HIMACHAL PRADESH NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY, SHIMLA

ASSIGNMENT

TOPIC:

PREFERENCE OF MARRIAGE AMONG CONTEMPORARY YOUTH

SUBMITTED TO- DR. HONEY KUMAR

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY

NAME: LILLY SINGH

BA LLB SECTION A
2022-27
1020220061
 DECLARATION

LILLY SINGH
Student Name

1020220061

Enrolment No.

BA LLB ( Hons)
Course Name

BA 102
Course Code

Due Date

Teacher/ Supervisor Dr Honey Kumar

I hereby declare that this assignment has been written by me and is a result of my own endeavours

has not been used for another exam at any other department/ university/ college in India or any
other country
does not refer to/ quote work of others without stating it in the reference list
does not refer to/ quote previous writings of my own without stating it both in the text and in the
reference list
mentions, explicitly, all sources of information in the reference list.
I am aware of the fact that violation of these clauses is regarded as plagiarism, and can result in the
annulment of my assignment.
 CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

INTRODUCTION - UNDERSTANDING MARRIAGE

Overview, reasons to marry, the status of women in marriages, recognition of marriage,

MARRIAGE - A CULTURAL UNIVERSAL AND ITS SOCIAL FUNCTIONS

Overview, Social Features of Marriage, Social Function of Marriage

MARRIAGES IN TRADITIONAL INDIA

Hindu Marriages, Marriages in Islam, Marriages among tribals, How matches are made, Love and Semi
arranged marriages, Dowry- its past and present

PREFERENCE OF MARRIAGE AMONG CONTEMPORARY YOUTH

Survey of The Ministry of Figures and Programme Implementation and its findings

CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY
 ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Every project, however big or small it may be and however important it is, is successful largely due to the
efforts and dedication of a number of persons who have helped in whatever way they can, by providing
information related to it or by giving advice that is essential in the completion of the project. I sincerely
appreciate the assistance of these people and thank them for their support and guidance which was
instrumental in making this project a success.

I, Lilly Singh, a student of Himachal Pradesh National Law University (Shimla), am grateful to the
University for the confidence bestowed on me and for entrusting my ability.

I also appreciate and extend my thanks to my project guide, DR.Honey Kumar, who mentored me while
compiling the project. His insight has been extremely valuable in the completion of this project.

I would like to show my gratitude to my parents and friends for sharing their pearls of wisdom with me
during the course of this research work.
 1. Introduction - Understanding Marriage

1.1 Overview
Marriage, matrimony or wedlock is a culturally and often legally acknowledged relationship between two
persons known as spouses. It establishes their mutual rights and obligations, as well as those of them with
their children and in-laws. Although marriage is considered culturally universal, its definition has
changed throughout time and among cultures and religions. It is typically a setting where interpersonal
relationships, mainly sexual ones, are accepted or encouraged. In certain cultures, getting married is
advised or viewed as a prerequisite to engaging in any sexual behaviour. Sociologists define marriage as
a socially accepted union between two or more people that is considered a stable, long-lasting
arrangement which is typically established at least in part on a sexual relationship of some kind. The term
"wedding" refers to a marriage ceremony.

1.2Reasons to marry
People can get married for various reasons, such as legal, social, emotional, financial, spiritual, and
religious ones. Gender, socially prescribed incest norms, prescriptive marriage laws, parental preference,
and personal desire may all have an impact on who they marry. Polygamy, forced marriage, planned
marriage, and child marriage are still practised in some parts of the world. In other places, such traditions
are prohibited to protect the rights of women and children (both male and female) or in compliance with
international law.

1.3The Status of women in marriage

Marriage has a history of limiting women's rights in some cultures since they are (or were) viewed as the
husband's property. There has been a global trend toward ensuring equal rights for women in marriage
(including abolishing coverture, liberalising divorce laws, and reforming reproductive and sexual rights)
as well as towards formally recognising the unions of same-sex, interfaith, and interracial/interethnic
couples. This trend has primarily been seen in developed democracies. The legal standing of married
women, tolerance of domestic violence, dowries and bride prices, forced marriages, the legal age for
weddings, and the criminalisation of premarital and extramarital sex are all ongoing topics of debate.
Economic history study continues to use the female age at marriage as a reliable predictor of female
autonomy.

