Texts Required

Required reading 1.
Ravenstein E. G. 1885. The laws of migration. Journal of the Statistical

Society of London, 48(2): 167-235.
Vol. xLVIII.1
JOURNAL OF THE STATISTICAL SOCIETY,
JUNE,1885.
The LAWSof MIGRATION. EsQ.,

By E. G, RAVENSTEIN, F.R. G.S.
[Rwd before the Statistical Society, 17th March, 1885. The PRESIDENT,
SIR Rawsolv W. RAWSON, K.C.M.G., C.B., in the Chair.]
CONTENTS :
PAGE PAQR
Introductory Remarks ..................... .. 167 The Anglo-Scotch Element in Ireland
Population and Birtl~places .................. 168 (Map 4) .........................................180
Geographical Distril~utionof the Natives The Foreieir and Colonial Element ......... 180
of each Kin-dom .......................
The National Element of the Populatiou
170 Clnssification of Mipranta ..................... 181
Counties of Absorption aud Iliapersion
(Yap11 ..........................................172 (Map@ ........................................ 184
Tlie Native County Elenlent (Map 2 ) ...... 173 Coonter-Currents of Migration ............. 187
The Native Town Element .....................
The Border Elenient
174
........................... 175
The Dispersion of Migmnts Illustrated
The Absorpt,ion of Miurants IIIustrated,..
... 189
198
The Irish Element in Great Britaiu Mieration and the ~ a % r eofa Towns ...... 198
(Map 8) .......................................... .......................... 196
The Scotch Element in, England (Map 4).,. ........................ 198
Tlre English Element in Scotland (Map 4) ... 199
Introduotory Remarks.
11,was a remark of the late Dr. William Farr, to the effect that
migration appeared to go on without any definite law, which first
directed my attention to a subject," to which, after the publication
of the census of 1881, I now propose to return. I shall confine
myself in what follows to migration going on within the limits of
the United Kingdom,t reserving for a future occasion a considera-
tion of the same subject in connection with foreign countries. I n
his general report on the census of 1871 the registrar-general says
very justly: " The improved roads, the facilities offered under the
" railway system, the wonderful development of the mercantile
" marine, the habit of travelling about, and the increasing know-
" ledge of workmen, have all tended to facilitate the flow of people
" from spots where they are not wanted to fields where their labour
" is in demand. The establishment of a manufacture or the open-
" ing of a new mine rallies men to it, not only from the vicinity,
" but from remote parts of the kingdom. The great towns afford
" such extraordinary facilities for the division and for the combina-
* See the Birthplaces of the People and the 1,awe of Migration in the
" Geographic~lMagazine," 1876, with seven maps.
t That is England, S c o t h d , and Ireland ; Man and the Chrtnnel Islands are
therefore excluded.
TOL. XLTIII. PART XI. T
168 RAVENSTEIN-0%
the Laws of itIigrutwn. [June,
" tion of labour, for the esercise of all the arts, and for the
practice of all the professions, that they are every year drawing
" people within their limits." Farther inducements to migrate
are offered by educational facilities, salubrity of the climate or
cheapness of living. I n a few instances, as in the case of convicts
or of soldiers and sailors, migration is even compulsory.
I t shall be our task to trace the extent of this migration
throughout the United Kingdom, and to point out some of those
laws which appear to govern it. The materials at our disposal for
the performance of this ta+skare voluminous, but they are by no
means complete. Information on many points of interest is with-
held in the census returns. I t is impossible, for ipstance, to trace
the natives of any particular county of England into Scotland or
Ireland. Another circumstance likely to lead to misconception, if
not error, arises from the very unequal size of the counties. Rutland
and Yorkshire are hardly comparable. A journey of 2 5 miles
a t the most convert^ any native of Rutland into a "migrant,"
whilst a native of Yorkshire to place himself iuto the same position
might have to travel as many as gs miles. The exchange of popu-
lation between the border counties of England and Scotland
cannot be traced, nor is i t possible to point out those counties of
Ireland which have furnished the largest contingents of migrants to
Great Britain. The emigration returns fortunately enable us to
obtain an insight into this branch of our inquiry.*
Yet notwithstanding these shortcomings in the census returns,
they enable us to obtain a clear insight into the mode in which
migration proceeds, and the general results appear to be trust-
worthy.
Popz~lationand Birthplaces.
The population with which we have to deal numbered in 18'71
3 1,484,661 souls, i n 1881 34,884,848 souls, distributed as follows:-
1871. /-- 1
( --
per Cmt. 1881. Per cent. Increase,
1871-81.
Per cnt.
England and Wales .... '4'4
Scotland .................... 11'2
Ireland ........................ -4'9
United Kingdom ....
*
It is to be hoped that by the time the next census is taken, so-called
gc Registration Cout~ties" and " Counties proper " will have been assimiltited.
The registrar's districts or unions undoubtedly present the most suitable unit for
summarising the ages, birthplaces, and occupations of the people. The present
complex system of the territorial divisions is most confusing, and increases the
volume of the returns without adding angtl~ingof real use tO the information they
ft~mnish.
1885.1 RAVENSTEIN-Onthe Laws of Migl.atbn. 169
According t o birthplaces this population was divided as
follows :-
1871. per cent. 1881.

------
Per tilt.
Born in England and Wales
,, Scotland ....................
,, Ireland ....................
,,elsewhere ....................
Total ........................
The details for each kingdom (for 1881) are given in tlle
following set of tables :-
I Number. I Per Cevt.
Born in England and Wales ........ 24,855,822 95'69

England ,, Scotland ............................ 253,528 0.98
and Wales ,, Ireland ............................ 562,374 2.1 7
1 ,, elsewhere ........................... ..... 302,715 1'16
----
Total ........................ 25,974,439 IOO'CO
Born in Scotland ............................ 3,397,759 90'96

Scotland .... ,, England and Wales ........ 91,823 2 '46
,, Ireland ......................... ... 218,745 5'86
,, elsewhere ....................
.. ...... 27,246 0.72
Total ....................... 3,735,573 IOO'OO
Born in Ireland ............................ 5,062,287

Ireland .... ,, England and Wales ........ 69,382
,, Scotland ......................... 22,328
,, elsewhere ................................ 19,792
Total ........................ 5,174,836*
* Including I ,047persons whose place of birth is not known.
This set of tal~lesshows very clearly that the rate a t which the
population of each kingdom increases does not correspond with the
rate of increase among the natives of each, and that as a result the
English element, as far as birthplace determines it, is gaining
ground. I t need hardly be pointed out that this difference is due
primarily to emigration to foreign pa,rts, and in a less degree to
mjgmtion from one kingdom into the other.?
Had there been no Irish emigration between 1871-81, 530.92 +
!- Emigration from census to census, 1871-81: English, 996,038 ; Scotch,
170,757; Irish, 530,924. That is of loo emigrants 59 were English, 1 0 Scotch,
and 3 1 Irish, whilst of 1 0 3 inhabitants of the United Kingdom, 7 2 are English,
1 I Scotch, nnd I 7 Irifh
N 2
170 RAVENSTEIN-On
the Lazcs of Migration. [June,
persons of Irish birth would have remained in the kingdom, to
increase and multiply, as they have done across the ocean, and the
population of Ireland would have exhibited an increase, instead of a
decrease. The numl~erof Irish, however, is in reality much larger
than shown by the census retnms, which take note of the place
of birth only, and not of parentage, and thus quite consistently
record a child born of Irish parents in England as a " native of
" England." If an inquiry into the parentage of our population
were to be instituted, as in Canada, some very startling and
undoubtedly interesting facts might be revealed as to its racial
composition.
Geographical Distribution of the Nativas of each Kingdom.
We will now glance at the geographical distribution of the
natives of each kingdom, according to whether they remained and
were enumerated in the county, had migrated to border counties,
or to more distant parts of the county. The general results (188 1)
are presented in the following set of tables :-
Numbers. Per Cent.

---
................ 18,699,928
...................... 3,308,732
.... 2,847,168
.................................... 91,823
in [Ireland .................................. 69,382
Total .................... 25,017,037 / ~oo.oo
................ 2,527,794 68'81

Border counties ........................ 529,163
.................... 340,802
England and Wales ................ 253,528
ip
Ireland .................................... 22,328
--
Total .................... 3,673,615 ~oo'oo
- -
Natives of County where born ................ 4,534,699

Ireland Border counties ........................ 212,023
enumerated &st of Ireland ........................ 315,565
in Zngland and Wales ................ 562,374
Scotland .................................... 218,745
---
Total .................... 5,843,406
Natives of f Countv where born ................ 25.762.415
the United
Kingdom
enumemted
111
Border counties ...................... 4;049;918
"seiere in "ngdom
where born ........................
Elsewhere in United Kingdom
3,5,,3,535
1,218,180
1
1
-
Total .................... 34,534,048
I ICO'OJ
1885.1 RAYENSTEIN-on
the Laws of Migration. 171
We thus find that out of 34,53+,048 persons born in the United
Kingdom and enlimerated in 1881, as many as 33,315,868, or
96.47 per cent., resided in the kingdom in which they were born.
Among every loo natives of England and Wales, 99-35 were in
that position; among every IOO natives of Scotland, 92.49; and
among every loo natives of Ireland, 86.64. The Irish therefore
appear to be the most migratory people of the three kingdoms ;
and if we bear in mind that they furnish at the same time,
proportionately to their numbers, by far the largest contingent
of trans-oceanic emigrants, we may safely assume that whatever
decrease may have occurred in the population of Ireland, there is
no decrease in the u u m b e ~of Irishmen.
But if, instead of confining ourselves to the migration from
kingdom to kingdom, we include that which is going on within
the limits of each, from county to county, we shall find that the
Irish are second to the Scotch and English as a migratory people.
I n 1881 25,762,415 persons were enumerated in the county in
which they were born, and 8,771,633 elsewhere; and whilst among
loo natives of England and Wales enumerated throughout the
United Kingdom there were 2 5 . 2 5 who resided beyond the county
in which they had been born, the proportion of Scotch in a similar
position was 31'32, that of the Irish only 22-39. Here therefore
the Scotch hold the first rank, whilst the Irish, notwithstanding
the large contingent which represents them in the sister kingdoms,
come last.
The Scotch also come first if we look at each kingdom
separately, for out of every hundred natives of England and Wales,
Scotland and Ireland, there were enumerated :-
In County In Border Elsewhere,
but in
where Born. Couuties. ~ ( i ~ ~ d ~ ~ .
----
England and Wales ........ 75'23 12.42 12'35
scotland ......................... 74.40 16-66 IO'OL
Ireland ............................ 89'58 4'19 6'23
The more active migration of Great Britain is only what might

have been expected from its larger size, its higher commercial and
industrial development, the greater variety of its resources, and
more extended facilities for travel. Migration within the limits of
Irelalid is strikingly small, nor need this be wondered at where
nearly all counties are agricultural. There is no mistaking the
fact however that migration in I r e l ~ n dtends towards the ports of
embarkation for Great Britain, whence the surplus population is
poured into the great manufacturing and mining districts of
Scotland, North England, and Wales.
172 RAVENSTEIN-Orz
the Luws o j Migration. [June,
The National Element of the Y p l a t i o n in England, Scotland,
atzd Ireland.-If by " national element " of the population we
understand those inhabitants of the United Kingdom who, on the
day of the census, were enumerated in the kingdom in which they
were born, we shall find that they numbered no less than
34,534,048 souls, or 98.99 per cent. of the total population,
distributed as follows :-
Per Cent.
1871. 1881. -
------1881. 1871.
England and Wales............ 21,692,165 24,855,822 95'53 95'69
Scotland .......................... 3,061,531 3,397,759 91.1~ 90'96
Ireland ................................ 5,306,757 5,062,287 98'00 97'85
--
'nit" Iiingdom (impe-} 34,534,048
rial element) ................ 31,231,300 gg.20 98.99
These proportions are just what might have been expected.

The natives of Ireland have been least encroached upon by
immigrants from the sister kingdoms or from abroad, whilst Scot-
land has profited most largely, and England to a smaller extent (as
far as mere numbers go) by an influx of immigrants from the
sister isle. I t should be stated, however, that this influx of Irish
immigration has for the time passed its zenith, and is going on
now a t a dower rate than was the case some fifteen years ago.
This diminution accounts too for the increase of the national
element which has taken ptace since 1871 in England, for the
children of natives of Ireland born in England at once take their
place among the English national element,
Our figures show very clearly that the national element, is
strongest in Ireland: Ireland in fact is more intensely Irish than
Scotland is Scotch, or England English. I n twenty-seven counties
out of a total of thirty-two the national element embraces more
than 98 per cent. of the total population, and only in two counties
does i t fall below 95. These two are Dublin and Kildare, and the
depression in their case is sufficiently explained by the presence of
many strangers in the capital of the kingdom, and of a strong
military force on the Cnrragh of Kildare. The most intensely
Irish counties are Leitrim and Cavan, where natives of Ireland
constitute 99.4 per cent. of the population.
I n Scotland, out of a total of thirty-three counties, there are
only ten in which the Scotch national element exceeds 98 per cent.
whilst in sixteen i t falls short of gs per cent. The depression is
greatest in Renfrew, Lanark, Dnmbarton, and Southern Scotland
generally; in fact, in those counties which are most exposed to an
inflow of the Irish element or of the English border element.
1885.1 RAVENSTEIN-On
The most intensely Scotch counties are Shetla,ncl, Caithness,
Sutherland, Orkney, Ross, Banff, Kinross, and Kincardine, in all of
which t,he national element exceeds 98 per cent. ; the most intensely
Scotch towns, Dunfermline (97.26 per cent.), Arbroath, Aberdeen,
and Inverness. Even Edinburgh-Leith includes a Scotch national
element of 89-51 per cent. Those towns in Scot,land in which
strangers are most numerous are Greenock (79.5 per cent.), and
Glasgow (82.8 per cent.).
I n England and Wales, out of a total of fifty-two counties there
are thirty-one in which the English national element exceeds 98 per
cent., and six in which it sinks below 95 per cent. It exceeds gg per
cent. in the agricultural counties of Cambridge, Hunts, Norfolk,
Suffolk, Merioneth, Montgomery, Radnor, Cardigan, and Carmar-
then, and is weakest in the Scotch border counties of Cumberland
and Westmoreland.
The most intensely English towns are West Bromwich, Norwich,
Ipswich, Leiuester, and Northampton, in all of which the national
element exceed8 98 per cent.*
Liverpool is that one among the towns of England in which
the number of strangers of non-English birth is proportionately
larger than in any other town of the kingdom, and Birkenhead
ranks next to it. I n Liverpool only 80.61 of every IOO inhabitants
are of English birth. This deprewi.~nof the national element is
almost wholly due to the large nulr5er of Irish. In the metropolis
the national element is as high as 93.80 per cent., although
numerically the Irish, Scotch, foreign and colonial elements of the
population are stronger than in any other town of the United
Kingdom. London therefore ha9 the character of a cosmopolitan
town, although the proportion which its cosmopolitan element
bears to the general population is less than in several provincial
towns.
The Native County Element.-Under this term we include
those inhabitants of a county who are born within it, or of a town
who are natives of the county to which i t belongs. In the case of
towns lying within two countie~we have included the natives of
both under the term of " native connty element."
Whilst the proportion of the "national element " is dependent
upon the number of strangers from the sister kingdoms or from
abroad who have settled in a county or town, the " native county
" element " is the outcome of migration from county to connty.
If we analyse the census returns, we find that in 1881 25,762,415
persons were enumerated in the counties i n which they were born.
* To these should be added, according to the census of 1871, Ynrmouth, Sali~.
bury, Bury St. Edmunds, Reading, Boston, Cambridge, Dudley, Exeter, Oxford,
~rndTruro. Nu details are furnished for these towns for 1881
174 the Laws of Migration.
RAVENSTEIN-0'1% [June,
This number is equal to 73-85 per cent. of the total population of
the United Kingdom, or to 74'60 per cent. of all enumerated
natives of England, Scotland, and Ireland. The following sum-
mary shows that this native county element haa not inconsiderably
decreased since 1871, which shows that migration has increaqed to
a corresponding extent. The increase was largest in England
(6.3 per cent.) ; Scotland followed next (2.0 per cent.), and then
--I
came Ireland (1.8 per cent.), the mean for the United Kingdom
having been 3.2 per cent.
per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Percent.

Is7l.p$ls- 1881. of
Nstivea. tion, Natives.
-----
,
England and Wales.... 16,921,436 74-04 77'5 I 18,699,922 7z.m 74'75

Scotland .................... 2,315,458 68:go 70.24 2,527,794 67'67 68'81
Ireland ........................ 4,804,959 88'73
-- 79'00 4,534,699
--
87'63 77'61
United Kingdom .... 24,041,853 76'36 77'04 25,762,415 73'85 74-60
The proportion of the native element for each county is shown

on Map 2, and more precise data will be found in the appendix.
On the map those counties whose native county element approaches
the mean for the whole of the United Kingdom are left uncolonred,
whilst counties in which it is stronger are tinted blue, and those
whore it is weaker are tinted red. The native colinty element
is strongest in the more remote parts of the country, as in the
extreme north of Scotland, in the west of Ireland, in parts of
Wales, in Cornwall, and in Norfolk.
Our map, we regret to say, is in a certain measure misleading.
A true representation of this feature could be obtained only if the
counties were approximately equal in area. It is clear, for instauce,
that if the figures given in the census returns had enabled us to
divide Yorkshire into its three ridings, the native county element
would have suffered a depression, whilst in the case of small
counties like Rutlandshire it would relatively to larger counties
appear undaly to preponderate.
I n the case of towns the preponderance of the native county
element depends largely upon geographical position. A town
centrally situated, and thus accessible with equal facility from all
parts of its county would in the ordinary course secure a larger
share of this element than a border town.
The Native Town Element.-We should have liked to trace
the natives of our great towns throughout the country, but the
published census returns only allow us to do this in the case of
London and of seven Scotch towns. I n London the native town
1 THE NATiVE COUNTY ELEMENT.
1885.3 the Laus of Migration.
RAVENSTEIN-on 175
element constitutes 62.9 per cent. of the general population, in the
seven Scotch towns only 52.4 per cent., as follows :-
Aherdeen ........................ 56'5 / Greenook(M.1B.) ........ 50'0
Dundee ........................
Edinburgh-Leith ............ 50.8
5" 1 Pai~ley......................... 6 1.8
Olasgow (M.B.) ............ 1 Perth ........................... 48.0
Its smallness, when compared with the native county element,

very distinctly suggests the recruiting process, which causes our
towns to increase more rapidly in population than the country
which surrounds them. Migration, and more especially emigra-
tion beyond the limits of the kingdom, tend to the same result.
Migration properly so called is not at all excessive, for out of
IOO natives of London only 19.6, and of the seven Scotch towns
no more than 27.9, were enumerated outside the towns in which
they were born. Emigration to the sister kingdoms or to other
parts of the world is more considerable if we may judge from the
fact that there are I I I female$ to every IOO natives of the seven
Scotch towns, and I 12 to every roo natives of London.
The Border Element includes those inhabitants of a county who
were born in the counties contiguous to it. I t varies very con-
siderably, not only in consequence of migration proceeding more
or less actively, but also 'because of the geographical configur-
ation of the county boundaries. Counties having an extended
boundary in proportion to their area, naturally offer greater facilities
for an inflow of the border element than others with a restricted
boundary. A long maritime boundary is usually deterrent, except
where a county has facile communication with a county across the
sea, facing it. A glance at the map showing the distribution of
the Irish element in Great Britain at once brings this fact home
to us.
The counties in which the border element is strongest are Surrey,
Essex, Brecon, and Worcester ; Dumbarton, Peebles, Selkirk, Lin-
lithgow, Clackmannan, Kinross, Kincardine, and Nairn in Scotland ;
and Antrim in Ireland. The proportion for each is given in the
table in the appendix under " Border Element."
The Irish Element in Great Britain.-The Irish element in Great
Britain is of considerable importance, and since 1871 it is once
rnore increasing, if not proportionately to the total population, a t
all events in absolute numbers, even although the children born of
Irish parents in Great Britain be necessarily excluded, owing to the
absence of data with respect to them.
In 1851 there lived in Great Britain 727,326 natives of Ireland ;
in 1861, 805,637; in 1871, 774,310; and in 1881, 781,119. The
numbers for 1871 and 1881 were :-
176 RAVEN~TEIN-on
the Laws of Migration. [June,
Per Cent.
--
of Population.
6'18
There are fifteen counties in which the Irish element exceeds

