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A conceptual framework for examining the promise of the NORC program and village models to promote aging in place-greenfield2012 - 【彩云小译】
A conceptual framework for examining the promise of the NORC program and village models to promote aging in place-greenfield2012 - 【彩云小译】
老龄化研究杂志 26(2012)273-284
journalhomepage:www.elsevier.com/locate/jaging
J o u r n a l h o m e p e: w w w.我正在经历。我有一个自己的世界
A conceptual framework for examining the promise of the NORC program and
Village models to promote aging in place☆
一个概念框架,用于审查 NORC 方案和 Village 模式促进就地老龄化的承诺
Emily A. Greenfield a, ,1, Andrew Scharlach b, Amanda J. Lehning c, Joan K. Davitt d
格林菲尔德 a,1,安德鲁 ·沙拉赫 b,阿曼达 ·j ·雷宁 c,琼 ·k ·达维特 d
a
Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, School of Social Work, 536 George St., New Brunswick, NJ 08901, USA
罗格斯大学,新泽西州立大学,社会工作学院,536 乔治街,新布伦瑞克,NJ 08901,美国
b University of California, Berkeley, School of Social Welfare, 218 Haviland Hall, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA
加州大学伯克利分校,社会福利学院,218 哈维兰大厅,伯克利分校,加州 94720,美国
c University of Michigan, School of Social Work, 1080 S. University, Ann Arbor, MI 48109, USA
密歇根大学,社会工作学院,1080 s。大学,安阿伯,密歇根州 48109,美国
d University of Pennsylvania, School of Social Policy & Practice, 3701 Locust Walk, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA
宾夕法尼亚大学社会政策与实践学院,宾夕法尼亚州费城蝗虫步道 3701 号,19104 年,美国
Article history: A growing paradigm shift emphasizes efforts to promote aging in place not only by helping aging individuals
文章历史: and families, but also by addressing and engaging communities. This paper explores the idea of developing
Received 23 October 2011 community supports for aging in place by examining two models that incorporate this approach into practice:
收于 2011 年 10 月 23 日 Naturally Occurring Retirement Community Supportive Service Programs (NORC programs) and Villages.
Received in revised form 16 January 2012 Drawing on research regarding social–relational aspects of communities and later-life health and well-being,
Accepted 30 January 2012 we present an integrative conceptual framework positing three categories of activities and services (civic
修订表格于 2012 年 1 月 16 日收到,于 engagement and empowerment activities; social relationship building activities; services to enhance access to
2012 年 1 月 30 日收到 resources)–as well as the initial outcomes and intermediate outcomes–through which the NORC program
and Village models potentially achieve their long-term goal of promoting aging in place. Based on this
Keywords: framework, we conclude with directions for future research on community initiatives that support aging in
关键词: place.
Aging in place 越来越多的范式转变强调努力促进就地老龄化,不仅要帮助老龄化的个人和家庭,而且还要解决社
老化就位
区问题并让社区参与进来。本文通过对自然发生退休社区支持服务项目(NORC 项目)和村庄两种模式
Community practice
社区实践 的研究,探讨了发展社区就地支持老龄化的思路。根据关于社区和晚年健康和福祉的社会关系方面
Aging services 的研究,我们提出了一个综合概念框架,其中提出了三类活动和服务(公民参与和赋权活动; 社会关
安老服务
系建设活动; 增加获得资源机会的服务)以及初步成果和中间成果,通过这些成果,NORC 方案和
Civic engagement
公民参与 Village 模式有可能实现促进就地老龄化的长期目标。在这个框架的基础上,我们总结了未来研究支
Social support 持老龄化的社区倡议的方向。
社会支持
Conceptual framework © 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
概念框架 2012 Elsevier inc. 保留所有权利。
of 2800 apartments in Manhattan (Altman, 2006). At that time, the A proposed conceptual framework of how the NORC program
cooperative's board recognized that many long-time resi-dents were and Village models promote aging in place
facing challenges such as declining health and diffi-culties 提出了 NORC 计划和 Village 模型如何促进老龄化的概念
navigating health and social services. The organization partnered 框架
with the United Jewish Appeal (UJA) Federation of New York–a
network of more than 100 human service, health-care, and education To work toward rigorous evaluation research, it is essen-tial to
organizations that serve the New York metropolitan area–to work develop a conceptual framework regarding the key processes
with community members to help older residents age in place. Since through which the NORC program and Village models might benefit
that time, NORC program advocates have secured both private older adults and to specify the ways in which these processes
philanthropic and local government funds to support the expansion correspond with prior research on factors that promote older adults'
of the model to other areas throughout New York (Altman, 2006). health, well-being, and aging in place. As Ormond et al. (2004)
Also, the Jewish Federations of North America (JFNA) en-gaged in observed: “Develop-ing good outcomes measures begins with
a federal advocacy campaign to implement NORC programs in other clearly stating the objectives that are expected to contribute to the
regions of the U.S. during the 2000s (Bedney et al., 2010; overarching goal of promoting successful aging in place” (p. 38).