1.4Recognition of Marriage
A state, an organisation, a religious leader, a tribal group, a local community, or peers can all recognise a
marriage. It is typically considered a contract. A religious institution performs a spiritual marriage to
acknowledge and establish the privileges and obligations inherent to matrimony in that religion. Many
different names are known for sacred marriage in several belief systems, namely nikah in Islam, nissuin
in Judaism, and various other names. Each of those names has its limitations on what qualifies and who is
eligible for a legitimate religious marriage.
 2. Marriage- A Cultural Universal and its social functions

2.1 Overview
Depending on the culture, marriage may involve legal, religious, or both, while some people can legally
wed by cohabitating for a while (common law marriage). Marriage is regarded as a cultural universal,
which indicates that it is present as a social institution in all civilizations, despite the fact that marriage
ceremonies, regulations, and duties may vary from one community to another.
There are numerous purposes for marriage. In most communities, identifying kinship links to a mother,
father, and extended family serves to identify offspring socially. It also controls sexual behaviour and
transfers, preserves, or consolidates wealth, power, and status. But most crucially, it forms the
cornerstone of the family institution.

2.2 Social Features of Marriage

In the majority of societies, a marriage is considered a long social and legal agreement between two
individuals that is built on the reciprocal rights and responsibilities of the spouses. Even though it is not
always the case, a love relationship is often the foundation of a marriage. However, it usually denotes a
sexual relationship between two people. However, marriage is established as a social institution in legal,
economic, social, and spiritual/religious aspects. It does not simply exist between the married parties. A
dissolution of marriage (annulment or divorce) entails a breakup of the marriage relationship in all of
these spheres because marriage is acknowledged by law, by religious organisations, and because it
implies economic relationships between the spouses.
The majority of societies view marriage as an extended social and legal contract between two people
based on the equal rights and obligations of the spouses. A marriage is usually built on a love
relationship, though this may not always be true. It generally refers to a sexual relationship between two
persons, though. However, a marriage is recognised as a social institution in terms of the law, economy,
society, and religion. It does not just exist among married individuals. Because marriage is recognised by
law, by religious organisations, and because it includes economic links between the spouses, a dissolution
of marriage (annulment or divorce) entails a collapse of the marriage relationship in all of these areas.

2.3 The Social Functions of Marriage

Within the nations and cultures where marriage occurs, there are a number of social roles that marriage
serves that are significant. The responsibilities that couples assume in each other's lives, in the family,
and in society as a whole are most frequently determined by marriage. These positions typically entail a
division of labour between the couples, with each taking on a separate set of important household chores.
Marriage frequently has the effect of establishing a hierarchy of power inside the pair as well as dictating
the spouses' and the couple's social standing. Patriarchal societies are those in which the husband or
father has the most authority within the marriage. On the other hand, matriarchal cultures are those where
spouses and mothers have the most authority.
Marriage also fulfils the societal role of establishing family names and lines of ancestry. A patrilineal
lineage, in which the family name comes after that of the husband or father, is a popular practice in the
United States and much of the western world.
However, matrilineal descent is practised in many societies, including several in Central and Latin
America and some in Europe. In the modern era, it is typical for newlyweds to establish a surname family
name that retains the named lineage of both families and for children to take their parents' surnames as
middle names. However, this is not always the case in Asian nations, particularly in south Asian nations
like India.
 3. Marriages in traditional India

3.1A wedding is the most important family event in India because it significantly invokes
every conceivable social obligation, kinship link, traditional value, intense emotion, and
financial resource. The intricate complexities of Indian social institutions are best seen in
the planning and execution of weddings.

In India, marriage is regarded as necessary for almost everyone. Marriage is a central life
turning point for the individual, signifying the passage into maturity. Like everything else
in India, this transition typically rests less on individual willpower and more on the
combined efforts of many individuals. Similar to how one is born into a particular family
without having any say in the matter, so is one given a spouse without having any voice in
the issue. Parents and other family members of the bride and groom have a crucial role in
organising the wedding. Marriage alliances result in the biological reproduction of families
and some income redistribution, social realignment construction, and restructuring.

