I N T E R R E G I O N A L M I G R A T I O N O F L A B O R IN G H A N A ,

WEST AFRICA: DETERMINANTS, CONSEQUENCES

AND POLICY INTERVENTION

John A. Arthur

This article examines the determinants, consequences and policy inter-

vention measures of the movement of labor within Ghana's administra-
tive regions. The study concludesthat the economic inequalitiesbrought
about by the uneven distribution of development projects in favor of
urban areas causes depressed rural economic conditions, thus spurring
rural to urban migration. Migration to the urban places of Ghana is
therefore caused by individuals and families seeking better economic
opportunities to improve the quality of their lives. Secondary determi-
nants are varied, ranging from family obligations to the quest for ad-
venture. The benefits of migration for the rural areas lie mainly in
returned migrants' contributions to the economic development of those
areas. Migrants also contribute to the urban areas' economic develop-
ment, but their presence in large numbers has caused problems in the
housing and in the delivery of social services. Rural development poli-
cies and land settlement schemes have been unsuccessful, due mainly
to the lack of a comprehensive national development effort.

In recent years several scholars have articulated the thesis that the
rural- to urban movement of population is one of the major social structural
transformations to occur in the developing countries. Contemporary Third
World migration is more rapid and involves greater numbers of people
than was the case in the West. In spite of the significant role of the
spatial mobility of labor in socioeconomic development and planning in
Third World countries, scientific knowledge about the nature of migration
is still sketchy. Much of the migration research in the less-developed
societies began with borrowed propositions from theorists who codified
the nineteenth century experience of the West and applied this experience
90 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1991

to the less-developed countries. Consequently, most approaches to the

understanding of migration in the less-developed societies have been
both time- and culture-bound and drawn largely from the developed soci-
eties.
The study of the interregional movement of population in developing
countries is important for several reasons. First, the insights gained can
provide some understanding about territorial mobility, spatial settlement
patterns and the economic, behavioral and subjective aspects of migra-
tion decision-making. Second, the knowledge gained from this study can
provide some preliminary insights into the role of labor movement as one
of the manifestations of wider relationships between population, resources
and economic development. Additionally, by adopting a multidisciplinary
approach in discussing the determinants of interregional movement of
labor, we are able to evaluate the cumulative significance of several
disciplines in enhancing our knowledge about aspects of social and insti-
tutional structure.
Using the West African nation of Ghana as a case study, this article is
an attempt to understand the spatial distribution and movement of labor
within a Third World country. Substantial numbers of skilled and unskilled
laborers leave Ghana every year for other neighboring countries in West
Africa, particularly the Ivory Coast and Nigeria. The international flow
of professionals from Ghana is quite significant and represents a serious
brain drain problem. A study of this phenomenon should be a subject for
future research; however, the hub of this investigation consists of an
examination of the determinants, consequences, and policy intervention
measures of the movement of labor within Ghana's administrative regions.
The economic, social, and political influences that spur migration will be
discussed and the resultant sociocultural and economic impact of labor
movements will be presented. Finally, current policies to check the im-
balance in spatial mobility patterns and population movements will be
presented and assessed.
Ghana was selected for this study because it is representative of most
of the higher-developed West African nations in its history of European
colonization, the growth and development of its cities and the simultaneous
economic depression of its rural areas, and in the problems brought about
by voluminous migration. Additionally, Ghana shares with other African
nations many of the same cultural elements that often play an important
part in migration decisions.
Data for this study are contained in Ghana's 1960-70 census and 1975
intercensus. Although the data obtained from the census do not permit an
Arthur 91

