Norton, N.

© Journal of Music, Health, and Wellbeing (Autumn 2020)

© Journal of Music, Health, and Wellbeing (Autumn, 2021)

Journal Homepage: www.musichealthandwellbeing.co.uk

Surviving Two Crises: Musicalizing Solidarity during the

COVID-19 Pandemic in Malaysia
Jeremy Leong
UCSI University, Institute of Music

Article Info. Abstract

On March 18, 2020, in a concerted effort to curb the spread of the COVID-19, the
Malaysian government abruptly implemented the Movement Control Order
(henceforth MCO) that set off an unnerving shockwave into the community. The
MCO not only limited the movement of people, it also banned all forms of social
activities and mandated closure of almost all businesses in the country. Amidst the
pandemic that threatened the lives and livelihood of all Malaysians, another crisis,
just as damaging, was brewing, which could not have had happened at a worser time.
The sudden resignation of Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad, with rumours of
infighting within his own party, created a political turmoil that saw the rise of the
current Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, a former political ally of Dr Mahathir.
Date Submitted: Accusations of betrayal and legitimacy (i.e., not being democratically elected by the
September 2020 people) continue to plague Muhyddin’s government. As such, discourses of national
unity took on a heightened level of urgency as survival and the nation’s future hung
Date Accepted: in the balance. Under Muhyiddin’s leadership, his pro-Malay/Bumiputera agenda
March 2021 only served to complicate race relationships in Malaysia in the most inopportune time.
In this article, I argue that the music community established during the pandemic not
Date Published: only provided online performances that helped improve the mental wellbeing of
September 2021 Malaysians, but also forged a sense of unity. Frontliners such as healthcare workers
put their lives at risk attending to COVID patients, while police and army personnel
worked hard to enforce safety measures during the pandemic. By adopting a historical
approach, this article examines the representation of national unity and integration in
three YouTube songs dedicated to frontliners. The findings reveal the ethnic
compositions in these songs represented different ideals of unity that potentially
diminished Malaysia’s hope for a single unified national identity in the face of the
pandemic.

1. Introduction
Discourses of national unity have always underpinned the construct of Malaysia’s socio-political
landscape (Abdullah, 1999; Cheong, Nagaraj and Lee, 2009; Tajudin and Yusoff, 2020). However, the
sudden onslaught of the pandemic in 2020 spurred an elevated sense of urgency to examine these
discourses more closely, as survival and the nation’s future hung in the balance. Worse still, problems of
the pandemic were compounded by political turmoil at the highest level of government. In this article, I
will outline the COVID-19 situation in Malaysia and explain how the sudden resignation of Prime
1
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Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad distracted the government from providing sustained leadership during
the crisis. Amidst the political chaos, I argue that the music community established during the pandemic
not only played a quintessential role in improving the wellbeing of Malaysians, it also forged a sense of
unity among them. Using a historical approach as an analytical tool and drawing on books, journals,
newspapers, and online videos as research data, this article examines the representation of national unity
and integration in three YouTube songs dedicated to frontliners. No research has been conducted on these
three works until now. The findings reveal different ideals of unity represented in these songs that
potentially diminished Malaysia’s hope for a single unified national identity in the face of the pandemic.
This article covers the COVID-19 pandemic in Malaysia from the period of March 2020 to the end of
February 2021.

2. COVID-19 in Malaysia
COVID-19 struck fear into the hearts of all Malaysians. On 25 January 2020, Malaysia reported
its first cases of COVID-19 that came from China tourists that entered the country via Johor from
Singapore. By 22 February, 22 cases were reported. In the week that followed, more than 1000 people
were affected (Ahmad and Pfordten, 2020). Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin invoked the
Prevention and Control of Infectious Diseases Act of 1988 and the Police Act of 1967, declaring a state
of emergency. He also implemented the Movement Control Order (henceforth MCO) to restrict
movement and banned all forms of mass assembly in Malaysia. All businesses were ordered to close,
except for government and some private sectors that provided essential services.

To enforce this prohibition, all places of worship and business premises must be closed except
for supermarkets, public markets, grocery stores, and stores selling basic
necessities...[furthermore] Malaysians will be barred from leaving the country and restrictions
[were] placed on the entry of all tourists and foreign visitors into Malaysia. Malaysians who
have returned from overseas have to go for a health check-up and undergo self-quarantine for
14 days… all nurseries, government and private schools, including boarding schools,
international schools, tahfiz centres as well as primary, secondary and pre-university education
institutions will be closed. This also includes all public and private universities as well as
vocational training centres (Tang, 2020).1

The MCO that was announced on 16 March and put in force two days later almost brought the country to
a standstill. For long-term residents and stranded tourists, matters were worsened by concerns over the
lack of details of the MCO and the legal implication of it, which were not made clear by the government.
Under the MCO, assessment of the seriousness of the pandemic would be carried out two weeks after 16
March. From then, depending on the number of infected cases, the government might need to extend the
MCO to curb the spread of COVID-19. Not knowing exactly the impact of the MCO and how long it
would last, confusion and mixed emotions quickly ensued following the announcement, resulting in many
reported cases of people hoarding basic essentials in an act of desperation. Pandemonium reigned in malls
and grocery stores, marked by long queues, emptied shelves, and traffic jams. It was as if Malaysia was
fighting an ‘invisible Armegeddon’ and struggled to formulate an effective communication strategy to
inform the public how to react under the MCO (Lim, B. T., 2020, p. 5).

Subsequently, the MCO was extended three more times, with a gradual easing of movement by
implementing the conditional MCO in May. Finally, the Recovery Movement Control Order (henceforth
RMCO) phase was enacted on 10 June and supposed to last until the end of 2020. By and large, Malaysia
had done fairly well to curb the spread of COVID-19 and under the RMCO, all businesses and daily
activities of people were allowed to resume. Malaysia’s border, however, remained closed for
international travel, with a few exceptions.2 People were advised to continue to practice social distancing,
wear face mask in public, and whenever possible, to avoid crowded places. The reason for the

1
Later on, some allowance was made to allow online learning to take place in the education sector. However, as COVID-19 cases
continued to surge, returning Malaysians had to serve their 14-day quarantine period in government-approved accommodation.
2
As of 2 September, there were over 9300 COVID-19 cases with over 9000 patients who had recovered, and 128 deaths (Ahmad
and Pfordten, 2020).