Enguidanos, Pynoos, Denton, Alexman, & Diepenbrock, 2010). To 为了努力开展严格的评估研究,必须制定一个概念框架,说
date, there have been approximately 100 NORC programs
明 NORC 方案和 Village 模式可能通过哪些关键进程使老年人
developed throughout the country, with about half located in the
state of New York (the large majority of which is in New York City). 受益,并具体说明这些进程如何与先前关于促进老年人健康、
曼哈顿的 2800 套公寓(Altman,2006)。当时,该合作社的董事 幸福和就地老龄化因素的研究相一致。正如 Ormond 等人(2004
会认识到,许多长期居民面临着诸如健康状况下降以及在获得 年)所指出的:”制定良好成果措施首先要明确说明有助于实现促
保健和社会服务方面遇到困难等挑战。本组织与纽约犹太联合 进成功就地老龄化这一总体目标的各项目标”(第 38 页)。
呼吁联合会(UJA)合作,与社区成员合作,帮助老年居民在适当
的地方养老。 UJA 是一个由 100 多个服务于纽约都会区的人类 Based on extant research on the NORC programs and Villages,
as well as research on the importance of social– relational aspects of
服务、保健和教育组织组成的网络。从那时起,NORC 项目的
communities for older adults' health and well-being (see review
倡导者已经获得了私人慈善基金和地方政府的资金,以支持该 below), Fig. 1 presents an integra-tive conceptual framework of the
模式在纽约其他地区的扩展(Altman,2006)。此外,北美犹太 primary categories of activi-ties and services–as well as the initial
人联合会(JFNA)也参与了一项联邦宣传运动,以在 2000 年代期 and intermediate outcomes–through which the NORC program and
间 在 美 国 其 他 地 区 实 施 NORC 方 案 (Bedney 等 , 2010; Village models potentially achieve their long-term goal of
promoting aging in place. The framework hypothesizes that NORC
Enguidanos , Pynoos , Denton , Alexman , & Diepenbrock ,
pro-grams and Villages facilitate activities and services that lead to
2010)。迄今为止,全国已经制定了大约 100 个 NORC 方案,其
initial outcomes among older adults. These initial outcomes po-
中大约一半位于纽约州(其中绝大多数位于纽约市)。 tentially result in subsequent benefits for aging individuals, their
communities, and the organizations/programs themselves
Despite the growing prominence of Villages and NORC 基于现有的关于 NORC 方案和村庄的研究,以及关于社区
programs nationwide, as well as substantial media and pol-icymaker 的社会关系方面对老年人健康和福祉的重要性的研究(见下面的
attention to them as innovative models for the fu-ture of home- and
审查) ,图 1 提出了一个主要活动和服务类别的综合概念框架,
community-based service delivery (Gross, 2007; U.S. Congress,
2006), there has been relatively little empirical research on either of 以及初步和中期成果,通过这个框架,NORC 方案和村庄模式
these models. Re-searchers and practitioners alike have noted the 有可能实现促进老龄化的长期目标。该框架假设 NORC 计划和
critical need for rigorous outcome studies that examine the condi- 村庄促进导致老年人初步结果的活动和服务。这些最初的结果
tions under which these models are effective in improving older 可能会给老年人,他们的社区以及组织/项目本身带来后续的好
adults' health, well-being, and ability to age in place (Ormond et al., 处
2004; Vladeck, 2004). Advancing this evi-dence base is necessary
for informing future efforts to expand and improve the
implementation of such initiatives.
尽管 village 和 NORC 项目在全国范围内日益突出,媒体和
政策制定者也大量关注这些项目,将其作为未来以家庭和社区
为基础的服务提供的创新模式(Gross,2007 年; 美国国会,2006
年) ,但对这两种模式的实证研究相对较少。研究人员和从业人
员都注意到,迫切需要进行严格的成果研究,以审查这些模型
在何种条件下有效改善老年人的健康、福祉和就地养老的能力
(Ormond 等,2004; Vladeck,2004)。推进这一证据基础对于通
知未来努力扩大和改善这些举措的实施是必要的。
(i.e., intermediate outcomes), thereby enhancing participants' Organization (WHO), 2007). Due to space limi-tations, we do not
capacity to age in place (i.e., long-term goal). address the community and programmatic/ organizational areas of
(即中期成果) ,从而提高参与者在适当地方安老的能力(即长期 intermediate outcomes in this manuscript.
目标)。 该模型表明,这些变化可能导致老年人参与者的其他个人层
More specifically, the framework specifies three catego-ries of 面的益处(中间结果) ,如改善身体健康(例如,与慢性病有关的
activities and services that NORC programs and Vil-lages aim to 症状的严重程度)和心理社会福祉(例如,生活目标感和生活满
facilitate. First, NORC programs and Villages emphasize activities 意度)。这些个人结果反过来被认为有助于老年人就地老化的能
and services to promote participants' civic engagement and 力(长期目标)。我们预计在社区和组织/计划层面还有其他中间
empowerment, such as by providing opportunities for older adults to
成果。例如,公民参与和赋权活动可能会加强参与者的社区意
participate in governance boards and to exchange social support
识,可能会加强社区对老年人的整体友善程度。例如,这些活
among community members. Second, they emphasize social
relationship build-ing activities, such as group recreational, 动及其初步成果可能导致创造更容易进入的户外空间和建筑物,
educational, and health promotion activities. Third, Villages and 并使老年人参与社区一级的决策(世界卫生组织(世卫组织) ,
NORC pro-grams focus on services to enhance participants' access 2007 年)。由于空间有限,我们在本手稿中没有涉及中间成果的
to re-sources, such as by linking older adults with transportation 社区和规划/组织领域。
assistance or home repair services.
更具体地说,该框架规定了 NORC 项目和 Vil-lages 旨在促
进的三类活动和服务。首先,NORC 方案和 village 强调促进参
与者的公民参与和赋权的活动和服务,例如为老年人提供参与 An empirical review to identify primary activities and services
治理委员会和在社区成员之间交流社会支持的机会。第二,他 within the NORC program and Village models
们强调社会关系建设活动,如团体娱乐,教育和健康促进活动。 在 NORC 计划和 Village 模型中确定主要活动和服务的实证
第三,village 和 NORC 方案侧重于提供服务,以增加参与者获 审查
得资源的机会,例如将老年人与交通援助或家庭维修服务联系
Our conceptual framework identifies three categories of
起来。
activities and services that the NORC program and Village models
emphasize: (a) civic engagement and empowerment activities, (b)
We propose that these three categories of activities and services
social relationship building activities, and (c) services to enhance
lead to initial outcomes among older adult partici-pants. First, the
participants' access to resources. In the sections below, we review
model theorizes that civic engagement and empowerment activities
prior research to more fully define each of these categories, to
potentially enhance participants' feelings of self and collective
identify limitations within exist-ing supportive service systems with
efficacy as well as their sense of community. Second, the model
respect to each category,
posits that because of Villages and NORC programs' social
我们的概念框架确定了 NORC 方案和 Village 模式强调的三
relationship building ac-tivities, such as recreational activities,
participants potential-ly develop greater social support, and social 类活动和服务: (a)公民参与和赋权活动,(b)社会关系建设活动,
isolation is reduced. Third, the model posits that NORC programs' 以及(c)增强参与者获得资源的机会的服务。在下面的章节中,
and Villages' activities to enhance access to resources potentially 我们回顾了先前的研究,以更全面地界定每个类别,以确定现
reduce the level of unmet need among participants and en-hance 有的支持性服务系统对每个类别的局限性,
participants' ability to access support efficiently, effec-tively,
appropriately, and adequately.
