jokes against Hindu deities and members of
the BJP government. Though finally granted bail and now out of prison, Faruqui’s arrest
shows that even the limited scope on which the Indian comedy scene focuses is not without
its dangers. (Rawal, R. 2021.)The 2015 documentary ‘I am Offended’, aptly demonstrates the
intolerance Indians have towards comedy that disturbs deeply held worldviews, especially
Faruqui has since become the posterchild for an online campaign against censorship. People
are hailing the job of a comedian as that of a social critic, that of finding the flaws in society,
and unabashedly calling them out. Comedians seem to always be pushing the narrative,
testing the edges of what is acceptable in India society. It’s interesting to see that such a
medium, which has long been used to make relevant social commentary both in India and
Caste in India is not only a social evil, it is an inescapable facet of Indian society itself.
Atrocities relating to caste are showing an upward trend in recent years, with the much-
decried Hathras tragedy being only one of many. In rural areas, life is still segregated into
various lower caste and upper caste communities, with people being progressively pushed to
the outskirts of the village the lower their caste is. In urban areas, casteism has taken more
discreet, yet still deadly forms. One of these is the forced endogamy present in nearly all
Indian urban upper caste families. Children are pressured to meet, flirt, date with and
eventually marry within their own caste. Any potential person that the child takes an interest
in must be screened to ensure that they are not from a ‘disreputable family’, (lower caste), but
most parents just take matters into their own hands and forbid the child from having any
relations of their own until they can find a suitable person from the same caste for them to
Reservations remain a hot topic among India Savarnas. The Mandal Commission riots in the
1990s were perhaps the first-time upper caste silence on caste was broken so vehemently
since Independence. As students immolated themselves and buses were burnt, there was an
undercurrent of anger throughout the demonstrations, which the protestors framed as not the
fear of Savarnas threatened by lower caste upward mobility, but as a fight between
meritorious and lazy students. The urban legend of the meritorious general category student
losing a college seat because a lazy SC/ST student whose father drives a Mercedes Benz is a
tale as old as reservations itself. In reality, the merit-undeserving divide is used repeatedly as
a cover for casual casteism, which starts with derisive conversation about underserving
reserved category students and ends with hiring discrimination, bullying and discrimination
by students and faculty in colleges, and student suicides. This discrimination bleeds out into
In homes, Savarna upper caste people often treat their domestic help (maids) abysmally, not
allowing them to sit on the furniture, or use the toilet, or take any vacations- or even take the
weekend off. They use different utensils if they ever have to give them food or water. In
many housing societies, they make the domestic helps use separate lifts or stairs, a clear
message that they are not worthy of using the same elevator or entrance as their upper caste
employers. Manual scavenging, garbage collection, cleaning sewers, sweeping and other
sanitation work is still largely dominated by lower caste people, whom Savarnas generally
consider unclean. Media houses and magazines talk about every topic under the sun, but
studiously ignore caste issues such as manual scavenging, caste discrimination in hiring, and
the denial of food to Dalit children in schools. Bollywood movies, have never featured a
leading actor/actress belonging to a lower caste, or even introduced such a character in the
storyline in a positive light, happy to go on believing that caste doesn’t exist. There is a
deafening silence among authorities relating to caste and atrocities in contemporary society,
and little to no redressal for people who suffer from the same. (Ganguly, S. 2020)
However, even amongst this, Savarna denial of caste remains strong. There is a strong
consensus among city dwelling upper caste people that caste no longer matters within the
Indian urban context. Caste based endogamy is preserving one’s community and culture, or
finding a match who will have more ‘compatible values.’ They seem to fail to see the
underlying caste-related undertones of Savarna endogamy, even though such endogamy is the
bread and butter of caste, the mechanism through which it perpetuates. The casual ill
treatment of house helps, sanitation workers and others are class issues, not caste ones.
Opposition to reservation is not casteist, because they apparently only target ‘underserving’
students, and aim to preserve ‘merit.’. Caste might not be talked about directly, but is instead
(Akbar, 2017)
When upper caste people do acknowledge caste, it is usually in response to some atrocity that
happened in a remote village. This response is typically articulated as shock that such a thing
still happens in modern society. This distance that they reinforce, of caste as some rural
phenomenon, the last remnants of an almost extinct monster, is crucial in maintaining the
silence around caste. In academia, there may still be some scope to speak about caste, but
outside this narrow field, looking at societal issues through a caste lens is considered
An overview of the standup comedy scene is India shows most comedians are not paid for the
first few years that they start their work in comedy, as most of their earliest shows will be
open mics set up by clubs and comedy companies. If they are paid during their earliest days,
it is only a nominal amount. Thus, a comedian entering the standup comedy world must first
establish adequate financial security even before his begins comedy, either through savings or
a part time job. This is apart from the fact the comic must invest an initial amount of money
from their side in advertising themselves, in the hopes that it will pay off in the long run.
