International Journal on Integrated Education e-ISSN : 2620 - 3502

p-ISSN : 2615 - 3785

https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE

Political Revolutions in the Modern World

Jabbarova Sevara Shukhratovna

Student of the Department of Political Science of the Uzbek University of Journalism and Mass
Communications

Abstract: The main purpose of this article is the relevance of studying such a political
phenomenon as revolution in the modern world, is related to their historical significance and role
in the modern politics of various countries. Historically, many states have gone through
revolutions in their development or their appearance is associated with revolutions. This article is
devoted to revolutions in his decisions, that is, his final conclusions and methods.
Keywords: Modern revolution, ancient revolution, color revolutions, typology of revolutions,
historical, sociological, evolutionary.
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Revolutions are events that clear the path of modernization and make it politically possible.
Modernization itself is, first of all, the formation of democratic political and market capitalist
structures, i.e. the development of modern society continues in peaceful, non-revolutionary
forms. Revolutions in our time are certainly possible. But they occur precisely in outdated, non–
modern countries and perform the function inherent in the great revolutions that introduced
Western modernity into history - they pave the way for modernization.
However, there is a contradiction in this interpretation of the connection between revolution and
modernity. The more clearly modernity is understood, the more it is always determined by a
qualitatively unique dynamic that does not know and does not recognize specific structural or
moral boundaries. Consequently, if we are talking about the morality of our time, it is
determined by endless self-criticism, self-determination and self-destruction, and, as Foucault
points out, "criticism" in this case should be understood as "practical criticism", and not
(Kantian) reflection on the necessary limitations, this is a chance to overcome them. It does not
matter whether such a dynamic of the world is described in the form of an instrumental Weber or
an instrumental and normative rationalization of Habermas, the "creative destruction" of
Schumpeter or Adornov-Horkheimer of the "dialectic of enlightenment", the essence of which
will be that Marx conveyed the ingenious formula of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party":
"everything is frozen. relationships are destroyed along with the time-honored ideas and views
that are associated with them, everything that appears wears out again before it has time to
ossify. It turns out that modern society, "started" by revolutions at the beginning of the new time,
is so dynamic that it no longer needs new revolutions. It is immanently revolutionary because of
the internal state of the revolution. This opinion can be further radicalized: if bourgeois society
has such immanent dynamism, then why the revolutionary launch at the dawn of a new era?
Historically, they were not needed, and if they did happen, they did not have much significance
for the development of bourgeois society due to a combination of accidental circumstances. As
Robert Brenner wrote, "as bourgeois society developed and destroyed feudalism, the bourgeois
revolution practically did not play the role that was necessary for its development." It turns out
that the concept of "continuous revolution" turns out to be the antithesis of revolution as a
political event.
The modern revolution is based on two main traditions: historical and sociological.
According to the first, revolution means a radical break in continuity throughout history, a

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fundamental break, a "cataclysm-achievement". A universal model of the historical process is