我们建议这三类活动和服务在老年人参与者中取得初步成果。
首先,该模型理论认为,公民参与和授权活动可能会增强参与
者的自我和集体效能感以及他们的社区意识。第二,模型假设,
由于村庄和 NORC 项目的社会关系建设活动,如娱乐活动,参
与者潜在地发展更大的社会支持,社会隔离减少。第三,该模
型假定,NORC 方案和 village 旨在增加获得资源的活动可能会
降低参与者未满足的需求水平,并增强参与者有效、有效、适
当和充分获得支助的能力。
Fig. 1. Conceptual framework of processes through which the NORC program and Village models potentially influence aging in place.
图 1. NORC 计划和 Village 模型可能影响到位老化的过程的概念框架。
利益。组织志愿服务、政治参与和积极加入志愿者协会是公民
参与的例子(Burr,Caro,& Moorhead,2002; Greenfield,2010)。
and to summarize evidence indicating that the focal activities and
A growing body of research suggests that older adults' civic
services are likely associated with individual outcomes among older
engagement–specifically through formal volunteering– is associated
adults. We also examine the ways in which these activities and
with their better mental and physical health, in-cluding reduced risk
services are germane to the NORC pro-gram and Village models,
of mortality, better functional health, and fewer depressive
while also discussing differences between NORC programs and
symptoms (Morrow-Howell, 2010). Fitting with these findings,
Villages with respect to each category.
research also provides longitudi-nal evidence that psychological
并总结证据表明,重点活动和服务可能与老年人的个人结果有
states related to civic engage-ment, such as feelings of altruism and
关。我们还研究了这些活动和服务与 NORC 计划和 Village 模 being useful to others, are associated with better mental and physical
式密切相关的方式,同时也讨论了 NORC 计划和 Village 在每 health among
个类别方面的差异。 越来越多的研究表明,老年人的公民参与——特别是通过正
式的志愿服务——与他们更好的身心健康有关,包括降低死亡
风险 、更好的功 能健康和 更少的抑 郁症状 (Morrow-Howell ,
2010)。与这些发现相吻合的是,研究还提供了与公民参与相关
Civic engagement and empowerment activities
公民参与和赋权活动 的心理状态的纵向证据,例如利他主义感觉和对他人有用的心
理状态与人们更好的身心健康相关
Researchers, practitioners, and policymakers alike have focused
increasing attention over the past decade on the con-cept of “civic
engagement” in later life (Cullinane, 2006). Civic engagement has
been defined as a type of productive and social activity, referring
specifically to individual or col-lective action that promotes the
common good. Organiza-tional volunteering, political participation,
and active membership in voluntary associations are examples of
civic engagement (Burr, Caro, & Moorhead, 2002; Greenfield,
2010).
在过去的十年里,研究人员、从业者和政策制定者都越来越
关注晚年“公民参与”的概念(Cullinane,2006)。公民参与被定义
为一种生产和社会活动,特别是指个人或集体行动,促进共同
older adults over time (e.g., Gruenewald, Karlamangla, Greendale,
Singer, & Seeman, 2007).
随 着 时 间 的 推 移 老 年 人 ( 例 如 , Gruenewald , Karlamangla ,
Greendale,Singer,& Seeman,2007)。
Classic community organizing theory further suggests that
collective interaction toward a common purpose can generate
enhanced critical awareness of a particular social condition. Such
critical consciousness leads to greater levels of identification with
the problem and willingness to partici-pate in the solution (Reed,
Newman, Suarez, & Lewise, 1997; Rothman, 1995; Weil, 2005).
For example, community in-volvement can foster feelings of
collective efficacy (i.e., be-liefs shared by community members that
they can create community change; Price & Behrens, 2003;
Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999) and personal feelings of
empowerment (Itzhaky & York, 2000a, 2000b; Zimmerman &
Rappaport, 1988). In addition, increasing levels of involvement in
com-munity organizations and engaging older adults in the plan-
ning of programs that involve them can also promote higher levels
of self-efficacy and personal autonomy (Ohmer, 2008; Tracy, Kemp,
& Whittaker, 1997).
经典的社区组织理论进一步表明,朝着共同目标的集体互动
可以产生对特定社会条件的更强的批判意识。这种批判意识导
致了对问题更高层次 的认同和 参与解决方案的意愿 (Reed,
Newman , Suarez, & Lewise, 1997; Rothman ,1995; Weil,
2005)。例如,社区参与可以培养集体效能感(即社区成员共享
的信念,即他们可以创造社区变化 ; Price & Behrens,2003;
Sampson & Raudenbush,1999)和个人授权感(Itzhaky & York,
2000a,2000b; Zimmerman & Rappaport,1988)。此外,增加对
社区组织的参与程度和让老年人参与规划涉及他们的项目也可
以 促 进 更 高 水平 的 自 我 效能 感和 个 人 自 主 性 (Ohmer , 2008;
Tracy,Kemp,& Whittaker,1997)。
variety of ways in which local and national infrastructures could services or other enhancements to their physical or social
more effectively promote civic engagement in later life, such as by environment (McDonough & Davitt, 2011).
providing transportation to community activ-ities and creating ways NORC 方案和 Village 模式都侧重于促进参与者公民参与和
to contribute that can be done from home (Casner-Lotto, 2007; 赋权的活动,为老年人提供相互帮助的机会、倡议本身和更广
Lindblom, 2001). Research fur-ther suggests that barriers to civic 泛的社区(Bookman,2008)。Village 模式强调了一种强调参与、
engagement are especially acute among already disadvantaged
伙伴关系和教育的授权哲学(McDonough & Davitt,2011; Tracy
populations of older adults, such as older adults with health
等,1997)。大多数村庄代表了由社区居民组织的基层行动,他
problems (Li & Ferraro, 2006) and low levels of education (Choi &
Chou, 2010). Issues of inclusivity are especially important to con- 们看到了正规服务系统中的差距,并走到一起创建一个平行的
sider in light of research indicating that disadvantaged older adults 系统来填补这些差距(Bookman,2008)。例如,一些村民提到
potentially benefit more from civic engagement in contrast to more “政府的无能”,村民“不能信任政府... ... 决定我们如何度过余
privileged subgroups of older adults (e.g., Tan, Xue, Li, Carlson, & 生”(Metzger,2011,第 3 页)。通过这种方式,Village 模式似乎
Fried, 2006).