3 per cent. of the total population, and fourteen towns, out of sixty-
six included in our tables, in whioh it exceeds 5 per cent. The
counties most affected by natives of Ireland are Renfrew, Lanark
and Dumbarton in Scotland, and Lancashire in England. " The
t,ownscontaining among their inhabitants over 10 per cent. natives
of Ireland are Greenock (19.1 per cent.), Glasgow (r3.r per cent.),
Liverpool (12.8 per cent.), and Airdrie ( r o ' 2 per cent.).*
There is not a single county in which natives of Ireland have
not found a home, whilst their geographical distribution, propor-
tionately to the total population, shows very distinctly that
proximity to Ireland and facilities of communication with the
sister island most decidedly determine their numbers. Glasgow
a ~ l dStranraer, Siloth and Whitehaven, Fleetwood and Liverpool,
Milford Haven, Swansea, Cardiff and Bristol, Plymouth,
Southampton and Portsmouth, are evidently the ports where most
of these immigrants disembark, a t which many of them find a
permanent home, and whence, in search of employment, they spread
to the moreremote parts of the country. This process of dispersion
becomes a t once clear to us when we examine a map showing the
leading steamboat routes, and the proportion of emigrants which
left each county of Ireland for Great Britain. This last we are
able to do since 1876, in whioh year the " Emigration Statistics fol*
" Ireland " for the first time furnish information on the numbers
of natives of each county of Ireland, who have emigrated to Scot-
land on the one hand, and to England and Wales on the other.
We have summarifled these statistics for six years-1876-81. They
show that of +t,zg7 natives of Ireland who during that period
emigrated to Scotland, as many ae 28,061 were natives of Antrim,
Down, Londonderry, Tyrone, and Armagh. The majority of
emigrants from the province of Ulster, and of the counties of Lsitrim
and Longford who left Ireland for Great Britain went to Scotland,
whilst the majority from the remainder of Ireland found its way to
England and Wales. Ulster, with Leitrim and Longford, in
1876-81, despatched 36,296 emigrants to Scotland, and only 17,086
Of ~ o , o o od i v e s of lrel~indenumerated in Englad and W n k as many

as 5,567 lived in the forty-four grcrit towns included in our table in the
appudu.
1885.1 the Licws of Migration.
RAVENSTEIN-0% 177
to England and Wales, whilst out of the remainder of Ireland only
6,001 went to Scotland, but as many as 35,993 to England and
Wales, and of this last number Cork alone furnished 17,291, and
Kerry, Limerick, Wexford, and Dublin 9,430 more. This renders
i t perfectly clear that the destination of these Irish emigrants is
most decisively determined by geographical position. So powerful
is the attraction which Scotland exercises upon its nearest
neighbour Antrim, that the number of emigrants who left that
county in 1876-81 for Scotland was larger than the number which
crossed the ocean for foreign parts or the colonies. The currents
of emigration from Wexford and Cork are affected in a similar
manner, though not to the same extent. Wexford, out of every
loo emigrants, sends 57 abroad, 42 to England and WaJes, and only
one to Scotland; whilst Cork sends 60 abroad, 39 to England and
Wales, and one to Scotland.
The most productive recruiting grounds of the Irish element in
Great Britain is consequently not the west of Ireland, as had
been supposed before trustworthy information had been procured
by the registrar-general for Ireland, but Ulster, Dublin, Wexford,
and Cork (with Kerry and Limerick). And whilst Ulster and
Dublin furnish the bulk of Irishmen who settle in Scotland and
the north of England, i t is Wexford and Munster whence most
of the natives of Ireland residing in southern Wales and England
are derived. This origin of the Irish residents very satisfactorily
explains the sporadic occurrence of the Irish element in southern
Britain. Of the Irish emigrants who land at Milford Haven many
remain in ~embrokeshire,thusraising the Irish element in that
county, w h i l ~ tat the same time impelling many of its natives to
migrate. Steamers from Waterford, Cork, and Wexford convey
Irish emigrants direct to Swansea, Cardiff, and Bristol; whilst the
steamers which connect Cork with London, land many of their
passengers at Plymouth, or at Southampton or Port,smouth, thus
accounting for the comparative strength of the Irish element in
Devonshire and Hampshire, through which latter county many of
these emigrants appear to make their way to Surrey and to
London.*
I n the following table the leading facts connected with the
emigration of natives of Ireland in 1876-81 are summarised. I t is
* Map 3 is intended to illustrate the geogmpllical distribution of the Irish
element in Great Britain, proportionately to the total population of counties and
towns, as well as emigration from Ireland to Great Britain as also as to foreign
parts and colonies. The lower map of Ireland exhibits the emigration to Great
Ijritain, the upper one that to foreign countries and the colonies. The tints on
both indicate the average annual rnte of emigration for the years 1876-81 per 1 0 0
of the natives of counties, as enumerated in 1881. The counties tinted blue are
below, those tinted red above the average for the whole country.
178 the Laws of Migration .
RAVENSTEIN-& [June.
based upon the "Emigration Statistics for Ireland. " prepared by
Dr . Thomas W . Grimehaw. the registrar .general. with the
exception of the last column. which is taken from the " Census of
" Ireland. 1881. General Report. " p . 379 .
En~igralion.
Emigration of Natives of Ireland. 1876.81 .
1861.81 .
Average Annual Rate

Omnties . Deatination . Percentage . per I W of
Nntives of each County.
Average
Annual Rate
per roo
Ellgland Foreign Ellgland Great *Oreign
",,
d . parts rind
ScOtllllld and Scotland. 'OreiR"
.
of Population.
Wales. Coloniea . Wnlea . ------
Pana . Britain Parts.
-----
Antrim ....... 6, 657 11,820 10,658 22 41 37 0.87 0'50 1'35
Armagh ....... I , 891 3,678 4, 525 19 37 44 0'55 0.44 1.14
Carlow ........ 293 14 2 , 614 10 I 89 0.10 0'82 1'17
Cavan ........... 646 1,520 8.233 6 15 79 0'26 1'01 1'61
Clare ........... 600 65 I 2, 541 5 I 94 0'08 1'45 1'78
Cork ........... 17,291 663 26, 658 39 I 60 0'62 0'93 1'95
nonegal ....... 543 2,922 9, 829 4 22 74 0.27 0'78 1.02
Down ........... 3,822 5,282 5,455 26 36 38 0'53 0'32 1'09
1)ublin........... 3, 244 815 7, 110 29 7 64 0.24 0.61 0'60
Permanagh ... 406 1,269 3,825 7 25 68 0'32 0'73 1'26
Galway ........ 834 356 13,191 6 2 92 0'08 0'91 1'29
Kerry ............ I, 983 36 I+,965 12 - 88 0'17 1.24 1'68
Kildare ....... 617 98 3, 037 16 3 81 0'16 0.67 0.88
Kilkenng ....... 369 54 4, 116 8 I 91 0.06 0'67 1-08
King's ........... 292 136 3, 876 7 3 '30 0.10 0'90 1'4+
Leitrim ....... 343 171 7,405 4 8 88 o'zo 1'34 1'48
Limerick ....... 2,048 277 11,447 15 z 83 0'22 1'06 1-90
Londonderry I, 168 4,031 7,750 9 31 60 0'54 0'81 1'33
Longford ........ 276 331 4, 83 I 5 6 89 0.16 1.30 2'04
Louth ........... 287 192 I, 888 12 8 80 0.1 I 0.42 1.02
Mayo ............ 751 399 13,425 5 3 92 0'08 0'91 1-06
Meath ........... 208 103 4,071 5 r 93 0'05 0'76 1'49
Monaghan .... 775 1,422 4, 248 12 22 66 0'33 0.65 1'38
Queen's ........ 405 101 4, 4x0 8 2 90 0.10 0.92 1'28
Roscommon .. 548 152 7,381 7 z 91 0.09 0.93 1'33
Sligo ............ 233 108 7, 709 3 I 96 0.05 1.16 1'06
Tipperary .... I , 038 60 12, 356 8 I 91 0.09 1'01 1'85
Tyrone ........ I, 559 3,250 10,131 10 22 68 0'38 0.81 1'35
Waterford .... 472 50 6,817 7 I 92 0'08 1'04 1.44
Westmeath .... 276 256 3,463 7 6 87 0.11 0'76 1'30
Wexford ........ 2, 151; 44 2, 858 42 I 57 0'28 0.36 1.18
Wicklow ........ 6 26 3 73 0.13 0'36 0.71
------
Total ........ 72 0'31 0'80 1'42
The Scotch Element in England and Wu1es.-The natives of

Scotland enumerated in England and Wales in 1841 constituted
0.65 per cent. of the total population . In 1881 they constituted 0.98
per cent., and numbered 253,528 souls. Numerically they are not
therefore very strong when compared with the natives of Ireland.
but their geographical distribution is interesting as illustrating
1885.1 R A V E N S T E ~ N - othe
n Jaws of Migration.
the mode of migration. There are altogether thirteen counties in
which natives of Scotland number over half a per cent,. of the
population, and these counties form two distinct groups, viz., a
northern one, into which the population of Scotland may be said
to have overflowed, and a metropolitan group, - -
to which Scotch
migrants have been drawn by special circumstances. The northern
group includes Cheshire and Yorkshire and all that lies to the
northward, and within it reside 5,699 of every 10,000 natives of
Scotland enumerated ; the metropolitan group includes Middlesex,
Surrey, Kent, Essex, Hampshire, and Snssex, and within it 2,942
of every 10,000 natives of Scotland were enumerated. Propor-
tionately to the total population of the counties, the Scotch element
is most numerous in Northumberland (5.39 per cent.) and Cumber-
land (4.87 per cent.), that is in the border counties. I t decreases
a8 we proceed southward, amounting to 2-85per cent. in Durham,
to 1.63 per cent. in Westmoreland, to 1-62per cent,. in Lancashire,
to 1.22 per cent. in Cheshire, and to 0.67 per cent. in Yorkshire.
I n the metropolis the Scotch number 1-30per cent, of the popula-
tion ; in Hampshire 0.97 per cent., a high proportion, undoubtedly
due to the presence of numerous Scotch soldiers and sailors.
More than one-half of the natives of Scotlaud enumerated in
England and Wales (5,I 78 out of every ~o,ooo)resided in the forty-
three great towns included iu our table in the Appendix, but there
were only two towns, Newcastle, with Gateshead, and South Shields,
in wl~ichthe Scotch constituted more than 5 per cent. of the total
population.
The English Elemeat ia Scotlund, proportionately to the populn.
tion of Scotland, is stronger than the Scotch element in England,
and if, as a matter of fact. the Scotch can be said to invade
~ n ~ l a dthere
d , is a very string counter-current of English migra-
tion into Scotland. If for every IOO Scotchmen in England and
Wales there are only 36 natives of England in Scotland, the pro-
portion which these latter bear to the total population of Scotland
is as 2-46to roo, whilst the Scotch element in England and Wales
only amounts to 0.98 per cent. I n its geographical distribution
this English elemezlt in Scotland exhibits the same features already
noticed in connection with the Scotch settlers in England, that is
to say, i t is strongest in the border counties. Out of 91,823natives
of England and Wales enumerated in Scotland, as many as 57,427,
or 62 p e r cent., reside in the counties of Berwick, Roxburgh,
Dumfries, Edinburgh, Kirkcudbright, and Lanark ; the proportion
to the total population of these counties varying between 6.41and
3 per cent., and being highest i n the three border counties. London
and other more distant parts of England have no doubt furnished
their contingents to this body of English emigrants, but it is clear
180 the Laws of bligratiorc.
RAVENSTEIN--& [June,
that the bulk of them are natives of the north of England, just
as the bulk of the Scotchmen enumerated in England came f k m
the south of Scotland.
The Anglo-Bcotch Element in. Ireland.-The number of natives
of Scotland and England (with Wales) enumerated in Ireland was
88,199 in 1871, and gI,7 10 in 1881, thus exhibiting an increase of
3,511 souls. This increase is largely due to an increase of the
floating population as represented by the army and navy. Of the
natives of Scotland and England enumerated in 1871, 18,464 were
soldiers and sailors. I n 1881 the number of these had risen to
rg,rg2. The presence of this floating military population materially
affects the compositionof several Irish counties, and more especially
of Kildare, where the camp on the C u m g h accounts for the fait
that 6.13 per cent. of the total popnlat~ionof the county is of Scotch
or English birth. This is a higher proportion even than in Dubtin
(5.66 per oent.). Besides Kildare and Dublin the only counties in
Ireland in which the Anglo-Scotch element constitutes over 2 per
cent. of the total population are Antrim (2.86 per oent.), Cork
(2'35 per cent.), and Down (2.02 per oent.). These me the very
counties which furnish exceptionally large contingents of migrants
who leave Ireland for Greet Britain. I n the five counties named
57,522 natives of Scotland and England were enumerated in
1881, being 62 per oent. of the total Anglo-Scotch elemont in
Ireland.
The Foreign and Oolmial Element.-This element increased
between 1871 and 1881 from 277,963 to 349,750 souls, or to the
extent of nearly 26 per cent. I t included in 1881 145,860natives
of British colonies and possessions, 203,890 natives of foreign parts,
of whom perhaps 70,000 were "British subjects " by parentage or
nationalization. The natives of "foreign parts," inclusive of
persons "born at sea," increased 24'7 per oent., the natives of
British possessions 26.5 per oent. The bulk of these latter is
undoubtedly of British parentage.*
A considerable proportion of this element consists of temporary
residents in the country, for it includes colonists and their children
on a visit to relatives a t home, foreign travellers on pleasure or on
business bent, sailors, and students. At the same time the number
of those who have made the United Kingdom their permanent
home is considerable, and the influence which these foreign settlers
The census returns do not, unfortunately, admit of our enbring into more
detail. Full details on the ages, civil wnditio~l,and occupations of " foreignem "
are given, but persons of foreign birth who have undergone the simple process of
naturulization are excluded from the voluminous tables dealing with these subjects.
The question of parentage or nationality, although all-important, is ignored, and
the natives of "islands in the British aeas" are dealt with as if Man and the
Channel Islands formed a geographical unit.
the fiauls of Migration. 181
have exercised for centuries past upon the character of the general
population
- - must not be underrated.*
-
The foreign and colonial element has its representatives in
every county, but its chief centres are the great towns, in twenty-
eight of which 196,365
. - . persons
- of foreign or colonial birth, or
5 6 per cent. of all, were enumerated in 1881. London alone
included I r 1,624 of them, Liverpool 15,768, Manchester-Salford
9,028, Edinburgh-Leith 6,165, Glasgow 5,720, Birmingham 3,440,
Hull 3,281, Portsmouth (mostly from the Channel Islands) 3,27 I ,
Leeds 3,2 59, West Ham 2,902, Bristol 2,824, Cardiff 2,7 14, New-
castle-Gateshead 2,420, Brighton 2,366, Dublin 2,015. It will be
observed that ail these towns are centres of business or industry,
with the exception of Bath and Brighton.
ClassiJication of Migrants.
Our personal experience, however limited, enables us to say that
the distances which migrants travel before their place of residence
is recorded in one of our periodical census returns, vary very
widely. Some of these migrants hail no farther than from the
next parish ; others are natives of a neighbouring county ; others
again have come from a more remote part of the kingdom, or even
from beyond sea. And when we inquire into the motives which
have led these migrants to leave their homes, they will be found to
be various too. In most instances i t will be found that they did
so in search of work of a more remunerative or attractive kind
than that afforded by the places of their birth. It may be worth
while to attempt a classification of migrants.
Th.e local migrant confines himself to moving from one part of
the town or parish in which he was born to another part of the
same town or parish. The only place in the United Kingdom in
which we can trace this local migration on the sure foundation of
the census returns is London. Out of every I O O of the 2,401,955
n'ative residents enumerated in London, 59.7 were natives of
Middlesex, 23.8 of Surrey, and 6.5 of Kent ;t but as out of every
IOO only 66.2 were enumerated as residing in Middlesex, whilst
27.1 were enumerated in Surrey and 6.7 in Kent, a considerable
migration from Middlesex into Surrey and Kent must have been
going on within the limits of the metropolis. As a matter of fact
only 86.7 out of every IOO natives of London thus enumerated
were living on the day of the census in the county in which they
were born. That a like displacement of the population is in pro-
* Already in 1580 there resided 5,060 foreigners in London, which a t that
time had r 50,ooo inhabitants. The " foreigners " were therefore relatively more
numerous three hundred years ago than they are now, even though we include
among them the natives of all the colonies.
t That is of the intra-metropolitan parts of these counties.
182 the Laws of Nig.ratiow.
RAVENSTEIN-On [June,
gress in other towns of the United Kingdom cannot be doubted.
That this is the case with respect to Manchester is evidenced by
a decrease of the population of that town, which is more than
balanced by an increase in its twin-city Salford. Similarly
Glasgow grows but slowly in population, whilst its suburbs
increase at a rapid rate. An interesting and suggestive paper by
Dr. Longstaff, which deals with this branch of our inquiry, will be
found in the " Charity Organisation Reporter " for 1883 and 1884.
Short-journey Migrants.-If our census returns enabled us t o
analyse the inhabitants of each parish or registrar's district
according to birth places, we should find that the bulk of migrants
had journeyed but a very little distance. Even with counties as
large as Yorkshire, and with no information on the migration
which goes on across the Scotch border, we find that of every
roo migrants enumerated in England and Wales, as many as
53.7 had gone no further than a border county. I n Scotland
60.8 per cent. of all migants were enumerated in b o r d e ~counties ;
in Ireland 40.2 per cent. The low proportion for Ireland is
ascribable to the migration from Ireland t,o Great Britain, and
would at once be reversed if we treated Lanark and Lancashire m
border counties of Ireland.
The distribution of the migrants for the whole of the United
Kingdom is exhibited in the following tabular statement :-
Proportion of Migrants Euumerated in
Ekewhere
Border Counties. in Yiater Kingdoms.
same Kingdom.
----
Migrants of Anglo-Welsh birth ........ 52'4 45.1 2.5
,, Scotchbirth ................... 46.0 29.8 24.2
,, Irish ,, .................... 16.2 24'1 19'7
,, British ,, .................... 46.2 39'9 '3'9
The proportions refer, as a matter of course, to migration from

county to county only. Fortunately the proof that migrants are
as a rule content with going but a very short distance from their
homes is furnished by the census of Holland. Of every IOO
migrants enumerated in Holland in 1879, 69 resided outside the
commune in which they were born, but in the same province, and
only 31 had left their native province." Applying these propor-
tions to the United Kingdom, 57 per cent. of all migrants would
+ On an average each province of Holland has an area of I , r 50 square miles

and 384,000 inhabitants. The average for the counties of the United Kingdom is
1,030 square miles and 298,000 inhabitants. Provinces and counties are con-
sequently fairly comparable.
'I( 5,
CURRENTS OF MIGRATION.
the Laws of Migratiofi. 183
reside outside the parish in which they were born, 18 per cent. in
border connties, a i d zs per cent. elsewhere. Of course these
figures are not absolutely correct, but they are hardly in excess
of the truth. They prove that the bulk of migrants consists of
what, for want of a better, term, I designate as short-journey
"
Migratiow by Stages.-It often happens that a migrant in search
of work wanders from parish to parish, settling down at each place
for a time, until on the day when the census is taken he finds
himself far away from the place from which he originally started.
There can be no doubt, for instance, that many if not most of the
natives of Ireland to be found in London did not travel from their
homes in Ireland direct to their present place of residence, but
reached i t by stages. Some of them landed at Liverpool, and
gradually worked their way through Cheshire, Stafford, Warwick,
Northampton, and Buckingham, whilst another stream, and perhaps
the more voluminous one, passed through Plymouth, Hampshire,
and Surrev.
Longjourney migrants who leave their homes in order to settle
in a distant part of the country are the exception, not the rule, and
do not probably constitute z s per cent. of all migrants. Their
movements are dependent upon special circumstances, some of
which we shall consider in the sequel.?
Temporary migrants are an important class, whose existence is
vouched for- by t h e size of o u r hotels, barracks, prisons, and
colleges, as well as by the number of sailors, many of whom must
have been enumerated at ports lying outside the connties in which
they were born. These temporary migrants constitute the floating
element of the populatian, which is swamped in large towns of
complex composition, but makes its presence felt very decisively at
our naval and military stations, at health and pleasure resorts, in
university towns, and in places abounding in boarding schools. It
is a special feature of these temporary dwellers among strangers
that many of them are migrants by compulsion and not by choice.
The hop-pickers, who annually leave London for Kent and Surrey,
and the &ricultural labourers-from the West of Ireland, who assist
* Migration in Holland is going on a t a far less active rate than in the United
Kingdom. Of loo natives of Holland, as many as 90 live in their native province,
whilst of loo natives of the United Kingdom, only 75 live in their native
county.
t. I n our tables the proportion of these migrants is made to appear lnrger than
it really is. Had we been in a, position to substitute a "border zone " five times
the area of the central county, for "border counties" bounded by arbitrary
political boundal-iea, we might have obtained a truer measure of this element.
This we foitnd i t impossible to do. A glance a t our migration mnps will show,
however, that the migrants who really came from a considerable distance are few
in proportion to the population which absorbed them.
VOL. XLVIII. PART 11. 0
in getting in the harvest in the North of England, belong to this
class.
Counties of Absorption and Dispersion.
Whilst migration may be said to be going on in every portion
of the United Kingdom, there exist nevertheless vast and striking
differences with reference to its extent and direction when we
compare one part of tho country with another. There are counties
which retain nearly the whole of their native popnlation, and even
receive an accession from other counties ; counties from which broad
currents of emigration proceed, compensated in some measure by
counter-currents of immigration ; and connties which appear to be
traversed by these migratory currents.
Of the natives of Lancashire, the Shetland Islands, of Kerry,
and of eleven other Irish counties, less than xo per cent. were
ennmerated outside the counties in which they were born; whilst
over half the natives of Peebles and Kinross had established them-
selves beyond the boundaries of their native counties. These are
the extremes, and between them all gradations will be found to
exist in apparently inextricable confusion. We will attempt to
bring something like order into this chaos.
There are counties which increase their popnlation not merely
by an excess of births over deaths, but also by the reception and
absorption of migrants from other connties. Counties such as
these we will call '' counties of absorption," whilst the counties a t
whose expense they are fed and grow populous we will call
" counties of dispersion."
A county of absorption has a population more or less in excess
of the number of its natives ennmerated throughout the kingdom.
I n a county of dispersion, on the other hand, the population falls
short of the number of natives enumerated throughout the
kingdom. If the natives of each connty now scattered throughout
the kingdom could be made to return to the counties in which
they were born, the population of the connties of absorption
(tinted blue on Map 6) would dwindle away, whilst that of
connties of dispersion (tinted red) would increa.se to a corres-
ponding ext,ent.
The natives of Surrey ennmerated throughout England and
Wales number 996,655, but Surrey has a population of 1,436,899.
Consequently, even though all the natives of Surrey were to return
to the connty of their birth, i t would still be necessary to retain
within its limits 440,244 natives of other counties, equivalent to
30'7 per cent. of all inhabitante, in order to maintain its populrttion
a t its present level. Surrey, therefore, is a connty of absorption.
Radnorshire, on the other hand, is represented by 33,974 natives
.
1885.1 the Laws of Migration.
RAVENSTEIN-On 185
dispersed throughout England and Wales, whilst its population
only numbers 2 3 , 5 2 8 souls. The natives therefore are 43.7 per
cent, in excess of the population of the county, and Radnorshire
may fit,ly be described as a county of dispersion."
The following tabular statement is intended to present the
leading facts connected with the dispersion and absorption of
migrants :-
COUNTIES OF ABSORPTION.~
ATatives of Counties short of the Population of Counties, in per Cents.

f t Surrey ................ 30': f t Yorkshire ............ t*Essex ................4'4
f t Glamorgan ........ 26'7 f t Cheshire ............ +*Derby ................ 2'9
f t Durham ............ 19'9 Tf Warwick ............ " .... 2.7
)
"
f t Lancashire ........ 18.1 7 ,
t * Sussex ................ * Nerioneth ........ 1.8

* Carnarvon ..........- 5''"
f t Middlesex ........ 17'7 Northumber-
f Monmouth ........ 8.0 1
land ............}
f ?*Kent ................ 7'9 *Hampshire ........ 4.7 1 f t Stafford ............ 0'3
f tSelkii-k ............... 3 7.6
f t Lanark ................29.2
f t Edinburgh ........ 28 9
f +Dumbarton ........ 26.2
f t R e n f r e w ........ 17.1
..
$ t Forf a r ............, 15'5
I *Bute ................ I 2.9
*=irkcud.
bright ..} 5"
i
f t Dublin ................ 3 1'8 * Londondeny -.. 3.3 Limerick ........ 0'7
f t Antrim ............ XLouth ................ * Kildare ............ 0.6
Waterford ........ 3.6 $+*King's ................ 1'5 f t x G a l w a y ............ 0 ' 2
f t Cork ................ 1j5.49 t *Sligo ................ 0.9
2.5 *Roscommon .... 0.2
* Sir Brydges P. Henniker, the registrar-general, considers that those counties

" in which the actual growth, as shown on enumeration, was in excess of the
" natural growth," absorbed population from without "over and above their native
" product." (" Census of England and Wales," iv, p. 51.) H e describes London,
Sussex, Essex, Leicester, Notts, Derby, Cheshire, Lancashire, Yorkshire, Glamorgan,
and Carnarvon, as counties of absorption. We include, in addition to these, &Ion-
mouth, Warwick, Hampshire, Merioneth, Northumberland, and Stafford, but place
Leicestershire among connties of dispersion. The actual growth of Leicestershire
(1871-81) certainly exceeded the natural growth to the extent of 4,957 souls. This,
however, is by no means a proof of absorption, for we find that the enumerated
natives of Leicestershire were 332,902, whilst the population of the county only
nrimbered 32 1,2 5 8. Leicestershire cannot therefore have absorbed migrants. As
a matter of fact, 85,772 natives of Leicestershire were enumerated outside the
county, whilst the population of Leicestershire only included 74,128 persons who
were not natives of the county.
t Counties in which the agricultural class is above the average of the kingdom
are marked +; counties whose populatiol~increases more rapidly (or, in the case of
Ireland, decreases at a slower rate) than throughout each kingdom at large, are
marked t; counties whose natives increase similarly, are ~narked$.
We observe once more that in compiling this table no notice could be taken of
migration from kingdom to kingdom. Had we been able to trace the migrants
from Northlimberland into Berwick and Roxburgh, it is probable that that county
would have taken its place among counties of dispersion. Our inability of tracing
the natives of Irish counties in Great Britain affects even more seriously the
relative position of many of the Irish counties, several of which, as units of the
United Kingdom, would have to be described as "counties of dispersion," being
cou~~tiesof absorption only relatively to the rest of Ireland.
02
186 the Laws of Migratiun .
RAVENSTEIN-0% [June.
in excess of the Population of Counties. i n per Cents.