Inevitably, most stand up comics come from privileged upper class upper caste backgrounds,
and come to the comedy scene already have accumulated enough financial and cultural
capital to tide them over those initial breakthrough years. A large section of comics join
comedy after leaving engineering or MBA, or deciding their current well-paying job is not
fulfilling enough them anymore. Whatever the case, it is a career that can require a great deal
of investment when starting out, and this itself serves as a barrier that keeps less privileged
Booking sites such as BookMyShow regularly advertise dozens of comedy shows in big
cities every month. The prices for many of these shows, even open mics, are not the most
ridiculous amounts. These shows are held only in select well to do neighborhoods of the city,
usually with a lot of pubs and clubs, where the city’s elite frequent. It is expected that the
audience will be moneyed, dress and speak well, and understand every pop culture reference
that the comedian throws at them. Thus, the audience of live comedy shows also comes from
upper class Savarna households. They do not expect the comedian to broach the silence
around caste that keeps them in power, and they get what they demand. (Shivaprasad, M.
2020). Even on online non paid platforms, such as Youtube , which is considered easily
accessible to anyone with an internet connection, comedians do not change their habits,
stubbornly ignoring caste until, of course, there arrives an opportunity to punch down.
Stand up comedy has long distinguished itself from TV comedy as the more woke, more
progressive medium.(Gandhi 2018) TV comedy, especially shows such the Kapil Sharma
Show have long been notorious been for their sexist and homophobic humor. Before the
advent of stand up humor the standard form of humor in India was making fun of poor, far,
dark, and LGBTQ people, by turning them into cheap caricatures of themselves for cishet
people to laugh at. (Shivaprasad, M. 2020) Stand up comedians soon diverted from such
comedic routines, and devoted themselves to ‘punching up’ instead of down. Punching up
means making fun of people more privileged or powerful than oneself, while punching down
is making fun of already marginalized people, and thus contributing to their marginalization.
Thus, stand-up comedians made every effort to seem sensitive to issues concerning
patriarchy, religion, and the LGBTQ community in their comedy. Whether this led to any
actual change in questionable. Many comedy creators who regularly put out ‘feminist’
content were caught up in sexual assault allegations, the most popular being the AIB
collective which dissolved after two senior partners, Tanmay Bhatt and Gursimran Khambha,
were accused of wrongdoing during the #MeToo wave. Despite efforts towards
representation, women still play second fiddle to men, with none of them reaching the heights
of fame that popular male comics possess. There is almost no representation of LGBTQ+
comedians on any platform. It seems that most stand up comedians have realized that
feminism is good for business, but do not have actual interest or commitment towards the
cause. (Gandhi 2018)However, in terms of caste, this minimal courtesy does not seem
necessary or wise. Thus, there is no anti-caste humor in stand up comedy. There is however,
the opposite kind of humor, the kind that was supposed to have been left behind on big TV
in the middle of controversy after they made several jokes on former Dalit Chief Minister
Mayawati. These jokes included several comments about her appearance, and mocked her for
spending money to make statues of herself. It is important to note that they do not go after
other upper caste politicians in the same manner as they do her, despite the fact that they too
are unquestionably embroiled in corruption and other scandals. (Etikala, 2021) In the same
month, another comedian Neville Shah apologized for his old anti-reservation jokes, where
he made fun of doctors who had availed of reservation, calling them incompetent. (Sharma,
2021.) While all of these comics apologized, it was not after much outrage on social media.
it is important to note that making these jokes were not isolated incidents but a common
feature of the Savarna dominated stand up comedy network. Even Kunal Kamra, who once
famously said ‘Rohit Vemula is my hero.’ (in reference to the college student who committed
suicide under casteist institutional pressure.), said on his show ‘Shut up Ya Kunal Kamra, ‘
Another common trope in casteist humor in stand-up comedy is the stereotype of the rude,
lazy, entitled maid, who does none of her work, turns up late and yet demands a high salary
for her work. (Shivaprasad, M. 2020 )‘Gully Bai’, a popular spoof which takes its name from
the Bollywood movie, Gully Boy, has as its central character, a domestic worker, who is
rude, lazy and incompetent. She’s always late, keeps on demanding more money, uses Tinder
and Swiggy, and burns all the food she makes. She speaks rudely to her employers, and
refuses to come on time even after they cut her salary. Her indolence is supposed to be funny,
relating to all those people in the audience who complain of their lazy maids. (Alagarsamy,
2019). Comedians joke about their maids, about them being kaamchors, they joke about
autowaalas, about how irritable and arrogant they are, they laugh about their chowkidars, who
refuse to salute them, they laugh about janitors and sanitation workers. (Shivaprasad, M.