analysis of seasonal interregional migration, it is possible to make broad

conclusions based on the matrices of birthplace by place of enumeration.
The problems with census data are well documented. Shryock et al. 1 and
Weeks 2 have conveniently summarized the three most common problems:
coverage error and underenumeration; content error caused by reporting,
editing and data tabulation; and misleading estimates obtained by using
de facto or de jure population. In addition, census data on migration fail
to provide insights into the motivations for moving. The use of household
sample surveys offers a more suitable vehicle for obtaining the social
demographics that allow for a more detailed examination of migration
patterns; however, these surveys are expensive to conduct and require
analysis by highly trained statisticians often difficult to find in the less
developed countries. Today, the most complete head count of human
population can be found only in the developed countries. While Ghana
and other developing countries have made remarkable progress in con-
ducting national censuses, the reliability and validity of the data collected
is often questioned. The use of such data for any scientific investigation
must therefore be approached with caution.
While the need for models to examine the determinants of migration
does not go unrecognized here, the existing census data does not lend
itself to such statistical analysis. Missing from the data are the necessary
social demographics such as family structure, level of educational attain-
ment, ethnic background, and the like. As the paper reveals, family struc-
ture and conditions are major determinants of migration; however, this
information cannot be garnered from census data. Again, data of this
nature could be captured through the use of household sample surveys,
but this resource presently does not exist. For this reason, the discussion
of the causes of migration will be a qualitative rather than quantitative
description of determinants.
A discussion of labor migration in Ghana must begin with the role of
British colonization of the country. In their quest for commercial oppor-
tunities and raw materials, British and other European chartered compa-
nies, assisted by their governments, set up subsidiaries in the coastal
cities of Accra, Cape Coast, and later Kumasi to develop the country's
rich mineral deposits and forest resources such as timber and rubber. The
most profound effect of British mercantilism and colonization of Ghana
was the tremendous boost it gave to the towns and cities that served as
centers for British commercial and administrative activities. These centers
were provided amenities and infrastructural facilities such as schools,
roadways, hospitals, and industrial and economic projects while the hin-
92 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1991

terlands were left virtually unaffected by the social change that was
taking place on the coast.
Colonialism set in motion the policy of unequal development that
resulted in the rural areas being neglected in the national development
effort) There is no question that the towns and cities in Ghana that
established historical contact with the British ended up with economies-
of-scale advantages over other areas that did not experience such con-
tacts. Accra, the capital city, attracted the largest share of development
projects. At the same time, Kumasi, Cape Coast, and Sekondi-Takoradi
also prospered. Even after the attainment of political independence, these
areas continued to receive preferential treatment as sites for investment
expenditures.
The policy of unequal development of areas set in motion by the
process of colonization meant that the rural areas were neglected in the
national development effort. To provide the raw materials needed by
industrial establishments in the European countries, the stated economic
policy of the British colonizers was to promote the production of an
export-oriented dependent cash crop economy for the rural areas. En-
dowed with fertile agricultural land and cheap labor, the rural areas became
the centers for international agribusiness ventures and plantations. These
international companies were able to acquire land by various means.
Where land was communally owned, those who served as trustees of the
land often sold or leased it to the companies. In other cases, the government
itself expropriated large tracts of land and turned them over to the com-
panies for various financial considerations. Traditional subsistence farming
that existed earlier and provided the basic food requirements could not
compete or co-exist with the new system of scientific agriculture. The
result was that subsistence farmers had to give up their land holdings and
find alternative sources of employment. The profits the agricultural com-
panies made from the sale of raw materials were not reinvested in the
rural economy. The exploitation of natural resources without a policy of
economic development left the rural areas impoverished, thus triggering
the drift from rural to urban Ghana.
The replacement of subsistence farming With a cash crop and an ex-
port-oriented agricultural economy continued in Ghana even after political
independence from England was achieved in 1957. The reasons for the
failure on the part of the British colonial administration and the post-
independence governments to rectify this problem are not difficult to
trace. Five economic reasons are evident. First, the cultivation of export-
oriented cash crops provided foreign exchange for the colonial govern-
Arthur 93