considered, revolutions determine the qualitative boundaries in this model. A typical example is
Karl Marx's ideas about the sequence of socio-economic formations, where "social revolutions"
are considered as qualitative leaps in the transition to a higher stage of development.
The second tradition is based on public speeches that use or threaten violence and coercion to
power. The emphasis is shifting from universal models and end results to driving forces,
mechanisms and alternative scenarios of social processes, tools that people use to create and
change history. This concept is typical of theories of social change, which have replaced the
theory of development, whose followers deny that history is built on a pre-prepared, permanent
pattern or "logic".
Both traditions — historical and sociological - are reflected in modern definitions of revolution.
They can be divided into three groups. The first includes definitions that revolutions are
fundamental, widespread changes in society (where "great" revolutions are clearly implied). The
focus is on the scale and depth of the changes. In this sense, "revolution" is opposed to
"reforms".
under the constant threat of power, the communist government eventually surrendered.
If we talk about the typology of modern revolutions, it is combined with geographical,
ideological, and economic features. A vivid example of such revolutionary groups: "color
revolutions", "Arab Spring".
Usually, "color revolutions" are understood as "the process of changing the ruling regimes under
the pressure of mass street protests and with the support of NGOs funded from abroad."
"Color revolutions" is a collective term for nonviolent revolutions as a result of the change of
political regimes in a number of post-socialist countries.
The "rose revolution" in Georgia (November 2003), the "orange revolution" in Ukraine
(December 2004 – early January 2005), the "Tulip Revolution" in Kyrgyzstan (March 2005)
were successfully held in the post-Soviet space. The unsuccessful attempts of "color revolutions"
include the actions of the opposition in Azerbaijan (autumn 2005), Belarus (the "corn revolution"
of spring 2006), Armenia (Spring 2008) and Moldova (the "Mamalyg revolution" of spring
2009). Common to all manifestations of such activities were attempts at socio-political
transformations aimed at introducing democracy from the bottom up.
In the post-Soviet space, there are the following common features of the "color revolutions"
associated with institutional and non-institutional factors of transformation. Institutional factors
of changes in the political regimes of Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine:
1. Instability of political systems. The "color revolutions" took place in conditions of unbalanced
political systems. They are experiencing a strong bias towards presidential power. Thus, instead
of a government crisis that occurs in a parliamentary republic under similar circumstances, only
a revolutionary outcome is often possible, since impeachment is practically impossible to apply.
2. Electoral revolutions. Everywhere elections become a catalyst for "color revolutions". "Color
revolutions" always occur after elections. This is not the voice of the entire population, but an
active part of the population of the capitals. One of the forms of revolution is mass rallies,
demonstrations and strikes, which are held by the opposition after the announcement of the
election results.
3. Nationalism and patriotism of slogans. The driving force here is nationalism (patriotism). The
ideas of popular sovereignty are fundamental. Before the revolution, youth organizations were
always created ("Time" in Ukraine, "ahem" in Georgia, etc.).
4. The formation of a symbol is an important way to implement "color revolutions". In Ukraine it
was an orange, in Georgia - a rose, in Kyrgyzstan - a Tulip. The simple possibility of recognition
and application is a mandatory quality of any sign.
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5. Challenge authority. The "color revolutions" in the CIS countries were successful if their
leaders were high-ranking officials who left the executive branch before one election cycle.
Thus, the leader of the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine was the former Prime Minister (until
May 2001) V. Yushchenko, the leaders of the "rose Revolution" in Georgia - the former Minister
of Justice M. Saakashvili, as well as the head of the Parliament (legislature) Z. Zhvania, who
recently became President E. He was considered Shevardnadze's successor. An important factor
in the victory of the " color revolutions" was the serious support of the opposition in one of the
regions of the country. In Ukraine, this country was a confrontation between East and West.
6. Restriction of power structures. The limitations of the power structures play a decisive role in
the success of the revolution. The "color revolutions" have always been bloodless (with the
exception of Kyrgyzstan, where there were victims). Thus, a distinctive feature of the revolution
is a non-aggressive color (orange, not red or black) or a flower.
7. Press support. The basis for the success of the " color revolutions " was the support of
electronic media and the press. According to experts, the presence of independent media is
necessary to inform people about the falsification of voting results and the development of mass
protests.
In general, based on the analysis of theoretical and methodological aspects of revolutions as a
political phenomenon, the following conclusions can be drawn. Revolutions are an actual
phenomenon of modern real politics and the subject of research in political theory. From the
point of view of the theory and methodology of research, they are considered in modern
literature as a kind of socio-political changes of a violent and fundamental nature. The most
important feature of revolutions that distinguishes them from reforms is violent political change:
a violent seizure of power that generates other social changes. * In general, based on the analysis
of theoretical and methodological aspects of revolutions as a political phenomenon, the
following conclusions can be drawn. Revolutions are an actual phenomenon of modern real
politics and the subject of research in political theory. From the point of view of the theory and
methodology of research, they are considered in modern literature as a kind of socio-political
changes of a violent and fundamental nature. The most important feature of revolutions that
distinguishes them from reforms is violent political change: a violent seizure of power that
generates other social changes. * What to do in the event of a revolution?
Timely and necessary unification of the various political forces of the target country,
demonstrating dissatisfaction with the existing political system, the legitimate government;
Violation of the trust of the leaders of the target country in the rule of law, as well as in the
power and ability to protect the state by law enforcement agencies;
And directly destabilize the situation in the target country, cause panic and distrust of the
government, stimulate protest sentiments with the involvement of criminal elements to carry out
its actual destabilization;
It is usually necessary to organize a change of power through early elections, armed
demonstrations or other methods called nonviolent resistance.
A rigid political revolution, independent of social changes, does not have the same regularity of
pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary phenomena. It may simply be a change of political
power as a result of coups or a slightly broader change in power structures.
What to do in the event of a revolution?
Timely and necessary unification of the various political forces of the target country,
demonstrating dissatisfaction with the existing political system, the legitimate government;
Violation of the trust of the leaders of the target country in the rule of law, as well as in the
power and ability to protect the state by law enforcement agencies;
And directly destabilize the situation in the target country, cause panic and distrust of the
Copyright (c) 2023 Author (s). This is an open-access article distributed under the
terms of Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY).To view a copy of this Volume 6, Issue 6 | Jun- 2023 | 3
license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
International Journal on Integrated Education e-ISSN : 26203502
IJIE | Research Parks Publishing (IDEAS Lab) p-ISSN : 26153785

government, stimulate protest sentiments with the involvement of criminal elements to carry out
its actual destabilization;
It is usually necessary to organize a change of power through early elections, armed
demonstrations or other methods called nonviolent resistance.
A rigid political revolution, independent of social changes, does not have the same regularity of
pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary phenomena. It may simply be a change of political
power as a result of coups or a slightly broader change in power structures.
LIST OF USED LITERATURE:
1. https://ruskline.ru/analitika/2016/08/03/o_suwnosti_sovremennyh_revolyucij_i_gosudarstven
nyh_perevorotov/ Понятие «революции» и «государственного переворота»
2. Мордовский государственный университет им. Н.П. Огарева, Российская Федерация,
г. Саранск РЕВОЛЮЦИИ КАК ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ФЕНОМЕН: ТЕОРЕТИКО-
МЕТОДОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ АСПЕКТЫ
3. Автор: Назаров Ю. Н. Философия и общество. Выпуск №4(44)/2006
4. Критика политической философии: Капустин Борис Гурьевич

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