Natives of Cou~~ties
* Rndnor ................43'7 *Cardigan ............ 23'3
* Hunts ................ 33'5 * Dorset ................ 22'9
*Rutland ................ 33'5 * Pembroke ............ 2 2.2
*Wfits .................... 27'4 * Hereford ............ 2 1 . 4
* Salop .................... 26'4 * Westmoreland .... 2 1.2
*Bucks .................... 24'8 * Anglesey ............ 20.1
*Norfolk ................ 24'8 * Carmarthen ........ I 9'5
'Suffolk ................ 24'8 *Somerset ............ 17'3
*Montgomery ........ 24.5 * Cornwall ............ 16.9
*Oxford ................ 24' I * Bedford ................ I 6 . 4
+Cambridge............ 23'4 'Brecknock ............ 14'6
* Kinross ................ 26'1 *Berwick ................ 13'9 f Linlithgow ....

*Banff .................... 22'8 *Fife .................... 4'8 t*Peebles ............
* Kincardine ........ zo'z * Wigtown ............ 9.7 S t Stirling ............
* Sutherland ........ 19.5 *Shetland ............ 7 '4 * Inverness ........
*Ross .................... 15'5
*Haddingt.on . . . . . . . . . 5'4
Ayr ....................... 7.0 * Elgin ............
XCaithness ............1 5 ' 1 * Orkney ................ 6.9 * Nairn ............
*Argyle ................ 14'4 XDumfries ............ 6.2 'Roxburgb ........
* Perth ....................14.2 f Clackmannan........ 4'9 f XAberdeen ........
* Wicklow ............ 25'3 f Down .................... 5'6 *Donegal ........ 1'9

* Carlow ................ 13'5 *Tyrone ................ 5' 1 * Tipperary ........ I 9 .
*Meath ................ 13.1 * Cayan .................... 5'0 *Leitrim ............ 1'9
*Queen's ................ 9.l * Kilkenny ............ 4' 5
*Longford ........ 1'6
+ Wexford ............ 6'9 Armegh ................ 4.1
XWestmeath ....... 6'7 *Permanagh ........ 2.6 S t * Kerry ............ 0.2
* Monaghan ............ 6.2 $+*Clare ................ 2'1 $+*Mayo .............. 0.1
The " connties of absorption " are the chief seats of commerce
and industry. The agricultural class within most of them is less
numerously represented than in the country a t large. The few
agricultural counties included under this class. such as Kent.
Sussex. Derby. and Essex. are not without their industrial centres .
The population of these counties increases at the same time a t
a rate exceeding that of the general increase. In Ireland these
features are obscured owing to the vast amount of migration to
Great Britain .
The vigour with which the process of absorption is going on in
the metropolitan counties. in Glamorgan. Durham. and Lancashire.
in certain Scotch counties. and in Dublin and Antrim. is deserving
attention. no less than the feebleness to be observed elsewhere.
Very different are the features presented by the counties of
dispersion. from which the counties of absorption are being fed .
+ See note (t)on preceding page .
MIGRATION-MAR
1885.1 RAVENSTEIN-on
They are nearly a,ll of them agricultural, and their population
increases but slowly or is retrogressive. There are lii few excep-
tions, but none in the case of counties from which the process of
dispersion is going on most vigorously.
Counter-Currents of Migration.
We have already had occasion to refer to the fact that side by
side with each main stream or current of migrants there runs a
counter-current, which more or less compensates for the losses
sustained by emigration. This counter-current is strong in some
cases, weak in others, and literally oompensatory in a few instapces.
Its universal existence is proved by the fact that there is no county
in England in which the native county element exceeds go per
cent. and none in the United Kingdom in which i t exceeds 97 per
cent.
This counter-current is not by any means composed of
migrants who return homeward disappointed in their hopes or in
the posseseion of a competency, for ex-migrants of this class are
included in the native county element, and no data for even
approximat,ely determining their number are in our possession.
I t includes, no doubt, many children of migrants, who have gone
to the counties in which their parents were born, but the bulk of
these migrants undoubtedly consists of persons whom businese
interests take away from their homes. But although we readily
understand why the manufacturers of Yorkshire and Lancashire
send persons to London to look after their interests, whilst the
merchants of London despatch agents and buyers to the mannfac-
turing districts, the grounds, which lead to an "exchange" of
natives b~tweencounties so far removed from each other as are,
for instance, Dorsetshire and Westmoreland, are not quite so easily
understood. Yet fifty-five Dorsetshiremen were enumerated in
Westmoreland, and twenty-six natives of Westmoreland in Dorset.
Even the miniature county of Rutland has its representatives in
every county of England and Wales, with the sole exception of
Cernarvon and Radnor, end natives of all these counties werc?
likewise enumerated in Rutland.
I n the case of London, both the main and the counter-currents
flow with considerable vigour. In 1881 58+,700 natives of London
were enumerated in other parts of England and Wales, whilst the
migrants from the country who resided in London numbered
I , I 64,07 I . The main currents of migration flow in every instance,
with one single exception, Londonward, the exception being extra-
metropolitan Surrey. The numbers for each group of counties are
furnished in the following table :-
188 RAVENSTEIN-Onthe Laws of Migration. [June,
Natives of the Natives of Pro ortion of

Country London digntnts
Counties, Cc. Enumerated in from Loudon to
Enumerated in tile every
London. Country.
--
ICU In~migrants.
Extra-metropolitan Middlescx............ 97,736 94,848 97

9) Surrey ................ 63,284 66,476 105
jt Kent ................ 95,505 54,638 57
Essex ................................................... 923553 83,326 90
Herts ....................................................
35,793 14,845 4'
- ---
Metropolitan group ............................ 384,87I 314,133 82
Inner belt of counties ....................... 380,427 113,572 29
South-weaternp u p ............................ 137,226 24,972 18
Outer belt ........................................... I 15,629 45,974 4"
Midland group .................................. 3 I ,794 17,623
h'orth-western group............................ 32,506 28,686 2;66
North-eastern ,, ............................ 48,07I 31,796
Wales ................................................... 23,547
---- 34
?,9U
I,r 64,07I 584,700 50
We thus see that for every hundred strangers who settle iu

London, fifty natives of London leave the metropolis, and that over
one-half of these migrants are carried no further by the counter-
currents than one of the five metropolihn counties. Many, if not
most of them, have merely removed to what are actually suburbs,
and can hardly be said to have left the metropolis. Relatively
strong are the counter-currents which set towards the manufac-
turing districts, and more especially towards Lancashire and York-
shire. This proves once more that the movements of migrants are
governed in most instances by business considerations."
For our second illustration I propose to go to Scotland, to the
county of Peebles, where both emigration and immigration, outflow
and inflow, are far above the average. I n 1881 14,272 natives of
Peebles were enumerated in Scotland, of whom only 6,709 resided
in the county of their birth, and 7,563 in other parts of Scotland.
But as Peebles had a population of 13,688, no fewer than 6,979
persons enumerated within its borders, were found to be natives
of other parts of the world, and of these 6,370 were natives of
Scotland. Peebles is therefore classed by us as a "county of
" dispersion," and, like Perthshire, i t is a t the same time a " county
of passage;" for whilst the migrants who cross its borders for
Edinburgh, Linlithgow, Selkirk, Kirkcudbright, Redrew, and
Dumbarton, outnumber the immigrants from these counties, the
immigration from the rest of Scotland is in excess of the emigra-
tion. A kind of balance-sheet of these opposing currents is
presented in the following table :-
The details for each county are given in the table, p. 210.
RAVENSTEIN-0% 189
Proportion of
Migrants from Selkirk
to every xoo Natives
of other parts.
Selkirk ............. .
.. ...............
Edinburgh ...........................
Linlithgow ........................
Kirkcudbright ....................
Renfrew ..............................
. .I
1
Dumbarton .......................... 1
I
Roxburgh ...........................
Dumfries ............................. 1
Wigtown ............................
Berwick .................. ... ......
Haddington ........................
Lanark .............................
Ayr ....................................
Stirling ................... . . . ......
Argyll and Rute ................
East Midland division ........
North-east division ............
Ross and Inverness ............
Northern division ................
The Dispersion of Higrants Illastrated.

The county of Dublin, which we select as our first illustration
of dispersion, has a population of 418,910 souls ; and as only
285,528 natives of it were enumerated in 1881 as residing in
Ireland, it has been classed by us among "counties of absorption."
Of the enumerated natives of Dublin, 259,246 resided within the
connty in which they were born, 26,283 in other parts of Ireland.
Of the migrants as many as 7,195, or 27-39 per cent., were
enumerated in the border counties of Wicklow, Kildare, and
Meath; 3,954, or 15.5 per cent., were found t o reside in a n outer
belt of counties, including, Louth, Westmeath, King's, Queen's,
and Carlow; 6,112, or 23.25 per cent., had settled in the counties
of Wexford, Kilkenny, Tipperary, Waterford, Cork, and Longford ;
and 9,022, o r 34-30 per cent., had scattered themselves over the
whole remainder of Ireland. But as the number of migrants
which any county is able to absorb depends very largely upon
population, just as a large sponge will absorb more water than a
small one, we obtain a more correct insight into the extent of
migration if we compare the number of migrants with the total
population of the counties in which they settle down. W e then
find that the natives of Dublin enumerated in the three border
counties amounted to 3.8 per cent. of the total population of these
counties, whilsl in the outer belt they only mustered 1-15 per
190 RAVENSTEIX-ont h Laws of Migration. [June,
cent., in the third group of counties 0'56 per cent;., and in the
remainder of Ireland 0.29 per cent.
And when we examine Map 9, which illustrates this dispersion
of the natives of Dublin. we are at once strnck bv the decrease of
migrants as we travel away from the centre of dispersion, the only
exception, and that not a very striking one, being presented by the
county of Antrim. The following table exhibits the
Dispersion of the Yigrants from Dublin County.
Per Cent. Per Cent.

Migrants. of Populxt~onof
of Migrauts. Cooutiea.
-------
Wicklow ........................ 3,849 10'84 4'04
Iiildare ........................ 2,452 9'33 3'23
Meath .......................... 1,894 7'22 3'16
-- ---
Border counties..... 27'39 3 '08
-- 71195 -
Louth ........................... 906 3'46 1.1;
Westmeath .................... 798 3'04 1-11
King's ............................ 874 3.33 1.20
Queen's ........................ 863 3.28 1.18
Carlow............................ 1'94 1.10
------ 511
.--
Second belt............ 1-15
- - 15.05
3,954
---
Wexford ........................ 969 3.69 0'78
Kilkenny....................... 550 2'10 0'55
Tipperary .................... 1,082 4'12 0'54
Waterford .................... 603 2.29 0.53
Cork ........................... 2,567 9.76 0.52
Longford........................ 341 1'30 0'56
Third belt ........... 6,112 23.26 0'56

Rest of Ireland .... 9,032 34.30 0'29
----
Total .................... 26,38 j 100.00 0.55
We will next consider the migration from the counties of

Devonshire and Cornwall. I n 1881 240,930 natives of these
counties were enumerated in other parts of England and Wales,
whilst t,he number of strangers settled in Devon-Cornwall w q
only 100,564. Devon-Cornwall is thus a region from which s
broad stream of migration flows to other parts of England and
Wales. As Somerset and Dorset, and indeed a broad belt of
country stretching north-eastward as far as the German Ocean,
send forth a larger number of migrants than they receive in
return, whilst South Wales and south-eastern England, with the
Metropolis, are the great absorbents of migrants most readily
within reach of natives of Devou-Cornw~ll,it might be presumed
the Laws of Nigration. 191
that the bulk of the latter would have proceeded thither, to the
utter neglect of the border counties. Such, however, is not the
case. Somerset, proportionately to its population, has absorbed
more migrants from Devon-Cornmall than any other county in
England; and if Glamorgan ranks above Dorset in that respect,
this is due quite as much to t,he proximity of the Welsh county,
and the facility with which it can be reached, as to the attraction
which it exeriises as a field for remunerative labour. Mar, 9
shows very clearly by its tints that the great currents which
carry the migrants of Devon-Cornwall along with them set across
the Bristol Channel to South Wales, up the valley of the Severn
in the direction of Warwickshire, and through Dorset, Hamp-
shire, and Surrey to London. The more distant from the fountain
head which feeds them, the less swiftly do these currents flow;
and whilst they sweep along with them many of the natives
of the counties through which they pass, they deposit, in their
progress, many of the migrants which had joined them a t their
origin. I n this way 18,687 natives of Devon-Cornwall were found
in 1881 to have been "deposited " in Somerset, whilst 33,728
natives of the latter county were enumerated in Gloucester.
Similarly, the gaps created in the population of Dorsetshire by a
migration of 19,476 natives of that county into Hampshire had
partly been filled up by an immigration of 4.355 natives of Devon-
Cornwall. And thus i t happens that even in the case of " count'ies
" of dispersion," which have population to spare for other counties,
there takes place an inflow of migrants across the borders, and this
inflow is most considerable across that border which lies furthest
away from the great centres of absorption.
On examining Map 9 it; will be found that proportionately to
the population migrants from Devon-Cornwall are more numerous
in certain parts of the north of England than in the centre of the
kingdom. It is clear that the " facilities " enjoyed by maritime
counties for cheap transit by sea have something t o do with this.
It is clear likewise that among the natives of Devon-Cornwall
enumerated in the ports of north England there must be mauy
sailors. W e look, however, to the decay of the mining industry
in Cornwall as to the principal cause of this comparative pre-
ponderance. I n 1871 there were 25,643 miners in Uevon-Cornwall,
in 1881 only 14,976 ; and many who lost their employment a t
home, appear to have gone b the mining districts of t,he north in
search of work.
The following is a tabular statement of the
192 6 1 Laws
RAVENSTEIN-on ~ of Mzgratio~~. [June,
Per Cetlt. l'er Cetlt.

M i#ml~ts. of 1'0l111li~tio11
of
of Migl.allts. ~ ~ ~ ~
----
O l : ~ n ~ o ~ ..................................
g:~n 17,145 7.12 3'35
Soll~(.~.sct,. ..................... ...... ...... I 8,697 7.76 3'98
I)OI.YCL ........................................... 1.81 2'28
---- 4.35
-
Uol.tler coulrtica ................ 1G'GD
---- 40,r y 7 3'43
-
Oloucc~ster.................................... I 2,390 5.14 6
2. I
Mo11111outl1................................... 3,256 1'36 "54
Lorvcr Scvern .................... r 5,646 6'50 2'00
-- -----
Hompsllire .................................... I z, I z 5 6'03 2'04
Surrey (cxtm-~r~etropolitan) ........ 6,380 2.65 ''4.5
London ......................... .
. ...... 75,490 31'33 1'98
Middlesex (extra-metropolitan).. 5,790 2'40 1.23
Kent (extw-metropolitan) ........ 7,414 3'08 1.04
Sussex ............................. ............... -- 4,391
---
1'82 0'89
South-east England ........ 1.71

1,590 46'31
------
II
Lancashire ................................. I 7,456 7.40 0.5I

Cumbel-land ............................... 2,997 1.24 1'20
Westmoreland ............................ "5 0'05 0'18
Yorkshire ................................... 10,559 4.39 0'36
.
..
l l u r h a ~ n....................... ......... 6,302 2'62 0'73
Northumberland ........................ 1'04
2,s 16 C'55
-
North England ............... 40,345 16.74 0'51
Rest of England and Wales ........ 33,152 13.76 0'34
----
Total ........................
.... . 240~930 1 0 0 ~ ~ 0'96
For our third illustration we go to Perthshire in Scotland.

That county has a popnlntion of 130,282 souls, and as its natives,
as far as they were enumerated in Scotland, numbered 148,835
souls, i t is classed by us as a "county of dispersion." But whilst
Devon-Cornwall may justly be said t o feed all the counties of
England and Wales, Perthsbire only feeds a portion of those of
Scotland, and is itself being fed by others. I n sixteen counties the
natives of Perthshire are more numerous than the natives of these
counties enumerated in Perthshire. Within this group of counties
there resided in 1881 49,525 natives of Perthshire, whilst the
compensating counter-currents of migration had brought into
Perthshire only 22,559 natives of the whole of them. Perthshire
had thus sustained a loss of 26,966 souls.
The remaining Highland counties, on the other hand, had sent
6,007 of their natives into Perthshire, only receiving 3,253 of that
county in return. The corresponding figures for the remaining
1885.1 the Laws of Migration .
RAVENSTEIN-On 193
Lowland counties were I . 194 and 1.070. From these two sources
Perthshire had consequently obtained an accession of 2. 878 inhabi-
tants. reducing its absolute loss to 24. 088 souls .
It is clear from this that whilst currents of migration set. into
Perthshire from the north. much stronger currents flow out of it
into its eastern and southern border counties . The immigration
from certain Lowland counties constitutes a special feature. The
proportions for each county are as follows :-
Per Cent . of
all Migrants from
Per Cent.
of Populatiou of
.
Pertl~shire Counties.
Kinross ........................
iI
Clackmannan ............
Forfar ........................
Stirling ........................
Fife ..........................
1
Ediuburgh ................
Counties fed Dumbarton ................
Lanark .......................
Peebles ........................
Linlithgow ................
Haddington ................
I Bute ............................
Selkirk ........................
Renfrew ....................
Roxburgh ....................
Berwick ..................... ..
Argyle ........................
Kincardine ................
Inverness ....................
Bairn ..........................
Highland Elgin ............................
counties Sutherland ................
which feed Aberdeen ....................
Perthshire . Ross ............................
Caithness ....................
Banff ............................
Shetland ....................
,Orkney ........................
....................
............................
............
Perthshire . Wigtown ....................
The Absorption of Migrants Illustrated .

The process of absorption is the inverse of that of dispersion.
and presents and resembles the latter inasmuch as growing towns
or counties first absorb the migrants from their environs or borders
before they call upon the resources in men of the more distant
parts of the country . The county of Warwickshire. which we
select on account of its central position as a n illustrsution of this
194 the Laws of Migvation.
RAVEXSTE~T;--O~ [June,
process, has a population of 737,339 souls ; and as the number of
natives of Warwickshire enumerated throughout England and Wales
only amounts to 696,7 10, it is classed by us as a " county of absorp
" tion." As a matter of fact, however, i t acts as a feeder to two
important groups of counties, one of which includes the leading
manufacturing districts in the North of England, whilst the other
embraces the metropolitan counties, with Essex, Sussex, and Hamp-
shire. I n 1881 3 7 , 1~ 8 natives of Warwickshire were enumerated in
the first of these groups, and 37,308 in the second, whilst only 2 I ,859
natives of the first and 2 1 , 1 3 2 of the second were enumerated in
Warwickshire. The county in its exchange of population with
thsse two groups had thus sustained a loss of 31,535. This loss,
however, was more than made good by an excessive immigration
from the remainder of England and Wales. The border counties
alone sent I 16,668 migrants, whilst receiving only 87,457 in return.
I n the following tabular statement we have distinguished the
counties which feed Warwickshire from those which are fed by it :-
Percentage Percentage Percentage of

of Satires of hi'grants
Katives of Number. Pop:;ation froni Gruups
of Groups of
Warnick. of Counties. Counties.
Warwickshire ................................ 518,436

Counties mhich feed Warwickshire
Border counties1 ...................... 116,668
Counties on Welsh border2 .... 13,974
Wales ........................................ 3,989
South-western England3........... 8,809
South-eastern Midland4 ............ 6,480
Esstern counties ................... 5,170
Northern counties6 .................... 1,091
Counties fed by Warwickshire-
Northern manufacturing dis- }
tricts7 ................................ 21,859
Metropolitan groupS ................ 21,132
Scotland ........................................ 2,908
Ireland ............................................ 9,628
Other parts .................................... 7,095'
1
Total ........................737,339
I- IOO'OO
Gloucester, Oxford, Northampton, Leicester, Stafford, and Worcester.