ment. The export of cash crops has also provided the bulk of foreign
exchange for Ghana's postcolonial government. Second, this cultivation
provided a cheap and abundant supply of raw materials for industrial
establishments located in England. Third, the income earned from the
production of cash crops far outweighed the economic benefits derived
from the production of subsistence crops. Fourth, the export-oriented
cash crop economy meant that the colonial administration was not com-
pelled to invest in the establishment of local plants to process raw materi-
als into finished or semifinished commodities. Finally, Ghana, like many
developing countries, provides cheap agricultural raw materials to the
developed countries in exchange for technology and foreign aid. 4 For these
reasons, the emphasis on export-oriented agricultural production contin-
ues.
The selection of a place to migrate to is determined by several factors.
First, the potential migrant must have some knowledge of the economic
opportunities existing in various places. Usually, this information comes
from returning migrants, friends, relatives, or the mass media.
Second, the migrant must consider distance, time and financial cost
before selecting one place over another. Since migration to the urban
area often involves a long and tedious trip for many rural inhabitants in
Ghana, many of them usually complete the journey in stages. The first
stage often takes the migrant to a major town along the route to his
intended destination. Here, the rural migrant may obtain a temporary job
and use some of his earnings to defray the cost of completing the second
leg of the trip.
Third, the choice of a destination is significantly influenced by the
existence of friends or relatives in a given urban area. Relatives assist the
new immigrant in finding housing and employment, and also in learning
about urban culture. Fourth, the ability to speak the language of the
intended destination must be considered since a lack of communication
skills may impede the cultural integration of the migrant. Fifth, the ease
with which a migrant can return home to visit relatives may influence the
selection of a destination. The migrant may prefer an urban location that
has transportation links to his rural village so that he can travel back to
visit during annual festivals and family reunions. Finally, the migrant
must consider the influence of government regulations on the availability
of housing for migrants in the particular urban area selected. Squatter
settlements often represent the migrant's first source of housing. Unfor-
tunately, the government has been making an effort to demolish these
settlements in some cities. Government policies towards squatter settle-
ments will be discussed in greater detail later.
94 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1991

Regardless of these personal considerations in deciding destination, the

drift of labor in Ghana is from the impoverished rural areas of the country
to the southern and mid-central cone which is comprised of cities such as
Accra and Tema (Greater Accra region), Kumasi, Sunyani, Konongo,
Obuasi (Ashanti and Brong-Ahafo regions), Cape Coast, Sekondi-Takoradi
(Central and Western regions). Between 1960 and 1975, these regions
received over 80 percent of all new development projects. 5 The country's
only two shipping ports are located in the Accra-Tema-Takoradi areas.
The gold, bauxite, manganese and diamond fields are also located in the
Ashanti and Western regions. The production, marketing and distribution
of cocoa, as well as other auxiliary services associated with the cocoa
trade are located in the Ashanti, Brong-Ahafo and Eastern regions.
The densely populated areas of the Central and Western regions stand
in contrast with the sparsely populated, underdeveloped, and predomi-
nantly rural areas of the Volta, Northern and Upper regions. In the latter
two regions, the effects of ecological disasters and long spells of drought
have made these areas the least developed in the country. With the ex-
ception of thriving commercial districts such as Bolgatanga, Tamale,
Navorongo and Wa, the rest of the Northern and Upper regions remain
rural and impoverished, with most citizens eking out an existence by
growing millet and raising cattle. 6
The political regions of Ghana differ considerably in terms of land
mass, population density, economic resources and growth potential.
Naturally, the regions also differ substantially with respect to their attrac-
tiveness to migrants. Four regions- Greater Accra, Ashanti, Western and
Brong-Ahafo--have had net gains in population due to migration. Be-
tween 1960 and 1970, the Northern, Upper, Volta and Eastern regions,
with the exception of Koforidua, have experienced population losses. 7
From the national census data, it is clear that there is considerable intra-
and inter-regional movement of population into Greater Accra, Ashanti
and Brong-Ahafo regions of Ghana. The 1960-1970 census data on
population movements would suggest that the regional increases in popu-
lation are due more to migration than to natural increases. 8