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continuation of the RMCO was because cases of COVID-19 globally were still on the rise (Lim, H. P.,
2020). By September however, the pandemic situation in Malaysia had turned for the worse (see
‘Muhyiddin’s government and COVID-19’ below). It was safe to say that at the start of the pandemic, no
one in Malaysia was prepared for the many safety and financial concerns COVID-19 would bring to their
lives. What has made these concerns even more pronounced was that they were hinged upon the backdrop
of a brewing political crisis.

3. Malaysia in Political Turmoil

On 24 February, Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad submitted his resignation letter to Yang
di-Pertuan Agong, the King of Malaysia (‘Dr Mahathir’, 2020). His sudden decision sent a shockwave
across the nation. After all, he was a well-established politician, albeit a somewhat controversial figure,
in Malaysia’ parliament. At 94, he had been prime minister twice in the history of the nation. For 22
years, Dr Mahathir served as the prime minister under the former ruling coalition party Barisan Nasional
before he retired from politics. However, he did not stay in retirement for long. In the 2018 general
election, he successfully led the opposition coalition Pakatan Harapan to victory by defeating his protégé
Najib Razak, the leader of Barisan Nasional (Palansamy, 2020). 3 Assuming the role again at 92, he
became the oldest prime minister in the world. Soon, speculations abounded. While suspicion of poor
health might have been the first inkling, it was infighting within the coalition that led Dr Mahathir to
believe he had lost support of his party (Chan, 2020; Teoh, 2020[a]). After a week of political suspense
and upheaval, Muhyiddin Yassin, a former ally of Dr Mahathir, was believed by the King to have the
support of the majority in the Dewan Rayak (House of Representatives). As a result, he was sworn in as
the new prime minister on 1 March. Allegations of betrayal quickly ensued, with Dr Mahathir challenging
the legality of Muhyiddin’s prime ministership. Citizens who were loyal to the former Pakatan Harapan
coalition took their anger online. A petition appeared on Twitter labelled “NotMyPM” and it garnered
over 1000 signatures. Petitioners argued that Muhyiddin had betrayed ‘voters’ choice at the 2018 poll’
(‘Muhyiddin sworn’, 2020). Yet in order to understand the political fallout between Dr Mahathir and
Muhyiddin, we need to examine the history of Malaysia’s multi-ethnic framework.

As a multi-ethnic federation, issues pertaining to the management of ethnic relations in Malaysia

have remained the top agenda ever since gaining its independence from British rule in 1957. Malaysian
scholars Abdul Aqmar Ahmad Tajudin and Mohammad Agus Yusoff have identified four major
challenges to Malaysia’s multi-ethnic framework and the two that are relevant to my discussion are – (a)
racial and religious sensibility and (b) the erosion of national unity and integration (Tajudin and Yusoff,
2020, pp. 658-659). The period from 2008 to 2020 saw these challenges gaining more momentum in
Malaysia’s political discourses.

Malaysia has three main ethnic groups – Malay, Chinese, and Indian. In 2015, the Malays made
up more than half of the country’s population (Leong, 2017). Even though, according to the constitution,
the Malays are granted more privileges than the other minority groups, discussions over a lack of racial
and religious sensibility had intensified from 2008 to 2020. The reason why this had happened was
because of the changing political fortune of the United Malays National Organization, or UMNO, the
largest Malay ethnic party. UMNO was also the founding member of the Barisan Nasional (henceforth
BN) coalition and together, they had ruled Malaysia since its independence.4 In the 2008 General Election
(henceforth GE), UMNO/BN lost two thirds of the majority in parliament. Their second major defeat was
in the 2018 GE when they lost the power to govern and were replaced by Dr Mahathir’s Pakatan Harapan
party. According to Tajudin and Yusoff (2020), these losses were the result of UMNO/BN leaders
changing their political strategies from 2008 to 2018. During this 10-year period, there was increased
pressure from ethnic minority groups (such as the Chinese and Indians) demanding the UMNO/BN
government carry out education and political reforms, as well as questioning the special position the
Malays enjoyed in society. The pushback from the Malay community was strong.

3
Najib Razak has been charged for corruptions involving state investment firm 1Malaysia Development Berhad (or 1MDB).
4
The predecessor of the Barisan Nasional was the Alliance Party.

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In response, UMNO [and BN] in its effort to regain the trust and support of the
Malay ethnic [group] has changed its political actions and strategies from a more pro-
Malay to using religious sentiments of the Muslims (the official religion of
Malaysian Federation) (Tajudin and Yusoff, 2020, p. 659).

The transition to emphasizing Islam as the dominant religion in the country also shaped
UMNO/BN’s policies. These policies, in areas of education, politics and economics, heavily focused on
promoting the interests of the Malays and their Islamic belief. As a result, ethnic minority groups began
to shift their support from the UMNO/BN government to opposition parties (Tajudin and Yusoff, 2020,
pp. 659-660).

After the 2018 GE, Dr Mahathir’s Pakatan Harapan coalition took control of the federal
government and started institutional reforms. Some of the key government positions were filled by
members of the ethnic minority groups. In addition, the party also proposed to ratify treaties from human
rights conventions, such as the International Convention Against All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The
Malay community reacted negatively towards these reforms as ‘they felt that the sovereignty, honour,
position, rights and interests of Malay Muslim ethnic [group] as the majority were deteriorated’ (Tajudin
and Yusoff, 2020, p. 660). In essence, the reform efforts of Pakatan Harapan reflected a revival of the
Rukun Negara philosophy (or ‘tenets of the country’) which was officially announced at the 1970
National Day celebration. Among the five principles, it had an emphasis on promoting harmony and unity
among all races for the sake of the country. Tan Sri Kamarul Ariffin Mohamed Yassin was an appointed
member of the National Consultative Council (Mapen) which was responsible for the birth of the Rukun
Negara principles. He explained that it was created ‘to instil a sense of identity in the people of Malaysia.
. .without discrimination, viewing all Malaysians as equal regardless of their racial and religious
backgrounds’ (‘A philosophy’, 2020).

In 2020, under Prime Minister Muhyiddin’s leadership, his party, the Perikatan Nasional (PN)
formed a political alliance with several parties that included three major Malay parties namely Bersatu,
UMNO/BN, and the Malaysian Islamic Party (or PAS). After the fall of the Pakatan Harapan coalition,
Muhyiddin tried to regain the support of the Malay community by reasserting the Malay ethnic dominance
in key government positions and in the implementation of national policies. While the prime minister
promised that his agenda to reaffirm the rights of the Malays would not undermine the interests and rights
of non-Malays, perceptions of unfair practices by his government persisted in non-Malay communities.
(Tajudin and Yusoff, 2020, p. 661).