Some parents start making marriage plans the moment their child is born, but most parents
wait until after. Children as young as five are still married in some tiny groups, particularly
in Rajasthan, where the marriage age is very low. Prepubescent marriage for girls was
once the norm in rural areas. The age of marriage is rising in villages in the latter part of
the 20th century, almost reaching urban levels. Over the past few decades, various pieces
of legislation establishing the minimum marriage age have been implemented, for
example, the Child Marriage Restraint Act, but these rules have had little impact on
authentic marital customs.

3.2 Hindu Marriages

Regarding Hindu kinship and marriage traditions, India is divided into the north and the
south. The eastern and central mountainous regions' diverse ethnic and tribal groups also
practise various other traditions.

3.2.1 Broadly, in the Indo-Aryan-speaking north, a family seeks marriage alliances with
people to whom it is not already linked by ties of blood. Marriage arrangements often
involve looking far afield.Every kinship term clearly indicates whether the person referred
to is a blood relation or an affinal relation; all blood relatives are forbidden as marriage
mates to a person or a person's children. In general, a family seeks marriage partnerships
with individuals with whom it does not already have blood connections in the
Indo-Aryan-speaking north. Searching far and wide is common when making marriage
plans.The language of kinship reflects this fundamental pattern. Every kinship phrase used
in the north makes it obvious if the person being discussed is a blood relative or an affinal
relative; all blood relatives are prohibited from marrying another person or that person's
children.

In the majority of North India, the Hindu bride moves in with strangers in a house she has
never been to. She has hidden away and veiled as an outsider who must learn to adapt to
new customs. Her consanguineal links deteriorate to varying degrees, and her birth family
is frequently geographically remote.

3.2.2 In the Dravidian-speaking south, a family seeks to strengthen existing kin ties
through marriage, preferably with blood relatives. Kinship terminology reflects this basic
pattern.A family in the Dravidian-speaking south looks to marriage, preferably to deepen
existing kin relationships with blood relatives.The line separating the family of birth from
the family of marriage is blurry in the south. Since many southern families regularly trade
daughters during the marriage, the married couple ultimately considers all cousins to be
blood relations. Dravidian nomenclature emphasises the concept of relative age: without
consideration of generation, all relatives are arranged depending on whether they are either
older or younger than each other.

3.2.3 On the Indo-Gangetic Plain, marriages are arranged between members of the same
caste outside of the village and occasionally even outside of massive numbers of villages,
beyond any evident consanguineal ties. It is often advised against giving daughters to
towns where daughters of the family or even the natal village have already been given.
Brother-sister swap marriages, which unite the brothers and sisters of one household with
the sisters and brothers of another, are disapproved throughout most of the region. The
main focus is on forming new relationships and expanding the marriage pool. One
village's citizens might have relatives living in hundreds of other towns.

3.2.4 With minor changes, the fundamental North Indian pattern is predominant
throughout central India. For instance, although Madhya Pradesh prefers local exogamy,
intra-village marriages are not unheard of. In nearby communities, caste-related marriages
occur often. Marriages between brothers and sisters are occasionally planned, and
daughters are frequently offered in the union to families to whom other daughters from
their lineage or village have already been married.

Contrastingly, in South India, weddings between cousins—especially cross-cousins, or the

progeny of a brother and sister—and even uncles and nieces—particularly a man and the
daughter of his elder sister—are preferred. Return is the crucial idea here; A family that
gives a daughter expects one in return. If not now, then in the generation after. People are
brought together in relatively tiny, close-knit kin groups as a result of these marriages. A
bride often feels at ease in her future in-laws' house, typically where her grandmother or
aunt lives. It is possible that she will wed the cousin she has known her entire life as her
spouse.When acceptable partners aren't found among immediate family members or when
other possibilities seem preferable, many South Indian weddings are entered into outside
of such small kin groups. Cousin marriage and uncle-niece marriage, for instance, are
outdated in the eyes of some educated South Indians.