Shropshire, Hereford, and Monmouth.
Wilts, Somerset, Dorset, Devon, Cornwall.
Rutland: Hunts, Beds, Herts, Bucks, Berks.
Lincoln, Cambridge, Norfolk, Suffolk.
Cumberland, Westmoreland, Northumberland.
Cheshire, Lancashire, Derby, Notta, Pork, Durham.
Middlesex, Essex, Surrey, Kent, Sussex, I h n t s .
Inclusive of 1,907 natives of England whose place of birth is not known.
Further illustrations of " absorption " will be given in connec-
tion with the large towns.
Migration and the Natives of ?owns.
The census returns only furnish the number and distribution of
the natives of London and of seven Scotch towns, viz., Aberdeen,
Dundee, Edinburgh-Leith, Glasgow, Greenock, Paisley, and Perth.
The results have been embodied by us i n the table below.
Composition of the Population of London and o f Seven Scotch Towns.
I hndon.
I Aberdeen. I Buodee. I Ediuburgheith,
/ 1 1 5,1 1
.
-
Natives of
-------------
Number. 1 , Number umber. 1 , Number. I g,
Town ........................2,401,955 62.9 59,485 56'5 77,201 55'1 146,416 50'8
Rest of county ........ 394,871' 10.3 23,333 22.2 15,353 10.9 14,4,23 5.0
Border counties ....... - - 11,543 11.0 22,655 16.1 44,0672 15'3
Rest of kingdom .... 777,699 20.4 6,509 6'2 9,627 6'9 53,703 18'5
England and Wales . 49,554t 1.3 2,507 2.4 2,865 2'0 '14,193 4.9
Ireland .................... 80,778 2.1 715 0.7 11,443 8'2 8,875 3.1
Otherparts ............... 111,626 2'9 1,097 1.0 1,095 0'8 6,165 2.5
Total population,
1881....................
Proportion of the natives
of the town enumerated
1
Eg~"u$yC:]l I I
in the town in which
born, in per cent. ..... ...I
Females to I@ males
112(109) 116 (115) I13 (110)
element) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .I I I I I
1 Pla8gor (M.B.). I
Breenork(M.B ) I PaiUey. I Yerlh ISeren holclk T i w m .
-
Natives of
1 ber. Ceut.
m
ber.
1 Per
Ceut.
1 Num-
ber.
/ Per
Cent.
I Nun-
ber.
/ Per
Cent.
I--
Number' 1 .:2
Town ........................
Rest of county .......
Border counties ........
Rest of kingdom ...
England and Wales. 16,026 3'1 2,097 3'1
Ireland .................... 67,109 13.1 10,717 16'1
Other parts ................ 4,682 0.9 869 1'3
--
Total population,
1881.................... 511,415 } 100.0 66,704 100.0
Proportion of the natives

of the to& enumerated
in the town in which 71'9
born, in per cent. .......
Femalea to IM males
~ o n alll .%ti- (ma) 108 (108) I 14 (102)
amonn native town
element) .................J I I I I I
* Including extra-metropolitan Middlesex, Surrey and Kent, Easex and Hertford.
t Nat,ives of Scotland. $ Including Fife.
5 Including Lanark and Renfrew. I/ Including Argyll and Bute.
196 R A V E N ~ ~ I ~ Ethe
I N Laws
- O ~ of Migration. [June,
A t the first glance it would almost appear rts if the natives of
towns were more migratory in their habits than the natives of the
country, for we find that as many as 27'9 per cent. of the natives
of the Scotch towns were enumerated outside the town in which
they were born, whilst the proportion for the natives of counties
averages only 25.6 per cent. But it is evident that towns cannot
be compared with entire counties, but must be compared with
rural parishes, and were we in possession of information enabling
us to do this, we should undoubtedly find that the natives of
towns are more sedentary in their habits than are the natives of
the conntry.
As to female emigration we find that females are more
migratory than males, for among the natives of the seven Scotch
towns there are I I I females to every roo males, whilst among the
nat,ive town element there are only I 10. For London these figures
are I I 2 and I og.
Woman is a greater migrant than man. This may surprise

those who associate women with domestic life, but the figures of
the census clearly prove it. Nor do women migrate merely from
the rural districts into the towns in search of domestic service,
for they migrate quite as frequently into certain manufacturing
districts, and the workshop is a formidable rival of the kitchen
and scullery.
Amongst the natives of England and Wales enumerated
throughout the United Kingdom in 1881 there were 106 females
to every IOO males, amongst the natives of Scotland 108, and
amongst those of Ireland 103. The large preponderallce of
females among the Scotch distinctly points to an extensive
emigration to foreign countries; and those who have experienced
the ubiquity of the Scot in the military and civil services of his
country, in the mercantile marine, in commercial and all other
pursuit,^, will not be surprised a t this fact. On the other hand the
low proportion of females among the Irish does not by any means
prove that emigration is not taking place on a large scale, for we
know the reverse to be the case. It proves, however, that females
migrate from Ireland much more frequently than they do from
Scotland or England. Whilst emigrants from England or Scotland
depart in most instances without " incumbrances," i t appears to be
a common practice for entire families to leave Ireland in search of
new homes. A t all events the elements which make n p families
will be found to exist amongst Irish emigrants, and this fact,
amongst others, explains their slow assimilation with the peoples
among whom they settle.
1885.1 RATEN~TEIN--O~ the &aws of iwgration. 197
The following tabular statement exhibits the influence which
migration within the limits of the United Kingdom exercises upon
the proportion between the sexes :-
Nun11)er of Females t o every 103Males among
Nh~tivesof
,
---
-
1
S ~ o I l a t ~ d . Irelaud.
1 United
Kingdom.
Residing in county where born ........ 104 108 104 105
1
Residing beyond county where
born, but not beyond limits of 112 "4 116 112
kingdom .....................................
Residing in other parts of the 92
United Kingdom ........................ 9' 90
These proportions show very clearly that females are more

migratory than males within the kingdom of their birth, but that
males more frequently venture beyond. I n other words more
ferxlales than males leave the county in which they were born in
order to seek employment in some other county of the same
kingdom, but more males leave the kingdom of their birth for
one of the sister kingdoms.
And whilst the migration of females from county to county is
proceeding more actively than that of the males, the female
migration witshinthe limits of each county is going on at a corres-
ponding if not a t a higher rate. I n nearly all the towns included
in our table, the proportion of females among the native county
element is higher than i t is in the rural parts of the counties,
which proves that a migration of females has taken place into tthe
towns in excess of that of males. Most of these migrants came in
search of domestic service, but others, and in seceral instances no
doubt a majority, came also in the hope of finding employment in
shops and factories. The only towns which have proved more
attractive to males than to females are West Ham, St. Helen's,
West Bromwich, Middlesbrough, Airdrie, Hamilton, Greenock,
Hawick, and Londonderry. I n all these towns male labour is
more sought after than female labour. They are in fact great
centres of iron and coal mining, of machine building, and of other
branches of industry chiefly carried on by men.
When we turn from towns to counties we 6nd the same causes
in operation. I n most of the counties the proportion of females in
the native county element is smaller than it is among the natives
of each county enumerated throughout the kingdom. This shows
that the migration of females into other counties has been in excess
of that of the males. The excess has been greatest in such
counties as Rutland, Berkshire, Huntingdonshire, and Shropshire,
198 RAVENSTEIN-on
Argyll, Linlithgow, and Stirling, Wexford, and Wicklow, in which
female labour is not much in demand, or through which strong
currents of female migration flow in the direction of tho great
towns and manufacturing districts.
The counties on the other hand which have retained a larger
proportion of their county-born females than of males are either
those which in their textile and similar industries afford employ-
ment to numerons females, or those which, owing to geographicd
position, are more or less remote from female labour markets, or,
what brings about the same result, hold out inducements to male
migrants in search of work in neighbouring iron works or coal
mines.
To the first class of counties belong Bedfordshire, Nottingham-
shire, Leicestershire, Lancashire, and Yorkshire in England ; Fife
and Forfar in Scotland; Antrim, Dublin, and Cork in Ireland.
A11 these are counties in which female labour is much sought,
" . and
where native-born females have consequently lit,tle inducement to
go elsewhere in search of employment.
The counties which retain a- larger proportion of females than
males, because the latter are drawn away by promise of ernploy-
ment in quarries, mines, and iron works, are Cardigan, Pembroke,
Carmarthen, and Anglesey in Wales; Kinross, Wigtown, Banff,
Clackmannan, Kirkcudbright, Perth, Ross, Selkirk, and Roxbnrgh
in Scotland.
The Laws of Migrat,ion.
It does not admit of doubt that the call for labour in our centres
of industry and commerce is the prime cause of those currents of
migration which it is the object of this paper to trace. If, there-
fore, we speak perhaps somewhat presumptuously of " laws of
" migration," we can only refer to the mode in which the deficiency
of hands in one part of the country ia supplied from other parts
where population is redundant.
1. We have already proved that the great body of our migrants
only proceed a short distance, and that there takes place conse-
quently a universal shifting or displacement of the population, which
produces "currents of migration " setting in the direction of the
great centres of commerce and industry which absorb the migrants.
In forming an estimate of this displacement we must ta,ke
into account the number of natives of each county which furnishes
the migrants, as also the population of the towns or districts
which absorb them.
2. It is the natural outcome of this movement of migration,
limited in range, but universal throughout the country, that the
proce3s of absorption would go on in the following manner :-
1885.1 RAVENSTEIN-Onthe Laws of Migration 199
The inhabitants of the country immediately surrounding a town
of rapid growth, flock into i t ; the gaps thus left in the rural popu-
lation are filled u p by migrants from more remote districts, until
the a,ttractive force of one of our rapidly growing cit,ies makes its
influence felt, step by step, to the most remote corner of the
kingdom. Migrants enumerated in a certain centre of absorption
will consequently grow less with the distance proportionately to
the native population which furnishes them, and a map exhibiting
by tints the recruiting process of any town ought clearly to
demonstrate this fact. That this is actually the case will be fou.nd
by referring to maps 3, 4, 8, and 9. These maps show a t the same
time that facilities of commnnioation may frequently countervail
the disadvantages of distance.
3. The process of dispersion is the inverse of that of absorption,
and exhibits similar features.
4. Each main current of migration produces a compensating
countel--current.
5. Migrants proceeding long distances generally go by pre-
ference to one of the great centres of commerce or industry.
6. The natives of towns are less migratory &an those of the
rural parts of the country.
7. Females are more migratory that males.
These propositions have either been considered, and supported
by facts, in the preceding portion of this paper, or they will be
considered in connection with the towns.
The Laws of Migration and the Towns.

1. Having thus shown that the bulk of our migrants only move
a comparatively short distance from the place which gave them
birth, and having suggested a law in accordance with ivhich the
displacement of our population resulting from migration is going
on throughout the country, we proceed to test the correctness of our
conclusions with special reference to the towns. That our great
towns and centres of industry are the goal to which the migrants
from the rural districts most frequently wend their steps, becomes
a t once evident when we examine into the composition of our town
populations according to birthplaces. The mere fact that most
towns increase much more rapidly in population than the rural
district,s does not suffice to prove this. I t is quite true that the
town population of England and Wales between 1871 and 1881
increased to the extent of 19.6 per cent., whilst the rural popnla-
tion exhibited an increase of only 7.4 per cent., and that in Scot-
land the increase of the towns amouilted to 18.2 per cent., and
that of the remainder of the kingdom to 1.4 per cent. only. But
this comparatively large inarease might have been brought about
VOL. XLVIII. PART XI. P
RAVENSTEIN--On [June,
by a natural increment, that is, by an excess of births over
deaths. To show this we need merely refer to the fact that there
are nine counties in Great Britain whose natives between 1871
and 1881 increased more than 18 per cent. These counties, with
their increase, were Selkirk (+z'I per cent.), Durham (32-2 per
cent.), Lanark (25.3 per cent.), Lancashire (PI'S per cent.), Mon-
mouth ( z o 9 per cent.), Glamorgan ( 2 ~ p2er cent.), Stafford (19.2
per cent.), Warwick (18.7 per cent.), and Middlesex (18.3 per
cent.) .+
It is only when we inquire into the composition of the popula-
tion of the towns according to birthplaces, that we obtain an idea
of its mixed character. The "native county element" will be
found to preponderate in most cases, but there is always present a
strong border element, and a large number of natives from more
remotte parts of the country. If the process by which the towns
recruit their population is really such as we have suggested,
Sub. 2, then the native county element should be stronger in the
town than it is in the rural parts of the county in which the town
i s situate ; and the border element should be stronger in the rural
parts than in the town. These features, however, we can only
expect to find fully developed in cases where the population of the
town is not altogether out-of proportion to that of the rural parts
of the county, and where the town lies in the centre of the county
to which it belorlgs politically, for towns lying near a boundary
between two counties naturally attract migrants from both. Still,
out of sixty-seven towns, with a total population of I 1,610,687 souls,
with reference t o which we have information as t o the birthplaces
of the inhabitants, as many as twenty-six, with 2,795,913 inhabi-
tants, follow this rule, viz., the native county element is stronger
within them than in the rural parts of the county in which they lie,
and the border element, that is, natives of border eonnties enumerated
in the towns, is weaker than in the surrounding rural parts.
These towns are Blackburn, Bolton, Bury, Preston, Rochdale,
and St. Helens in Lancashire; Bradford, Halifax, Huddersfield,
and Leeds in Porkshire ; Bristol, Southampton, Walsall, Newcastle
wit11 Gateshead, Sunderland ; Glasgow, Greenock, Paisley, Kilmar..
nock, Dunfermline, Arbrortth, Hamilton, Airdrie, and Hawick in
Scotland ; Belfast and Drogheda in Ireland.?
I n illustration of this class of towns we select Paisley. The
+ We need hardly observe that the illcrease of the natives of counties is largely
influenced by migration, for the children of migra~itscount towards the natives of
those counties in which they are born.
t Additional towns of the same type, according to the census for 1871, are
Macclesfield, Exeter, Durham, Canterbury, Maidstone, Coventry, Dudley, War-
cester, York.
1885.J RAVENSTEIN-&the Laws of Migration. 201
contingent which each county of Scotland has contributed towards
the population of that manufacturing town of Renfrewshire differs
of course very collsiderably according to the population of each
county; but when we compute the proportion which the natives of
each county enumerated in Paisley bear to the t d a l number of
natives enumerated throughout Scotland, and to the migrants from
each county, we soon perceive that the counties of Scotland group
themselves in a certain order. The Bulk of the inhabitants con-
sists naturalIy of natives of Paisley itself and of the-remainder of
Renfrewshire, buC the counties forming e border zone" have
furnished, proportionately to the number of' their natives, a con-
siderable contingent,, which depends primarily upon distance and
facility of access, but is also influenced by the extent to which
migration is going on from each county.
Number.
Paisley.
Paisley ................................ 34,862 61'76 16.51 -

Rest of Renfrew ................ 3,989 7.16 3'01 -
------
Renfrew ................ 38,351 6892 2'06 -
Ayr ................................. . / 2,834 5. DO
Lanark ................................ 4,024 7'23
Stirling .............................. 1 4 4 4 2 0'79
Dumba~ton...................... 466 0'84
Argyll ................................ 772 e'39
Bute .................................... 129 0'23
............
Border zone
Wigtown ...........................
----
8,665
15'58
110 0'20
Kirkcudbright .................... 67 0.12
Dumfries ............................ 123 0.22
Peebles ................................ 1.5 0'0z
Selkirk ................................ 6 0.0 I
Edinburgh ........................ 466 o'O2
Linlithgow ....................... 122 0'22
Clackmannan .................... 63 0'1 I
Kinross ................................ 18 0'03
Fife ................................ 240 0'43
Perth ............................... 224 0'40
-----
Outer zone ............ 1,4& 2'60
Rest of Highlands ............ 870 1'57
,, Lowlands ........... 94 0'16
Birthplace not known ........ 119 0.21
England and Wales ............ 850 ''53
Ireland ................................ 4,994 8'98
Other parts ........................ 251 0'45
----
T o t d ........................ 55,638 ioo'oo
202 RAVEKSTEIN-On
the Laws of IWgratlo~z. [June,
Glasgow presents similar features." The city, within its muni-
cipal limits, has a population of 5 I 1, + I 5 souls, and the native county
element amounts to 62.13 per cent., and is conseqxently somewhat
higher than in the rural parts of Lanark rqnd Renfrew. The popu-
lation is largely recruited from the Highlands and from Ireland.
The rural parts of Lanark and Renfrew have furnished compara-
tively small contingents, and although taking the lead, as far as
numbers go, they are exceeded by Dumbarton, Argyll, and Bnte,
when these numbers are compared with the total number of
natives who furnished the migrants. The influence of geographical
position upon migration is very clearly illustrated in Glasgow.
The large number of migrants from Argyll and Bute shows that
the sea is frequently a less formidable obstacle than are difficult
roads through mountain passes.
Very conclusive, too, as to the law which governs migration is
the distribution of the migrants along the currents of migration
The details for Glasgow are as follows :-
Percentage Percentage of Percentage

Number' of Katives of
Natives of Po ulation of Enumerated in
81aegow. Scotland. Migrants.
---- --
Glasgow ............................... 262,146 51'26 70.72
Lanark and Renfrew (rebt) 51,601 10'09 10.76
Ayr .................................... .... 21,631 4'23 9'29

Bute .................................... 1,681 0'33 10'91
Argyll ................................... 10,651 2'08 11.53
Dumbarton ........................... 7,184 I .40 1242

Stirling ................................ 10,742 2.10 9.66
Edinburgh and Linlithgow 18,090 2.56 406
Rest of Lowlands ................ 9,642 1'88 2.90

Northern Scotland................ 34,371 6'72 2.50
England and Wales ............ 16,026 3'14 1.74
Ireland ........................ 67,109 13'12 30.68
Other parts ........................... 4,682 0'9 I 17.21
---- --
511,415t ~oo'co -
t Inclusive of 853 natives of Scotland whose place of birth is unknown.

RAVENSTEIN-0% 203
which set towards Glasgow. W e find thus that natives of Perth
form 4-55 per cent. of the population of Stirling, 1-54 per cent. of
that of Dumbarton, 1.43 per cent. of that of Glasgow, and only
0.77 per cent, of that of the more distant rural parts of Lanark
and Renfrew. The nat,ives of Argyll number 3-10 per cent. in
Dumbarton, 2-08 per cent. in Glasgow, and 1.88 per cent. in
Lanark and Renfrew outside Glasgow.
The proportion of natives of Fife in the counties lying between
Fife and Glasgow (in per cent.) is a s follows :-
FIFE.
Perth, 3'3. Kinross, 19'7. Clackmannan, 6.1. Edinburgh, 60.Linlithgow, 2.1.
Stirling, 1'7. Lanark (outside Gtlasgow), 0.98.
GLASQOW,
0'97.
Renfrew, 0.22.
2. Border Towns.-The currents of migration towards towns

increasing in population flow everywhere subject to the same law,
although their effect, as exhibited in a preponderance of the native
elements in the towns. and in that of the border element8 in the
surrounding rural parts, are not infrequently obscured by the
operation of other circumstances. One of these is geographical
position. A town lying near the boundary of a county virtually
becomes a centre of attraction to migrants from two counties.
Thi.q would necessarily result in a depression of the native county
element in the population of the town, accompanied by a corres-
ponding increase in the border element. I n nineteen border
towns, having a total population of 2,015,146 souls, the effect of
geographical position upon the composition of the population is
sufficient to warrant their being placed into a separate group. I n
twelve of these towns the native county element is below what i t
is in the rural parts of the county, whilst the border element is
higher; in four (Burnley, Oldham, Hull, and Sheffield) both the
native county element and the border element are in excess, whilst
in three (Derby, West Bromwich, and Swansea) both the native
county element and the border element are depressed below the
level of the rural parts of the counties in which the towns lie. I n
dealing with towns of this class we obtain a more truthful view of
the constituent elements of the population if we deal with them as
if they were situated in two counties, and make both contribute
towards the native county element. As an illustration of this
class of towns we have selected Birmingham with Aston Manor,
the requisite details for which are given in the following table :-"
* The table contains more information than is requisite for settling the point
under consideration. An examination of it, with the help of the maps, and espe-
cially of Map 6, will make apparent the set of some of the main currents of migra-
tion, as well as the influence of counter attractions.
204 RAVENSTEIN-Onthe Laws of Migration. [June,
Percentage Percentage of Percentage

of Natives of
Natives of Nnmber. Population Enumerated in Migrants from
of En~land each
andbakes.
----
Birmingham.
--County.
.................... -
Warwickshine 309,726
---- 68'13 &44
--
Worcester ........................... 23,669 5'30 6.0 18'1
Stafford ................................ 30,964 6'8 I 3'2 ' x3:9
Derby ................................ 2,246 0'50 0'49 "74
Leicester ............................ 3,929 0'86 1.2 4'5
Northampton .................... 3,160 . 0'70 1.1 3'5
Oxford ............................... 3,636 0'80 1.6 4'00
Gloucester............................ 11,106 1'83 6%00
-- --
2.44
............ 2.09
Border eone 18,710
------8.42
17'3 I
Lancashire ........................ 4,826 1'06 0'17 1.77