反映了民粹主义者对制度化社会服务体系的不信任,以及对私
地方和国家基础设施可以更有效地促进晚年公民参与的各种方
人公民共同行动能够更好地满足社区成员需求的期望。在许多
式,例如为社区活动提供交通工具,并创造可在家里做出贡献
村庄,成员参与制定以及正在进行的管理和实施这一举措,例
的方式(Casner-Lotto,2007; Lindblom,2001)。研究进一步表明,
如通过委员会或理事会的成员资格以及就成员所需资源的组合
公民参与的障碍在已经处于弱势地位的老年人群体中尤其严重,
不断提供反馈的机会。最近对全国村庄的一项研究发现,87%
例如有健康问题的老年人(Li & Ferraro,2006 年)和教育水平低
的村庄报告说,其成员高度参与村庄及其方案或政策的发展,
的老年人(Choi & Chou,2010 年)。考虑到研究表明,处境不利
87% 的村庄报告说,其成员高度参与监督或治理活动。此外,
的老年人可能从公民参与中获益更多,相比之下,处境优越的
62% 的人报告说,成员高度参与提供服务或互相支持(Lehning
老年人群体(如 Tan,Xue,Li,Carlson,& Fried,2006) ,包容
et al。 ,in press)。同样,许多村庄提供的社区活动有可能加强
性问题尤为重要。
成员对社区的承诺,并在理论上加强公民参与的实践(Chaskin,
Both the NORC program and Village models focus on ac-tivities Brown , Venkatesh , & Vidal , 2001; McDonough & Davitt ,
to promote participants' civic engagement and em-powerment by 2011)。一些村庄还鼓励成员参与倡导改善服务或其他改善其物
providing opportunities for older adults to help each other, the 质或社会环境的活动(McDonough & Davitt,2011)。
initiative itself, and the broader communi-ty (Bookman, 2008). The
Village model emphasizes an empow-erment philosophy focused on Practitioners and academic researchers alike similarly have
participation, partnerships, and education (McDonough & Davitt, situated NORC programs within frameworks that em-phasize older
2011; Tracy et al., 1997). Most Villages represent grassroots adults as agents of change within their own lives and their
initiatives organized by community residents who see the gaps in community as a whole (Ivery, Akstein-Kahan, & Murphy, 2010;
formal service sys-tems and come together to create a parallel Vladeck, 2006). Similar to descrip-tions of Villages (McDonough &
system to fill those gaps (Bookman, 2008). For example, some Davitt, 2011), some scholars explicitly have framed NORC
Village mem-bers have referred to “the incapability of government” programs within empowerment models (Anetzberger, 2010).
and that members “cannot trust government to … decide for us how Program leaders have identified older adults' contributions to the
we want to spend the rest of our lives” (Metzger, 2011, p. 3). In this programs themselves as a primary way in which NORC programs
way, the Village model appears to reflect a populist mistrust of facilitate older adults' civic engagement. Conceptualizing older
institutionalized social service systems, and an expectation that adults as primary
private citizens, acting together, can do a better job of meeting the 同样,从业人员和学术研究人员也将 NORC 方案置于强调
needs of community members. In many Villages, members 老年人作为自身生活和整个社区变革推动者的框架内(Ivery,
participate in the development as well as the ongoing manage-ment
Akstein-Kahan,& Murphy,2010; Vladeck,2006)。类似于对村
and implementation of the initiative, such as through board or
committee membership and opportunities to provide ongoing 庄的描述(McDonough & Davitt,2011) ,一些学者明确地将
feedback as to the mix of resources needed by mem-bers. A recent NORC 项目框定在授权模型中(Anetzberger,2010)。项目领导
study of Villages nationwide found that 87% of Villages reported 者已经确定了老年人对项目本身的贡献,作为 NORC 项目促进
that their members had been highly involved in developing the 老年人公民参与的主要方式。将老年人概念化为主要的
Village and its programs or policies, and 87% reported that members
were highly involved in oversight or governance activities.
Furthermore, 62% reported that mem-bers were highly involved in
providing services or support to one another (Lehning et al., in
press). Likewise, communal ac-tivities offered by many Villages
have the potential to reinforce members' commitment to the
community and, in theory, rein-force the practice of civic
engagement (Chaskin, Brown, Venkatesh, & Vidal, 2001;
McDonough & Davitt, 2011). Some Villages also encourage
members to become involved in advoca-cy for improvements in
partners (along with other stakeholders, such as housing managers community services, and health, only 48% agreed that the NORC
and healthcare providers), lead agencies that ad-minister NORC program resulted in their volunteering more (Bedney et al., 2007).
programs are responsible for calling upon older adults to design, 虽然 village 和 NORC 方案都将参与者对社区的贡献作为其
implement, and sustain the program (Vladeck, 2004). Older adults' 模式的一个明确组成部分,但有证据表明 Vil-lages 作为基层、
contributions to the programs include providing one-time input on 会员驱动的组织,通常由老年人自己领导-比 NORC 方案更能促
perceived community needs, facilitating community programs,
进老年人的公民贡献和增强能力,后者通常由服务组织与老年
providing active and ongoing leadership on the programs'
人合作发起和领导(Lehning et al。在关于社区老龄化倡议的同一
governance boards, and engaging in advocacy on behalf of the
programs (Altman, 2006; Bedney, Goldberg, & Josephson, 2010; 项全国性调查中(Lehning et al。 ,In press) ,来自 NORC 方案
Vladeck, 2006). In addition to providing opportunities for older 的受访者中只有 62% 报告说,老年人高度参与提供投入,39%
adults to sup-port each other and the program itself, NORC 报告说老年人高度参与倡议的制定,31% 报告说老年人高度参
programs might organize community-wide events that facilitate 与监督。此外,23% 的 NORC 计划表明,老年人高度参与了互
older adults' contributions to the broader community as well, such as
相提供服务或支持。如前所述,这些参与率远低于 village 报道
by having older adults serve as volunteers within local high schools
(Vladeck, 2004). Furthermore, practitioners have identified the 的参与率(Lehning et al。 ,in press)。同样,以前对 NORC 项目
potential for NORC programs to help older adults articulate shared 的研究发现,让老年人参与公民参与和赋权活动是该模式实施
interests and advocate for collec-tive causes (Alexander, 2006). As 中 更 具 挑 战 性 的 方 面 之 一 (Anetzberger , 2010; Bedney ,
an example, a NORC pro-gram in New Jersey facilitated older Schimmel,Goldberg,Kotler-Berkowitz,& Bursztyn,2007)。
adults successfully petitioning government officials to add a bus 例如,对 NORC 方案参与者进行的全国性调查结果表明,虽然
stop near a community gathering place for older adults (Lehning et
70% 以上的受访者同意 NORC 方案增加了他们的社会接触、社
al., in press).