3.2.5 The laws governing widow remarriage vary depending on the group. In general,
lower castes permit widow remarriage, especially if the woman is still young, whereas the
highest castes discourage or outright forbid it. Brahmans are those who strictly adhere to
the widows' non-remarriage rule. The majority of groups let widowers remarry. Many
organisations advise a widower to wed his late wife's younger sister (but never her older
sister).

3.3 Marriages in Islam

3.3.1 Both cross-cousin marriage (including the children of a brother and sister) and
parallel-cousin marriage (the children of two same-sex siblings) are encouraged among
Muslims in the north and the south. Such cousins grow up in the north, calling one another
"brother" and "sister," but they may get married. Even in cases when there is no cousin
marriage, spouses can frequently identify further familial connections between them.

3.4 Marriages among tribals

3.4.1 Some tribal people of central India practice an interesting permutation of the
southern pattern. Among the Murias of Bastar in southeastern Madhya Pradesh, as
described by anthropologist Verrier Elwin, teenagers live together in a dormitory (ghotul ),
sharing life and love with one another for several blissful years. Ultimately, their parents
arrange their marriages, usually with cross-cousins, and the delights of teenage romance
are replaced with the serious responsibilities of adulthood. In his survey of some 2,000
marriages, Elwin found only seventy-seven cases of ghotul partners eloping together and
very few cases of divorce. Cross-cousin marriage is referred to as "bringing back the milk"
among the Muria and Gond tribal communities, referencing the gift of a girl in one
generation being repaid by the gift of a girl in the next.

3.5 How matches are made

It can be hard to choose the ideal companion for one's child. People search for prospective
brides and grooms with the right social and economic standing via their social networks.
Urban residents are increasingly using newspaper classified matrimony ads.
3.5.1 Advertisements typically mention religion, caste, and educational background, place
emphasis on female beauty and male (and, in more modern times, female) economic
potential, and may make dowry size inferences.

3.5.2 Matches between strangers are frequently made in rural regions without the couple's
first meeting. Rather, parents and other family members reach a compromise on the
couple's behalf.

3.5.3 However, photos are exchanged in cities, particularly among the educated classes.
Occasionally, the couple is allowed to meet under closely supervised conditions, such as
going out for tea with a group of people or meeting in the girl's home's parlour with her
relatives watching. Representatives of several girls' families may contact young
professional men and their families with questions and photos.They might send family
members to meet the most qualified candidates before going on a trip to meet the girls and
make a final decision. Beginning in the early 1990s, a rising number of such weddings
connected Indian brides and grooms with spouses who resided in Europe, North America,
and the Middle East.

3.6 Love and Semi-Arranged Marriages

3.6.1 Almost all Indian children are raised with the expectation that their parents will
arrange their marriages, but an increasing number of young people, especially among the
college-educated, are finding their own spouses. So-called love marriages are deemed a
slightly scandalous alternative to properly arranged marriages. Some young people
convince their parents to "arrange" their marriages with people with whom they have
fallen in love. This process has long been possible for Indians from the south and for
Muslims who want to marry a particular cousin of the appropriate marriageable category.
In the upper classes, these semi-arranged love marriages increasingly occur between
young people who are from castes of slightly different ranks but who are educationally or
professionally equal.

3.6.2 . Nearly all Indian children are brought up believing that their parents will set them
up in marriage. Still, an increasing number of young people, particularly those with
college degrees, are going out and choosing their own partners. People view so-called
"love marriages" as a scandalous substitute for properly structured unions. Some teenagers
persuade their parents to "arrange" their marriages with those they are in love with. This
method has long been an option for Muslims and southern Indians who desire to marry a
specific cousin who fits the proper marriageable criteria.

3.6.3 These semi-arranged love marriages between young people from castes with slightly
different positions but who are academically or professionally equal are becoming more
common in the upper classes. Parents are typically far less receptive when there are
significant differences to reconcile, as is the case with love marriages between Hindus and
Muslims or between Hindus from extremely different caste levels, which can cause
substantial family upheavals.

3.7 Dowry- its past and present

3.7.1 A bride's relations have traditionally paid her a dowry at the time of her marriage in
several cultures across India. In the past, the dowry was thought of as a woman's
wealth—property owed a cherished daughter who had no claim to her natal family's
land—and it often consisted of transportable luxuries like jewellery and furniture that a
bride could have control of for the rest of her life. But with time, a more significant part of
dowries now come in the form of gifts and monetary payments given to the groom's family
alone.