DETERMINANTS OF INTERREGIONAL
MOVEMENT OF LABOR IN GHANA

What explains the migration of labor from one region of Ghana to

another? The root from which most migration decisions diverge is the
desire for economic advancement. Throughout our discussion we will see
Arthur 95

the ever-present influence of economics. To say, then, that simple eco-

nomics is the reason behind migration would be an accurate statement,
but not an explanation. What we need is a better understanding of the
dynamics of labor migration.
The desire of the family to maximize its welfare is a socioeconomic
determinant of migration and the one that probably accounts for most
decisions to move from Ghana's rural to urban sectors. In Ghana, the
family structure is extended and is the primary unit of economic produc-
tion and economic decision-making. Within this extended family system,
the individual's well-being is usually determined by the average well-
being of the household. The decision of the individual to migrate in
developing countries is usually made in consultation with the family. In
fact, in many instances, the family will make the decision that some of its
members migrate to the urban areas to seek ways to increase family
income. Individuals who are expected to help maximize family income
are then chosen to migrate to urban areas. The family usually pays part or
all of the cost of migration. The migrant gives up his share in the produce
of the family farm. In addition, when he finds employment in the urban
sector, part of his income is expected to be remitted to his extended
family back in the village. 9 The remitted income derived from family-
sponsored migration may be used to set up a family cottage business or
to increase the acreage of family land under agricultural production. 1~
In general, the utilization of land for agricultural purposes and the
income to be derived by the extended family from the sale of agricultural
products will determine who is sponsored by the family to migrate. Gen-
der, birth order, family inheritance policies, and level of educational
attainment are all secondary social determinants of which family member
would be sponsored to migrate. The first three of these often combine as
a single determinant since usually, ownership of land is passed down to
the oldest son, thereby blocking daughters and younger male siblings'
aspirations to land ownership. Ecological problems caused by drought,
over-grazing, and the cutting down of trees in the central part of the
country reduce the amount of land available for farming. Frustrations
arising from being denied the right to farm family-owned land due to
birth order or gender can make migration the best alternative. The level
of educational attainment may also determine which member of the family
is selected to migrate because individuals with higher skill levels are
more likely to find work in the urban industrial sector. For this reason,
rural elementary and secondary school graduates are encouraged to migrate
to the regional labor markets in Accra, Kumasi, Tema, and Sekondi-
96 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1991

Takoradi. For most Fra Fra youth in Northern Ghana, migration to South-
ern Ghana is considered a highly desirable form of adventure which must
be undertaken to establish manhood, status and prestige in the village
upon return. In addition, urban employment allows the Fra Fra youth to
earn the money needed to marry and start his own family. 11
The desire to escape family conflicts and obligations can be a socio-
cultural determinant of rural to urban migration. Traditional values and
social control emphasize total allegiance to the family. Breaking away
completely from the extended family is rare, but migration may provide a
brief respite from family social control. Additionally, young men and
women who are suspected of engaging in acts of social deviance-rape,
witchcraft, premarital sex, prostitution- may be compelled to migrate or
stay and be ostracized.
Government economic policies can be a determinant of rural to urban
migration. Since independence, Ghanaian governments, beginning with
that of President Kwame Nkrumah, have subsidized urban food con-
sumption, housing, transportation, and health care. These subsidies have
resulted in lower prices for urban dwellers. To finance the subsidies
enjoyed by the urban population, higher taxes are imposed on agricultural
production, the backbone of the rural economy. Cocoa farmers are given
promissory notes by the government instead of cash. In addition, state
marketing boards and agricultural produce agents pay farmers less for
their produce even though the crops are sold at higher prices on the
world's markets. The foreign exchange derived from the sale of cash
crops on world commodities markets is a major source of funding for the
amenities enjoyed by urbanites. This massive taxation of agriculture to
benefit the urban sector has resulted in increased migration from the rural
to urban areas.
The reason for devoting the state's meager resources to subsidizing
urban living is purely political. Higher prices, inflation, and frequent
shortages of the essential consumer goods needed by the urban popula-
tion are the primary causes of strikes and public unrest which usually
provide the needed justification to topple the government. Because of the
tremendous political power wielded by the urban sector, the apparatus of
government is used to ensure that the urban population is adequately
provided for. Meanwhile, the rural population is left to do more for itself
in matters such as the building of houses and village roads and irrigation
projects.
In sum, migration to the urban areas of Ghana is chosen by individuals
and families seeking opportunities to improve the quality of their lives.
Arthur 97

Secondary determinants are varied-family structure, obligations, and

conflicts; reductions in family land available to farm; governmental taxa-
tion and fiscal policies; and even the quest for adventure.