Another challenge to Malaysia’s multi-ethnic framework is the erosion of national unity and
integration. Although Malaysia has created federal departments (such as the Ministry of Unity) and
implemented security measures (namely the Police Act 1967 and unity manifesto such as 1Malaysia) to
manage issues of national unity and integration, these government actions have produced mixed results
(Tajudin and Yusoff, 2020, p. 669). The success of Malaysia’s multi-ethnic framework requires an earnest
cultivation of national unity and integration. National unity is more than just the appearance of
harmonious relations, it requires integration. Ethnic integration occurs when different groups understand
and trust each other. They also share a set of common values that motivates them to work towards the
development of a single national identity (Cheong, Nagaraj and Lee, 2009, pp. 47-48). However, matters
concerning the structure of Malaysian federation and constitutional provision undermine the process of
achieving unity and integration.

First, ethnic unity and integration becomes weak since the multi-ethnic societies do not take
advantage of the structure of the Malaysian federation, which combines the main ethnic groups
in one unit that could create a sense of belonging and unity… In Malaysia, none of the units [or
states] of the federation in the Peninsula are ethnic federation (the units of the federation which
are identified by ethnicity, language and religion)… This is because its main ethnic communities

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(Malay, Chinese and Indian) are spread throughout the federation. Another reason that led to
significant challenges in the process of ethnic unity and integration is the constitutional provision
and implementation of government programs and policies that favour Malay majority ethnic and
Bumiputera of Sabah and Sarawak. The advantages gained by Malay Bumiputera group such as
the special position, Islam as the official religion and Malay as the official language have led to
dissatisfaction of the non-Malay ethnicsdemanding justice to their ethnic groups (Tajudin and
Yusoff, 2020, p. 667).5

The 1967 National Language Act established Malay as the primary official language of the country as
‘an act of Malay nationalism’(Lim, L., 2012, p. 280). 6 This Act, which is still in force today, also
stipulates the medium of instruction in public education, which is divided into two types. National schools
use Malay as the medium of instruction. In national-type schools, however, Chinese and Tamil schools
use Mandarin and Tamil respectively as medium of instruction, but Malay is taken as a compulsory
subject.7 Although English is also a compulsory school subject in all national and national-type schools,
the level of proficiency varies among students. The education system, in essence, supports ‘racial
segregation, with the various ethnic groups believing that the different language-medium schools were
more culturally and linguistically suited to their communities’ (Lim, L., 2012, p. 280).

The Pakatan Harapan coalition implemented institutional reforms to address issues of national
unity and integration. However, they were met with huge backlash from the Malay community. This led
the pro-Malay Bersatu party to withdraw their support from the Pakatan Harapan coalition, thus ending
Dr Mahathir’s prime ministership in February 2020 (Yunus, 2018; Teoh, 2020[b]). To appease the
Malays, Prime Minister Muhyiddin reinstated Malay ethnic dominance in his government and this action
sowed feelings of mistrust among ethnic minority groups. Malaysians need a leader to unite the nation in
their fight against the pandemic. And despite his call for unity, Muhyiddin’s promotion of the pro-
Malay/Bumiputera agenda has done just the opposite (‘Malaysians can’, 2020; Tajudin and Yusoff, 2020,
p. 661).
Meanwhile, reports of infighting amongst political heavyweights dominated the news in
September 2020. The prime minister position had turned into a three-corner fight, with Muhyiddin
defending his leadership as Dr Mahathir reenergized his call for a no-confidence vote against him in
parliament (Krishnan, 2020). Perhaps the biggest surprise was Anwar Ibrahim, a former enemy-turned-
ally of Dr Mahathir, who proclaimed that he had earned the support of the majority of elected officials to
replace Muhyiddin as the new prime minister of Malaysia (Kumar, 2020). Tension and disagreement
amongst these veteran officials played out in full force in public, being riled up by old divisive politics of
race and religion. In addition to Anwar, Dr Mahathir and his Pakatan Harapan supporters challenging
Muhyiddin’s position, his ability to lead the country out of the pandemic also come under scrutiny.

4. Muhyiddin’s government and COVID-19

From March 2020 onward, Muhyiddin’s government made some headways in containing the
spread of COVID-19, with daily cases in the double digits by August. However, the Sabah state election
in 26 September caused the infection rate to soar and by 6 October, 691 new cases were recorded
(Loheswar, 2020). The prime minister conceded that the rise in infection rate was because voters and
politicians had failed to follow strict health measures during the campaign period (Loheswar, 2020). 8 To
make matters worse, after the Sabah election, a lack of coordinated effort by the government caused
COVID-19 cases to continue on an upward trajectory in the ensuing months. From 13 January 2021
onward, the daily average reached 3000 cases or more (Wong, 2021). A second MCO was implemented
on the same day to stem the rising tide of COVID-19. The public, however, was sceptical of its

5
The term Bumiputera (or ‘son of the land’) refers to Malays and indigenous people of Malaysia.
6
Even though English was and still is permitted in certain official matters.
7
In Malaysia, Tamil is widely spoken in the Indian community.
8
Sabah is geographically separated from Peninsular Malaysia. Under the RMCO, domestic air travel was allowed and mandatory
quarantine for returning passengers was not required. Without taking safety precaution, voters and politicians from Peninsula
Malaysia travelled back and forth for the Sabah state election which facilitated the surge in COVID cases.

Surviving Two Crises: Musicalizing Solidarity during the COVID-19 Pandemic

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effectiveness. This was because, unlike the first MCO, more businesses were allowed to open gradually
during the second MCO. Yet details of the public safety measures put in place kept changing, which left
many confused and questioned the government’s decision (‘Yoursay’, 2021). Besides worrying about
the worsening condition of the pandemic in the last quarter of 2020, Malaysians were also deeply
concerned about their financial security.

From March to June 2020, Muhyiddin’s government introduced three rounds of stimulus
package to revitalize the national economy (Yusof, 2020). Despite their efforts, these packages seemed
to have limited impact on the employment situation in the country. In the last quarter of 2020, the
Malaysian Institute of Economic Research (MIER) found that 67 per cent of Malaysians who participated
in their survey were worried about the lack of job opportunities. The MIER’s report also cited the ongoing
pandemic as the contributing factor and indicated that the percentage was ‘the highest on record since the
inception of this survey in 1988’ (‘Consumers’, 2021). In addition, the Malaysia’s Department of
Statistics announced that the unemployment rate in 2020 had reached 4.5 per cent, the highest since 1993
(‘Unemployment rate’, 2021). Financial woes had certainly affected the wellbeing of Malaysians and
many turned to mental health professionals for help.