3.7.2 The amount of dowry paid has increased significantly throughout parts of India in
the late 20th century, and a groom's parents may occasionally demand payment for their
son's future wages, to which the bride will presumably have access, as well as for his
higher education. Some of the dowries asked are rather onerous, including assets like
motorcycles, air conditioners, and expensive cars, as well as several years' income in cash.
Large dowries are currently taking the place of customary bride price payments among
some lower-class groups. Reports of extravagant dowries are becoming more common,
even among Muslims who weren't known for expecting high amounts of money in
marriage.

3.7.3 For the bride's family, the dowry is becoming a heavier burden. Antidowry laws
certainly exist, but they are frequently disregarded, and the amount of her dowry
commonly influences a bride's treatment in her new household. Horrible cases with the
groom's family making unreasonable demands on the bride's family, even after the couple
has been married, and then murdering the bride by putting her garments on fire in a
cooking "accident" are becoming more common, especially in urban areas. After that, the
groom is free to get married again and get a new lavish dowry. The male and female
in-laws involved in these murders have hardly ever received punishment.

3.7.4 These dowry deaths have been the focus of countless media headlines in India and
other nations, and they have inspired feminist organisations to take action. In some of the
worst places, like the National Capital Territory of Delhi, where hundreds of these deaths
are reported yearly, and the numbers are rising, the law now mandates that all suspicious
deaths of new brides be looked into. According to official government statistics, there
were 1,786 dowry fatalities nationally in 1987; an additional 5,000 dowry deaths are
thought to have occurred in 1991. Women's organisations occasionally picket the
residences of the in-laws of burned brides. Some researchers have linked the rise of
consumerism in Indian society to expanding this phenomenon. Some urban middle-class
young women, married and single, have killed themselves out of fear of leaving their
parents in poverty. However, the newly wealthy are frequently able to match their prized
daughters up the status hierarchy that is so ingrained in Indian society by paying hefty
dowries.
 4. Preference for Marriage among the Indian Youth

4.1. Survey of The Ministry of Figures and Programme Implementation and its findings

4.1.1 The Ministry of Figures and Programme Implementation recently released a study that contained
some alarming statistics about the state of marriage in India. The survey highlighted a decline in the
number of young people who wish to get married, among other factors.

4.1.2 According to the survey, Jammu and Kashmir have the highest percentage of young people without
spouses. According to its findings, "a similar tendency has been observed in the case of the female
population," and "a percentage share of the youth population (15-29 years) who are "never married" has
exhibited a growing trend in the male population from 20.8 per cent in 2011 to 26.1 percent in 2019.
According to the research, the population increased to 1211 million in 2011 and is projected to reach
1363 million people by 2021. (with 27.3 percent of its population aged 15–29 years). According to the
estimate, the proportion of young people would rise to 22.7 by 2036. Coincidentally, the most current
number was released at a time when J-K had the fifth-highest Total Fertility Rate (TFR) in the nation.

4.1.3 Several states and union territories, like Jammu & Kashmir (29.1), Punjab (25), Uttar Pradesh
(26.7), and Delhi (26.5), have the highest proportions of young people who do not get married, according
to a 2019 government report. Whereas Kerala (18.3), Himachal Pradesh (20.8), Tamil Nadu (20.2), and
Andhra Pradesh (20.7) have the lowest percentage share of marriages, according to the same research.

4.1.4 In the case of teenage girls between the ages of 15 and 19, 11.9 percent were married (by the age of
15) in 2005–2006, but that number has since plummeted to only 1.7 percent in 2019–21. The survey also
establishes yet another crucial element of matrimony, such as how it influences the age factor.

4.1.5It appears that the minimum age for marriage has also gotten higher over time. Notably, "a
considerable decrease has been noted in the level of age at first marriage for women in the 25-29 years
age cohort, with just 52.8% of women having been first married by the age of 20 years during 2019-2021
as compared to 72.4% in 2005-06."

