First published 2000 by Multi na Nyota Publishers 6 Muhonda Street, Mission Quarter, Kariakoo PO Box 4246, Dar es salam, 0U0. The contributors, for their respective chapters ISBN 99 Distributed outside Africa by African Books Collective Ltd 27 Park End Street Oxford OX1 1HU www.atricanbookscollective.com Printed and bound by Biddles Ltd Contents Map of East Africa Contributors FOREWORD Terence Ranger PART I: INTRODUCTION 1. “Kifungua Kinywa,” or Opening the Contest with Chai Frank Gunderson PART 1: SIGNIFICANT RIVALS AND SCANDALS 2. Following in the Tracks of Bent: The Diffusion of the Tanga Taarab Tradition Kelly M. Askew 3. “Hot Kabisa!” The Mpasho Phenomenon and Taarab in Zanzibar Janet Topp Fargion 4. Malumbano or Matukano: Competition, Confrontation, and (De)Construction of Masculinity in the Taarab of Maulidi and Bhalo Muenda Ntarangwi . Muungano and TOT: Rivals on the Urban Cultural Scone Siri Lange 6. Gindu Nkima: A Sukuma Heroine Joseph L. Mbele PART IIL: RITES OF PASSAGE 7. Kizungu Rhythms: Luguru Christianity as Ngoma Peter Pels 8. Identity, Difference, and Dance: Female Initiation in Zanzibar, 1890 to 1930 Laura Fair PART IV: COMMUNITY AND IDENTITY 9. Ngoma Competitions in Traditional Bakerebe Society E. Kezilahabi 10. Competitive Dance and Social Identity: Converging Histories in Southwest Tanzania ames Ellison 11, The Social Significance of Mganda-wa-Kinkachi Dance Contests Among the Matengo Bransin Baw 39 58 10112. Makonde Mask Dance: Performing Identity Elise Johansen 13. Ngora Competitions in Northern Uganda Peter Cooke and Okaka Opio Dokotum 14, Ndani ya Bongo: KiSwahili Rap Keeping it Real Peter Jan Haas and Thomas Gesthuizen 15. Ngoma ya Ukae: Competition Social Structure in ‘Tanzanian Danco Music Songs Werner Graebner PART V: HISTORICAL IMAGININGS 16. Putting Colonialism into Perspective: Cultural History and the Case of Malipenga Ngoma in Malawi Lisa Gilman Rama Maulidi: § Competitive Ritual Ngoma in Lamu Rebecca Gearhart 18. Mchezo Umetala {"The Dance has Slept’) Competition, Modernity, and Umatengo, Tanzania Stephen Hill 19. Politics of Remembering: Performing History(ies) in Youth Kwaya Competitions in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania Gregory B. Barz 20. Witchcraft, Witeraft and Musical Warfare: ‘The Rise of the Bagiika-Bagaalu Music Competitions in Sukumaland, Tanzania Frank Gunderson PART VI: EPILOGUE, 21, Tamati: Music Competition and Community Formation Gregory F. Barz Works Cited Index 255 819 347 367 379 407 42a 429 447 Acknowledgments vii We would like to thank the following individuals for their help, advice, inspiration, and guidance: Elias Songoyi, Pierre Steiner (Harwood Academic Publishers), Amandina Lihambu, Paulo Lusana, Kelly Askew, Lisa Gilman, Walter Bgoya (Mkuki na Nyota Publishers), Koga Solo, Mark Wait (Dean, Blair School of Music, Vanderbilt University), and Mona Christenson Barz. Jeffrey Sheehan (Vanderbilt University) provided the index and did much work regarding source citations. We are grateful to them all for their generous support and encouragement. Frank Gunderson USS. Secretariat of the International Centre for African Music and Dance University of Michigan Gregory F. Barz Blair School of Music Vanderbilt UniversityElise B, Johansen Introduction The celebration of the final stages of the initiation rituals for boys and girls is an occasion for any Makonde dance, and specifically the mask dance Mapiko. These are highly festive occasions, uniting hundreds of participants. Included are relatives and friends of the novices, and several dancing groups of different styles with their supporters and public, Initiation rituals are held almost every weekend somewhere in Dar Ex Salanm where the ‘most popular mask dance groups perform frequently. Although the context of the Makonde mask dance is a ritual celebration, competition is central to the performance. In this contribution | will analyze the main competitive elements in the performance of Mapiko by pursuing two main questions: first, what is the competition about? Second, how does one win? The empirical data for this chapter centers around Mapiko I observed as it was performed by a group of Makonde living in Msasani village, a suburb of Dar Es Salaam in 1991-97.! The group claimed to be the first Mapiko group in Dar Es Salaam established in the late 1950s or the early 1960s by the same person who still heads the group. Most of the group members are emigrants from the northern provinces of Mozambique.2 ‘The Mapiko competition between macked danee groups is complex, and to distinguish between the various elements somehow violates the structure and flow of the competition itself. However, to make the event understandable, it is necessary to make some distinctions. I will Mustrate the issues of competition Fieldwork was carried out for two years during this period. most extensively during the first two vears. The focus of the resoarch was on the female transitional rites, especially initiation and the birth of the first child Migration of Makonde to Tanzania started around 1920, but the bulk came in the late 1950s and early 1960s, when Tanzania was entering Independence and the civil war started in Mozambique. To add to the confusion, there are two sepatate ethnic groups who call themselves Makonde, divided by the river Rovoma, a natural border between Tanzania and Mozambique. For more information see Lisbenow 1995. The Makonde in this contribution aro from the northern provinces of Mozambique, Cabo