合作伙伴(以及其他利益相关者,如住房管理者和医疗保健提供 区服务意识和健康的说法,但只有 48% 的受访者同意 NORC 方
者) ,负责执行 NORC 项目的领导机构负责号召老年人设计、 案使他们的志愿服务更多(Bedney et al。 ,2007)。
实施和维持该项目(Vladeck,2004)。老年人对这些方案的贡献
包括提供一次性投入,了解社区需求,促进社区方案,在方案
的治理委员会中提供积极和持续的领导,以及代表方案参与宣
传活动(Altman,2006; Bedney,Goldberg,& Josephson,2010; Social relationship building activities
Vladeck,2006)。除了为老年人提供相互支持的机会以及方案 社会关系建设活动
本身之外,北爱尔兰老年人协会方案还可以组织全社区活动,
促进老年人对更广泛的社区作出贡献,例如让老年人在当地高 “Social relationships” has been used as an umbrella term for
constructs such as social integration, social networks, and social
中担任志愿者(Vladeck,2004 年)。此外,从业人员已经确定了
support (House, Umberson, & Landis, 1988; Krause, 2001). Social
NORC 项目的潜力,以帮助老年人阐明共同的兴趣和倡导集体 integration is the quantity and frequen-cy of social relationships
事业(Alexander,2006)。例如,新泽西的 NORC 项目帮助老年 (House et al., 1988). Social networks
人成功地请求政府官员在老年人社区聚会场所附近增加一个公 “社会关系”一直被用作一个总括性术语,如社会融合,社会
共汽车站(Lehning et al。 网 络 和 社 会 支 持 (House , Umberson , & Landis , 1988;
Krause,2001)。社会整合是社会关系的数量和频率(House et
al。 ,1988)。社交网络
While both Villages and NORC programs include partici-pants'
contributions to community as an explicit part of their models, there
is some evidence to suggest that Vil-lages–as grassroots,
membership-driven organizations that are more typically led by
older adults themselves–are better positioned to foster older adults'
civic contributions and em-powerment than NORC programs, which
are typically initiat-ed and led by service organizations in
partnership with older adults (Lehning et al., in press). In the same
national survey of community aging initiatives (Lehning et al., in
press), only 62% of respondents from NORC programs reported that
elders were highly involved in providing input, 39% that older
adults were highly involved in developing the initiative, and 31%
that elders were highly involved in oversight. In ad-dition, 23% of
NORC programs indicated that older adults had been highly
involved in providing services or supports to one another. As
previously cited, these participation rates are substantially lower
than for those reported by Villages (Lehning et al., in press).
Similarly, previous studies of NORC programs have found that
engaging older adults in civic engagement and empowerment
activities is among the more challenging aspects of the model to
implement (Anetzberger, 2010; Bedney, Schimmel, Goldberg,
Kotler-Berkowitz, & Bursztyn, 2007). For example, results from a
na-tional survey of NORC program participants indicated that while
over 70% of survey respondents agreed with statements that the
NORC program increased their social contact, aware-ness of
278 E.A. Greenfield et al. / Journal of Aging Studies 26 (2012) 273–284
278 e.a. Greenfield et al。/Journal of Aging Studies 26(2012)273-284
Both the structure and the function of an individual's so-cial
refer to the structure of social relationships, including charac- convoy impact elder health, well-being, and the ability to age in
teristics such as density, homogeneity, and dispersion (House et al., place (Fiori et al., 2007). Social isolation, for exam-ple, has been
1988). Social support, a function of social networks, is the assistance linked with depressive symptoms, feelings of hopelessness (Golden
provided by members of one's social network, including et al., 2009), and an increased risk for morbidity (Tomaka,
informational support, emotional support, and tan-gible assistance Thompson, & Palacios, 2006) and mor-tality (Patterson & Veenstra,
(Krause, 2001). A social convoy is comprised of friends and family 2010). Older adults who are so-cially integrated rather than socially
that form a protective base and can serve as resources when needed isolated experience a reduced risk of mortality, higher self-rated
(Fiori, Smith, & Antonucci, 2007). A social convoy has both health, fewer de-pressive symptoms (Antonucci, Fuhrer, & Dartigues,
objective, structural charac-teristics (e.g., size, frequency of contact, 1997; Uchino, 2004) and higher expectations of aging in place (Tang
proximity) and subjective, functional characteristics (e.g., emotional & Lee, 2011). Further, individuals with diverse social networks
sup-port exchanged among network members (Fiori et al., 2007)). comprised of both family and friends enjoy higher levels of well-
指社会关系的结构,包括密度、同质性和分散性等特征(House being than those with more restricted net-works made up primarily
等,1988)。社会支持是社会网络的一种功能,是社会网络成员 of family or friends and individuals who are socially isolated (Fiori
et al., 2007).
提供的援助,包括信息支持、情感支持和有形援助(Krause,
个人的社会护卫队的结构和功能都会影响到老年人的健康、
2001)。社交车队由朋友和家人组成,他们构成了一个保护基地,
幸福感以及就地老化的能力(Fiori et al。例如,社会隔离与抑郁
在需要时可以充当资源(Fiori,Smith,& Antonucci,2007)。社
症状、绝望感(Golden et al。 ,2009)、发病风险增加(Tomaka,
交车队既有客观的结构特征(如大小、接触频率、接近程度) ,
Thompson & Palacios,2006)和死亡风险(Patterson & Veenstra,
也有主观的功能特征(如网络成员之间交换的情感支持)(Fiori 等,
2010)有关。社会融合而不是社会孤立的老年人,死亡风险降低,
2007)。
自我评价健康水平提高,抑郁症状减少(Antonucci,Fuhrer,&
Dartigues,1997; Uchino,2004) ,对老龄化的预期提高(Tang &
Research suggests that both objective and subjective as-pects of Lee,2011)。此外,拥有由家庭和朋友组成的不同社会网络的
social convoys change over time. The size and fre-quency of contact 个人比那些主要由家庭或朋友以及社会孤立的个人组成的更受
with social network members generally decreases with age (Barnes, 限制的社会网络的个人享有更高水平的福祉(Fiori 等,2007)。
Mendes de Leon, Bienias, & Evans, 2004; McPherson, Smith-Lovin,
& Brashears, 2006; Schnittker, 2007), particularly in regard to non- Increased access to resources and social support likely
kin network members (Shaw, Krause, Liang, & Bennett, 2007; van constitutes a primary process through which having a large, diverse
Tilburg, 1998). In some cases, social networks can shrink to the social network enhances older adults' physical health and
point that older adults become socially isolated. Social isolation psychosocial well-being (Antonucci & Akiyama, 1996). Older adults
reflects an objective separation from a social net-work (e.g., living who have friends and family members living nearby are more likely
in a rural area, living alone), which can lead to subjective feelings of to receive tangible assistance with er-rands and other activities of
loneliness (Golden et al., 2009). Among adults age 65 and older, the daily living (Fiori, Antonucci, & Cortina, 2006), while those without
prevalence of at least occasional feelings of loneliness is between 15% social support are at an increased risk for institutionalization when
and 45% (Golden et al., 2009; Lauder, Sharkey, & Mummery, 2004; they experience serious health problems (Gaugler, Duval, Anderson,
Prince, Harwood, Blizard, Thomas, & Mann, 1997), and & Kane, 2007; Litwak & Longino, 1987; McCann et al., 2005).