Cheshire ............................ 1,257 0.27 0.21 0'71
Shropshire ........................ 6,269 1'38 1.99 .5'30
Hereford ............................ 4,222 0.93 2.87 7'1z
Monmouth ........................ 800 0'18 0'41 1'45
Somerset .......................-.. 2,277 0'50 I341 1.21
-- --
Western be& ........ 19,651 4'32 0'42
---- 2'0 j
Yorkshire ........................... 3,637 0-80 @14 1-11
Nottingharn ........................ 1,829 0.40 0.48 a.88
Rutland................................ 167 0'03 0'59 1'18
Lincoln ................................ 1,062 0'23 1.98 0'7 r
Huntingdon ....................... 219 0.05 0'28 0'62
Redford............................... 555 0.12 0.32 0'93
Buckingham ........................ 11,092 0'24 0'50 1.23
Berkshire ............................ 722 0'16 0'31 0.77
---- --
Eastern belt ............ 9,283 2.04 1'07
0'21
----
Remainder of England
and Wdes ................
Scotland ............................
} 24@4
1,882
5.39
0.41
0'19 0.72
-
0'74
Ireland ................................ 7,440 1'64 - 1-31
Other parts ........................ 3,440 0'76 - l-14
------
Total ........................ 454,616 ~oo'oo 171 -
If we looked epon Birmingham as rt town common to Warwick

and Worcestershire, its native element would a t once be raised to
+
68.13 5.30 = 73-45 per cent., whilst its border element would
be depressed to a corresponding degree. Even though we
reckoned Shropshire towards the border element, to make up for
the transfer of Worcestershire, the town wonld still stand the test,
viz., its native county element would be stronger than in the rural
parts of Warwickshire, whilst its border element wonld be weaker.
A similrtr emendation in the case of the other towns ,of this
category wonld furnish analogous results, as will at once be seen by
the Laws of Migrathn.
RAVENSTEIN-On
comparing the following table with the general table a t the end of
this paper.
Towns. Native County Element drawn from
Per cnt.
Burnley ............ Lanc. (77'4) and York (8'5) ............................ 85.9
Oldham ............ ,, (85'1) ,, ( 7 ' 1 ) ............................ 92'2
Hull ................ York (73'3) and Linc. (8'3) ............................ 81'6
Sheffield ............ ,, (74'8) and Derby (4.7) ........................... 79'5
Derby ................ Derby (65'5), and Leic. (8'8) ............................ 79'0
West Bromwich Staff. (76.8) and Worc. (6.1) .................... .... 82.9
Swansea ............ Glam. (64.2) and Cam. (5'4) ............................ 69.6
Birkenhead ........ Cheshire (49'5) and Lanc. ( I 5.3) .................... 64'8
Stockport ........ ,, ( 6 1'6 ,, ( 2 I '2) .................... 82'8
Plymouth ........ Devon (74'5) and Corn. (10.1) ....................... 84.6
South Shields.... Durh. (63'9) and Northbld. ( ( 2 . 7 ) ................ 76.6
West Barn ........ Essex (38-4) and Yidd. (26.1) ....................... 64.5
Wolverhsmpton Staff. (72'9) and Salop (5'6) ............................ 78.5
Croydon ............ Surrey (45'7) and Kent (7.5) ......................... 53.2
Birminglmm .... Warwick (68.1) and Worc. (5'3) 73.4
Dumfries ........ Dumf. (5 3'9) and Kirkcudb. ( 2 j'j) .....-......... 77'2
Dundee ............ Forfar (66'0) and Perth (8.1) ........................ 74.1
Inverness ........ Inv. (62'1), Ross ( I 5'4), and Nairn ( 1 ' 3 ) ........ 79'0
Stirling . . . .I Stir. (59.9) and Perth (10.4) .........................70.3
3. W e have thus disposed of forty-five towns, all of which recruit

their population in the main from the county in which they are
situated, or in the ewe of border towns, from two contiguous
counties. But there are towns which, either on account of -their
size or rapid growth, absorb so considerable a number of migrants,
that the resources in men of the country immediately surrounding
them are not able to supply their wants. I n towns like these the
native county element, owing to the inflow of strangers, sinks
below what i t is in the surrounding country. It is obvious, for
instance, that large towns like Manchester, Salford, and Liverpool,
having jointly a population of 1,070,Ij7 souls, while rural Lan-
cashire only numbers 1,315,299 are not likely t o find a prodznctive
recruiting ground in their immediate neighbourhood, even if there
existed no other larger towris i n Lancashire to which migrants are
attracted. The large towns which we shall consider are :-
I I
Popu1ation of Towns' Popillation of

Rural P ~ r of
t Country.
--
London ........................ 3,8 16,483 2,095,041*
Liverpool ....................
Manchester-Salford ....
Edinburgh-Leith ........ 287,842
} 1,315,299t
100,994
Dublin ......................... 3459245 73,665
* Of an enlarged county including all Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, and Essex.

t I n Lancar,hire, outside the ten large towns included in our table.
RAVFNSTEIN-0% [June.
London-It will be our task to show that the recruiting process
goes on in these towns in accordance with the law suggested. not-
withstanding the exceptional position which they occupy on account
bf their large population .
Natives Percentage Distrihutios of the
of Counties Percentage Percentage of KntiVes Of t''rOu~hOut
Englaed aud U'ales .
named in of the of Enume-
first Column Population Nativea of rated Percentnge Percentage
Enu~nerated of each Migants ~~~~b~~ of of
in London .Coullty .
from each Enumerated. Migrants
from
Population
of
London. Cuunty . London Counties . .
..-----
London (metropolis) ........ 2,401, 955 62-94 80.4 12,401, 955 . 62'94
-
.--
-.-
-- --
Middlesex (extra metro~.) 97, 736 2.56 35'5 60'8 94, 848 16'22 20.19
,,
Surrey (
Kent ( ,,
)
)
63, 284 1.66
2.50 1 18'9
13.6
50.6
8.7
66, 476 11.37
9.34
14.14
7'70
/
95.505 54. 638
Ensex ................................ 92, 553 2'42 16'8 52'1 83, 326 1425 14'46
Hertford ............................ 35, 793 0-04 I 5.8 41'0 14,84.5 2.54 7.31
-
..
---
.--
-
Metropolitan group ....
.--I.
394, 871 10.34 / 18.9 50.8 3 14, 133 53.73 13'10
Norfolk ............................ 49, 999 1.40 9'0 30'5 7, 359 1'26 1.6'6
~Uf&lk .....................,...... jj, 316 1'31 12'0 36'1 7, 581 1.30 2.12
Cambridge ........................ 25, 085 0.66 10.9 29.8 3, 7 9 i 0.65 2.04.
Huntingdon ....................a 7, 392 0.19 9.3 20'9 I,054 0'19 1'77
Nortllaqpton .................... 17, 569 0 ' 5'9 19'2 5, 171 0.88 1'90
Bedford ............................ 3 5 , 677 0.41 9.0 26.4 3, 703 0'63 2'47
Buckingbam ....................
Oxford ............................
Berkshire ........................
17, 282
32, 373
32, 3 2 9
0.71 1 I 2'4
0.59 '
10.0
0 . 8 5 1 13.7
30.7
249
344
6, 322
4,4 1 4
10,005
1'08
0.7 5
1.71
3'60
i.4.6
4.53
Wilts ................................ 31.316 0'82 9.5 25'2 4, 661 0'80 1'83
Hampshi~e........................ 53, 694 1.41 9'5 345 25, 488 4'36 4.30
Susaex ................................ 44,$01 1.16 9'6 36'3 34, 0 2 2 5'82 6'93
-
.-
--.
---
Inner belt .................... 380, 427 9'97 9.9 30'2 I 13, 572 19.43 3.45
Somerset............................
Dorset ................................
Devon ................................
Cornwall ........................... 16, '34 0'43 4'3 17'9 2, 219 0.38 0.6;
South-western group..
Lincoln ............................
Nottingham ....................
Rutland ............................
Leicester .........................
Warwick ............................
Worcester ........................
aloucester ........................
Hereford .........................
Monmouth.,......................
-.-
Outerbelt....................
1885.1 R , i v ~ s ~ ~ ~ l n - - o the
n Laws of dligration. 207
Natives Percentrlge Distribution of the

of Counties Percentage Percentage of Of throuohout
England and ~ a l e s . ~
named in of the of Rnume-
first Column Populetioll Natlves of rated Percentage Peree~rtnye
Euumerated of each Migrants Number of of
in
London.
London. County. from each Euumerated.
County.
MzF:ts of
Loudou. Counties.
----------
.
.
Derby ....................... .... 6,081 0.16 1'3 2.6 3,778 0.65 0.82
Slafford ............................ 12,771 0'33 1'3 5'7 6,886 1.18 0'70
Shropshire ...................... 6,865 0'18 2': 5.7 1,796 0.31 0'72
Cheshire ........................... 0'16 0.88 0'80
6,077
------ 1'0 3.5 5,163
Midland group ............ 3 1,794 0'83 1'3 4'6 I 7,623 3.02 0'77
---------
Lanmshire ....................... 28,042 0.73 1'0 10'3 27,173 4.65 o'7y
Westmoreland ............... I , 103 0.03 1'4 3.6 409 0'07 0'63
Cumberland .................... 1'3 3,36 I 0.09 5.3 1,104 0.19 0.45
-- -- --- ---
North-western group.. 32,506 0'85 1'0 8'9 28,686 4.89 0.76
-----
Yorkshire ........................ 3 2,223 0'84 1'2 9.9 21,295 3'81 0'77
Ilurham ........................... 8,070 0'21 1'2 7'6 5,883 1'01 0'68
Korthumberland .......... 7,778 0'20 1'8 6.5 3,618 0.62 0'8 j
--------
North-eastern group .. --.--
48,071 1'25 1'3
-------
8'7 31,796 5'44 0'76
(2lamorgan ........................ 4,296 0'11 1.1 9.7 3,594 0.61 0'70

Carmarthen .................... 1,602 0.05 1'1 3.7 398 0.07 0.3 I
Peu~broke ........................ 2,532 0'07 2'5 8'2 1,cr I 0.17 1.10
Ctirdigan ............................ 2,352 0.06 2'7 9.9 346 0.06 0'49
Drecknock ........................ 1,200 0.03 1'8 4'7 35 I 0.06 0'61
Illadnor ............................ 658 0'02 1'9 4'2 162 0.03 0.69
Montgomery .................... 1,65 i 0'04 2.0 6'0 284 0'05 c'43
Flint ............................... 746 0.02 0'8 2'4 413 0'07 0.5 I
Ijenbigh ............................ I ,I2 0.03 0.9 2.9 499 0.08 0'45
Merioneth ........................ 558 0'01 1'1 5.5 183 0.03 0.35
Carnarvon ........................ 784 0'02 0'7 4'1 447 0.08 0'38
Anglesey ............................ 0'01 2.6 266 0.05 0'52
County not stated ............
438
5,j18 0.14
0'7
0'4 - - - -
Wales ................
-23,547
--- --
0'62
--0.7
6'8
- 7,944
-
1.36
-
0'58
-
Scotland ............................ 1.30 1.3 17'9#
lreland ..........................
49,554
80,778 2.12 10'3X - - -
Abroad ............................ 111,626 2'92
1'4
- 31'9# - - -
-----
Total ................ 3,8 I 6,48 jt 100'00 - - 2,986,655 :0090 I 1'46
* Percentage of natives of Scotland and Ireland enumerated outside the kingdom of their
Krth, and of natives of foreign parts enumerated throughout the United Kingdom.
t Inclusive of 18,499 natives of England whose county of birth was not stated.
The leading facts connected with this subject are presented in

the table on p. 206, which classifies the popnlatiorl of London
according to birthplace^, and exhibits the proportion which the
208 RAVESSTEIR-On
th,e Laws of Mig~atioql. [June,
natives of each county enumerated in London bear to the number of
natives enumerated throughout England and Wales, and to the
migrants from each county. This last feature is shown graphically
on Map 8.
If we look upon London as the capital of an enlarged metro-
politan county, including Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, Essex, and
Herts, and thcn compute the native county element, a s we hnve
done in the table in the appendix, this element will be found to
a.mount to 73.3 per cent. of t h e total population of London, and to
74.2 per cent. of the population of the rural parts of the enlarged
metropolitan county. The " border element," on the other hand,
only reaches 9.97 per cent. in London, whilst i t amounts to
10.56 per cent. in the rural parts. The excess is slight, but i t is
nevertheless significant."
"
Looking to the proportion of migrants who have gone from
each county to London, we find that i t bears a most pronounced
relation to distance, modified by facility of access and the vicinity
to other centres of absorption. Out of what we have described
above as the rural parts of a n enlarged met,ropolitan county
50.8 out of every hundred migrants went to London. A second
group of counties, stretching from Norfolk and Suffolk to Hamp-
shire and Surrey, and included in the accompanying table under
the designation of "inner belt," sent 380,427 or 30.2 per cent. of its
migrants to London.+ A south-western group of counties, includ-
ing Somerset, Dorset, Devon, and Cornwall, is represented in
London by 24.7 per cent. of its migraufs, ,whilst a centre belt of
counties, extending from the Severn to the Aumber, is represented
by I 1.0 p e ~cent: The migration from these counties already
exhibits the counter attxaction of other centres of absorption in
the centre and north of England, and this influence is still more
marked in the case of s group embracing Derbyshire, Stafford-
shire, Shropshire, and Cheshire, of whose migrants only 4.09 per
cent. have reached London. Of the migrants from Wales 6.8 per.
cent. had found t,heir way to the metropolis, whilst the north of
England despatched 8.7 per cent. On comparing the contingents
of migrants furmished by each county we find that although they
correspond upon the whole pretty fairly with distance and facility
of access, and do RO most decisively as regards the counties nearest
Population of London 3,816,483, of ~ r a parts
l of enlarged metropolitan
county, 2,298,I lo ; native county element, 2,796,826 and 1,706,441 ; border
element, 380,327 and 242,682.
t The natives who form this "inner belt" enumerated in the rural p ~ r t sof
the enlarged metropolitan county only amounted to 242,682, or 19.2 per cent. of
all migranb, but they constituted ,10a56per cent. of the populntion, whilst the
30.2 p r cent. who bad gone to London only constituted 9'97 per cent. of the
population.
RAVFXSTEIN-011
the Laws of JIigratz'on.
to London, that three of the most distant occupy an exceptional
position. These counties are Devonshire, Lancashire, and York-
shire. That Devonshire should send a larger contingent of her
migrants
- than other counties a t an equal distance from London,
but situated in the centre or north of England, is only what might
have been expected, for in consequence of the geographical position
of their county, the eyes of the native of Deronshire desirous of
migrating turn naturally to the eastward, and London is the
great focus of light which attracts him (see p. 190). The case of
Lancarhire end Yorkshire difl'ers from that of Devonshire, for
mhilrt the last is a " county of dispersion," the former are " counties
" of absorption," and emigration from them is almost insignificant.
Where such is the case the migrants belong in a Barge measure to

a select or special class, and they go by preference to a centre of
culture, commerce, and industry like London.
There still remains to be considered the displacement of the
population of the counties surrounding London resulting from the
currents of migration setting in the direction of the metropolis.
If our suggestion as to the law of migration really embodies the
facts of the case, then the number of natives of one of the counties
of the " metropolitan group " and " inner belt " not in immediate
contact with the metropolis met with in London should be less,
proportionately to the population, than in the intervening counties.
This is actually the case of the natives from all the thirteen
counties, and the dwsease on approacl~ingLondon is progressive
in all but three, namely, Norfolk, Northampton, and Cambridge.
The results snmmarised are presented in the following table :-
Natives of
I
I n London.
1
I I n Intervening
Oounties.
I percentage of Population
Norfolk .......................
Sullolk .......................
Cambridge ...............
Huntingdon ...............
Northampton ...........
Bedford ......................
Hertford ...................
Bucks .......................
Oxfordshire ...............
Perthshire ...................
Wilts .......................
Hampshire ...............
Sussex .......................
Total ...............
As this migration towards and into London affords a good test,

210 the Laws of xigmtion.
we feel justified in going somewhat further into detail, and in order
to save space we do so in a tabular form :-
Natives of
I
1 Proportibn in per Cent. to Population of

Intervening Counties.* I
I
Ditto h n d m .
In Suffolk, 54'5 ; Cambridge, 404 ;

Norfolk ............ 1.30 ; Herta, 0.70 ; Mddlesex, g?;)x:
S d o l k ................ ,, Essex 3'49 ............................................... 1'31
Cambridge ............ ,, Herts, 1'1 6 ; Middlesex, 0'64 .................... 0'66
Huntingdon ........ ,, Beds, 1'51 ; Herts, 0'29 ; Middlesex, 0.20 0.19
NOrthampbn .... { ,, Bucks, 1'98 ; Beds, 1'56 ; Herts, 0.53 ;
Middlesex, 0.40 ...................................
Bedford ................ ,, Herts, 2'62 ; Middlesex, 0'69 .................... 0'41
Herta ...................... Middlesex 2.49 .. ............................................ 0'94
Bucks ................... d;; ,, 1.75 ............................................ 0'71
Oxford ................ ,, Bucks, 3.22 ; Middlesex, 0'83 ................... 0'59
Berks .................... ,, ,, 2.21 ; Surrey, 1.60; Middlesex, 1'26 0'85
{ ,, BerkS, 3'51 ; H A , 2.46 ; Sumey, 10.3 ;
wilts ..............a. Middlesex, 0'78 ...................................
Hampshire ............ ,, Surrey 36.8 ...............................................
} 0'82
1'41
Bussex .................... ,, ,, 4.10; Kent, 2.9 I ........................... 1'16
I I
* Only the extra-metropolitanparts of Middlesex, Surrey, and Kent are here
referred to.
These proportions show very distinctly the effect which distance

has upon migration, and how the " absorption " of migrants
depends upon the population of the counties where they settle.
The natives of Norfolk, Cambridge, and Northampton, in propor-
tion to the population, are slightly less numerous in extra-metro-
politan Middlesex than they are in London; and those of Norfolk
are moreover less strongly represented in Herts than they arc
in Middlasex. But as the greater part of extra-metropolitan
Middlesex, and more e~peciallythat portion of it which is most
likely to attract migrants, actually lies beyond T~ondon to a
migrant coming from the counties named, whilst Herts is out-
side the route which the main stream of migrants from Norfolk
may be presumed to follow, we are entitled to ~ t a t ethat the
migrants from all these counties decrease, proportionately to the
population, the nearer we approach London, and are least numerous
in London itself.
It is only when we trace the currents of migration from the
more distant counties that this rule appears to be broken through,
and the fact of the metropolis exercising e preponderating attrac-
tion out of proportion to its population becomes apparent. On
leaving Yorkshire, for instance, we find that the natives of that
county decrease proportionately to the general population until
we reach Herts or Middlesex ; but that in Middlesex, and especially
in London, they are proportionately more numerous than in Herts
Cambridge, or Hunts. The decrease could be made continuous
RAVENSTEIN-On 211
only if we removed 851 natives of Yorkshire from Middlesex, and
13,427 from London, which would reduce their proportion to the
general population of these counties to respectively 0.50 and 0.49
per cent.
The details of the distribution of the natives of Yorksbire on
the road to London are as follows :-*
YOEKSHIRE.
Derby, 16,467 (3'56). Notts, 10,163 (2'59). Lincoln, 16,683 (3'55).
Leicester, 3,017 (0.94). Rutland, 202 (0.94).
Northampton, 2,031 (0'75). Hunts, 389 (0.65)
Bucks, 726 (0'41). Beds, 699 (0.47). Cambridge, 991 (0'53).
Herts, 1,032 (0.51).
Extra-metropolitan Middlesex, 3,193 (0'68).
LONDON, 32,223 (0'84).
If we trace the natives of Cornwall along the routes leading to

London, the result will be found to be analogous, inasmuch as they
are more numerous in London than in any intervening county,
Devonshire excepted. The natives of that county bound for
London evidently follow two routes, the one overland, the other
by sea. The overland stream appears to die almodt away on
reaching Wilts, whilst a considerable migration by sea accounts
for the strength of the Cornish element in Hampshire. The
following tabular statement illustrates this :-
COENWALL.
Devon, 27,220 (4'50).
Dor~et,561 (0.29). Somerset, 1,676 (0.35).
Hants, 2,876 (0'40). Wilts, 325 (0.1~).
Berks, 321 (0.15). Extra-metropolitan Surrey, 1,256 (0.2~).
Extra-metropolitan Middlesex, 1,284 (0.27).
LONDON, 16,534 (0'40).
Liverpool and Manchester.-These two towns having jointly a

popnlation of 1,070,157 souls, whilst rural Lanceshire, outside the
ten other towns included in our table, only numbers 1,315,299,can
hardly be expected to find a productive recruiting ground in their
immediate neighbourhood ; and this all the less so, as there exist
numerous other large and growing towns in that part of England.
Hence the native county element is exceptionally weak, and the
population is largely made up of elements drawn from a consider-
able distance. The Irish element is conspicuous in both, more
especially in Liverpool, which is within easier reach of Irishmen
than of the majority of natives of England; indeed we should be
justified in treating Ireland as a border county of Lancashire.
The figures in brackets give the proportion of natives of Yorkshire to the
general population of each county in per cent.
2 12 RAVENS'~EIN-O~
The Scotch too are numerous in Liverpool, and next to them rank
the n a t i ~ e s of North Wales. Proportionally to its population,
North Wales furnished a larger contingent to the population of
Liverpool than any other part of the United Kingdom, and out of
every loo natives of North Wales enumerated in other parts of
England and Wales, as many as 1 7 residc (1 at Liverpool when the
last census was taken.
The leading facts connected with thc birthplaces of the inhabi-
tants of Liverpool and Manchester-Salford are given in the fol-
lowing table :-
Nuniber of Satives Percentage Permnta%e of Percentnge

tlie of tlie Sligranta
from of Natives of each from
eacli Cou~lty,&c. the Populatio~iof ~ o u ~ i t&c.
j, each Co~lnty,&c.
Katives of
Liver*'ou1 c?i:b, / Man-

L i ' e r ~ o O ichestn,
Liver- Man-
pool tlieater
Liver-
pml.
Man-
chester,
I --- --.--
Lanrarl~ire. 31,5,992 353,12.6