Delgado, and Niassa256 Mashindano! Competitive Music Performance in East Africa through its expression in the songs as they are performed by the mask dance groups. My group, the Sikinde - considered their songs to be their main asset and defining characteristic, thus we should also regard this as the central element in the competition, The Dance, the Mask, and the Songs A Mapiko performance consists of several temporal stages; preparation of the performance space, group singing, the mask’s entrance, the dance, the exit of the mask, and the concluding victory dance. When arriving at the arena for the performance, the group clears the ground and plants its banner. This is important since the banner not only carries the name of the group and its location, but is medicated so as to protect the group from Witcheraft from rival groups and to attract the public to their performance. A fire is then started to tune the drums, and the performers then assume their positions with the choir next to the tree. A group of supporters forms an oval in front, and the drummers position themselves at the lower end. An extended session of singing opens the performance. While singing, they dance with emall steps. Most of the epecific songs are directly related to the competition between groups, and 26 of the 32 songs I collected from my dancing group were either sel-praising or insulting others. In the midst of the singing, without the choir taking notice, the mask enters the arena through their lines. The mask (Mapiko) ‘overs the entire body of the dancer. A wooden helmet mask, @ ‘vest” made of raifia, and iron bells constitute the main elements of the masks. These are the most powerful and secret components, and are probably also medicated. ‘The rest of the mask dancer's body is wrapped in tightly knit cloth, leaving only the fingertips and toes visible. In his hands the mask usually holds a fly-whisk, @ cloth, or a stick. The total covering of the masked person is luaportant. It conceals the person behind the mask whose identity is secret. Women and children do not “know” that the mask is made by and worn by men, nor do they know the identity of the person under the mask. ‘The official explanation of the dance is that the mask is the spirit of a dead person that the mask’s guardians have brought from the graveyard. In this way death, spirits, and the forest are symbolically linked to the men and their control over the mask. The fear that the mask is expected to induce in the spectators, especially women and children, is closely related to this. Fear is intensified through a relationship to death, Death is Makonde Mask Dance: Performing Identity 257 taboo, and its existence is only revealed to children after they have been initiated. While it is difficult in urban environments, people still take great measures to exclude death from their everyday discourse. ‘After being led to the dancing ground by one of the mask’s, guardians, the mask starts its performance. A short theatrical play, often commenting on a local social event opens the performance. Then the singing stops, the rhythm of the drums intensifies and the mask starts its dance. He shakes his belly to make the iron bells rattle while stomping his legs and slapping his arms to the rhythm of the solo drum. These two gestures are an important marker for the dancing, ‘The climax of the performance is the exit of the mask When the time approaches, the rhythm and intensity of the drums becomes frenzied. ‘The same applies to the movements of the mask which "runs" with rapid steps backwards away from the drums. Before colliding with the choir, the mask throws itself around dramatically and flees. The moment the mask leaves the performance area, all other participants, that is the members of the choir, drummers, the specialty acts, and other supporters and members among the audience jump into the circle to execute an aggressive victory dance. With their fists high in the air, they shout out the name of the group leader, his clan, and his village. Since the mask is viewed as a walking spirit, the shouting and dancing it generates as it flees the performance area ean be understood as a victory over these dangerous powers. Taken together, the performance dramatizes the strength of the community to awaken the spirits of the dead, lure them to join in the celebration, and then chase them back into the woods (Dias 1970; Dick-Read 1964; J. Hartmann 1986). In this way a Mapiko performance becomes a potent expression of the group's strength. ‘To belong to a strong group is important for the individual ‘The Mapiko and its ancillary groups are the ones responsible for rituals that mark important stages in the life eycle (birth, puberty, and death). And the strength of the group is, as we have seen, related to its control over supernatural powers, which again is, related to reproductive powers (Johansen 1996; T. SEtersdal 1995). Both powers are used to increase the size of the group. 