approximately 50% of those age 80 and over often feel lonely Other
(Pinquart, 2003). Elders who have lower socioeco-nomic status, 增加获得资源和社会支助的机会可能是一个主要进程,通过
mobility limitations, and difficulty performing activities of daily
这个进程,拥有一个庞大、多样化的社会网络可以增进老年人
living are more likely to report loneliness (Pinquart, 2003).
的身体健康和心理社会福祉(Antonucci & Akiyama,1996 年)。
研究表明,社会车队的客观和主观方面都会随着时间的推移
有朋友和家庭成员住在附近的老年人更有可能在办事和其他日
而改变。与社交网络成员接触的规模和频率通常会随着年龄的
常生活活动方面得到切实的帮助(Fiori,Antonucci,& Cortina,
增长而减少(Barnes,Mendes de Leon,Bienias,& Evans,2004;
2006) ,而没有社会支持的老年人在遇到严重健康问题时,被送
McPherson , Smith-Lovin , & Brashears , 2006; Schnittker ,
进收容所的风险增加(Gaugler,Duval,Anderson ,& Kane,
2007) , 特 别 是 非 亲 属 网 络 成 员 (Shaw , Krause , Liang , &
Bennett,2007; van Tilburg,1998)。在某些情况下,社交网络 2007; Litwak & Longino,1987; McCann 等,2005)。其他
会缩小到老年人变得孤立的地步。社会隔离反映了与社会网络
的客观隔离(例如,生活在农村,独居) ,这会导致主观的孤独
感(Golden et al。在 65 岁及以上的成年人中,至少偶尔感到孤
独的比例在 15% 到 45% 之间(Golden et al。 ,2009; Lauder,
Sharkey , & Mummery , 2004; Prince , Harwood , lizard ,
Thomas,& Mann,1997) ,而在 80 岁及以上的人群中,大约
50% 的人经常感到孤独(Pinquart,2003)。社会经济地位低、行
动能力受限、日常生活活动困难的老年人更容易感到孤独
(Pinquart,2003)。
& Farney,2006)。研究表明,这些友谊可以提高生活满意度,
positive effects of social support include improved mental health, 尤其是那些独居的人(Aday 等,2006)。此外,老年中心的参与
better quality of life, and reduced mortality risk (Andrew, 2006; 与 减 少 压 力 (Farone, Fitzpatrick , & Tran , 2005) 和 抑 郁 症 状
Borglin, Jakobsson, Edberg, & Hallberg, 2006; Krause, 1997). Even
(Choi & McDougall,2007)有关。然而,对老年人长期影响的经
social support that does not in-volve direct assistance has a positive
验支持是有限的,因为很少有纵向评估老年人中心(Dal Santo,
impact on older adults. Emotional support, for example, is related to
a lower risk of mortality (Lyyra & Heikkinen, 2006). Perceived 2009)。此外,老年中心利用率不足的问题仍然令人关切; 老年
support has been found to be more important for well-being than re- 人参与老年中心的常见障碍包括出勤的耻辱感、对老年中心提
ceived support (Patrick, Cottrell, & Barnes, 2001). Knowing that 供什么服务的误解以及缺乏吸引人的活动(Fitzpatrick & McCabe,
others are available to offer assistance if needed may lower stress, 2008; Hostetler,2011)。针对这些担忧,老年中心内部的战略变
while actually receiving assistance may reduce feelings of self-
化已经出现在选定的地理区域,如纽约市的“创新老年中心”这
efficacy, self-reliance, and self-esteem (Fiori et al., 2007). Beyond
social support, social networks, particu-larly those that are rooted 些中心提供的活动和服务,如健身班和咖啡馆式的灵活用餐时
within informal neighborhood networks, are also likely to benefit 间,旨在特别吸引更活跃和更多样化的老年人群体(纽约市,市
older adults by fostering a sense of interdependence, sociality, 长办公室,2011 年)。
meaning, and personal expression (Cheang, 2002; Gardner, 2011).