4.1.6 During the years 2019–21, males in the 25–29 age range were getting married at the age of 25. This
data also shows that the proportion of people (both men and women) who fall into the "never getting
married group" has been rising over time.

4.1.7 Government officials have attributed the rising percentage of young people who are not married to
the "lifestyle and influence of the celebrities," despite the survey report not mentioning any context or
factor(s) to comprehend this. However, the survey revealed that there had been fewer instances of child
marriage over time.
4.1.8 Due to decreased fertility rates and rising life expectancy rates, the population pyramid has also
changed. According to the analysis, the number of children under the age of 15 is likely to decrease while
the nation's obligation to the elderly will rise in the future years.

4.2. Data analysis regarding weddings in India

4.2.1 An arranged marriage was reported by 93% of married Indians in a 2018 poll of more than 160,000
families. Only 3% of people reported having a "love marriage," and 2% said their union was
"love-cum-arranged," which typically means that the families arranged the connection before the couple
decided to wed.
4.2.2 The percentage of planned marriages among octogenarians (94%), which has remained above 90%
for young couples in their 20s, has marginally changed over time.
4.2.3 In India, it is still typical to be married within your caste. Less than 10% of urban Indians in a 2014
study of more than 70,000 people said that any members of their family had married outside of their
caste, and not many more had done so outside of their jati or subcaste. Even fewer urban respondents
(only 5%) said that any members of their family had wed outside of their religion.
Indian youth frequently declare their willingness to wed outside of their caste. But there is a large
discrepancy between revealed preferences and those declared (i.e., how much individuals value
something in a survey) (actual decisions people make).

4.2.4 Researchers in 2015 contacted 1,000 would-be wives via matrimonial websites. They discovered
that, while half of them professed interest in men from castes different from their own, nearly all of them
were interested in men from the same caste.
The likelihood of contacting a potential Dalit (previously known as the untouchables) groom was the
lowest even though all other factors, including educational background, salary, and even skin tone, were
almost the same.
Any individual choice becomes a dangerous act of disobedience in the face of this conservative backdrop.
Most cases featured what appeared to be elopement between couples, followed by police reports of
kidnapping and rape from the parents, typically those of the female. Many of them featured ties between
different castes or religions.
The threat presented by young people engaging in sexual activity to their worldviews was so great that
they preferred the "stigma" of a family history of rape.

4.3 Love jihad and inter-religious marriages

4.3.1 Several states controlled by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which also
dominates India, have recently enacted harsher punishments for men who are discovered to be "coercing"
women to convert in order to be married. In order to give the policing of love in India a veil of legality,
they have also put limits on consenting interfaith couples.

4.3.2 In addition to driving inter-group marriage underground in India, this war on lovers is likely to
make it more difficult and unreliable to collect data on love and marriage. According to a Pew Research
Center survey, the majority of Indians believe that their nation and themselves are religiously tolerant yet
are opposed to interfaith unions.
.
4.3.3 Stopping interfaith marriage was deemed a "high priority" by people of all faiths in the nation. The
study was conducted after laws were passed in some Indian states making interfaith love illegal.

4.3.4 In 17 different languages, Pew interviewed 30,000 people in India for the study. Three federally
managed territories and 26 states were represented among the interviewees. 80% of the Muslims
surveyed who were interviewed believed it was crucial to prevent members of their group from marrying
into another religion. Approximately 65% of Hindus concurred.

4.3.5 The study also inquired about the connection between nationality and religion. Hindus "tend to
regard their religious identity and Indian national identity as tightly interwoven," according to the study.
64 percent of Hindus said being a Hindu was essential to be considered "really Indian."
Despite having certain common values and religious beliefs, the survey concluded that the major
religious groups in India "frequently don't feel they have much in common."

4.3.6 The survey found that while Indians "express enthusiasm for religious tolerance, they consistently
maintain their religious groups in separate domains, living together separately.
In terms of friendships, it said, many people live divided by their religious beliefs and "would want to
keep persons of specific religions out of their residential regions or village."