2020) They never speak of caste, and they always deny it, but a cursory glance shows us that
most of India’s 10 million domestic workers are SC/ST/OBC, and so are many of the people
The attitude of most stand-up comedians on legitimate caste-based issues is the same as that
of most urban modern Savarnas, which means they harbor the misguided delusion of living in
a post caste society. In the paper, ‘Laughing about Caste’ the author, Shreyashi Ganguly,
reviewed the work of 15 popular Indian comedians, and found that only 4 out of fifteen
mentioned caste, and that only in passing. There is a silent understanding that there is no need
nor want to talk about caste. Comedian Abishek Upmanyu in his gig titled, “Breakup,
Respecting Elders & Discrimination”, makes fun of discrimination, alleging that it a small
matter, and that there are many more important issues that need to be tackled by the
authorities. In this same segment, he also makes a racist/colorist joke about a police man
calling a man ‘kaale kaulte’, and telling him to go home before dark so that cars don’t hit him
When comedians do directly mention caste, it is only to declare their caste dominance, or to
victimize themselves. There is a constant assertion of the minority status of Brahmins. For
example, Sundeep Rao, once called being Brahmin a ‘disability’, and invited all the Brahmins
in the house to a caste party where they would read religious books like the Ramayana. Sneha
Suhas, a Brahmin comedian, once joked about not wanting to do an MBA as she realized that
she ‘belonged to a minority community with no reservation’. Prasad Bhat talked about how
hard it was to start a comedy career when coming from a Brahmin family. (Shivaprasad, M.
2020) Sundeep Sharma in his ‘Bombay ka Brahman Bro’, jokes about how Brahmins were
once at the top of the caste ladder, but now the order has been reversed. According to him ,
Brahmins no longer have any monetary power, and no hero in a Bollywood stereotypically
Brahmin last name . (Ganguly, S. 2020) The victimhood in these jokes is part of the larger
discourse surrounding caste in the country, a sob story about how Brahmins have now
become the real minority, and are being shuttled out of the country by underserving
It is clear to see from all this that Indian standup comedy is still dominated by upper class
elites. There is little to no intersectionality here, especially about caste, and even among the
smaller number of women comics. It is possible that true anti caste comedy, or true
progressive comedy shall be available only when a Dalit/OBC comic comes on stage to make
jokes on the caste system. However, there is still no presence of such comedians in the scene.
This of course, has to be looked at from a broader sociological perspective, where the lack of
internet exposure, financial and social capital, and a dreath of English education keep the
Dalit comedians off the stage. Few stand up comedians today acknowledge caste is a real
issue, let alone critique the structure. Among these is Sanjay Rajoura, who often makes fun of
his own caste and male privilege in a self-deprecatory way. He acknowledges that caste is
one of the biggest issues that is not talked about in our society, and says that there is a lack of
conscious critique amongst Indian comics. There exists a comedy YouTube channel called
Temple Monkeys, the creators of which often make satirical videos centered on caste, and
criticize the dominance of upper caste narratives in comedy, especially in the Tamil scene.
(Shivaprasad, M. 2020)A notable comedy performance from them Sit down Comedy, includes
a criticism of the Tamil comedy scene, which is under heavy brahmin domination. The Dalit
character in the scene has no choice but to sit along with the primarily upper caste audience
and laugh at the comedian’s casteist jokes. When he finally gets a chance to perform, there no
through a talent competition organized for domestic workers by her employers. After being
discovered at the performance, she started doing stand up comedy nightly, while also cooking
in four houses to supplement her pay. Mhatre observed that most stand-up comedians made
derogatory jokes about their maids. Deciding to flip the script, Mhatre started to make
comedy routines about her employers, or memsahebs, adopting a critical tone towards the
urban Indian Savarna middle class. (Sahoo 2018)However, it should be noted, that nowhere
does Mhatre mention caste in her comedy, neither is she clear about her own caste position
with regards to that of her employers. ( Shivaprasad, M. 2020) Nevertheless, as small as the
current scope of non-Savarna stand up may be, it is refreshing to see that there are alternative
Conclusion
Yet, we still should be aware of the fact that stand up comedy in India does not exist in
isolation. The lack of representation of Bahujan voices, the casteist humor, the assertion of a
post caste society and the victim narrative of upper castes in Indian comedy is just a
reflection, of Savarna beliefs and culture. The comedian on stage making jokes is no less nor
no more casteist than the man who sits in the audience laughing at his witticisms. Comedians
make such jokes not only because they themselves have fallen prey to caste bias, but also
because they are aware that their audience shares their prejudices. For them, this is a safe
space, an echo chamber in which to air their regressive views and reinforce them. Even
comedians who do not make casteist jokes, never speak about the system, because to speak
about it the way it exists, would make their mostly Savarna audience angry and
uncomfortable. Caste thrives in the invisibilization that we have garbed it in, and it isn’t only
the comedians who are to blame. They are only the symptom of a problem, children of a
disease that continues to torment lower caste people even as it tells them caste doesn’t exist.
In the case of standup comedy, there has been much assertion by Bahujan social media
handles, and a mass calling out of comedians who use casteist jokes. One can only hope that
in the near future, caste will become finally become a PR issue for comedians, though
whether it will lead to any real change is doubtful. After all, Savarna society seems more than
content to draw its blinders against caste, for after all, if one doesn’t acknowledge it, then one
I would like to thank Professor Maya Dodd for her support and encouragement while writing
this paper, as well as for providing her valuable comments and insights. I would also like to
thank Sneha Parli, Neelam Lour Ravi and Srinidhi Ramakrishnan for their suggestions which
Declaration of Interests
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