' 62.62 I
68.22 1 2 2 2 I?.'++ - -
Cheshire ....... 16,242 22,714 2.94 4.36 2'67 3.73 9.21 I 2.88
Xortll W a l e s 18,297 6,188 331 1.20 3'46 1.17 17'49 5.92
Salop .,,,..... 4,631 2 0.84 I 0.86 1.48 1.41 3 92 3'75
Staffordshire. 4,042
Derbyshire .... 1,492
Sotta ............ 1,157
7,474
6,235
2,529
0 27
0'21
,
0.731 1 . e ~ 0'41
1'20
0'48
0'33
0'30
0.76
1'36
0'66
1'81
1-15
1'19
j'jg
4'82
2'60
Yorkshire ... 8,709 1,581 1.06 0.33 0 0 267 1'69
Westn~ure-
land ........
} 5,504
1,046 0.28 o.:o 1'98 1-34 5'03 3.42
Cumberland.. 5,9601 2,239 1-08 0.43 2.34 0.88 9.38 3.52
London . 6,398 6,450 1.16 1 1'25 0.21 0.22 1.10 1.10
Rest of Eng-
30,897 43,186 5.59 1 8.36 0.24 0.34 0.78 1.08
Wales ....
Scotland ...... 20,431 1/
1
8,953 3.70 1.73 0.55 0.25 7'41* 3'25*
Ireland ...... 70,977 38,550 12.84 7.45 1.21 0.66 9.(Mx 4 ' 9 j X
- - 449* -
Other p a M . . 15,768 , 9,028
- 1 - ---
,
-
2.85
---
- -
1.75
-
-
552,508 ' 5 1 7,649 100.00 loo.oo
* Percentage of natives of Scotland and Ireland enumerated outside the

kingdom of their birth, and of natives of foreign parts enumerated throughout
the United Kingdom.
Edir~burgh-Leit7~.-The Scotch metropolis had 287,842 inhabi-

t,ants in 1881,whilst rural Edinburghshire had only 100,ggq. Both
town and country increase rapidly in population, and as both owe
this increase in a large measure to migration, the native county
element is exceptionally weak within them. This is more especially
t,he case in the city, whose colleges and law courts attract migrants
from the moi-e distant parts of Scotland. n o w much more attrac-
tive the city is in the eyes of migrants than rural Edinburghshire
may be seen from the following consideration : I n 1881 I 12,192
natives of other parts of Scotland (ix:~-lucl~ngrural Edinburgh-
shire) were enumerated in Edinburrl~Leith, and 47,986 natives
of Edinburgh-Leith in the rest of ':I. l t ~ , ~ n leaving
d, a balance of
65,206, equal to 2 z . G per cent. of its ~ ~ u i ~ n l a t iino nfavour of the
city. The balance in favour of rural Rdirli,i~l,ghshire,obtained in
the same way, o~llyarn~3untsto 8,oj3 riliprants, or to 7.9 per cent.
of the population. 'The details are ah follows :-
1 -
/
tdlrlburgllel~i~.e
--
To or fron~
1;ordr. Counties.
To or fro111
rest of Scotl;tnd.
Immigrants................ 14,423 44.067

Pmigmnta.. . . . .
I- _ __
Balance ........
'I
' 3,048 ' r 2,045
1 or t r o u t l ~ e
CI~)
To or from
Border Counties.
To or from
rest of Scotland.
----I
Immigrants................... , 11,423 22,024 8,264

Emigrants ................, 14,423 '4549 4,638
Balance . . . . . .' - 3P18 I 7.475 1 3,626
Furtiler particulars on the composition of the popuIation of

F2dlnbnrgh-Leith and of rural Edinburghshire are given in the
follo\sing tittle :--
percentage Percentage of Percel~tageof

Nnt~ves Migrants
Inl~abitants. of Enumerated in Enunrerwted in
Falives of tlle Population. scotland. Scotland.
City
-- Runl. City. 1 llunl. City
---- Rum1 C~ty. Rural,
Edinburgh-Lcith 146,417 11,375 50'87 11'26 75.32 5'85 - zj'70

14,423 48,561 501 48.08 17.55 59.08 42.93 -
Rural
hurghshire,e.)
Edin-
Eight border
counties*....... } &,%7 22,024 15.31 21.81 4.11 2.06 18.54 9.26
of Scotland .. 53,702 8 , 2 6 4 18'66 8'18 2.62 0'40 9'31 1'43
England & Wales 14,193 3,968 4'93 3'93 15'46 4'32 - -
Ireland ............... 8,875 5,892 3'08 5'83 4'06 2.24 - -
Other parts............ 6,165 2'14 0'90 22'34 3'30 - -
y ro
------
287,842 100,994 lO@c@100'00 - - - -
* Including Fife.
214 RAVENSTEIN-On
the I;aws of Migration. [June,
Dublilt.-The population of Dublin, or rather of the two Dublin
unions, comprehends Sz per cent. of the total population of the
county. Dublin consequently recruits its population very largely
in the border counties, and in a lesser degree in the remai~~derof
Ireland. Map 8, which illustrates migration into the county of
Dublin, very fairly illustrates the leading features of migration
into Dublin town likewise, whilst the following table contains
the particulars of the composition of the population of Dublin
town :-
Percel~tage Percentnge of Percentage of

of Natives Migrants
Natives of Nnrnber' the Population Enlln~eratedin Enurneraled in
of Dublin. Ireland. Ireland.
-- --
Dublin county ............ 209,940 60'8 I 73'53 -
...
Meath ..................... 9,120 2'65 9-22 41'64
Kildare ....................... 16,736 4'84 22.22 91'45
Wicklow .................... 15,833 4'59 17'95 54'97
Rest of Ireland ........ 68,359 19'80 1'51 15.82
England and Wales .... 16,948 4'9 I 29'42 -
Scotland .................... 4,220 1'22 18.92 -
Other parts ................ 20'50 -
4,059
-1'18---
345,215 100'00 - -
4. The towns which fall next under our consideration increase

far more rapidly in population than the country districts which
surround them, or they increase at all events a t a tolerable rate.
whilst the rural population surrounding them either gains but
little in numbers or is actually reti.ogressive.
The ten towns of this type are divisible into two groups :-
1. Towns in " counties of absorption " the rural population of
which increases a t a rate equal or superior to that of the general
population of the country.
2. Towns in " counties of dispersion " the rural popnlation of
which increases very slowly or decreases.
To these we feel inclined to add four Irish towns, of which one
(Cork) gains slowly in population, whilst the three ot,hers decrease
at a rate much below that at which the rural population of the
counties in which they are situated decreases.
These towns are :-*
According to the census of 1871 the following additional tow~larepresent
the same type : Burrow-in-Furness,Reading, Idincoln, Redford, Yarmouth, Oxford,
Cambridge, Bury St. ltdmunds.
I Inrrease (or Decrease) of Popdxtiur!.
lii71.81.
I Torn. I Rulal
pwts d O n ~ n l y
First Group- t'rr rut

Middlcsbrough: ......... 40
Nottingham ............... 34
Cardiff ....................... 44
Leicrster ................... 28
Second Group- I
Northampt,on ............ 26
Ips\vich ........................ 17
Aberdeen .................. 19
Pert,h........................... 1.
;
Ayr ........................... 17
Norwich .................... 9
Iri.rA. Group-
Cork .......................... 1'9
Londonrlerry ........... o;
Limerick .................. 2'0
Waterford ............... - 3'6
I n all these towns the native county element is below what i t

is in the rural parts of the counties in which they are situated, for
when the increase of the population of town and country is so
disproportionate, the resources of the latter in men are frequently
insufficient to meet the demand, and the hands required in the
workshows and factories have to be drawn from a wider area.
This must naturally lead to a depression of the native county
element. Various circumstances contribute to promote this immi-
gration from the more distant parts of the country, such as the
vicinity of competing towns, or the demand for a particular class
of labour which the surrounding country is not able to furnish.
Emigration to foreign parts is also of some influence, more
especially in Ireland.
Middlesbrough affords a suitable illnstration of this typs of
towns. I t s rapid growth, the heterogeneons composition of its
population, and t,he preponderance of the male sex, recall features
generally credited only to the towns of the American west. The
populatibn of ~ i d d l e s h r o u ~increased
h 108 per cent. between 1861
and 1871, and 40 per cent. between 1871 and 1881. The com-
position of its pop~lat~ion a t t,he time of the last three censuses
very faithfully reflects this rapid growth. I n 1861s i t still had a
native county element of 73'2 per cent.., but soon after this miners
* We take the superintendent-regihr's district of Guisborongh (22,128

inhnbirnnts) ;IS representing tlie Mi(!~llesbrollgl~(18,782 inhabitants) of 1861, 110
other details of the 1)irt)rplac-esfor t l ~ t year
~ t bring ;~v:~~lable.
VUL. XLVIII. PART 11. Q
216 O n the Laws of Mi!yrafion.
RAVESPTE~N- [June,
and ironwo'kers flocked into the town in increasing numbers from
Durham, South Wales, Staffordsl~ire,and Scotland, as also Irish
labourers, so that in 1871 the native county element was found to
have sunk to 50.1 per cent., that is only about orie half the inhabi-
tants were natives of Yorkshire. During tlie next decade this
i~nmigrationcontinued, but a t a much diminished rate, and as the
childrcrl of t,he older immigrants were counted towards the nat'ive
county element, this element once more rose to 5 5 per cent.
There is no county of England and Wales which has not con-
tributed its contingent towards the popu1:ttion of Middlesbrough,
althougli the contingents of the nearest border counties, and of
Yorkshire i t s ~ l f ,have been heaviest. To nimble-fingered migrants
from the textile manufacturing districts a town of ironworks and
miners held out but few inducements, whilst sturdy miners and
it-onworkers from Staffordshire, Scotland, and South Wales found
their way to it, notwithstanding the distance they had to travel.
This accession of migrants of a special class is a very marked
feature in towns of this tgpe, and in order to exhibit i t we h a r e
included in our table all counties 0.10per cent. of whose migrants
were enumerated in Middlesbrough. Nerertl~elcssi t must not be
forgotten that these " special " migrants form but a fraction of the
populatio~~,and that the very mixed composition of the pop~lat~ion of
rapid growing towns is the outcome of an inflow of migrants fro111
all parts of the country, rather than from any particular district.
Conzpositioiz qf the Population of i l f i d d b s b ~ o u gaccordin:g

~~ to Bi~thplaces.
I-
-
Naiit,es of
1861.
Numbers.
I Ye~centape.
---
Y o r i e . . . . . . . . 16,179
1)urham .................... 1,854
Northumberland ........ 329
Cumberlnnd ................ 138
Lancmhire ................ 208
Staffo1.d ................... 109
Lincoln ....................... 639
Norfolk ........................ 2 i 8
3fonmoutll and l % 7 a 1 ~ ~2fi7
Rest vf England ........ 1,404
Scotland .................... 230
Irclantl ........................ 1' 32
Other parts ................ 4,2
--
Total l...............
* I n the superinlendrnt-regist1.a~s distrirt of Guisborougll. Middlcshrough

only had 18,992 inllabltants.
the Lazcts of iffigration . 21 'i
Jlicldlesb~oughi n 1881. Composition of its Population according to

Birthplaces .
YercentRge Percent:~gcaf Perccntnge of
%~!~I?III~S
of Population
h't~tivesof Number . of
Enumer;rted in E , $ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ s i t l
Midd.~slrron;! .. Enclitnd
and Wtiles .
1-hyl~od
and Wales .
.
- -.
- -- --
Yorkshire ................... 30, 65.6 r4.E. 1.1.4 .
Durham ................... 7 ,5(;G 13'52 0.09 ;'lo

Northumberland ....... 1,270 2'27 0'30 1'18
Cumberland ............... 5 13 0'97 0.21 0.85
TVestnloreland ........... 109 0.20 0'14 0'55
Lnncasliire ................ 593 1.60 0.03 0'33
Derby ....................... 163 0'29 0.04 0.13

StatTord....................... 1,197 z.14 0.12 0'54
Worcester ................... 370 0'66 0'09 0'28
Gloucester ................ 206 0'3 7 0.03 0.12
Salop ............................ 173 0.3 I 0.05 0.15
Warwick .................... 224 0'40 0.03 0'12
Lincoln ........................ 717 1'28 0 13 0'47

Notts ................. ...,,, 111 0'20 0.03 0'12
Norfolk ........................ 977 1'75 0.17 0'59

Buffolk ....................... 378 0'67 0.09 0'26
Cambridge ................ 238 0'42 0'10 0'28
Kent .......................... 311 0'5' 0.03 0'13
Yonmouth , ...,,,..,... 1 371 0'66 0.19 0'67

Glamorgan ................ 412 0'74 0.11 0'92
Brecon ........................ 78 0.14 0.12 5.29
Cardigan .................... 37 0'06 0.04 0.15
Carmart,hen ............... 57 0.10 0.04 0.13
Pembroke ................... 45 0'08 0'06 0.13
Carnarvon ........ 22 0'04 0.02 0.11

Remainder of Eng-
land and \Vales . ] 2'965 c.3 I 0'03 0'10
Scotland .................... 1,554 2'78 0.61 .