4.3.7 Marriages between Hindus and Muslims have long attracted censure in conservative Indian
families, but couples now face legal hurdles. India's Special Marriage Act mandates a 30-day notice
period for interfaith couples. And some Indian states led by the governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
have taken further steps, introducing laws that ban "unlawful conversion" by force or fraud.
It is in response to what right-wing Hindu groups call "love jihad" - a conspiracy theory that accuses
Muslim men of luring Hindu women to convert them to Islam.
4.4. Unmarried youth of the country- why they are choosing not to marry

The following factors, in addition to the survey results, might be taken into account to comprehend the
rising percentage of "unmarried youth" in our nation:

4.4.1 The main factor might be the economic instability that haunts the majority of today's youth. And the
pandemic only made this specific problem harsher. Families with a monthly income of less than 10,000
are altogether reluctant to get married. One survey conducted in the year 2020 found that just 20% of
people in wealthy households are unwilling to get married (Mar-April).

4.4.2 Marriage preference is listed in second place. The frustration experienced when looking for a match
can be overwhelming in the age of social networking and online dating. In her book "Changing Patterns
Of Matchmaking In India," Fritzi-Marie Titzmann states that "youth today have a considerably larger
range of options thanks to the expanding marital media." The more options available, the more likely it is
that young people would become confused rather than choose the best match.

4.4.3 The next aspect is the "change in mentality" on the importance of marriage. Better-educated youth
don't want to get married young. A single lifestyle is now often recognised as "woke" and modern, and
becoming a single parent is no longer stigmatised. Another tough aspect of our society that prevents most
young people from feeling confident about getting married is the challenge of finding the appropriate
partner who is both physically and emotionally compatible.

4.4.4 Marriage is frequently associated with monogamy, which is a relationship in which it is

expected—both explicitly and implicitly—that emotional and physical intimacy is restricted to two
people. However, non-monogamy is becoming more accepted and practised, from polyamory to open
relationships. Depending on the persons involved, these relationships have different boundaries, but they
all allow for consenting emotional and/or sexual participation with numerous parties.

4.4.5The only way to pledge your life to someone else was formerly thought to be through legal
matrimony. Some couples believe marriage is an institution that frequently has no legitimacy in the basis
between them and their partner, and they no longer see the necessity for governmental validation of their
union (s).

4.4.6 In conclusion, the 21st-century generation does not hesitate to be labelled as "single" and simply
defines what should be the "marriageable age" for them. India is still a fairly young nation as of now.
And this percentage of young people might undoubtedly be very important in helping to achieve the lofty
goal of a healthy economy. The young's decisions on marriage and family formation will have a
significant impact on the economy of the future.
 Conclusion

It can be concluded that the youth of the 21st century in some ways, still adheres to the traditions of the
past. They, however, are hoping to change that. This can be understood by the fact that Indian youth
frequently declare their willingness to wed outside of their caste. But there is a large discrepancy between
revealed preferences( given in the survey) and those declared(actual decisions undertaken).

Caste, class, and background still have some impact on marriage preferences. There are no hard and fast
rules regarding them now, but in most societies, they are considered crucial factors during matchmaking.

Religion, however, is still an important factor considered during marriages. People are critical of
inter-faith marriages, specifically between Hindus and Muslims. Provisions such as The Special Marriage
Act of1954 have been enacted by the legislature. Despite such acts in place, honour killings, and social
exclusion are occurring to this day.

A large number of young people do not want to get married. Economic instability, alternatives like online
dating, lessening of the taboo of ‘single parenting’, focus on career etc are reasons why people are not
getting married.
BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Crossman, Ashley. "The Definition of Marriage in Sociology." ThoughtCo, Feb. 16, 2021,
thoughtco.com/marriage-3026396.

2. India -Marriage- Country studies, http://countrystudies.us/india/86.htm

3. Proportion of unmarried youth rising, finds govt survey, Economic Times. July 14, 2022,
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/proportion-of-unmarried-youth-rising-finds-gov
t-survey/articleshow/92878668.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_cam
paign=cppst

4. Bijayani Mishra,’ Wedding Woes: Are Indian Youngsters Giving Up On Marriage?’ Outlook, 17
July 2022.
5. Lebo Diseko,’ Interfaith marriage: Pew survey says most Indians oppose it’ BBC news, 29 July
2022.