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1995 - Slezkine - Can We Have Our Nation State - Reply To Hagen
1995 - Slezkine - Can We Have Our Nation State - Reply To Hagen
1995 - Slezkine - Can We Have Our Nation State - Reply To Hagen
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Can We Have Our Nation State and Eat It Too?
Mark von Hagen answers his "seemingly simple" question with an ap-
parently deliberate paradox: Ukrainian history is consistently discon-
tinuous; consistent discontinuity is a symptom of postmodernity; hence,
Ukrainian history is postmodern and thus "intrinsically interesting."
Postmodernism is intrinsically non-national. The difficulty lies in de-
fending the paradox by using the logic that it defies. For if postmodern
("new," "modern") history is about the "fluidity of frontiers," "perme-
ability of cultures," "discontinuity" of institutions and multiplicity of
"transitional and unstable" identities, then postmodern historians must
persevere in their assault on the various "paragons of 'nation-state-
hood' "-not apply themselves to "the integration of ... competing
pasts into a more or less coherent narrative of national history." If
fluidity and discontinuity are indeed the stuff of Ukrainian history,
and if fluidity and discontinuity are "strengths" to be pursued, then
there should be no such thing as Ukrainian history because "Ukrain-
ian" is an ethnonym that, like all ethnonyms, presupposes a parallel
continuity of disparate elements (language, clothing and territory, for
example). Either we put together a Ukrainian history after the fashion
of other national histories (on the basis of more or less fictitious con-
tinuities), or we take the nation state (and, presumably, the nation)
"back out" and work to abolish a great many historiographic "fields"
along with the "cliches of the nation-state paradigm" that they perpet-
uate. In the case of Ukraine this would seem an altogether easy task.
Or would it? Is Ukrainian history really more fluid and discontin-
uous than other national histories? Mark von Hagen is not entirely
sure because, according to the historiographic stance he seems to en-
dorse, all histories are fluid and discontinuous, all nations are relatively
modern, all (natural) narratives are outdated and therefore the para-
gons of nation-statehood are "not all they seemed to be." Indeed, the
briefest deconstructive glance at the two evil geniuses of eastern Euro-
pean history would reveal the "constructed" nature of their cultural
and institutional continuities, while any attempt to prove that some
pasts are more fragmented than others would be inherently "essen-
tialist" and thus unacceptable to the "new" historian. The view that
transforms Ukraine's weaknesses into strengths has no means of dis-
tinguishing strengths from weaknesses.
Mark von Hagen is not fully committed to this view, however. Else-
where in the essay he suggests that "all of us" possess a lived past that
may or may not be "distorted" in the retelling, that there is a Ukrainian
national continuity worthy of a "more or less coherent narrative," and
that Ukrainian history is essentially and measurably different from
other national histories. Different for two reasons. One is the way
things "really happened," for better or worse: modern Ukrainian state-
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718 Slavic Review
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Our Nation State 719
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