社会支持的积极影响包括改善心理健康,提高生活质量和降低
死 亡 风 险 (Andrew , 2006; Borglin , Jakobsson , Edberg , &
Hallberg,2006; Krause,1997)。即使没有直接援助的社会支持 In contrast with the majority of formal community-based
supportive services, Villages and NORC programs facilitate various
对老年人也有积极的影响。例如,情感支持与降低死亡风险有
opportunities for participants to broaden their social networks and
关(Lyyra & Heikkinen,2006)。研究发现,感知支持对幸福感的
build social relationships. A core aspect of Vil-lages is their
重要性要高于再次获得支持(Patrick,Cottrell,& Barnes,2001)。 provision of group activities, such as interest groups, social
知道他人可以在需要的时候提供帮助可以减少压力,而实际上 gatherings, and cultural and educational pro-grams, which may help
接受帮助可以减少自我效能感、自我依赖感和自尊感(Fiori 等, to strengthen relationships among members while further enhancing
2007)。除了社会支持之外,社会网络,特别是那些植根于非正 their identification with the Village itself (Bookman, 2008;
McDonough & Davitt, 2011). Some Villages also offer group health
式社区网络的社会网络,也可能通过培养相互依赖、社会性、
promotion activi-ties, such as exercise classes and health education
意义和个人表达的感觉而使老年人受益(Cheang,2002; Gardner,
workshops, which potentially serve the dual purposes of directly
2011)。 promot-ing older adults' health in addition to providing them with
op-portunities to connect with others (McDonough & Davitt,
与 大多 数以 社区 为基础 的正 规支 助服 务不 同, village 和
Formal community-based supportive services in the U.S. rarely NORC 方案为参与者扩大其社会网络和建立社会关系提供了各
focus on fostering informal social relationships, and hence access to
种机会。Vil-lages 的一个核心方面是它们提供团体活动,如兴
diverse sources of social support, for older adults. One exception,
however, are senior centers, which typically receive financial 趣小组、社交聚会、文化和教育方案,这可能有助于加强成员
support through local government funds and the U.S. Older 之间的关系,同时进一步提高他们对村庄本身的认同(Bookman,
Americans Act (Turner, 2004). Se-nior centers address loneliness 2008; McDonough & Davitt,2011)。一些村庄还提供团体健康促
and social isolation by provid-ing opportunities for social interaction 进活动,如健身班和健康教育讲习班,这些活动除了为老年人
and the development of new friendships (Aday, Kehoe, & Farney,
提供与其他人联系的机会之外,还有可能达到直接促进老年人
2006). Research indicates that these friendships can result in
健康的双重目的(McDonough & Davitt,
improved life satisfaction, particularly among those who live alone
(Aday et al., 2006). Further, senior center participation is associated
with a decrease in stress (Farone, Fitzpatrick, & Tran, 2005) and
depressive symptoms (Choi & McDougall, 2007). Howev-er,
empirical support for the long-term impact on older adults is limited,
as there are few longitudinal evaluations of senior centers (Dal Santo,
2009). Furthermore, there is on-going concern regarding the
underutilization of senior cen-ters; common barriers to older adults'
participation in senior centers include perceived stigma of
attendance, mis-understandings around what senior centers offer,
and lack of appealing activities (Fitzpatrick & McCabe, 2008;
Hostetler, 2011). Responding to these concerns, strategic changes
within senior centers have emerged within select geographic areas,
such as New York City's “innovative senior centers." These centers
offer activities and services such as fitness classes and café-style
flexible meal times that are intended to be especially attractive to
more active and diverse subgroups of older adults (City of New
York, Office of the Mayor, 2011).
在美国,正式的社区支持服务很少注重培养非正式的社会关
系,从而为老年人提供多种来源的社会支持。然而,一个例外
是老年中心,它们通常通过地方政府基金和美国老年美国人法
案(Turner,2004)获得财政支持。老年中心通过提供社会互动和
发展新友谊的机会来解决孤独和社会隔离问题(Aday,Kehoe,
E.A. Greenfield et al. / Journal of Aging Studies 26
(2012) 273–284
E.a. Greenfield 等人/老龄化研究杂志 26(2012)273-
284 279
2011). Villages also typically offer opportunities for social inter- well-being, and aging in place. Studies have found that timely use of
action through participation in governance councils, commit-tees, home- and community-based services is associated with more
and other group structures developed to oversee program operation desirable outcomes among older adults and caregivers alike,
and implementation. Finally, many Villages encourage and support including lower levels of nursing home utilization (Chen &
members' volunteering to support other members (McDonough & Thompson, 2010; Dale & Brown, 2006; Jette, Tennstedt, &
Davitt, 2011). All of these activ-ities have the potential to enhance Crawford, 1995; Tomita, Yoshimura, & Ikegami, 2010). Moreover,
social networks and reduce isolation. previous studies have found that older adults who report greater
2011 年)。村庄通常还通过参与治理委员会、委员会和其他监督 knowledge of community services anticipate being able to age in
place longer than older adults who report less knowledge (Tang
方案运作和实施的团体结构,提供社会互动的机会。最后,许
先前的研究表明,增加获得协调的、以社区为基础的支持服
多村庄鼓励和支持成员志愿支持其他成员(McDonough & Davitt,
务的机会可以促进老年人的健康、福祉和就地老龄化。研究发
2011)。所有这些活动都有增强社会网络和减少孤立的潜力。
现,及时使用家庭和社区服务与老年人和照顾者更理想的结果
Similar to Villages, social relationship building activities are a 相关,包括养老院利用率较低(Chen & Thompson,2010; Dale &
major component of the NORC program model. Examples of group Brown,2006; Jette,Tennstedt,& Crawford,1995; Tomita,
activities include current events groups, men's groups, language Yoshimura,& Ikegami,2010)。此外,以往的研究发现,报告
classes, and resident councils (Vladeck, 2004). A statewide study of 对社区服务知识了解较多的老年人比报告知识较少的老年人预
NORC programs in New Jersey indicated that many NORC
期能够在原地安老更长时间(Tang)
programs also incorporate evidence-based health promotion and
chronic care self-management pro-grams, in addition to more
& Pickard, 2008). There is a growing body of evidence for the
general health education workshops and physical activity groups
utility of deliberate efforts to coordinate health and sup-portive
(Greenfield, 2011). Similar to Vil-lages, NORC programs also
services for older adults, thus preventing deteriora-tion in health and
engage in activities to facilitate older adults' exchanges of peer
functional status (Peikes, Chen, Schore, & Brown, 2009). Also,
support. For example, a case study of a NORC program in the
studies have found that older adults are more likely to report having
Northeast highlighted its “neighbors helping neighbors” component
their needs met and being satis-fied with care when they can
through which older adults volunteer to help each other with daily
exercise choice regarding the types of services they receive and from
living tasks, such as shopping and transportation to medical appoint-
whom (Brown et al., 2007).
ments (Bookman, 2008). Furthermore, qualitative interviews with
staff and residents of a NORC program in New York highlighted Pickard,2008).越来越多的证据表明,有意识地努力协调老年
how the program's broader community events, such as book clubs 人的健康和支持服务,从而防止健康和功能状态的恶化(Peikes,
and card games, provided occasions for more informal exchanges of Chen,Schore,& Brown,2009)。此外,研究发现,老年人更
support among older adults (Bronstein et al., 2011). At this time, 有可能报告说,他们的需要得到了满足,并对照顾感到满意,
there are no empirical data to explicitly compare and contrast NORC 因为他们可以选择他们接受的服务类型和从谁那里得到的服务
programs and Villages in terms of this category of services and
(Brown 等人,2007)。
activities.