According to the data from Malaysia’s Health Ministry, their crisis hotlines received more than
37,000 calls in 2020. Over 50 per cent of the callers needed emotional support to deal with the pandemic
(Lim, I., 2020). Tragically, most of the suicide cases were debt related (Sukumaran, 2021). Despite the
availability of these crisis hotlines, public anger was mounting. They felt that more should be done and
the Muhyiddin’s government had failed to provide a comprehensive mental health plan to support
economically-disadvantaged citizens during the pandemic (Sukumaran, 2021). Anxiety levels of
Malaysians had risen, especially during the MCO. A university study that involved over 400 participants
across Malaysia found that 70 percent of them showed symptoms of mental distress. Financial difficulty,
job loss, and travel restrictions were listed as contributing factors to the declining psychological well-
being of the participants (Mustapha, 2020). Malaysians’ mental health was also affected by being
confined indoors over a prolonged period of time. The Centre, a research institute, conducted a study and
concluded that almost half of the 1,084 Malaysian participants reported different levels of anxiety and
depression during the MCO (Hassan, 2020). Ardy Ayadali, director of Befrienders, an emotional support
help centre, stated that ‘being in isolation increases the fear and helplessness that someone feels, and this
can lead to anxiety and depression. . . When someone is isolated in crowded families or space, the
environment can get toxic’ (Hassan, 2020). Besides the public, healthcare frontliners, such as nurses and
doctors, also experienced elevated level of stress and anxiety due to increasing numbers of COVID-19
patients (Abdullah, 2020). Furthermore, they also put their lives at risk, with more than 1,350 of them
being infected with the COVID-19 in 2020 ( Povera and Yunus, 2020).

Under Prime Minister Muhyiddin’s leadership, the lack of a clear and well-crafted COVID-19
plan, in areas of health and economy, caused suffering for many Malaysians. Despite the initial success
in reducing COVID-19 cases, he failed to produce a feasible strategy to combat the surge in infection rate
that started in September 2020. This not only affected the economy, it brought much mental anguish to
Malaysians as they saw the job market tightened and witnessed the worst unemployment rate in 27 years.
Due to a lack of focus, Muhyiddin’s plan led to a deteriorating economy that has negatively impacted
many businesses, including the performing arts industry (Lee, 2021).

5. Assessing the Performing Arts Industry during Pandemic

Malaysia’s performing arts scene continue to be in a dire economic situation and it is especially
chronic for those who are depended on the gig economy. Even before the first MCO began, nightclubs in
Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia, already saw a decline in patrons due to fear of the COVID-19.
One of the premium bars, The Social, saw a drop of about 30% of its clientele and had to cancel numerous
events. Veteran DJ Bryan Burger reported that even at the start of March, he already observed a reduction
of 30% of clubgoers. While the government put in place a sizable economic stimulus package in late
February, it was not specifically geared towards addressing the financial woes of the entertainment

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industry. Clubgoers were drawn to famous nightclubs because of their talented DJs, musicians, and
singers. However, apart from the performers, these nightclubs also provided jobs for those working
behind the scene, such as promoters, managers, security guards, and bartenders. While there was always
the fear of being infected, a bigger concern for many of those who worked in the entertainment industry
was about how the MCO threatened their livelihood. (Thomas, 2020).

Since June, under the RMCO, most daily activities had resumed. However, live entertainment
continued to be banned by the authorities under the RMCO. Club musicians lamented the economic
hardship they had to endure as many of them had been unemployed since 18 March. Under the National
Economic Recovery Plan, a fund exceeding RM200 million was announced in June to revitalize the arts
and entertainment industries (‘National Economic’, 2020). However, the plan mainly benefited producers
and proprietors of creative industries. Club musicians who are dependent on the gig economy for their
incomes, have yet to receive any financial assistance. By the end of 2020, the government was still
working on a comprehensive and effective plan to safely open up live entertainment for the public.

During the pandemic, musicians had to resort to creative means, both musical and non-musical,
in order to survive. Club musicians like Vernon Steele, considered himself lucky to be able to continue
earning a living by performing at funeral services. He, however, questioned the government’s rationale
behind the ban on live entertainment under the RMCO: ‘if, by us not performing is really meant to stop
the spread of COVID-19 I have no objection to it. But then again, when malls, LRTs and other more
crowded places are allowed to run, as usual, it doesn’t add up’ (Raj, 2020). The Malaysian Artists
Association reported that among its 7000 members, many of the musicians who were unable to perform,
became salespersons for musical instruments or even cars. Some unemployed musicians were left
homeless because they could not afford rent (‘Performers sell’, 2020 p. A4). Others took on a career in
the food industry. The company ‘Spearheaded by Pathfinders’, a social enterprise based in Kuala Lumpur,
helped musicians to translate their cooking skills into workable plans for the food bazaar business
(Ahmad, 2020, p. 11).

Malaysians have faced many life challenges due to the pandemic and this has affected their
mental health negatively. Studies have shown that attending arts events could help reduce stress and
improve one’s sense of wellbeing (Jensen and Bonde, 2018, p. 212). Another study that focused
specifically on the impact of music on mental health concluded that signs of anxiety and depression were
markedly improved by listening to and appreciating music (Guo and Yu, 2020). From March to the end
of 2020, live entertainment was banned. As such, the acts of music-making and music appreciation have
shifted to an online platform.

6. Online Musicking during Pandemic

In June, Malaysians were gradually coming out of isolation after a strict lockdown and beginning
to enjoy more social mobility under the RMCO. Yet, health officials cautioned the public that the
imminent threat of COVID-19 was not over, and people should continue to avoid large gatherings and
crowded areas. While mental health issues associated with social isolation might have improved
somewhat under the RMCO, many Malaysians were still stressed over their personal finances and the
lack of job opportunities due to the pandemic. As mentioned above, in 2020, Malaysia had the worst
unemployment figure in 27 years.

As clubs and bars remained closed under the RMCO, freelance musicians had to find creative
means to earn a living. However, not everyone was that fortunate. Some musicians, because of financial
woes, ended up homeless (see above). Besides financial concerns, what were the chances they would still
have a career after the pandemic? Unable to perform live, some musicians chose to produce online
concerts during the pandemic as means to connect with the public. By doing so, they most likely will be
remembered post-pandemic time which places them in an advantaged position to capitalize on any
performing opportunity that presents itself. In June, some Malaysian musicians were engaging their

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audience online, sometimes with viewership up in the thousands, performing at interesting locales such
as a hotel’s rooftop swimming pool, in a library, at a university, or even in a living room (‘Singing online’,
2020, pp. 1 and 13). Naturally, one can argue that online performances are only available to people who
can afford computers and access to the internet. For those who have the digital means to access these
online concerts, they can serve as satisfying alternatives to live entertainment. Also, as highlighted above,
music could improve a person’s wellbeing. For those Malaysian attendees who worried about their
finances, it is highly conceivable that these online concerts would have a positive impact on their mental
health as well.