CONSEQUENCES OF MIGRATION FOR RURAL AREAS

One of the major effects of rural out-migration in Ghana is that it has

caused the rural areas to lose the most physically capable of their labor
resources. In the Northern, Upper, Volta and Central regions of Ghana,
where subsistence farming is labor-intensive, the out-migration of male
youths and the considerable aging of the remaining farm population has
posed a serious problem for food production and consequently, has
changed traditional gender roles. The average age of the male Ghanaian
farmer is fifty-five years? 2 Decades of oscillating male out-migration has
created a shortage in the pool of young males normally available to work
in agriculture. As a result of this shortage, women now have to assume
the greater share of agricultural production in addition to their traditional
roles of raising children and managing the home. Women in Northern
Ghana may need a whole day to collect three days' supply of firewood,
work usually done by men. Soil erosion may also mean that women have
to cultivate land farther away from home to grow food for the family,
and declining water resources mean they must walk farther to collect
water. These time-consuming domestic chores take away from the time
women have to work in agriculture, thereby limiting the amount of food
produced for sale.
A positive consequence of migration for the rural areas is migrants'
assistance in rural economic development by way of the remittance money
that most of them send back home. Findings from several surveys have
shown that these remittances have become an important aspect of migra-
tion in Ghana and other parts of the Third World. 13 Such remittances am-
ply demonstrate the intimate socioeconomic ties between the migrants
and their home, and for most recipient households, they serve as the
major source of supplementary income. In the rural areas of Ghana, the
remittances are used to pay the wages of farm laborers and school fees
for children, to set up small-scale family enterprises, and to purchase
status items such as a house. 14 The remittances may also be saved for
future use by the migrant when he returns to the village. While the
migrant may be better off keeping his savings in the urban area where
interest rates better reflect opportunity costs, some, nevertheless, choose
to send the money home to be saved. We can only speculate that this is
98 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1991

done to reduce the temptation to spend on the non-essential attractions of

the city, or to show good faith of the migrant's intent to return.
Returning migrants provide rural areas with capital and technical know-
how that help in economic development. For example, returned migrants
to the coastal islands near Cape Coast in the Central Region have been
instrumental in setting up fishing ventures in conjunction with technical
assistance provided by the International Commission for Atlantic Fishing
(I.C.A.F.). The joint-stock fishing cooperatives were formed to lease
small boats to fishermen, thereby affording them the opportunity to fish
on the river as well as from the shore and consequently increasing their
catch. Using information provided by the fishermen, the cooperatives
have also been successful in compiling regular and detailed statistics of
the quantity of fish in their areas. This information helps determine the
best areas and times to fish. By using this information to chart the spawn-
ing cycle, fishermen can adjust their times of fishing and the amount of
fish taken out, thus ensuring a continuous supply of fish.
Another effect of migration is that returning migrants have been lead-
ers in the formation of political consciousness in the rural areas. Since
the most highly organized political associations are located in cities, the
migrant witnesses and even participates in political activities. Ideas and
knowledge about political organization brought back by the returning
migrants greatly enhance the dynamics of rural politics.
Despite their real and potential value, new ideas brought home by the
returning migrants have not always been readily accepted. The non-mi-
grant population has seen suggestions for change as criticism of the old
ways. The migrants' attempts to spearhead change have often been inter-
preted as a threat to the established power structure. In a culture long on
history and strong on social hierarchy, resistance to change is to be
expected. The resulting conflicts that arise over the direction of rural
development polarizes the people along lines based on age, family, or
social status.