3 ‘SBtorsdal (1995) is describing a sequence of the male initiation ritual that is almost identical to what [ observed among the women (Johansen 1996). SEtersdal interprets this as a symbol358 Mashindano! Competitive Musie Performance in Bast Africa People are both the prerequisite for and the ultimate measure of success in competition. And the winner is the one who draws the largest audience. On the closing day of the initiation rituals, several Mapiko groups are invited to dance, compete, and contribute to the festive atmosphere. The groups come from different districts in and around the city, and its members are recruited either from within 4 common residence or from a familial relationship with the group leader. The leader, nang’olo, is the head of both the Mapiko group and the other dance and ritual groups in his district. These local groups have the responsibility to carry out all the important rituals for its members. Thus, although traditional leadership is no longer accepted by official authorities, the nang’olo retains many of the ritual responsibilities of the traditional village chief. And while historical competitions were once between different villages in rural settings, they are now between districts in the urban setting. Since they are now dependent on the services of a Mapiko group, everyone must now be a member of such a group. And since these groups are competing units, groups other than one's own are automatically seen as rivals Competitive Songs The rivalry between groups is expressed primarily in songs in which the leader emerges as a frequent theme. Hia role as a nang’olo, the village head man and ritual leader uniting the clan and the village, makes his position important. Thus, for example, when rumors were heard that a rival group used another leader's financial problems as a competitive argument, a song was composed to answer the allegations: Anunduvenge Mbela kucutuca It was Mbela who first started hyala kugoba. selling a farm at Goba, Wakutangola wawetu wanambela What others said is that the wofiukala, Mbelas are poor. Namatajili momo wandiculuea ‘The rich ones have sold houses, dingiande ‘The rich ones have sold bars. think it is as useful to interpret it more literally, as the women actually will give birth and the initiation is the gate to sexuality and thereby fertility People tended to understate the connection between residence pattern and kinship, but it was evident when tracing family ties Makonde Mask Dance: Performing Wentity 259 Namatajili momo wandiculuca ‘They were just like us, the ibaa. Mbelas, Kunlingana nawetu wanaMbela Similar to other city dwellers, Mbela once had a small farm outside town which he eventually sold. The rumors among rivals linked this sale to Mbela’s own poverty and that of his group. Their rival's presumed poverty became a competitive element of derision, This allegation was then answered by referring to the property that the leader of the accusing group once had: “a car, motorbike, house, and bar. But he sold everything because of ngoma . He paid all the transport expenses when his ‘group went dancing. He also paid people to follow his group. Now he is no better than Mbela. Now he is poorer than us.” The following song describes the desired response from potential female recruits: Ngamlila mwana nak. Hold the child for me, grandmother. Nikamwalole wanemba T want to go and look at Mbela’s wanaMbela, ‘young men, Ninakuwona, wanemba T have not seen them before, Mbela’s wanaMbela, young men, Watande muiu ya mapiko. ‘They do the Mapiko dance very well. Nangu mwande ndalembia 1, too, shall marry one of Mbela's una Meet. young men. Women may be attracted as wives and group members. Both roles, 6 ‘These songs were transcribed in the vernacular KiMakonde by songwriter, who also translated it and gave an interpretation and explanation in KiSwahili. My translation into English is a combination of literal translation and a description of content and meaning. The song also indicates the profound importance that the Mapiko plays in peoples’ life, when a generally very oor population are willing to sacrifice material security for the sake of the dance, 6 Aesthetic qualities of the male performers’ bodies were used to attract women, as when they anointed their bare upper torsos with fragrant, colored oils. This enhanced the view of their muscular bodies and the extended body searification marks, both a sign of beauty and strength, These days people claim that the dressing of performers in such as nice clothes, wrist watches, and jewelry has replaced the physical body asa260 Mashindano! C npatitive Music Performance in Kast Africa sre closely interrelated and mutually strengthening due to the kinship of recruits and women’s role as mothers of future members.7 However, recruiting women is a complicated blessing. According to the Makonde matrilineal kinship system, a wife's children belongs to her family, which means another clan and thus potentially another mask dance group. And since everybody is supposed to belong to a dance group and these groups are the competitive units, new female followers must be drawn from the rivals. Tundi wakongwe We found the women crying in kusipitali wantangadika, the hospital. ‘Kulombabasai kwatuluombua "What marriages are this with navalume?” these men?” Wakanamangu Sikinde nowetu. We go to Msasani to our fellow nuvanda Msasani kwa wawetu people, we are going to look for inciMbela nes waSikinde, the master of Sikinde, In this song women from a rival group admit to already having had sexual encounters with the singing group, and they are now planning to join the group as full members and wives. The allusion to a sexual liaison is secured by the reference to women’s crying.” an expression that may denote both pain (related to illness) and pleasure (related to sexuality). Setting the erying in the hospital legitimatized it since it emphasized the associations to pain, A more overt allusion to a sexual liaison would likely had lead to a violent fight rather than