Not only did the music community produce online performances that improved the wellbeing of
Malaysians, they also created COVID-19 songs on YouTube to pay tribute to frontliners. Healthcare
workers put their lives at risk when they attended to COVID patients, and police and army personnel
worked tirelessly to enforce the safety measures of the MCO (Povera and Yunus, 2020). In addition to
the music community expressing their gratitude through songs, Prime Minister Mudyiddin also publicly
thanked all frontliners for their hard work and dedication in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic
(‘PM thanks’, 2020). I will examine three COVID-19 songs that are dedicated to Malaysian frontliners
and they are ‘Stay at Home Malaysia Campaign Theme Song 2020 (15 vocalists) [COVID-19]’,
‘BAWAKAN CAHAYA – (Kredit TV3 Malaysia)’, and ‘COVID-19 MCO Song – Namewee Ft.
Malaysia [sic] Musicians [OK Lah!]’ (henceforth ‘[OK Lah!]’ song). These three works will serve as a
socio-musical analysis of the representation of national unity and integration in Malaysia during the
pandemic.

7. Musicalizing Solidarity with Frontliners

7.1 ‘Stay at Home’ Song
‘Stay at Home Malaysia Campaign Theme Song 2020 (15 vocalists) [COVID-19]’ was
presented as a music video and uploaded onto YouTube on 19 April during the first MCO. The video
received over 12,400 views (‘Stay at Home’, 2020).9 Ctone Studio produced the video in collaboration
with Pondok Rahmat Project, a non-profit organization that supported education initiatives for the Muslim
Malay communities (‘Pondok’, 2019).10 The production of this song was carried out by a group of Malay
artists and aimed to encourage Malaysians to come together to support the frontliners by staying at home.
The lyrics and music were composed by Alif Azhari Ismail, Encik Mattao, Faisal Firdaus, and Ezad
Shazrul. The lyrics are entirely in Malay but the message of unity [‘We are stronger together. . .’] is
presented in English as follows:

Oh stay at home be safe, we can make it happen

We are stronger together, to achieve the desire
Let us pray, for Malaysia be free again
Without COVID-19, let us brace
Let the Hero work for us to be safe . . .
Stay at home Malaysia
Let them work for us
Let them work for us
Please stay safe (‘Stay at Home’, 2020)

It can be inferred from the above lyrics that in order for the fight against COVID-19 to be
successful [‘…for Malaysia be free again without COVID-19’], Malaysians must rally behind the
frontliners by staying at home. To stay united with the frontliners, Malaysians should re-evaluate their
attitude towards the MCO. At 2:15 into the song, there is an image of healthcare professionals all suited
up in Personal Protective Equipment (or PPE) and holding up a sign that reads ‘stay safe.’ It is
accompanied by a vocal sextet singing ‘doa kami di rumah, untuk wira negara, kita semua mampu

9
As of 22 February 2021.
10
No information can be found on Ctone Studio.

8
 Leong, J. © Journal of Music, Health, and Wellbeing (Autumn, 2021)

mengabah’ (‘our prayers are at home, for [our] national heroes, we are all capable of changing’). The
creative touch of reminding Malaysians to stay safe is reinforced by a sextet’s call to stay at home and
pray for the well-being of their ‘national heroes’ (referring to the frontliners). What Malaysians need to
do is not be stubborn (‘we are all capable of changing’) and obey the MCO.

Indeed, viewers’ comments were positive. [CB19115 Nur Khairun Sofia Binti Aman] felt that
it was an outstanding work with meaningful lyrics and another viewer by the name of [Rexo Arif] found
it to be inspiring. [ady rsdy] agreed that by staying at home, Malaysians were supporting the frontliners
in their fight against COVID-19 (‘Stay Home’, 2020). Out of over 12,400 views, only 53 viewers wrote
in the comment section. However, if the song’s message is about uniting all ethnic groups to fight against
the COVID-19, it is imperceptible in the comments. The collaboration with the Pondok Rahmat Project
suggests that the unity message is probably meant for the Malay communities, urging them to come
together in times of crisis. However, can the unity message possibly have a broader purpose? As
mentioned above, Malay and English are taught in all schools and are used widely in Malaysia. While it
may be understandable why the lyrics are bilingual, it remains a puzzle why the unity message is set in
English even though Malay is the official language of the land. If the use of English is meant to circumvent
the sensitive issue of using the Malay language to unite all ethnic groups, it is still an inapt choice as
English is not the native language of any ethnic group. Moreover, it is also unclear how the Malay-centric
tone of the production affects the way non-Malays, if any, perceive its message of unity. This is because
it is difficult to determine the ethnic backgrounds of the commentators. In short, it is highly unlikely that
the message of unity in this song refers to inter-ethnic unity.

7.2 ‘BAWAKAN CAHAYA’ Song

‘BAWAKAN CAHAYA – (Kredit TV3 Malaysia)’ was also produced as a music video and
uploaded onto YouTube on 23 March. It received over 58, 500 views (‘BAWAKAN’, 2020).11 The song
title ‘BAWAKAN CAHAYA’ (or ‘Bringing the Light’) was meant to inspire hope in Malaysians who
faced many challenges due to the pandemic and under the MCO (Omar, 2020). The song was also a tribute
to all the frontliners. The idea of it came from a group of staff who worked at Media Prima Berhad (or
MPB), a Malaysian media conglomerate formed in 2003.12 Despite the board of directors consisting of
mainly Malay professionals, MPB is a rather progressive organization that seeks to challenge ‘the status
quo’ in their effort to improve society (‘Our vision’, 2019). Although the lyrics are entirely in Malay, the
production of this song is a multi-ethnic effort. For example, the music was composed by Yise Loo, a
Chinese Malaysian singer, and the lyrics were by Ahmad Fedtri Yahya, a Malay Malaysian (Seto,
2020[c]; Othman, 2011). Mark Adam, who was the co-music director, also sang in the video.13 He is a
Muslim Filipino singer and actor who works in Malaysia (‘Mark’, 2021). 14