CONSEQUENCES OF MIGRATION FOR URBAN AREAS

Until recently the movement of labor from rural to urban regional

labor centers was thought to provide a stimulus for economic develop-
ment. The migrant labor pool provides a cheap source of unskilled and
semi-skilled labor needed for the factories and manufacturing establish-
ments of the urban centers. Migrants become consumers of goods and
services and they pay taxes, thereby contributing to the urban economy.
Arthur 99

These contributions notwithstanding, the influx of migrants has brought

with it problems for the urban sector. The most pressing problem associated
with rural to urban migration in Ghana and other developing countries is
the inability of the urban industrial and manufacturing sectors to absorb
the rapidly increasing labor force of the cities into full and productive
employment.15 For example, Ghana's urban unemployment rates between
1975 and 1985 were estimated to be running at an average yearly rate of
about 20 percent. 16 Despite this dismal employment situation, migrants
continue to pour into the urban areas in the hope they will be among the
fortunate ones to obtain employment.
There is now consensus that the transfer of labor from the rural to
urban areas has placed a strain on essential social services in the princi-
pal cities of Ghana. 17 The consequences of population pressure on urban
services are not difficult to assess. Accra, the capital city of Ghana,
provides an excellent example of the effects of rapid rural- to urban
population drift. The city now has the problems of rapid, unplanned
growth typical of large African cities: squatter settlements, overcrowded
housing and schools, and an inadequate infrastructure of roadways, sani-
tation, piped water, electricity, and public transportation systems. 18 As
Accra expands, more than twelve miles from its core in some areas, it is
rapidly becoming a commuter city with insufficient public transportation.
In addition, pressure on housing is seen in the pervasiveness of mas-
sive slum areas. 19 In Ghana, the provision of affordable housing in the
cities of Accra, Tema, Kumasi and Sekondi-Takoradi is one of the major
problems confronting the government. This inability to provide housing
for the ever-increasing population has led to the development of the
shanty towns and squatter settlements commonly known as the "zongos."
The "zongos" in Ghana perform functions that are, for the most part, of
major significance to the newly arrived migrant and to the urbanization
process as a whole. First, they provide housing at rents that are within the
means of the newly arrived migrant worker. Second, they serve as recep-
tion centers by assisting the migrant in adapting to the urban cultural
milieu. Their social structure and organization provide psychological
support and anchor in times of difficulties and need. Most important of
all, the "zongos" provide a whole range of employment opportunities in
the informal economic sector. Although the "zongos" are an important
part of the migrant's relocation process, they are not without negative
impact on the cities.
The constant influx of migrants and the subsequent increase in the
number of squatter settlements threaten to overwhelm the cities. Because
100 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1991

they are unplanned, these settlements often lack essential services such
as sanitation, paved streets, and electrical services. Their haphazard growth
and physical structure contribute to urban blight, environmental pollu-
tion, overcrowded schools and health care facilities, and the poor sanitary
conditions that promote the spread of disease. Additionally, again due to
their being unplanned, the settlements are potential fire hazards in areas
that may not be easily accessible to fire-fighting equipment. The total
effect is that large numbers of migrants put additional strain on an al-
ready burdened urban infrastructure and further hamper the cities' ability
to deliver essential services.
As receiving areas, the urban sectors of Ghana have experienced both
positive and negative effects from the large-scale migration that has taken
place in the nation. Migrants have contributed to the economy through
their provision of cheap labor, their consumption of goods and services,
and their payment of taxes. Conversely, their presence has increased
urban unemployment and has strained the cities' abilities to deliver es-
sential services such as health care, transportation, and housing.

GOVERNMENT POLICIES TOWARD MIGRATION IN GHANA

The preceding discussion on consequences of migration to both the

rural and urban areas has pointed out some of the problems associated
with this phenomenon. The Ghanaian government perceives the overall
problems associated with rural to urban migration as outweighing the
benefits to the individual migrants and therefore seeks to check such
movements.
Social and economic policies to reduce the movement of labor from
rural Ghana are aimed at changing the economic landscape of the rural
areas. The objectives are to build local plants to process agricultural raw
materials into semi-finished or finished commodities for rural consump-
tion or export, and to facilitate the development of an infrastructure that
will encourage businesses to locate in the rural areas. The processing of
agricultural raw materials will enhance rural income, increase consumption
of manufactured products, and help reduce rural labor migration to urban
Ghana.
To attract business to rural areas, new investment codes were intro-
duced in 1975, 1979 and 1983 to provide tax credits and incentives to
local and foreign companies willing to locate in rural areas classified as
economically depressed. To revitalize rural economic activities, the gov-
ernment established Regional Development Corporations (RDCs) to cre-
Arthur 101