Ireland ........................ 3, 686 6.58 0.65 .
Other parts .,.......... 615
-- --
1.10 0'20 .
- -- .
55, 934 ~OO'OO . .
Q 2
218 t he Laws of Migration.
RAVENSTEM-On [June,
5. In conclusion, we have to notice those towns in which the
" floating element" is so numerously represented as to result in
a depression of the native county element below what it is in the
rural parts of the counties to which towns of this type belong. I n
large cities this influence is but rarely decisive, and although the
" floating element " in every commercial city, and more especially
in our sea-ports, is undoubtedly large, we h a ~ ebeen able, in most
instances, to trace any deficiency in the native county element to
some other more universal cause.
There are instances, however, where it is decisive. At Port's-
mouth a population of 127,989 souls included (in 1881) 9,942 men
of the army and nary. We ma,y fairly assume that a majority of
these men are not natives of the county in which they temporarily
reside, and, t,ogether with their dependents, they must materially
affect the proportions between the constituent elements of the
population, and bring about a lowering of the native county
element. If we deduct these men from the population of Ports-
mouth, and then compute its elements, the native county element at
once rises to 7 1.04 per cent., which is higher than in rural Hamp-
shire, whilst the border element only rises to 9.26 per cent., and is
thus still lower than outside Portsmouth. A similar depression of
the native county element may be noticed in towns which are the
seats of large educational establishments, sllch as Oxford, Cam-
bridge, Bedford, and Winchester. Then there are heitlth resort,s
and towns affected by annuitants and grass-widows, which generally
also abound in ladies' colleges. Representative towns of this type
are Bath and Brighton. That there is something exceptional in
the composition of the population of these towns may be judged
from the large preponderance of females, for whilst throughout
England there are 1 0 5 females to every IOO males, there are 14.7 in
Bath, and 128 in Brighton. If in cases of this kind we could
separate the floating from the residential element of the population,
it would undoubtedly be found that towns like those mentioned
follow the general rule as respects the absorption of migrants.
Concluding Remarks.
I t has been the object of the author of this paper to place before
the Statistical Society not merely an abstract of the returns of the
birthplaces of the inhabitants of the United Kingdom, but also to
consider migration generally, and to determine, if possible, some
law or rule by which it is governed. He is quite aware of the
many imperfections of his essay, but trusts that his compilation
will at least be looked upon as a contribution not altogether
;t
10.
INCREASE(0RDECREASE)OFTHE POPULATION
OF EACH COUNTY.
INCREASE(0R DECREASE)OF THE NATIVES (
OF EACH COUNTY. I
I FEMALES TO 100 MALES
I AMONG T H E NATIVES OF COUNTIES.
1885.1 RAVEXSTEIN-On
the Laws of X;gration. 219
without value to a, branch of inquiry of peculiar interest to the
statistician.
The accompanying maps will assist in rendering clearer some of
his arguments. I n most instances the line separating the two
colours marks the average.
220 t he Lnzcs of Miyratioiz .
RAVENSTEIN-On [June.
.
APPENDIX of .W .//ration
Tubls Illz~st/-nti/!o
1ncie;Ise u r l)ect.ease, Fen~zlltsto every ICO .\li~la
s.
I 1871-81
Natives --
~~~~t~~~ alld ! lYBI.
P"l'ui'iiion. of Counties.
Of
Anlong
Tutxi Anlono"
AIII~I~?
S.IGI,
1691 . Pnpt~bi-
t ~ i i.o Natives. PiJ~1lll;l- sUtlves.
C I J U!.I ~ ~
tlon .
- - E i c ~ ~ l a .i l t
i
_IP_______
Per CII~ . Per c..t.

Reclforcl~hire............I 149.47 j 173.985 2.2 9.9 I 12 103 106
Berkshire ............... I 218. 363 236. 015 11.2 6.4 101 106 97
Uockingl~amshire... ! 176. 323 220.019 0.2 5.8 103 10.1. 99
Cambridgeshire ........I I 8s.594 229.254 - 0.8 7 103 106 lor
Cheshire ................... 1 644. 037 608.589 14.6 15.5 107 10L 103
Rural .................... 500.478 - - 106 - 102
Uirkenheacl .......... . I 84.006 - '3 1
272 - - IOL
Stuckport ........... 59~553 - 12'3 -
10s
1x6 - 11;
Cornwall ..................., 330.6 8 6 386.898 - 9.1 - 2.9 I Ij 118.0 I 17'0
C ~ ~ m b e r l a u .d........ I 105.5
Dcrhpshire .............. :'I
Derby ...................i
250. h + j
4 6 1 .9 1 4
8 r . I 68 1
254.8118
458.4.19
-
r 3.8
21.5
26'4 -
9.6
17.3
lor
99
lo;
102
-
104.9
99
106
Devonsl~ire...............
PIymouth ...........
, 6~3.595
73. 7 9 4
1 687.7.19
- 0.5
-
3.7 I r3 112
-
111
121
7'3 119
])orset ..................... 191.028 234.883 -2.~. 4.1 104 108 104
Durllam ................... 1 867. 158 694.238 26.6 32.2 95 102.5 101.2
Sundcrl.md. . . . . . . I I 6. 548
- 18'6 - 104
- 113
Soutli Sl~ields....... 56. 8 7 5 - '5'5 - 100 - '13
Esaea ....................... I 576. 4 3 4 550.769 23.5 13'6 loo 106 99
West Ham ........... , 1z8.g j 3 - 105'0 - 97
- 98
Gloucestersl~iro ....... 572. 433 606.641 7.1 13.3 Irr 107.4 106.6
Bristol .................. 206. 8 7 4 - 13'3 -. 121 119
Hampshire .............! 593. 470 565.988 9.0 13.1 ror 108 105
Portsmouth . . . 1 127. 989 -
-
12'7 -
-
105
-
- I 16
Southnmpton . . . . . . ' 60. 05 I 11'7 111 I r j
Herefortlsl~ire......... 1 2 1 .062 146.91.4 - 3.5 1.4 102 105 99
HertfordsLire ......... 203. 069 226.110 6.6. 7.0 106 107 101
IIuntingdonshirc ... 1 59.4 9 1 79.305 - 6.4 - 3.6 104 105 97
l i m t ..................... 1 977. 706 900.701 15.2 16 1 104 107 103
Lancnshlre .............. I j.~.cq.4+1 2.831. 553 22.5 21.5 107 106 0 1~6.5
Rurzrl ...................! I . 3 15.299 - 0.4 -- 106 -..
'05
Blackburn .......... 10+.014 - 21.5 - 1x2 - 109
Bolton ...................1 105. 4 1 4 -- 14'3 - 111 - I 10
-
Burnley ...............
Bury ................
L i ~ e r p o o l ............
1 58. i 5 1
6 2 . 213
rgz. ?o8
-
-
-
43'7
20'6
-
-
-
lo;
111 -
-
106
110
106
- 12'0
- I 0;
blanchester and Salfordi
Oldham .............../
resto on ............... j
5 17.649
I I I 3 43
96. 537
. -
-
8'8
34'8
10.6
-
-
109
108
118
-
-
-
11 I
108
1'5
Rochdale ............... 1 68. 866 - - -
St . Helens ........... 7.403 - 8.4
27': -
fl 5
93
-
112
98
Leicestersbire ...........
Leicester ...............
Li~~colnshire........... I
Middlesex ................ z.g.0. 485
331. 258
1I :. 3 76
469. 9 1 9
332.902
-
537.137
2.402.938
19.2
28'5
7'6
14'9
13.7
-
8.9
18.3
106
112
IOO
14
103.4
-
103
111
-
104.4
112
IOI
109
.
I
London (Metrop.) 3.8 16. 483 2.986. 655 19.9 IIz
I
17.3 I09
Monmouthshire ....... r I r 267 194.4&5 8.1 20'9 95 10& 101
Norfolk .................... ++.+.149 555.347 4.5 107
Korwich ................ 87. 8 4 2 - 1.4
9'3 -.
107
118 - 105
118
Northaniptonshire ...
Xorthampton .......
Northurnberland ....
rjz.s.5
5 1 88 I
434. 0 8 6
. 298. 398
-
427. 891
11.7
26.0
12.3
10'2
-
14'5
101
106
103
103
-
103.6
99
108
103.q
Newcastle 8; Gateshead 2 I 1. 162 - 19'3 - 103 - 107
222 RAVEXSTEIN-On
the Laws of xigration . [June.
Table Illustrative of Migratim
Increase Or
1871.81 . Females to every roo Males .
Natives
Coupties a i d Totins .
. 1861
of Couuties.
1881.
of
Popula-
Of
Amon
T ~ I ~ PAnlOllg
Po~uI"-
An~oug
hatire
~01111ty
tion . Natives.
. tiuu .
Natives.
-- ---- Elenlent
Yar cnt . .
Per m t
Nott.inghamshire .. 391, 815 381,226 22.6 14'5 lor; 102 103
Nottingham ...... 186, 575 . 34'2 . 113 . III
Oxfordshire ........... 179, r 5 9 222,867 0.9 6.7 104 1G6 97
Rutland .................. 21, 4 3 4 28,606 -- 2.9 8.3 99 102 91
Shropshire ............... 248, 014 313,531 -- 0.1 4.4 IOO 105 97
Somersetshire ........... 469.109 550,500 1.2 3'4 I13 110 107
Bath ................... 51, 8 1 4 . I c
I47 . 127
htaff ordshire ........... 981, 013 977,353 14'3 19'2 97 103 IOI
Rural ................... 790, 157 . . . 93 . 100
~ o l v e r h a m p t o.n.. 7 5 , 766 . 10.9 . 100 . IOZ
Walsall .............. 58,795 . 19'9 . 100 . 102
West Bromwich ... 56, 295 . 17.8 . 99 . 100
S~iffolk..................... 356,893 445,785 2.3 5'0 104 105 IOI
Ipswich ............... 5"tc46 . 17'7 . 113 . 114
Surrey ....................... 1,436, 899 996,655 31'5 30'9 I ro 108 104
Croydon ............... 78, 953 . 41'8 . 124
. 110
Susses ....................... 490, 505 464, '7'5 11.8 111 105 IOI
Brighton ............... 107, 546 . 16'3 . I 28 . 116
Warwickshire ........... 737, 339 696,710 16.2 18'7 107 105 104
Birmingham (wit,h ) . . . 105
Aston Manor) j 454j6' 20.4 106
Westmoreland ....... 64, I g I 77.759 -- 1'3 7'2 104 102 99
W~ltshire ................... 258, 965 329,908 0'7 3'3 102 106 99
Worcestershire ....... .8c, 283 393,847 12'2 11.8 106 105 103
Yorkshire ............... 2,886, 544 2,684,926 18.5 17.1 103 104 104.5
Rural ................... 1,744,240 . 16'y . 102 .. '03
B d ford .............. 1x3,0 3 2 . 24'4 . "5 . "3
Haliiax ............... 73, 630 . 12'4 . 113 . I 11
Euddersfield ....... 8 I, 841 . 15.1 110 . 109
. '04
A
Hull ....................... . 26.5 . '07

.
I eeds ...................
Middlesbrough .
154,240
3092' 'Y .
. 19'3
40.2
. 106
. 92 . 99
. 108
5,
Sheffield ...............
934
. . 101 . '05
---
284, 508 18'6
WALES . -
-
. .-
Anglesey ................... 51,416 61,722 -- 0.1 1'9 1c4 106.4 107.0
Brecknock ............... 57,746 66,197 .3.6 5'0 99 101-7 101.6
Cardigan ................... 70, 2 70 87,063 --4 4 2'0 122 112 124
Carmarthen ........... 124, 864 149,235 7'9 5'9 109 106 IIO
Carnarvon .............. 119,349 113,241 12'3 11'0 103 107 104
Cenbigh ................... I I I , 740 120,986 3.6 6'1 98 102 96
Flint ....................... 80, 587 88,495 5.3 7.6 gy 102 Y5
Ci lznorgan ............... 511,433 375,153 28'6 20'2 95 104 103
R d ................... 362, 975 . 25'7 . 93 . 101
8 .r ansea ............... 65, 597 . 26'8 . '04 I12
Cardiff ................... 82, 76 1 . 44'1 . 95 . 107
Merioneth ................ 52, 038 51,125 17'6 11'2 98 102 99
Montgomery ........... 65, 718 81,828 .2'7 2'8 yg 103 98
P:nrbroke ............... 91, 8 2 4 112,238 -- 0.2 3'4 112 112 117
Hadnor ................... .7.4
33,744 0'9 100
23, 528
---- 97
-- 9.5
England and Wales.. 25,974, 439 24,855,322* 14.4 146 105 106 104
.
* Inclusive of is not knoan .
108,596 perxons, the county of tillose I~irtl~
in the United Kingdom --C'ontd
I E:iy .
-
Scotland Ireland
- ----
Per c ~ t . Per cnt. Per cnt.
I 1
----
Hative
Cou~ity
Element
Per cnt.
Border
E1cmellt
Per mt. Per cnt.

1 Border
Couut'es.
PI,^ cnt.
~ l
in S I I ~
Killgdunl.
Par cnt.
1 Cou~~ties
~ a ~ Tau
~~ d11s. ~
0.35 0,58 72'5 15'9 74'5 16'4 9'1 Sot tinghamshire

0'44 0.82 70'8 15'1 - - - Kottirlgham
98'8 0'32 0.31 74'9 13.j 59'7 14'8 25'5 Oxfordshire
0.44 n.40 67'6 18.7 50.5 24,'7 24'8 kutland
0.33
0'27
0'58
0.75
0'48
1.28
78 3
77'2
6 :'6
12.5
13'4
17'2
65'2
659
- 1 15.1
11'4
-
19'7
22.7
-
S1iropsbil.e
Soulersetshile
Bath
0.34 1.33 72'9 13.6 10.4 I 2.4 Staffordshire
0'32 1.23 77'7 13.8 - - Rural
0.5 1 2.25 72'9 14.3 - - Wolverhamptoll
0'45 2.13 77'9 10% - - Walsall
0'1 y 0'66 76'3 13.1 - - West Bromwicli
0.27 0.27 83'2 9.1 9'2 23'9 Sllffolk
0'56 0.48 80'0 8.2 - - Ipsn-ich
0'96 1'51 51'0 26.8 21'0 5'6 Surrey
0.95 1'28 45'7 30.7 - - Croydou
0'56 0.73 63'7 10.8 14'8 I 1'5 Sussex
0'76 1.06 64'0 9'6 - - Brighton
0'3 9 1.31 70'3 15 8 12.6 I 3.0 \Tarwickshire
- Birmingham (witlr
0.41 1.64 68' r 16'8
1'63 0.58 73'4 19.6 33'3 6'2 \fTestnio~.eland
0.21 030 79'4 119 15.9 21.8 Wiltshire
0'3 I 0'59 69'1 21'3 21.1 I 2. I \I~oroe~tershire
0'67 1'97 81'7 7'4 7.9 4.' Porkshile
0'53 1.39 72'5 66 - - Rural
0.8 I 4.29 80'9 6.8 - - Bradford
0'63 3'52 83'8 5.3 - - Halifax
0'69 1.73 88'4 4.4 - - H uddersfield
7 1.60 73'3 11'6 - - Hull
I
0.86 3.09 82'7 5'0 - - Leecls
2'20 6'58 54.8 17.1 - Middlesbrough
0'56 1.76 74'8 13'1 - - SheEeld
-- -- ~VALES.
0'2.9 0'83 86'2 4'3 11'8 16.4 lnglesey
0.35 0.77 68'2 22'2 32'4 8.2 Brecknock
0.15 0'15 89'8 5.6 8.1 19.4 Cardigan
0'1 9 0'29 65'3 10'2 23'1 5.5 Cur~nnrtl~en
0'37 0'52 79'' 11.5 6'9 9.7 Caruarvon
0'49 0'87 73'5 16.4 17'5 1 2 1)enbigh
0'49 1'73 71'5 10.3 12'9 22.0 Flint
0.39 2.34 65'6 12.5 4.7 7.4 Glamorgan
0.23 1.62 67'8 14'7 - - Rural
0'60 2'78 64'2 7.6 - - Swaneen
0.94 5'14 48'6 6'8 - - Carditf
0.21 0.26 75.1 17'1 135 10.1 Merioneth
0.29 0.30 82'6 98 1 6 18'9 Montgomery
1.08 84'6 4.4
0'33
0'18 0.20 , 77.0
-
16'4
0'98 2'17 '

-I
7.2'0 12.8
t Or 74'75 per cent..iltclu.?ire of natives of t ; , l ~ g l u ~and
~d WaIvs ~ n u ~ t l e l . i i t r~nd S c o t I i ~ ~i ~n d~ ~I~el:+n~l.
d
224 the Laws of kfigration.
RAVENSTEIN-On [Jane.
~ l eIllustrative o f Mig~ntion
111el.c;isr(,.I 1)rererse;
1811.81. Felllilles t o every ICO Males .
Natives
,
of Counties, of Anlung Amoa
Of I Among ~nti;
1881. Populn- Popoh- County
t,Oll.
Kntives . ti011. Natives . 12lenlent .
.
.
. ---
SCOTLANU . Per cut . Per cnt .
Aberdeerisliire ....... 272,130 9'2 11'2 110
Aberdeen ............ .
19'3 .;: 1 . Toy
120
Argyll ....................... 92,431 1'4 .4'0 102 114 103
Ayrshire .................... 232,894 8'3 10'1 107 106
A j r ....................... . 16'9 .
I
I I0 . 129
Kil marnocli ....... . 9'0 . '05 . 108
Banff ....................... 73,453 1'5 7.3 111 110 112
Berwick .................... 40,171 .3'0 1'5 109 108 106
Bute ....................... 14,366 3'9 2.4 118 120 111
Caithness ............... 45,893 -- 2'8 2.0 III 115 113
Clackmannan ........... 25,202 8.0 13.5 IIO 106 107
Dumbarton .............. 56,252 28'0 15'9 I02 105 I01
Dumfriesshire ....... 80,883 1'8 1.9 I l l 112 I12
Dumfries ............ . 10'7 . 119 . 124
Edinburgh ............... 276,574 18.5 16.6
I 12 110 1c9
Edinburgh (with Leith: . 19'1 . "5 . 111
Elgin ........................ 46,306 1'2 6.6 111 111 I10
Fife ....................
. ... 189,074 7.0 6.9 113 110 112
Dunfermline ........ . 14'2 . '27
. 122
Forfar .................... 227,191 11'0 141 12: 113 116
Arbroath ................ . 8'0 . 127 . 125
Dundee ................ . 7'7 . 129 . 118
Haddington ............ 44,4,34 1'9 3'7 105 ioa 99
Invernesj-shire ........ 99,841 2'5 0'7 106 111 III
Inverness ........... . 19'8 . I 08 . 112
Kincardine ............... 42, 642 1'0 3'0 103 109 103
Kinross .................... 9,237 .7'4 .0'01 "5 110 122
Kirkcudbright ....... 40,113 0'5 .43 113 112 113
Lanark ................... 667,335 19'7 25.3 IOI 106 105
Glasgow ............... . 8'0 . 106 . 109
Airdrie ................ . .0'9 . 101 . '03
Harnilton ........... . 61'0 . 96 . I01
Rural ................... . 37'1 .
94 . '04
Linlithgow ............... 46,126 6.3 13.1 gr 105 96
Nairn ........................ 9,076 5'6 1'6 110 111 108
Orkney ................... 34,271 2'5 3'0 114 119 116
Peebles ................... 14,272 I 2'1 3.8 109 105 lor
Perthshire ............... 148,835 1'4 .1'0 I 10 111'3 I 11.4
Perth ................... . 13'2 .
115 . 120
Renfrew ................... 186,598 15'4 15 1 1-8 109 107
Rural ................. . 15'0 . 112 . 1 lo
Greenock ........... . 15'4 .
95 . '04
Paisley ............... . '5'3 . 119 . 112
Ross and Cromarty .. 91,777 .3 3 0.02 112 111'8 I rr
Roxburgh ............... 53,'773 9'0 3.4 IIO 107'8 108
Hawick ............... . 35'4 . .
.
.
Selkirk ............. ..... 16,448 34'0 42.1
110
1 1 0 103.3
104
103.7
Shetland ................... 31,907 .6.0 .5.9 135 145 141
Stirlingshire ........... 111,195 14'5 11'4 IOO 107 loo
Stirling ................ . Ii'I . 108 . 110
Sutherland ................ 26,743 .3'9 .3'2 108 113 112
Wigtown .................... 42,169 .0'4
1'8
-- 113 113 115
Total ...........1 3,397,759 I 1.2 11.0 Io8110-Z-
* 01. 66.8 pel c a ~ titirl~l*lveof 11:1tl\.esof Scotl;tnd
f 7 ~ eLaws of Migration. 225
i n the United Kin,ydom--Contcl,
-.
Birthplaces, 1881. Uistribi~tio~l

of iXiltive8 of encll
Nilt1r.e 1 County, lb81.
lillgland
\Vales.
irclxai.
Cou~~ty
Elrine~lt. 1
--
Pet.(.i,t.
1.28
--
Per cnt.
.
-
0.38
-
Yer cnt. Per cnt. Yer cnt.
9.2
I --
Yer cnt. Per
83'8 8'5
Per cnt.
7'7 Aberdeenshire
cat. SCOTI,.iND.
97'8 8q8
2'38 95'9 0'68 78.7 11.0 - - - Aberdeen
1.31 96'7 1.53 72.6 11.6 63'4 12.9 23'7 Argyll
2.49 89'4 7'65 77'3 9'9 72'2 22 G 5'2 A yrshire
3'43 89'4 6.08 71'9 11'0 - - Avr
1'52 93'6 4.45 80'7 9'6 - - -
O.G8 y8'8 0'23 76'2 17.6 63'5 25.6 I1.0
6'Ll
1'81
0.63
gz'2
93'9
98'9
1.01
3'60
0'17
71'7
53'3
88'0
143
8'3
6'0
63'0
60.9
76'2
24.G
10.5
2.6
12.4
28.6
21'2
1 Bcrwick
Bute
Cnithness
1.85 96:o 1'07 60'9 21.2 58'0 20'2 21.8 Clack~nannan
2.07 86 z 11.02 44'7 30% 60.2 32'9 6.9 Dumbarton
5'04 93.1 1.31 74'9 11.9 71'8 20.0 8'2 D u m f ricsshire
6'48 88'9 3.72 53.9 I 2S.5 - - - Dun~fries
4.67 89.; 3.80 56.8 13.0 i 79.8
-
11.0
-
8.3 Edinburgh
l,:di~lburgll(nlth Lc~tlt)
4.83 89.5 3.08 ~ 5 . 9 111.2
1.21
1.56
97.9
96'8
0.31
0'8G
z9.7
81.1
1$:4
6 I)
1 68.0
jj.8
9.8
8.4
zz.2
17'8
E1~in
Fitc
0.92 97'3 1'53 94.9 6.7 - - - Dunfermline
1.71 93.0 4ii2 76 0 84.7 7.5 7.8 Forfur
- - -
1'62
2.04
2'9.1.
96.6
89.0
1.25
8.16
3'iO
84.4
6h.o
C8.2 1 12.6
7'8
16.2 / - -
27% 13':
-4rbroath
Uundee
Haddington
92.9 59'2
1.21, 0.41 7 3 69.0 15.4 15.6 Inverness-shire
2'77
97.8
9513 0'88 62.1 21.:) - I - - Invernebs
1'11 98 2 0'29 68.7 23'8 57.3 32'8 9'9 Kincurdine
0.87 98.4 040 52.2 3.4'1 j + 283 30.3 Kinross
8.17 93.3 2.02 68.6 2 4 1 9.7 Kirkcudbright
3'00 84.0 12'21 5 7 15.1 8+'3 11.9 3'8 Lonaiak
3'14 82'8 1 3 12 61 3 11'1 - - - Glaegow
1 88'3 10'17 72.9 10'9 - - -- Airdrie
3'10 88.8 7'41 72.1 11.2 - - --
2.83 85'0 11'16 60'4 20.4 - - -
2'49 89'4 7.65 5 25.1 53'5 30'2 7.0
1'21 98'0 0'2G 57'6 24'6 ~6.3 22'7 21'0
0.63 98.9 0.15 y2.8 2'3 k6.6 1'8 12.3
2'09 95.5 1'99 49'0 29'8 +6'9 42'7 10'4
1'80 96'0 1.63 70.6 16.j 6 1'8 . 28'2 16'0 Pcrthshire
70'1 12'7 - Pert11
2'93
2.17
1.80
93.4
83.6
8 3.2
2.93
13.1.9
14'30
568 19'0
28'5
687 1 2F-? 4.6
-
Rrnrrew
Rural
5 1'3
3.16 16.07 <:.I 17.8 - Urecnock
79.j -
1.33 g9.0 8.98 i4.0 14.7 Paislq
U'(i9 98.9 0.1s 88.4 , 3'.b 76.5 84 I 5.1 Ross ~ n Cromartg
d
68.8 i lli.5
I
5.71 91.3 7 67'3 2 8'3 Roxburgll
5'73 91.8 2 70'1 1 1:l 9 - 11:~wick
2'69 94.7 2.22 8 31.6 73'4
-
19'8
- 6.8 Sclkirk
0'43 O.07 y43 03 5 0'6 8'9 Slletland
1..18
99'3
93.9 l.17 6 i 00
I 2.1 10.6
--
Stirliilgahirc
2.5:) 31.3 4 . ~ 7 5y.g 1 2 i . 9 -. - St irling
0.72 98.9 @I(; ., ?
83.- 7.8 1 70.1 12.5 I7.4 Sutherlaud
2.37
--
91.0 6.1.1 - I
1 7 1-
- 7 ' . - 21.9 22.9 Wigtown
------ ~- -- . -
- . .-
2',.1,(;
-
91.0 S.HR f3X.q
--- .- - ~
1
- -~
71.4~ 15.6 10.0 - --Totnl
--
- . ...-
! ~ .C < I I ~ 111 I I , . : , u I ~
e ~ t t ~ ~ ~ ~111e PxI iI r~ dI : ~ ~ xN ~I t d\ V , B-
-- - .- -
226 RAVENSTEIN-On
the Laws of Migration . [June.
Table Illustratiue o f Miuration
. -
.
Increase 01 1)screase. Males .
Fentnles to every ~co
1871.hl .
h'atives -- - I
Popitlation.
Counties and Towus . 1881 . of Counties. Of Of
1881 . Popula-
.
tton . Natives
IRELAND . Per cnt . Per cnt .

Antrim .................... 355.216
- - 18.1
4'4 --
1.7
Belfast (Union) ........
drmagh .................... 169.872 .9'0 - 8'2
Carlow .......................: 52.862 .9'8 .7 8
Cavan ....................... 136.009 .8'0 .6.9
Clare ........................ 144.432 .4'3 .4 3
Cork. County ............ 478. 751 .4'1 .4.0
Cork .................... "9 -
Donegal .................... 211.862 .5'6 .5.0
])own ........................ 287.310 .7'3 .1.0
Dublin. County ........ 285. 528 .0'5
- 3' 4
.
Dublin (Citj ) .......
(Union) ....
Bemunagh ................
-
6'5
3'5
87.138 .8'5 .9.0
-
A
Galway .................... 241.503 .3.1 .3'4

Kerry ........................ 201.494 2'3 1.2
Kildare .................... 75.347 .9'3 .5'2
Kilkenny.................... 104.082 .y'o .8.3
King's County ........ 71.749 .4'0 .4'3
Leitrim .................... 92.107 .5'4 .5'3
Limerick. County .... 179.357 .5'9 .5.6
Limerick ................ - .2'0 -
Londonderry. County 159.450 .5.1 .6.1
Londouderry ........ - .0'6 -
Longford .................... 61.990 .5'4 .4.6
Louth ........................ 75.721 .7'5 .8.3
Drogheda ........... - .8'9 -
Mayo ....................... 245.550 0' I 0.2
Meath ........................ 98.923 .8'5 .4 5
Monaghan ................ 109.097 .10'6 .343
Queen's Count.y ........ 79.843 .8'3 .5'2
Ro jcommon ............ 132.239 .5'8 .6.4
Shgo ....................... 110.509 .3'4 .12.1
Tipperary ................ 203.502 .7'9 .7.5
Tyrone .................... 207.788 .8.4 .6.6
Waterford. County... 108.537 .8'6 .7.9
Waterf0.d ............ - .3'8 -
Wcatmeath ............ 76.588 . .5.9
Wexford .................... 132.508 . ;:2 .6.1
V icklo w .................... 88.223 .10'6 .7.7
Ireland ....................
United Kingdom ....
* .
Or 75.6 per me'lt iltclusiva of ~tativesof Irel;ll~d
the Lau4sof Jf igration. 227
irz the fi~itedKingdom-Contd.
Ilirtllpl;~ces,1881. Disrr~but~un
ul h;tt~,es of each
County, 1831.
Piatke
Border
El~glnnd Cour~ty In ~ 1 Counties
~ nnd ~Towns. ~ h
'lernent' Conuty Border
and Scotland. Ireland. Element. io same
'~llere Counties.
Wales.
---- -____----__-
Born.
Per o ~ t . Per cnt. Per cnt. Per rnt. P-r rnt, l'er cnt. Per rut. Per cnt. IRELAXD.
1'50 1'36 96'7 78'2 14.7 92.9 5.3 1'8 Antrim
2.69 2'30 94'4 78'6 9.4 - - - Belfast (Union)
0,79 0'40 98.5 87'9 7.4 84'5 7.3 8.2 Armagh
0.53 0'13 99'1 86'0 9.9 75'8 9'1 15'1 Carlow
0.28 0.14 99'4 93'4 4.9 88'9 5.2 5'9 Cavan
0'43 0'07 99'3 95'1 2.5 93'2 4.2 2.6 Clare
2'09 0'26 97.1 92.7 2'4 95'2 1'9 2'9 Cork, County
3.59 0'52 94'8 87'2 - - - - Cork
0.37 0'36 99.0 95.6 2'1 92'4 5.1 2.5 nonegal
1.18 0'84 97'7 87'6 7.3 83.0 11.4 5.6 Down
4.56 1.30 93'2 61'9 10.8 90'8 2.5 6'7 Dublin, Countp
5.35 0'87 92'5 62'6 - - - - 1)ublin (City)
4.91 1.22 92.7 60'8 12.1 - - - ,, (Vnion)
0'55 0'31 98.9 89'5 6'7 87.2 6.9 .c.8 Fermanagh
0'80 0'14 98.8 94.2 2'6 94'4 2'5 3'1 Galway
0 88 0.12 98'8 96'4 1'8 96'2 8'5 1.3 Xerrp
5.49 0'64 03.2 75'1 11'1 75.8 20.8 3.4 Kildare
0.85 0.14 98'7 90.9 5.3 86'5 7.8 5'8 Kilkennp
1.26 0'29 98.0 83'8 9.6 85'2 7'4 7'4 King's County
0'30 0'14 99'4 93'4 4'7 91'7 5.6 2'7 Leitrim
1'30 0'16 08'2 89.1 7.2 89'8 6'5 3'7 Limerick,County
4.70 0'54 93'5 76.2 -- A -- - Limerick
0.76 c'82 9R.O 81.6 8.5 90.6 7'2 2.2 Londonderry, Cnty.
1.66 1'45 96.3 60'9 15.4 -- - - Londonderry
0.97 0.15 98.6 90.8 5.1 89'4. 4.4 6.2 Longford
1.28 0'25 98'1 84'5 9'3 86'6 5'1 8'3 Louch
1.20 0.35 98.0 85'0 - - -. - Drogheda
0'59 c.13 99'1 96'3 1'7 96.1 2.2 1.7 Mayo
0'66 0'16 99'0 87'9 8'2 77'8 19'8 2.4 h1eat.h
0'33 0'25 99'3 91'8 5'9 86'5 6.7 6'8 lvionaghan
0'71 0.21 98'8 88.2 6.5 70'7 7'1 22.2 Queen's County
0'91 0.10 98.7 92'8 44 92.9 4'4 2'7 Roscommon
0.47 0'36 99'0 93'1 3.8 94.0 3.0 3.0 Sligo
1.18 0'14 98.3 89'8 6'5 88'1 7'2 4'7 Tipperary
0.33 0'35 99.1 91'8 6.6 88'6 9'0 2'4 T ~ r o n e
1.22 0'17 98.2 87'3 8'2 90'6 6'1 3'3 Waterford, count,^
2'85 0.49 95.9 71'0 - - - Waterford
1'02 0.14 98.4 87'83 6'14 82'4 5'6 12'0 Westmeath
0'80 0'10 98.9 93'44 2'81 87'4 3.9 8'7 Wexford
1.14 0'30 98'2 84'3 9.82 67.3 2.9 29.8 Wicklow
--------
1.34 0.43 '3'7'5 89.6 4'1 89'6* 4.2 6.2 Ireland
'I7 16'7 7j'8 11.6 74'5 11.7 13'7 United Kingdom
I
~nonlel.aledin England and Wales and i n Scotland.
Required reading 2.
Morokvašić M. 1984. Birds of passage are also women. International

Migration Review, 18(4): 886-907.
Required reading 3.
Lama P., Hamza M. and Wester M. 2021. Gendered dimensions of

migration in relation to climate change. Climate and Development, 13(4):
326-336.
CLIMATE AND DEVELOPMENT
2021, VOL. 13, NO. 4, 326–336
https://doi.org/10.1080/17565529.2020.1772708
REVIEW ARTICLE
Gendered dimensions of migration in relation to climate change

Phudoma Lama , Mo Hamza and Misse Wester
Division of Risk Management and Societal Safety, Lund University, Lund, Sweden
ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

It is widely accepted that climate change may be contributing to population movement and has gendered Received 8 November 2019
effects. The relationship between climate change as a direct cause of migration continues to give rise to Accepted 17 May 2020
debates concerning vulnerabilities, while at the same time gendered dimensions of vulnerabilities remain
KEYWORDS
limited to binary approaches. There is limited cross-fertilization between disciplines that go beyond Climate change; climate
comparison between males and females but interrogate gender in association with climate change and adaptation; migration;
migration. Here, we seek to develop an analytical lens to the nexus between gender, migration and gender dynamics
climate change in producing, reproducing and sustaining at risk conditions and vulnerabilities. When
gender and mobility are conceptualized as a process, and climate change as a risk modifier, the nexus