another song. Still this song, like the vecond song, demonstrates the close relationship between the women as wives and as group members ‘Once women have been recruited to the group, they become important members, participating in the choir, in the play, and as It is also interesting to note that the woman in question already has a child. Her fertility, rather than ber virginity or hhonor, is of priaiary importance to the mien and the group as a whole Unemployment, low salaries, and a large alcohol problem among men have made men’s economic means very insecure, and this has had consequences for the mask dance groups. When performing in other areas of the city, a bus has to be hired, as the mask cannot use ordinary transport, Collecting money for Makonde Mask Dance: Performing Identity 261 supporting public, Numerous songs praising the female members of the Mapiko group and associated groups demonstrate their significance. There is also a close connection between the male- dominated mask dance group, headed by the nang’olo and the female initiation group, headed by his wife. Actually, the female initiation rituals are the primary reason for the Mapiko groups, as they are the prime occasion for their performance. Thus the success of the women's group and the Mapiko group are closely interrelated, Men are also dependent on their wives economically, both in their daily life and for the performance of the Mapiko. Women often play a significant role in the collection of fees for transport, Without this help men are sometimes left in the shameful position of not being able to attend when invited to perform The Means to Win Winning a competition is basically measured by the ability to attract a large audience. But how are they drawn to the performance? Artistic quality seems to be of less importance. What the Makonde emphasize most is medicine and group identity Medicine is regarded as indispensable in the competition: “Medicine is important, how could you otherwise explain that it is not always the best group that wins?”9 The winner may therefore be the one with the strongest medicine, rather than the best performer, Medicine has three basic functions: to attract spectators to the performance, to protect the groups against witchcraft from envious rivals, and finally to attack the same rival groups. The supernatural powers that help attain these goals have two distinct sources: “internal” and “external” medicine. External medicine exists independent of the person holding it and can be bought or collected. Smoke from the herbs are fanned into the banner of the Mapiko group, and the charms are hung in the home and around children's bodies. External medicine is basically used to attract the public and to protect the group. Although it is generally regarded as safe to use (both morally and physically), collecting it in the forest (rather than buying it from a ‘The KiMakonde word for medicine, ntela, probably signifies supernatural powers as well (Dias 1967), In KiSwahih they usually used the term dawa when referring to external and positive medicine, and uchawi to designate internal and negatively used supernatural powers, The difference is however not systematic, and the terns medicine and witcheraft are muchMashindano! Competitive Music Performance in Bast Africa medicine man) is considered risky, and left to specialists. But even such “positive” medicine and the use of it, can be regarded as morally questionable if it attracts the “wrong” people, as the following story tells. When Wembo, a member of the inde group, was found to have many customers from the rival ‘oup in his bar, his loyalty was questioned. This was tauntingly expreased through song: Kanudye Wembo lunduno wla Go and ask Wembo, the medicine for wa masanga upatidaci? rebols, where have you got it from? Tundivakodya masanya We have found the rebels they are adumbadumba ukawka busy. Iyamba, If you go in the morning, you will Undavahodye vandikalanga find them sitting. kako mui Ifyou go in the daytime, you will, Undivakodya vandikalange. Bnd them sitting. When I asked an informant about the word rebel, he explained: “Don't you know what a rebel is? It is like when an army splits. One part becomes the government, the other half becomes the rebels. The rebels waits for the government at every place to try to destroy them,” The rebels referred to here are the members of a rival group, or rather the rival group. In the mid 1980s some members of the Sikinde broke off and established their own group, the Ndekule, This group is based in a neighboring area and is regarded as the main rival of the group 1 worked with. Actually all the competitive songs used in this contribution are dircetly related to the rivalry between the two. Internal medicine is on the other hand a source of power from within the person him- or herself. [tis given to a person when they are a toddler, usually by a close relative, and in the form of a substance the child has to eat. Although inherent in the person possessing it, it may be transferred to the artistic products of the possessor. ‘Thus the words of a song may be pushed through the power of the person composing them. Dance medicines are considered necessary for anyone holding # powerful position, such as a dance group leader, a ritual specialist, or a good artist. Medicine protects you from the evil forces of envious rivals and it gives the required strength to attract followers and to fill your position properly. ‘To be both the receiver. and