与村庄类似,社会关系建设活动是 NORC 项目模型的主要
Aspects of service delivery systems and other social insti-tutions
组成部分。团体活动的例子包括时事团体,男性团体,语言班
in the U.S. create barriers that limit the ease by which community-
和居民委员会(Vladeck,2004)。对新泽西州 NORC 方案的一项 residing older adults can access long-term ser-vices and supports. In
全州性研究表明,除了更普遍的健康教育讲习班和体育活动小 the U.S., the majority of long-term ser-vices and supports is
组外,NORC 的许多方案还包括循证健康促进和慢性护理自我 provided in-kind by family, friends and
管理方案(Greenfield,2011 年)。与 Vil-lages 类似,NORC 计划 在美国,服务提供系统和其他社会机构的某些方面造成了障
也参与促进老年人交流同伴支持的活动。例如,一个案例研究 碍,限制了居住在社区的老年人获得长期服务和支持的便利性。
NORC 项目在东北部强调其“邻里互助”的组成部分,通过老年 在美国,大多数长期服务和支持是由家人、朋友和
人志愿帮助彼此的日常生活任务,如购物和运输到医疗预约
(Bookman,2008 年)。此外,对纽约 NORC 方案的工作人员和
居民进行的定性访谈突出表明,该方案的更广泛的社区活动,
如读书俱乐部和纸牌游戏,为老年人之间更多的非正式交流支
持提供了机会(Bronstein 等,2011)。目前,没有经验数据来明
确比较和对比 NORC 项目和村庄在这类服务和活动方面的情况。
to NORC program, as well as from Village to Village. In-depth, that potentially influence the effectiveness and sustainability of
multi-site research regarding NORC programs' and Villages' NORC pro-grams and Villages. Additional scholarly
specific activities also would be useful to advance fuller development in this area would benefit from ongoing attention to
understanding of how the NORC program and Vil-lage models similar-ities, as well as differences, between the NORC program
are similar and different from each other. and Village models. For example, because NORC programs are
NORC 计划,以及从一个村庄到另一个村庄。对 NORC 方案 more typically developed as programs within lead agencies in
和村庄的具体活动进行深入、多点的研究,也将有助于促进 comparison to Villages, NORC programs theo-retically can draw
on the existing resources of the lead agency (e.g., staff expertise,
更充分地理解 NORC 方案和 Vil-lage 模型如何相似和彼此不
formal rules and procedures, and office space) in ways that
同。 freestanding organiza-tions–such as many Villages–cannot do.
2. To what extent do NORC programs and Villages achieve im- Similarly, because NORC programs are typically developed in
portant initial, intermediate, and long-term outcomes and goals? areas where a large enclave of older adults lives, it is possible
Despite the rapid expansion of and enthusiasm for NORC that NORC programs can leverage resources more efficiently
programs and Villages over the past decade, there have been no (see Golant, 2008, for a discussion), especially if offered in
national, longitudinal studies of the impact of participation in “vertical” multi-unit buildings as opposed to “horizon-tal”
NORC programs and Villages over time. Moreover, not all neighborhoods (see Bronstein & Kenaley, 2010, for a discussion).
NORC program and Village sites are likely to offer the full range In another example, Villages are largely funded by membership
of evidence-based compo-nents that have been shown to fees and donations, generally sources of unrestricted revenue,
contribute to the effective-ness of care coordination efforts, such which may enable Vil-lages to be more flexible in their response
as regular contact between providers and clients, interdisciplinary to members' expressed needs (Scharlach et al., in press). This
collabora-tion, and targeting services to older adults at particular compo-nent could impact sustainability if members feel their
risk for adverse health outcomes (Peikes et al., 2009). Lack of 什么内部和外部资源有助于 NORC 项目和村庄的有效性和可持
rigorous evidence regarding outcomes raises ques-tions among 续性?尽管不是本文的重点(由于空间限制) ,我们的概念框
policymakers, providers, and consumers alike whether investing
架确定资源作为过程的起点,通过 NORC 方案和 Village 模
in NORC programs and Villages to pro-mote aging in place is a
sound use of resources. Our con-ceptual framework indicates the 型可能实现其促进适当老龄化的长期目标。因此,有必要进
importance of assessing initial outcomes (e.g., reduced social 一步发展理论,以指导对内部资源(例如工作人员和志愿人员)
isolation), intermedi-ate outcomes (e.g., improved physical 和外部资源(例如部分侧重于老龄化的地方基金会)进行实证
health), and the long-term goal of aging in place, as well as 研究,这些资源可能影响 NORC 方案和村庄的有效性和可持
linkages among these constructs.
续性。这一领域的额外学术发展将受益于对 NORC 项目和
NORC 计划和村庄在多大程度上实现了重要的初始,中期和长
Village 模 型之间相似性和差异 性的持续关注。例如,与
期成果和目标?尽管 NORC 项目和村庄在过去的十年中迅速
village 相比,NORC 方案通常是作为牵头机构内部的方案开
扩展并且充满热情,但是还没有一个全国性的纵向研究关于
发的,因此 NORC 方案在理论上可以利用牵头机构的现有资
参与 NORC 项目和村庄随着时间的推移而产生的影响。此外,
源(例如,工作人员专业知识、正式规则和程序以及办公空
并非所有 NORC 方案和 Village 网站都可能提供已被证明有
间) ,而独立组织(例如许多 village)无法做到这一点。同样,
助于护理协调工作有效性的全部循证内容,例如提供者和客
由于 NORC 项目通常是在老年人聚居的地区开发的,因此
户之间的定期接触、跨学科合作以及针对具有不良健康后果
NORC 项目有可能更有效地利用资源(参见 Golant,2008 年
特别风险的老年人的服务(Peikes 等,2009)。由于缺乏有关
的讨论) ,特别是在“垂直”多单元建筑而不是“水平”社区(参
结果的严格证据,政策制定者、供应商和消费者都提出了一
见 Bronstein & Kenaley,2010 年的讨论)。在另一个例子中,
个问题,即投资于 NORC 项目和村庄以促进老龄化是否合理
village 的资金主要来自会员费和捐赠,通常是不受限制的收
使用资源。我们的概念框架表明了评估初始结果(例如,减少
入来源,这可能使 Vil-lages 能够更灵活地回应成员表达的需
社会隔离)、中间结果(例如,改善身体健康)的重要性,以及
求(Scharlach et al。这个组成部分可以影响可持续性,如果成
就地老化的长期目标,以及这些结构之间的联系。
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