ate the infrastructure to attract industry and people to rural areas and to
assist farmers in obtaining agricultural loans, thereby promoting the re-
tention of rural population. This strategy brought about moderate im-
provements in rural living standards, especially in the northern and upper
regions of the country.
The economic development approach to check rural migration in Ghana
has been only partially successful due to the lack of an integrated na-
tional development policy. For example, one of the goals of the RDCs is
to assist farmers in obtaining agricultural loans, yet the banks are not
mandated by the government to assist in this effort. They continue re-
strictive loan policies that make it difficult for small-scale farmers to
obtain loans.
In its efforts to discourage rural out-migration, the government has
sought to make the cities less attractive destinations. The government
established the Slum Clearance Commission and adopted a policy of
slum demolition as a mechanism for discouraging new migrants by limit-
ing the housing afforded by the squatter settlements. The government has
also enacted a land resettlement policy in an effort to reduce squatter
settlements and discourage city ward migrants. "Redemption Cities" with
subsidized housing and employment have been developed for those will-
ing to move from the cities and for migrants willing to forego moving to
the large metropolitan areas.

CONCLUSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

This article examined the determinants, consequences, and policy in-

tervention measures of the movement of labor within the political regions
of Ghana. The article concludes that the economic inequalities brought
about by the uneven distribution of development projects in favor of
urban areas causes depressed rural economic conditions, thus spurring
rural to urban movement of labor because of the perceived opportunities
to be obtained by such movement. Within this context, economics is the
primary determinant of interregional migration, mostly in the form of
family-sponsored migration with the objective of maximizing the welfare
and income of the extended family. Secondary determinants are varied,
ranging from family conflicts to governmental fiscal policies.
The consequences of the large-scale migration that has taken place in
Ghana have been mixed for both the sending and receiving areas. While
remittances from migrants to their families in the rural areas have had a
positive effect, the shortage of labor for farming has been a negative
102 The Review of Black Political Economy/Fall 1991

factor. For the urban areas, migrants have contributed to the economy
through their provision of cheap labor, their consumption of goods and
services, and their payment of taxes. Conversely, their presence has in-
creased urban unemployment and strained the cities' ability to deliver
essential social services such as schooling, transportation, housing, and
medical care.
The Ghanaian government has implemented policies aimed at the re-
tention of rural population. The goals of these policies are, first, to reduce
the mass migration of labor from rural Ghana by establishing local indus-
tries for the processing of agricultural raw materials into finished or
semi-finished commodities for rural consumption and for export, second,
to facilitate the development of rural infrastructure to attract businesses
to the rural areas, and third, to provide tax concessions to companies for
industries willing to locate in the rural areas. These rural development
policies have had limited success, mainly due to the lack of a comprehen-
sive national development plan.
The systematic unraveling of the determinants and consequences of
rural-urban migration in Ghana and other developing countries must be
pursued vigorously in order to achieve a better understanding of the
socioeconomic, demographic, and political ramifications. Attention should
be focused on (1) the increasing importance in patterns of rural-rural
migration; (2) the role of returned migrants in rural socioeconomic and
political development; (3) the tremendous number of nonmovers; (4)
women's economic status and the changing nature of gender roles; (5)
the social structure of urban squatter settlements; (6) the dynamics of
family-sponsored migration; (7) the efficacy of migration intervention
policies in rural and urban areas; and (8) the systematic collection of
social and economic statistics about population mobility and human
settlement patterns.

NOTES

1. Henry Shryock, Jacob Siegel, and Edwaru Stockwell, The Methods and Mate-
rials of Demography (New York: Academic Press, 1976).
2. John Weeks, Population (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1986).
3. M. Todaro and J. Stilkind, City Bias and Rural Neglect: The Dilemma of Ur-
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Arthur 103

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