consequently also the target of so many supernatural powers, makes powerful positions rather dangerous to hold. All serious illness, death, or misfortune among such people is immediately Makonde Mask Dance: Performing Identity 268 interpreted as caused by witcheraft.10 Tuvakasali masanga We summon them, the rebels, the isacatukutenge hoo ones who ran. Tuvakasali umoja wetu wa We summon them, our United mataifa wakunaMeea, Nations of Mbela, Twandike lamba tunwandikile We wrote to their commander. anadan wao. The rebels who were sent to the Yoo masangaisa amntumidye Mbela, they all have died nakunad bela andipelanga In this song, deaths that have occurred in the rival group are interpreted as havine been caused by repercussions of their own medicine. They had sent witches to attack the Mbela's, but the protective medicine in Mbela’s banner reflected the negative powers back to its sender. This song also draws further on the conflict and split between the group in its description of the rival group as rebels (as in the fourth song), whereas their own group is compared to the peace-loving United Nations. To use medicine in a negative way is thus not only dangerous but also immoral, and negative witehcrait is only visible as accusations towards others. Such witcheraft accusations are, however, an important means in the competition between groups. ‘Mulaladaci kuvyonga vya wawetu How can you sleep at other wapanadile na mulaNangiolo? peoples graves? Mitela ya Mapiko na kumapiko You are looking for medicine for vipala, the Mapiko, at the roots of the Munalebe mudna sinu wetw apa Mapiko tunantema, Just you continue bike this, you will see us, we will always win, ‘This song was response to rumors that the rival Ndekule group had used negative witchcraft against the Sikinde group However, to accuse others of using witchcraft is a sensitive issue, since only a witch is able to recognize another witch as such, and to identify one is therefore equivalent to revealing oneself as one. ‘Thus accusations have to be formulated indirectly, to avoid having the suspicion turned back to oneself, as well as to avoid punitive ‘The use of songs as a vehicle for social control is a well-known twebnique among the Makonde (Dias 1970). This is related wo their egalitarian political organization that prevent such things264 Mas/uindano! Competitive Music Performance in East Africa ‘euctions from the accused party. But although the accusations in the above song are a bit vague, the message is clear. Collecting medicine at the geaves, @ place associated with powerful spirits, is questionable. The use of the term nang’olo in the original text not only to the leader of the village and the Mapiko group, but also to the spirits of former village headmen. According to the traditional burial system, village headmen and other important elders were buried in the men’s house in the center of the village. When the village eventually moved to another setting, this house was transformed to a center for ancestral cult. ‘Thus while internal medicine can be used for many goals: to attract, provect, and attack, external medicine is basically used for more positive functions. Intrinsic medicine is regarded as more potent. And though it is considered to be dangerous, it is not inherently evil. Thus a witch, though having the potential do to evil, may choose to use it only for good purposes. Group Identity Mapiko is regarded us an expression of male and Makonde identity. But what are the components of this identity? We have seen that they draw on kinship and geographical residence, ethnicity, and their Mozambican homeland, These components of the Makonde identity are challenged, however, in their urban exile. Competing units are held together by ties of residence andjor kinship, and are centered around the leader, nang’olo. But though the leader is an important individual, he is important as a symbol and center for the group as a whole. The identification between the leader and his group (see the first song) extends further to his wile. Since his wife has important ritual functions, the leader's choice of a marriage partner is of concern to the whole community. This was clearly demonstrated when the leader of the Sikinde group took a second wife, a young woman whom the group members considered unfit for the position as a nang’olo’s wife. The group was deeply concerned, And when the new marriage broke up ‘and the first wife returned, the Mapiko group rejoiced in a song. This emphasis on the group rather than the individual is challenged by more individualistic attitudes among the youth, as the story of a former mask dancer indicates: “T used to dance the Mapiko betore, but [ stopped long time ago. It was no fun, Nobody knows who you are, that it is you who are clever. The honor goes wo the group. Now [am dancing with the youth groups, and J can express myself freely and people will see my face and know it is Makonde Mask Dance: Performing Identity He further linked his success as a dancer to access to women as they would be impressed by and attracted to a good dancer. Hidden behind the mask, however, his qualities would not benefit him personally. Thus although women should be attracted as wives and group members, as was seen in the second and third songs, they should be attracted and recruited t the group rather than its individual participants, ‘Dhe significance of the role of the leader is based on & combination of his individual actions as the founder of the group, his