The song encourages Malaysians to smile (‘mengukir senyuman’) and place their trust in a
higher power who has the ability to end the pandemic (‘engakaulah yang mampu mengakhirkannya’ /
‘you are the One who is able to end it’). The message of unity has a degree of urgency as the country
faces a debilitating pandemic (‘krisis penuh pengorbanan’/ ‘a crisis full of sacrifices’) that requires all
Malaysians to stand together (‘masa untuk teguh bersama’) to fight it. The message of unity (‘to stand
together’) reveals itself at 1:00 of the video. There is a scene of healthcare professionals putting on their
PPE that is supported by a multi-ethnic chorus consisting of members from the Malay, Chinese, and
Indian communities. 15 The song also makes a reference to the political crisis in late February over
allegations of betrayal, but no name is given. It, in a muted admonishing tone, emphasises the importance
of setting aside differences (‘ketepikan apa perbezaan’) for the sake of the country. Representation of the
aforementioned begins at 2:03, with scenes of healthcare frontliners in action, showing them treating

11
As of 22 February 2021.
12
Credit was also given to the staff from TV3, one of the television channels owns by Media Prima Berhad.
13
Sugeeta Chandra, a Malaysian Indian, also sang in the video (at 1:42). She is a staff member of Media Prima Berhad.
14
He is married to a Malaysian.
15
Chorus members included Fiza Sabjahan, Hazrena Kassim, and Fahrin Ahmad representing the Malay community; Rickman Chia
and Yise Loo representing the Chinese community; and Sugeeta Chandra representing the Indian community.

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COVID patients and being supported by a vocal assembly urging for resolution of conflict to save the
country. As the video was uploaded less than a month after Dr Mahathir’s resignation, it is likely that
those scenes are alluding to the political fallout between Dr Mahathir and Prime Minister Muhyiddin. At
1:47, a scene of healthcare workers holding a prayer session is accompanied by a spiritual message about
consensus (‘bawalah semangat, yang menyeru rasa muafakat’/ ‘bring [in the] spirit, which calls for a
sense of consensus’). Thus, the prayer may be inferring that issues of national unity are dependent upon
the spirit of building consensus. As mentioned above, Dr Mahathir and Prime Minister Muhyiddin had
opposing views about national unity and integration in Malaysia. The song implies that the real ‘enemy’
is the pandemic and the sooner the two political elites can build consensus on issues concerning
Malaysia’s race relations, the better it is for the country to unite against COVID-19.

Viewers commented on the messages in the song. [jambu bongok] enjoyed the inspirational
lyrics which had afforded him strength to persevere during the COVID pandemic. A number of them also
expressed their deepest gratitude to the frontliners for their sacrifices and services to the country. 16 While
no one mentioned the political crisis, several viewers urged all Malaysians to unite against the pandemic.
So, how did viewers perceive the unity message in the song? They expressed the idea of togetherness by
using phrases such as ‘semoga kita semua bersatu’ (‘may we all be united’), ‘jom kita perangi COVID-
19 sama sama’ (‘let’s fight COVID-19 together’), and ‘berperang bersama sama untuk menghalang virus’
(‘fight together to prevent viruses’) (‘BAWAKAN’, 2020). 17 While there is no direct mention of the
multi-ethnic representation in the video, some viewers certainly acknowledged the presence of non-Malay
singers in the video, particularly Filipino Mark Adam and Sean LJE, a Chinese Malaysian YouTuber. 18
This suggests that there is a degree of recognition of the representation of ethnic diversity in the video, as
it projects a unifying message of hope, multi-ethnic cooperation, and political accord in the midst of the
pandemic. ‘BAWAKAN CAHAYA’ certainly offers more encouraging national message of unifying the
different ethnic groups in Malaysia than the ‘Stay at Home’ song. Still, neither of these songs attempts to
represent ethnic integration musically. While ‘BAWAKAN CAHAYA’’s representation of multi-ethnic
cooperation is indeed a necessary component of national unity, it, alone, is insufficient. It fails to
demonstrate how the various ethnic groups participate in a set of shared cultural values that facilitates in
the forging of a national identity. Representation of indigenous people was also visibly absent in both
videos. Interestingly, unlike the other two, the [OK Lah!] song has undertaken a much more inclusive
approach in representing national unity and integration in Malaysia during the pandemic.

7.3 ‘[OK Lah!]’ Song

Namewee (a.k.a. Wee Meng Chee) is a Chinese Malaysian rapper whose music has stirred
contentious discourses of race and politics in Malaysia (Gan, 2009). In fact Keng (2008) and Tan (2012)
argue that his rap songs are political and serve as a type of cultural resistance against UMNO/BN’s
discriminatory policies against ethnic Chinese Malaysians. Tan (2012) also revealed that Namewee’s
popularity was largely based on his ability to connect with the collective sentiments and experiences of
Chinese Malaysians as evidenced in his rap music and especially his rap parody of the country’s national
anthem ‘Negarakuku – I love my country’ (Tan, pp. 27-28). Likewise, one can also argue that he
composed the ‘[OK Lah!] song’ to boost his own popularity during the MCO, albeit musically, in a
reggae-influenced pop style instead.19 Having said that, this song offers us an opportunity to understand
how he views the place of Chinese Malaysians within the larger society. It is a personal perspective on
how he envisions the representation of national unity and integration in Malaysia. Unlike the previous
two music videos that used words/phrases to express messages of unity, the ‘[OK Lah!] song’ does it
differently. I argue that the song expresses the unity message by demonstrating how different ethnic
groups unite through a sense of shared cultural value and practices, in areas of food and festivals, that all
of them can identify with as Malaysians.

16
See comments by [Saiful Redza], [Fredly Ranie], and [Adam Lasan].
17
See [Kuwashii Azil Izzuddin bin Rosli Moe], [ Danial Aysar], and [Tg Bakri Tg Embong] in the comment section of the YouTube
video.
18
See [k hrilz], [j 7] and [Nia Amani] in the comment section.
19
OK Lah! is a colloquial expression roughly translates as ‘everything is fine’.