role as a symbol of group unity and strength, and his historical and mythical roots, Nangiolo Mbela nantandi We all know that “old leader” Samapike Masasani munimanya. _-Mbela is the bust mask dace in “Andiwalekwa silambo sakupeme ——- Msasani eumakonde, Hie was born in Mozambique at Andiwakodya watandi wanakulu. _- Mpeme village. He met with the old-time grandmothers, ‘This song refers to Mbela’s role as a leader not only of his group, the Sikinde, but also of all other dance groups, and thus Makonde, in the city.11 This claim is based on the fact that he was not only the founder of his own dance group, and that this group was the first Mapiko group to be established in Dar Bs Salaam. However, the line is drawn even further to both historical and mythical roots in their home country, Nauing Mbela’s village of origin also emphasizes his clan, as village residence is based on matrilineal kinship ties. A similar emphasis was seen in the climax of the performance, when all the members called out the leader's name, clan, and village. By placing Mbela in his village of origin the song seeks to stress the authenticity and tradition of his group. Authenticity is further emphasized by referring to his meeting with the “old time grandmothers’. These “old time grandmothers” are visible in songs, rituals, and masquerades, where they are presented as the carriers or remnants of the old and authentic tradition, This authenticity is both historical and U1 ‘Phe leading role that the Sikinde group claimed, was of course rhetorical and symbolic. The egahtarian organization of the society would oppose any claim to transfer this power into tunlitienl or eeanamie nawer266 Mashindano! Competitive Alusic Performance in Bast Africa mythical. Ancestral mothers are presented as the sourees of all life, as mothers both of living individuals, the clan, and the Makonde group. In the traditional religious system clan mothers were like deities with supernatural and life-giving powers, However, “supernatural” powers were not confined to the mythical mothers. People also “asked” their own dead mothers and grandmothers for help and protection.12 ‘Thus the allusion to Mbela’s meeting with the old women in the song indicates both Mbela's historical roots, his matrilineal clan membership, and his access to supernatural powers, Thus far the song emphasizes old roots, tradition, and authenticity. However, the song continues, and the last two lines, which are directed to their rival, seem to contradict this value given to continuity and tradition: Wandainba likanona tumwona They sing likanona songs, Jyoini mawetu mukwimba dimu dyahala dya likanona, Likanona lola salola maba lola Likanona took, look, leaves look. Likanona songs refer to a style of singing practiced by their rival. This, they said, was a popular style in Mozambique in the 1960s, at the time when the groups founding members emigrated. he tact that the rival group perpetuated this song style, as well as the drumming and dancing patterns of the same period, was considered archaic, stagnant and out of date Although historical and mythic roots were regarded as a marker of quality, statie preservation of traditions was frowned upon. One informant even criticized his own group for stagnation: At home (i.c., Mozambique) new songs are created continuously. If anything happens, the next day there is a song about it, But here in Dar Bs Salaam itis just the same old thing over and over. They only worry about the small local things, the fight with Ndekule, At home they used to sing such rival songs before, But now they don't do that very much, A iman told his own life story to prove the supernatural powers of the spints of the dead, and particularly dead mothers. After hhis own mother had died during childbirth, she came to her mother, that is his grandmother, in a dream and told her to byeastived the child. Without such feed he would have had no chance to survive. His grandmother followed her daughters advice, and milk started to flow from her breasts, Today the man was a living proof of his own storv. Makonde Mask Dance: Performing Identity 267 ‘To this informant the home tradition was a living tradition, whereas the emigrants in Dar Es Salaam had stagnated in archaic forms. He regarded the more traditionalistic performances as the less authentic ones, Although active group members did not agree with this analysis, they all emphasized the importance of creativity and change. New songs, dances, plays, and masks had to be prepared ‘wo suit new events and challenges from their rivals, Still, they would conchide their talk by emphasizing continuity. Amidst all the significant changes, tradition was still the same. Creativity and tradition were not regarded as opposites, but rather as inherently interdependent, And as traditions were still a part of everyday life, they had to change with it. Mozambique is given considerable treatment in Makonde discourse, and most congs that do not concern intergroup conflicts relate to their home country. Most of these songs referred to Mozambique's political history around the time of independence: Tupange mapiko wanemba kwenda We young men dress (tie) the na kulua, mask and we ery, Nilangile Samora mwana We ery for Samora, mapwouzi We are surprised we have Tundichanga wa kiwendas hua nowhere to go, we the Frelimo wana Frelimo. Samora Machel, the former popular leader of the Frelimo and later president in Mozambique, was also portrayed in numerous Mapiko masks. The above song was one of many that grieved his death in 1986. However, relations with Mozambique are difficult, and most Makonde refuse to register as nationals with the Mozambican embassy due to fear of being sent out of the country as illegal immigrants, but also due to mixed feelings towards their homeland. Although the Makonde played a significant role in the liberation struggle, they have had little influence after independence (M. Newitt 1995). Also, the beloved homeland has changed. Many Makonde tried to return to ‘Mozambique after independence, but most failed and returned to their exile residence Makonde identity also deals with their experiences in present-day exile where the distinctions between themselves and the people surrounding them have become important. One example of this was a performance ridiculing Muslim prayer traditions. It was performed on Id-el-Fitr celebrating the end of Ramadan. This is an important day for the Makonde as it marks¥63 —— Mashindauo! Competitive Music Performance in East Africa end of a restriction to dance that is officially enforced during the fasting period. 'The performing mask used was not “proper.” but a sort of mock-Mapiko. Mock-Mapikos are always present in the ritual performances, and add to the festival atmosphere. They are performed by the youth and consist of a distorted version of the Mapiko. Performing next to the official Mapiko groups, they may either dance to the rhythm of their music or produce their own music. In this case they use only one proper drum, the solo drum, while the rest of the band play on rusty iron scrap. Also, the dressing and the movements consist of provocative misrepresentations of the real Mapiko. ‘The head mask is rough, are the rattling bells around the waist that are made out of bottle corks or pieces of rust On this day the mask was dressed as described above, it's head mask portraying one of the ancestral mothers. This was obvious in the large lip-plug, the wrinkled face and clearly marked svarification marks. Her equipment for the dance, or rather play, consisted of a khanga that was spread out in front of her as a Muslim prayer carpet and a kettle with water. She started by washing her body as the Muslims do before a prayer. Washing her ‘hands up to her elbows, the mouth and the nose (blowing the nose made people ery with laughter), her feet up to her knees, and then, as the final climax, washing her genitals. The way this was done made it obvious that the dancer was a man. At this point, the audience bent over with laughter. Then the mask proceeded the performance by bending up and down according to the Muslim praying pattern Such dances are basically a way of creating fun. But there is more to it than that, and other associations also give flavor to the fun. The mask’s performance challenged the more solemn style of the real Mapiko ruled by the elders, thus indicating an opposition between the generations. It accomplished this by ridiculing “the others,” the non-Makonde, and thus marking a distinction between “us” and “them.” But who was the “us” and the “them” At first glance the performance may seem to be basically about the distinction between religions, that is between the Christian religion that most Makonde adhere to and the Muslim ‘others’. It may have been a reaction against the prohibition to dance during the Muslim holiday that also limits the ritual performances of the non-Muslim Makonde. However, I do not think religion as such Was the main point. Although the Makonde largely belong to the Roman Catholic Church, their religious belief ‘Makonde Mask Dance: Performing Identity 269 does not influence their daily, nor ritual, life to much extent. Rather, religion may be seen as a marker of distinction between ethnic groups. A nearby “target” is another ethnic group, also referred to as Makonde, who are basically Muslims and have their geographical origin on the Tanzanian side of the border, ‘The mask dance performance thus not only concerns clan and group identity, but itis also a vehicle to clarify the distinction between “us” and the “Other”. ‘These two processes are, however, closely related. In their urban exile many traditional signs of Makonde ethnic identity, such as their extensive body decorations, their matrilineal kinship system, the position of the traditional village leader, and their rituals and danees are challenged. This challenge is not only brought about by the modernization process itself, but also by ethnic stigmatization from their host community as well as official rules and regulation, ‘There is an apparent paradox in the fact that the Makonde express pride and struggle wo maintain cultural traditions that disqualify them in the eyes of the “Other”! When they explain why they preserve these traditions, they emphasize that it is a part of their identity, “itis in our blood,” and that they lack shyness (using the KiSwahili term aibu ). Luck of shyness was defined as a mark of pride, indicating autonomy and a strong entity and confidence, These are regarded as qualities both of special individuals, but also of the Makonde as a group, By others, especially active Muslims, the same term and the activities it designate, is understood in the dictionary sense of the word: shame, disgrace, and scandal. The dance mentioned above also be seen as a strike returned to the ones who call them primitive by vulgarizing their traditions. In the eyes of the Makonde the “Others” were the “losers,” having sacrificed their