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Uploaded on YouTube on 2 May 2020, the ‘[OK Lah!]’ music video received over 1.56 million
views and 58 thousand ‘likes’ (‘COVID-19 MCO Song’, 2020).20 Not much is known about this song.
Besides the video, the little information I could gather was an interview he had given to a local newspaper.
In it, he stated the purpose of the video:

This is the first time we recorded our music separately at home, but we put our effort
as one. We just want to share our love to all heroes who fight for Malaysians as
frontliners. Our doctors, nurses, polis [or Malay for police], tenetra [for army] and
many more. Thank you, so, so, so much! Finally, we can get out of our home!
But, still be careful lah, don’t play! (Seto, 2020[a])

In addition to the musical tribute to frontliners, many netizens also praised his generous effort
in donating medical suppliers to frontliners and to ten hospitals situated in rural communities (Seto,
2020[b]). The video featured 17 musicians from six different ethnic groups and an interesting mix of
instrumental colours by combining 14 different Western and non-Western instruments. Some of the
musicians representing these six ethnicities, for example, include the composer/lyricist/and vocalist of
the song, Namewee who is Chinese Malaysian and the Malay bass guitarist Fly Halizor (‘Music Nation’,
2019). In addition, representing the Indian community is Kalai the sitarist (Sitarist Kalai, 2012). Sheron
Tan is a Kadazandusun singer and Hezekiah Asim is a Kelabit sape player, both representing the
indigenous people of Sabah and Sarawak respectively (Leav, 2017; Toyat, 2020). Lastly, Steve Thornton
is an African American percussionist who lives and works in Malaysia (Thornton, 2008).21 Not only does
the multi-ethnic makeup of his ensemble serve to represent the cultural diversity of the country, Namewee
also attempts to include the different languages spoken in Malaysia.

While the lyrics is predominantly in Malay, Mandarin and English subtitles were also provided.
Common greetings or expressions used by the three main ethnic groups in Malaysia were also inserted
into the video. They were Gong Xi Fa Cai (at 1:50 of the video), Vanakkam (at 3:00), and Alhamdulillah
(at 3:13).22 Malaysians interact with each other as neighbours, friends, and colleagues on a regular basis.
They learn about each other’s culture through festivals, ceremonies, and leisure gatherings where most
Malaysians would be well-acquainted with these three expressions (Chan, 2019; Dr Dzulkefly, 2018).
Over time, a sense of camaraderie develops between ethnic groups and even some degree of cultural
appropriation has taken place. For instance, Gong Xi Fa Cai (literally means wishing you prosperity) is a
common greeting used during the Chinese New Year, a major festival that is celebrated by the Chinese
community in Malaysia. Likewise, for Muslim Malays, the equivalent would be Hari Raya Aidilfitri (or
the celebration of breaking the fast). What the Chinese and Malay have in common during these two
festivals is the gifting of small envelopes containing money, where the latter had adopted the former’s
customary practice (Králik, 2009). Interestingly, the greeting Gong Xi Fa Cai in the video was uttered
syllabically by Malay vocalist Fara Dolhadi over the sape’s florid countermelody. This suggests that
Dolhadi’s musical articulation may be interpreted as a symbolic gesture highlighting the cultural link
between the two ethnic groups. It reminds viewers the importance of their shared cultural practice rather
than the religious and linguistic differences that set them apart.

Food is an important source of sustenance. Namewee certainly sympathized with the medical
frontliners when he sang about them being overworked and having no time to eat (‘kesianlah doktor missi
bila nak makan?’ / ‘poor doctors and nurses, when do they get to eat?’). 23 In an effort to unite behind the
frontliners against COVID-19, he urged Malaysians to stay at home at 1:20 (‘just stay at home jangan
nakallah tunggu berita’ / ‘just stay at home, do not be naughty and wait for the news’). Reference to

20
As of 27 February 2021.
21
He is married to a Malaysian.
22
Vanakkam has no English equivalent. It is a greeting used in the Indian community which roughly translates as respecting the
person you meet. Alhamdulillah means to give thanks to Allah. It is a common expression used amongst Muslim Malays.
23
Starting at 1:00 in the video.

11

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different types of food in his lyrics serves as vital conduits for the representation of cultural bond. Nasi
lemak (at 0:50 in the video) is a Malay rice dish flavoured with coconut milk. A popular dish consumed
by all ethnic groups, it has not only become part of the diet of many Chinese and Indians, they have also
adapted it and created their own version as well. It is ‘truly a Malaysian dish’ (Krich, 2003). At 2:10,
Namewee sang about what he missed most during the MCO - ‘aku rindu roti tisu kat kedai mamak, suruh
member I semua mari lepak minum bersama’/ ‘I miss the roti tisu at the mamak stall, I want to hang out
with my friends’. 24 His part is presented as a vocal trio, together with Malay singer Dolhadi and
Kadazandusun singer Sheron. Indian sitarist Kalai provides short melodic fragments that weave
seamlessly into the trio’s texture and all the parts are supplemented by a chordal accompaniment from
the organ and rhythmic supports from various percussion instruments. Thus, the rich musical tapestry
produced by this multi-ethnic band may serve to personify the mamak culture.

Mamak stalls are operated by Indian Muslims who sell a variety of affordable fares that include
nasi lemak and roti tisu. These street stalls are frequented by Malaysians of all ethnic backgrounds where
they socialize with their friends or simply spend their leisure time with a cup of teh tarik (at 0:53 of the
video) (‘Why the Mamak’, 2018).25 The mamak culture represents a fusion of Malay and Indian food
traditions, and yet their halal cuisines are enjoyed and embraced not only by Indian Muslims, but by all
other ethnic groups (Omar and Omar, 2018, p. 11). 26 Thus, one may argue that the cultural value of
mamak stalls lies in its ability to attract different people together in the sharing of common fares. Brulotte
and Giovine (2014) argue that food as a cultural product could serve to represent a specific group or
community. Likewise, it could also serve a broader purpose by solidifying ‘multicultural ideals that
purport to unify’ different people (Brulotte and Giovine, p. 2). The truth about the unifying capability of
food, however, may lie somewhere in between. One may argue Namewee purposely conjures up an
idealized representation of mamak culture. It suggests a reading akin to the forging of a shared cultural
identity amongst all Malaysians through casual gatherings and the appreciation of common dishes. Yet,
one also has to consider how his representation of the truth is perceived by the viewers, as their comments
(which will be discussed later) are equally important in understanding the connection between food and
common identity.

There were over 3,400 comments on the ‘[OK Lah!]’ music video. The focus here, however, is
to examine comments about messages of unity and integration. Many viewers commented positively
about the presentation of multiculturalism in the video. [Chekantastic] enjoyed the video because it
represented multiculturalism in Malaysia.27 [Ray Mak] and [Amirul R’mabe] found the video to be very
creative in its mixing of different languages and ethnic groups together. [Bryan Tee] confessed that it was
the best MCO song ever because it showcased the ‘rich culture of Malaysia’ (‘COVID-19 MCO Song’,
2020). Several comments focused on the beautiful mix of different instrumental colours and how well
they blended with the vocal trio.28 In regard to the lyrics, [Kyoko poon] found it to be very relatable as
its messages of unity were supported by the harmonious presentation of different instruments and
different ethnic groups. Some viewers were also proud to see talented musicians of indigenous
backgrounds and the sape being featured in the video.29 [Hawk Kang] felt ‘proud to be a Malaysian’
because of how well the video was able to demonstrate convincingly the blending of different ethnic
groups and instruments as a representation of the country’s multicultural identity (‘COVID-19 MCO
Song’, 2020).