autonomy, identity, and roots in their quest for modernity. In contrast to this, their contact with the international community brings with it acknowledgment and fame. The Makonde have an international reputation for their wood carving from art dealers, tourists, and researchers (Johansen 1995) 14 ‘The Makonde kept close ties to their country of origin, and many would send there children to spead a few years there, and there was a constant flow of visits and migration both ways. ‘The close relationship to Mozambique was also expressed by the fact that the celebration of the Mozambican national day arranged at the dancing ground to which the Sikinde group have usulruct rights, was the only time I observed the Mapiko mask orfarmed outside the ritual settingMashindano! Competitive Music Performance in Kast Africa These opposite reactions from various “others” may be a trigger for the last song: Mbeia kulyambila leha twikele ‘Mbela wished he was living in Marekani America, Mipolo wii usa vavetu vakandipiza All the groups would have elected ‘ura yasimapike, him the best Mapiko, ‘The songwriter explained the song like this: “If Mbela had stayed in America, the group would have become king. Mzec Mbela would have been selected the president of the ngoma . But here in Africa, our skin is black, even our soul is black, so we can not make him a president. A bad soul is an envious soul and the feelings of bad people, who feel bad when their fellow man succeeded and who can even try to destroy his success, such as witches do.” Conclusion The Makonde insist that the Mapiko dance and the initiation ritual of which it is a part, are the main expressions of their cultural identity, tradition, and roots. This is also at stake in the ompetition. As the mask is seen as encompassing supernatural powers, the competition is not only about profane prestige and . but also vital powers over life and death and the definition of the Makonde as a group Identity on various levels are related to kinship and geographical origin, ethnicity and their Mozambican homeland. These components of the Makonde identity are highlighted and become the focus of renewed discourse when met by the challenges of life in urban exile. The relationship between the individual and the group, blood versus contract, authenticity, tradition and modernity are examples of such challenges. The lack of respect from the host community may contribute to intensify the need to clarify and express one’s idenuity Thus as we see, the “meanings” of the Mapike dance are many, and only a few are touched on here. It is important to emphasize that there is no final, profound meaning that constitutes the "truth" about the dance. The meaning of the dance is not fixed, but lies in the process, the game, the danee.14 power 14 The lack of respect from other ethnic communities is based on several aspects, including their migrant status, and their strong adherence to traditions (initiation rituals, the dances, the searification marks, and the lip plug). Economic poverty and low educational level are also a part of this picture. Ngoma Competitions in Northern Uganda! Peter Cooke and Okaka Opio Dokotum In this contribution we focus on two types of competitive musie- making among the Lango people of northern Uganda, Here one finds two musical genres flourishing within a lively competitive setting in villages throughout the region at specific times of the year. These village competitions bear little if any trace of influences from musical competitions that once developed within, the national education system, These involved a large network of organizations ranging from local choir and ngoma competitions among village primary schools or in-house competitions in secondary schools and colleges, to competitions of groups of finalists (individuals, choirs and instrumental and dance groups) held annually in and around the capital city of Kampala. Such a competition structure, introduced by teachers and missionaries has its roots in the competitive and non-competitive music competitions of the United Kingdom. During the 1960s the annual Uganda Music Festival represented the culmination of a series of competitions held among schools and colleges throughout the country. In 1968, for example, it involved more than 1,000 participants in the finals (accommodated at the National ‘Teachers’ College, Kampala), and awarded prizes for a wide range of African, Indian, and European instrumental and choral music and dancing, Such competitions now occur only intermittently, and what survives are scattered competitive performances sometimes organized by individuals or groups mostly independent of the education system, Such a group is the National Heritage Foundation which recently organized a festival of traditional dance at the National Theater. During fieldwork in 1967 Peter Cooke learned of informal inter-village competitions among groups of young peasant boys in eastern Acholi playing their lukeme (lamellophones). Okuma pa'Lukobo wrote in 1971 also of the popularity of the Acholi Larakaraka, a mixed-sex music genre for youths (see also Johansen in this volume), and added that teams irom different villages took turns performing in a dancing arena at the home of ‘This work is based on fieldwork carried out in 1995 by Okuka Opio Dokotum as part of research for his Masters thesis on Lango Oral Poetry (1997), and in February 1997 when Peter Cooke sampled the repertories of seven different Okeme ensembles located in villagus around Tira