As mentioned above, the argument of whether food culture has the ability to unify different
ethnic groups is still open for debate. While we do not know their ethnicity, four viewers wrote

24
During the MCO, mamak stalls or Indian Muslim street vendors were not allowed to open for business. Roti tisu is a type of thin
flatbread.
25
Teh tarik is a hot milk tea beverage.
26
Halal means ‘permissible’ in the sense that there is no pork product.
27
Supported by similar comments from [Eric Gerald Duncan Earl] and [Brad Music].
28
See [Farhan Hakim], [Seramics], and [Lucas Wong].
29
See [pink worm], [Hale Irwin], [Mark Winston], [Akinabalu], and [Jessie Wong].

12
 Leong, J. © Journal of Music, Health, and Wellbeing (Autumn, 2021)

affectionately about what they missed during the MCO – the mamak stalls, nasi lemak, and teh tarik.30
Another viewer [Jasen Lun] commented that certain food, such as nasi lemak was highly versatile and
could connect ‘people’s heart[sic] together’ (‘COVID-19 MCO Song’, 2020).31 This implies that this
Malay dish has a certain unifying factor as non-Malay ethnic groups have also adapted it into their own
food cultures as well. Therefore, one can argue that in terms of food culture in Malaysia, the mamak
culture has seemingly managed to forge a common identity among all Malaysians. Besides food, other
viewers also commented on the efforts of frontliners and the unity message. [Greg Bain] was grateful of
the music video as a tribute to all frontliners for keeping the country safe. Even healthcare frontliners
were appreciative of the video and supported its messages in uniting all Malaysians.32

Interestingly, the video also evoked patriotic sentiments among Malaysians. [Saifuddin Razali],
[Yen siang boo], and [ken ken] were proud to be Malaysians and felt that the video had helped to unite
the people for a common cause.33 In the comment section, however, Namewee further explained why he
wrote the ‘[OK Lah!]’ song. Concern that his messages of unity could be undermined, he cautioned his
viewers about the pernicious nature of racism and racial politics utilized by some ‘bad politicians’ to drive
a wedge between ethnic groups.34 He hoped that his song would be able to unite all Malaysians (‘COVID-
19 MCO Song’, 2020). There was little doubt about the intended purpose of his comment, which was to
instigate his viewers to react. Indeed [Principle Uncle], [Mahathir Abd Rahman], and [J C] agreed with
Namewee that racial politics had no place in Malaysia. [Daniel Yee] blamed the UMNO/BN party for
creating ethnic tensions amongst the different communities in order to serve their own political agenda.
Highlighting not only the existence of racial politics, [Shamshul Anuar] also believed that national unity
would remain a pipe dream as long as the education system supported racial segregation. However,
[Koktin Liew] was more optimistic and believed that the solution to guard against ‘divisive politics’ in
the country was to cultivate a strong culture of respecting each other as Malaysians (‘COVID-19 MCO
Song’, 2020).

While one may argue that the video was self-serving and produced merely to boost Namewee’s
popularity during the MCO, many viewers held a different opinion. [Stephen Gerard] considered him to
be an outstanding and idealistic artist who produced an innovative music video to unite all Malaysians.
[Naaamirah] liked the song’s catchy melody but especially ‘the lyrics [which] was delivered with
sincerity from all the artists’.35 [Anih Kuan Amu?] felt that he was a patriot and ‘the most Malaysian guy
by[sic] heart’.36 [Wilfred Bryad] said that despite the UMNO/BN party being against him, Namewee
loved Malaysia.37 [boyrambutan] felt that the reason why Namewee was so vocal about issues pertaining
to racism and racial politics was because he was passionate about the country he called home (‘COVID-
19 MCO Song’, 2020). Based on these comments, it is difficult to deny that many viewers were convinced
of Namewee’s love for his country and his genuine effort, through this video, to unite all Malaysians by
reminding them of their shared cultural identity.

8. Conclusion
In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic reenergized discussions of national unity and integration in
Malaysia. Along with fighting against the COVID-19, the country was mired in a political turmoil that
saw a change of government. Under Prime Minister Muhyiddin’s leadership, despite his assurance to
uphold ethnic minorities’ rights, his pro-Malay/Bumiputera agenda complicated the discussions of
national unity. While the sample size may be small, my analysis of the three YouTube songs provides
some degree of comprehending how the notion of national unity is interpreted by different ethnic groups

30
[Treat Ordie], [sicksociety], [Slime Rainbow Atie], and [ Jasmin Chong].
31
[Mahathir Abd Rahman] also drew a similar conclusion.
32
See [Layla Azure] and [Epit Botak].
33
Similar sentiments were also echoed by [Oswald V], [Howard Fong], [Fong Qingsong] and [born80s].
34
He did not provide any names.
35
261 viewers gave ‘thumbs up’ to [Naaamirah]’s comment.
36
66 viewers gave ‘thumbs up’ to [Anih Kuan Amu?]’s comment.
37
983 viewers gave ‘thumbs up’ to [Wilfred Bryad]’s comment.

13

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during the pandemic. The ‘Stay at Home’ song seems to project a more Malay-centric view of unity with
their collaboration with the Pondok Rahmat Project. While the ‘BAWAKAN CAHAYA’ song has a
multi-ethnic makeup, it is still selective and lacks representation from indigenous people of Malaysia.
Musically, it also does not pay attention to matters of ethnic integration. The last song, ‘[OK Lah!]’, is
the best representation of national unity and integration in Malaysia. It focuses on the shared cultural
values and practices, in areas of food and festivals, to which all Malaysians can identify. In fact, one may
further argue that Namewee’s ‘[OK Lah!]’ song is more than just a COVID-19 work. It underpins the
ideals of Rukun Negara that give the country its much-cherished diverse cultural expression. Based on
the comments for this song, viewers agreed that Malaysia’s unity lies in its celebration and endorsement
of multiculturalism. As these three songs reveal, Malaysia’s search for a single unified national identity
during the pandemic remains a work in progress.

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