between them can be better interrogated. Starting by using gender as an organizing principle that
structures and stratifies relations entails viewing gender not as a category that distinguishes males and
females but as a discursive process of social construction that (re)produces subjectivities and
inequalities. Gender is a dynamic process that shapes and (re)produces vulnerabilities and
consequently shapes mediation of climate impacts and migration and is also shaped by symbolic
processes that go beyond households and communities.
Introduction and opportunity are linked, creating social inequities and

The consequences of climate change being shaped by gendered influencing migration outcomes. What requires equal attention
realities of human societies are widely acknowledged in both is how gender is scripted in climate change and migration pol-
research (Chindarkar, 2012; Djoudi & Brockhaus, 2011; Hunter icies and becomes salient in practice (MacGregor, 2010; Rothe,
& David, 2009) and policy (Laczko & Aghazarm, 2009; UN, 2017). In other words, gender not only shapes and (re)produces
2013). Among the variety of consequences to climate change vulnerabilities and consequently shapes and mediates climate
impact human mobility and migration is one that has impacts materially and in turn migration but is also discursive
demanded attention from the scientific community (Conisbee (MacGregor, 2010). Gender is shaped (what gender means) by
& Simms, 2003; Raleigh et al., 2008; Renaud et al., 2011; War- political, economic, cultural material and symbolic processes
ner et al., 2010), from policy makers, as well as the general pub- that go beyond households and communities. This means gen-
lic and the media. Gender has long been argued to be core to der is shaped and attains relevance by how it is defined and
mobility studies, where discussions have oscillated between dealt with in climate change and mobility policy and practices.
understanding the impact of mobility on gender and the influ- Discussion of such discursive dimension when relating the
ence of gender on mobility (Borràs, 2019; Hanson, 2010; Mom- three in a nexus then matters because any change in climate
sen, 2017). Understanding of gender beyond the binary and mobility in practice and policy will have gendered
connotation towards a more fluid conceptualization of a social implications.
construct, emphasizing the situatedness and relationality has To understand how gender is shaped requires mobility, and
benefitted mobility studies tremendously (Uteng, 2009). This for that matter migration (a form of mobility), to be conceptu-
has supported the intersectional lens to understand the inter- alized not just as a mere form of physical movement but also
action between caste, class, gender, ethnicity, age, race and acquiring a social and existential dimension (Kronlid &
other social differences in a context where power emerges to Grandin, 2014; Lama, 2018). The physical movement itself
shape unequal vulnerabilities associated with migration. Recent can also fall on a spectrum of temporary to permanent, seasonal
gender and mobility literature have contributed much to this to singular, and from voluntary to forced. The physical mean-
debate and laid the foundation to demonstrate that contextually ing of mobility has received much more attention than the var-
defined male and female sex roles, stratify and structure labour ious social meanings that mobility itself represents and
that dictate access and availability to resources and opportu- produces, for instance freedom, justice and opportunities (Shel-
nities to migrate, and shape how the process itself is differently ler, 2018; Urry, 2012). More importantly this meaning that
experienced by men and women (Chindarkar, 2012; Djoudi & mobility acquires is in constant interaction with its changing
Brockhaus, 2011). Conceptually this work has contributed to environment and thus is a dynamic process (Cresswell, 2006;
understanding how gender norms, rights concerning access Sheller, 2018). This conceptualization of mobility that includes
CONTACT Mo Hamza mo.hamza@risk.lth.se Division of Risk Management and Societal Safety, Faculty of Engineering, P.O. Box 118, Lund SE-221 00, Sweden
© 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/),
which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
CLIMATE AND DEVELOPMENT 327
not only reference to the physical but the symbolic adds value challenge, is to understand the interplay between all three (cli-
to the analytical lens to understand the changing nature of gen- mate, gender and mobility) in one frame that is disjointed from
der. This means understanding not just how gender is pre- acquiring static definitions, drawing arguments from new fem-
sumed (about who migrates, why and how, who is vulnerable inist political ecology (see Nightingale, 2017, p. 10)
and how) but also how its meaning gets negotiated in practice. This paper contributes towards ways of conceptualizing the
Despite such rich and critical tools for analysis from gender and relationship between climate, gender and migration to under-
mobility, and gender and climate change literature, limited stand how vulnerability is produced and re-shaped materially
cross-fertilization exists to interrogate the nexus between gen- and discursively. In this paper, vulnerability is interpreted as
der, migration and climate change (Gioli & Milan, 2018). a dynamic condition that has been historically produced over
When it comes to climate and migration, the focus has been time putting some at a higher risk than others (Taylor, 2014).
largely on women as the primary subject of inquiry providing It is not an outcome of climate change or disaster events
examples from the Global South to make the case (Arora-Jons- (Adger, 1999; O’Brien, 2007), but is contextually produced
son, 2011). Climate, gender and migration are often tied and reproduced over time among social groups in the course
together to argue that women are more vulnerable when it of their active engagement with their environment (Taylor,
comes to the negative impacts of migration due to their 2014). Climate change, gender and migration come to shape
material differences in having the least capacity to migrate in vulnerability in conjunction with other social, economic and
the first place (Chindarkar, 2012; Djoudi & Brockhaus, 2011). political factors operating at different scales. The manifestation
Considering gender in terms of women and limiting causality of consequences of these three processes is contingent upon the
of vulnerabilities and consequences to material resources runs environmental context and what processes become more rel-
the risk of simplistic causal explanations with the emphasis evant than others. The operation of power becomes important
on counting environmental migrants, presenting impacts in in assigning salience to the processes. For instance, how gender,
the form of sex disaggregated statistics, and focusing on the migration and climate change are defined and the relationship
physical connotation of mobility alone to establish the connec- between them conceptualized in policies will influence how vul-
tion between climate, gender and migration (see Gender, Glo- nerabilities are understood and related interventions designed.
bal, and Climate Alliance, 2016; IOM, 2014; Women We start by using gender as an organizing principle. This
environmental network, 2010, p. 14). Using examples where entails viewing gender as a process that produces subjectivities
although the role of social structures in the form of norms over time and space. However, gender cannot be analysed in
and values inhibiting capacity is mentioned, women’s experi- isolation of understanding the production and reproduction
ence gains centrality to show gendered nature of migration. of at-risk conditions and vulnerabilities, but rather as a process
Such analysis while providing a picture of magnitude and that produces inequalities in conjunction with other axes of
potential impact, says very little about the root causes of differentiation (e.g. race, class, age, race, ethnicity, caste). By
migration and the role of everyday practices that come to this definition, gender identities and relations are fluid and con-
shape unequal vulnerabilities over time. Emphasis is more on textual. Equally important is to understand how gender itself is
gendered roles between men and women that inhibit access re-shaped and re-organized, how it attains relevance in climate
and opportunities giving relations of power and heterogeneity change and mobility issues, and how such discourses produce
among social groups amiss. Rather than addressing the inter- material implications that sustain at risk conditions and vulner-
action of multivariate processes in shaping vulnerabilities, lin- abilities. Similar to gender, mobility has a physical component
ear simplistic causal explanations become the norm. Instead but is also what we perceive it to be; and while climate change’s
of understanding how effects of climate change are socially associated biophysical risks are socially mediated, as a risk
mediated and alter mobility patterns, focus is on whether cli- modifier it is not the sole cause of vulnerabilities.
mate change causes human mobility (Boas and Rothe, 2016). Following these arguments, the paper makes a case that
Placing climate change as the cause of vulnerability or a prin- when gender and mobility are explicitly conceptualized as a
ciple accelerator that drives mobility or shapes gender inequal- process, and climate change as a risk modifier can the nexus
ity, ignores the dynamic interplay of multivariate processes between them be better comprehended, and the focus redir-
climate change, gender and mobility in creating stressors to ected towards examining the root causes (material and discur-
livelihood options, food security or valued assets. What sive) and the persistence of vulnerabilities and at-risk
makes this inquiry even more limiting is that clear cut connec- conditions. This is in line with McLeman et al.’s (2016) call
tions between climate change and migration decisions continue for a better examination of the relationship between environ-
to be debated and difficult to establish (ibid). mental migration and socio-economic inequality; and Obokata
Moreover, the understanding of how gender issues become et al. (2014) to take into account the role of context in shaping
salient and re-shaped in migration policies and practice con- environmental migration and the complex interaction between
tinues to be limited (Nightingale, 2017; Rothe, 2017). How gen- environmental and non-environmental factors. The paper
der is assumed in migration and climate change policy goes on looks in closer detail at various factors that influence climate
to shape conceptualization of inequalities and consequently change impact and suggests that when it comes to climate-
what and who is targeted/participates in the interventions. In induced mobility in coupled natural and human systems
light of the above arguments, gender, mobility and climate (CNH systems), climate variability rather than climate change
change are dynamic in nature and conceptually relational and per se, gendered access to resources and equality are often med-
situated, rather than static causes of vulnerabilities that have iating and determining factors in mobility rather than isolated
discursive and material affects. What perhaps presents a or direct causality from climate change as such. The paper will
328 P. LAMA ET AL.
attempt to show how environmental change resulting from cli- theorization has led to the overgeneralization of issues (see
mate impact alters these factors in unpredictable and erratic Gioli & Milan, 2018).
ways and in highly contextual settings, which vary from one Below we start by discussing two predominant framings,
ecosystem to another. We argue that adopting a lens of gender migration as failed adaptation or as an adaptive strategy, to
and mobility as a process better illuminates their relationship argue that such framings, conceptualize gender, migration
with climate change in creating material and discursive conse- and climate change in ways that limit the focus to measurable
quences. More importantly it opens up the space to understand impacts and truncates the understanding of the nexus between
gender beyond households and community level, and unpack them in shaping and sustaining conditions of vulnerabilities
how climate change and migration discourse constructed at and risk.
different levels re-inscribe what gender means along with its
social justice implications.
Migration failed adaptation or an adaptive strategy?
Predominantly, the literature on mobility in relation to climate
has two distinctive narratives: environmentally induced
Gender, mobility and climate change
migration due to failure to adapt in response to climate risks
There is longstanding acceptance that climate change has gen- and migration as a responsive adaptive strategy (Kronlid &
dered impacts (Dankelman, 2010; Denton, 2010; Djoudi & Grandin, 2014). The physical form of movement is highlighted
Brockhaus, 2011). International policies note mass migration and categorized as migration, displacement and planned relo-
as an inevitable outcome of climate change impacts on liveli- cation in response to extreme weather events and longer-
hoods, although the extent of influence is difficult to establish term climate change and variability (UNHCR, 2014; Wilkinson
(Boas et al., 2019). Gender is considered a fundamental variable et al., 2016).
in the decision-making process of migration (IPCC, 2014; Mile- The failure to adapt line of inquiry considers mobility, par-
tto et al., 2017). Consequently, gender analysis and main- ticularly displacement and migration as a security issue at the
streaming, particularly in climate change adaptation, has destination, while the second conceptualization interprets
come to be recognized (Nelson & Stathers, 2009; Terry, migration as a form of risk reduction and adaptation strategy.
2009); so that gender inequalities are not exacerbated through The former inquiry is termed maximalist (see Morrissey,
institutions (Alston, 2014; Walby, 2005). However, as men- 2013) and alarmist (Gemenne et al., 2012) where climate
tioned earlier, research linking climate change, gender and becomes the prime factor forcing displacement and creating
mobility is scarce (Chindarkar, 2012; Gioli & Milan, 2018). ‘environmental refugees’ (a contested term) due to failure to
This is not to imply that factors such as race, ethnicity, wealth, adapt to climate variability in situ. Such conceptualizations of
home ownership, education, age along with gender are not the climate migration nexus give support to policies that curb
recognized as determinants of vulnerability to climate risk, migration or control the pattern (Boas et al., 2019; Kronlid,
and can lead to an increase as well as a decrease in migration 2014). Predictions are made using migrant statistics to portray
depending on the setting (Black et al., 2011; Carr & Thompson, the magnanimity of the crisis-like situation. As a result of which
2014; IPCC, 2014; Thompson-Hall et al., 2016). However, when single linear causation is assigned where failure to adapt and
mentioned in policy circles, gender is often if not always, consequently migration becomes an outcome of a single bio-
reduced to a statistical entity or discussed in terms of male/ physical stimulus, such as climate change or related extremities.
female migration patterns (Mahler & Pessar, 2006). As a result, questions of how exactly climate change impacts are
Vulnerability is often discussed and argued for in terms of socially mediated (gender relations, socio-economic contexts;
material impacts that can be measured and reduced, while pre- discourse on gender and migration) go unaddressed in an
dominantly drawing examples from women in the global attempt to prove climate change as a cause of migration (see
South. The impact of climate gender is demonstrated as differ- Boas et al., 2019).
ential impacts on men and women as categories and gender The second line of inquiry framing migration as an adaptive
roles associated with these categories are emphasized to show strategy draws inspiration from livelihood literature that high-
gendered affects and differential mobility patterns (see Gender, light the role of traditional and modern migratory practices to
Global, and Climate Alliance, 2016 report; IOM, 2014; Women reduce livelihood risks (Agrawal & Perrin, 2008; Thornton &
and Environmental Network, 2010, p. 14). Separately, mobility Manasfi, 2010). Policy responses here include facilitating
literature discussing gender issues, and climate literature dis- migration to convert it into a positive experience both at the
cussing gender issues have been seminal in adopting intersec- place of origin and destination with the aim of building resili-
tional lens to understand both material and discursive ence of the local community in both locations (Kronlid, 2014;
consequences. Critical work from gender and climate change Webber & Barnett, 2010). In both lines of inquiry, climate
(see Arora-Jonsson, 2011; MacGregor, 2010) and gender risk and extreme weather are used as starting points, unin-
migration (see Gioli & Milan, 2018; Rothe, 2017) does lay the tended consequences of migration are highlighted, analysis of
contribution on how climate change and migration discourses causes are focused on push and pull factors of a place, and
construct categories of men, women and issues of gender that less on the underlying ones such as gender inequities, that
come to shape interventions that are limited in approach. serve to shape decisions and impact of the movement itself
When it comes to understanding the nexus between gender, (Wilkinson et al., 2016). Although this line of thinking supports
migration and climate change together uncritical and proble- calls for protection of migrants, even considering them as vital
matic conceptualization (as discussed earlier) and limited for the development of receiving countries, it has given rise to
migration management policies that include migrants in the masculinity (MacGregor, 2010; Masika, 2002; Nagel, 2015).
receiving country in highly problematic ways (see Suliman, The discourse assumes men as the scientific managers of the
2016). It also leaves little room to discuss how climate change global security threat and women as part of the problem,
socially mediates (through interplay of gender and other social suggesting fertility control (Rothe, 2017). For example, the
differences) other existing forms of mobility such as planned moral panic of increase expressed by the UK’s Optimum Popu-
relocation, seasonal migration, displacement, etc. (Boas et al., lation Trust to promote global sustainability by emphasizing
2019). fertility controls and migration prohibition from poor to rich
When it comes to discursive implications in terms of gender, countries (see Guillebaud, 2007). Important to note here is
the framings renew some of the debunked conceptualization in that socially mediated consequences of climate change and
critical gender and development work (Bettini & Gioli, 2016). the role of intersecting social differences including gender, in
Below we present four ways in which this emphasis is renewed combination with political and economic structures shape
and how it is discursive. They renew emphasis on numbers with not just practices but ideas that consequently influence the abil-
focus on static binaries, Second, they reinvent the North–South ity to respond receive limited attention (MacGregor, 2010).
divide by homogenizing gender issues. Third, they reinforce
gendered division of labour sustained by essentialist discourse. Reinventing North–South divide
Lastly, they shift attention away from understanding the The growing alternative view of migration as a legitimate adap-
dynamic nature of mobility as a process. tive strategy picks up on this social vulnerability issue and the
role of gender to a certain extent. It has been successful in
Renewed emphasis on numbers pointing out that migration may not always be a successful
The two lines of inquiry discussed in the previous section have and viable option for everyone (Hanson, 2010; IOM, 2014).
implications when it comes to introducing gender in this cli- Where migration is not a viable adaptation measure is when
mate change and mobility nexus to understand who moves; there are inequalities; structural inequalities including gender
in what way; and why. For instance, the alarmist framing calcu- (Bettini & Gioli, 2016); where not everyone is able to anticipate
lates the impact by counting the number that are forced to the impact of deteriorating environmental conditions on liveli-
leave. Consequently, reducing exposure of the receiving hoods; or where people lack the resources and networks
country to risk through securitization and stricter immigration required for migration (Findlay, 2011; Milan et al., 2015). Sev-
rules to limit flows. It is not surprising that often, if not always, eral studies support this and outline that who migrates varies
impact on gender is interpreted in the form of binaries, that is within a household and that it is more common for men to
the number of men and women displaced. At best gender in move away by comparison to women (Rosenbloom, 2004). In
terms of male and female roles are discussed as shaping turn studies that looked into how gender shapes mobility has
migration decisions and abilities. The understanding of gender paid attention to measuring mobility differences between
as a process in relation to climate change and migration men and women, for example, distance and time travelled,
remains limited (i.e. process wherein genders along with mode of travel, linkages among trips (Hanson, 2010). Both
other social relations intersect to shape not just practices but these views have been seminal in drawing attention to the
ideas related to migration and climate change). issue of gender in association with climate-induced migration
Numbers do not lie but they do omit. It is well established (Chindarkar, 2012; Denton, 2010), however the emphasis has
that climate is not the sole cause of migration but is socially largely been on explaining measurable and material impacts
mediated (Boas et al., 2019). This implies that the extent of often noted in terms of differences in the capacity to move
influence of climate change on mass migration is difficult to between males and females (Gioli & Milan, 2018; MacGregor,
establish, and thus predictions about climate-induced 2010). The IPCC regards climate change as exposing persons
migrations causing crisis can be misleading (ibid). Persistence who lack the capacity to be mobile, thus creating differences
of such a discourse, establishes gender, vulnerability and between the vulnerable and the non-vulnerable (Kronlid &
migration as a linear result or outcome of climate change or Grandin, 2014). In this discussion around who is capable to
variability on the exposed unit (a biophysical or a social migrate, who lacks resources and capability to migrate and
unit), where adaptation has failed (O’Brien et al., 2004). Since who gets trapped in conditions of vulnerability (Findlay,
climate as intensive or extensive risk is considered a starting 2011), gender enters the discussion targeting women of the glo-
point, the role and interaction of pre-existing/contextual social bal south, under the assumption that they are the poorest and
differences such as gender, class, caste, ethnicity, etc. as shaping lack the capacity to migrate (Rothe, 2017).
vulnerabilities and migration patterns and outcomes get Climate and migration are constructed as an issue peculiar
occluded. What becomes lost in this linear explanation is not to the Global South, where gender is interpreted as women
only the role of other drivers, but also the meaning of gender suffering due to lack of capacity to migrate. Critical literature
itself adopted in migration-related climate change policies, as on climate and gender have been seminal in explaining this
a structure shaping social vulnerability (Bettini & Gioli, 2016; discursive trend leading to problematic homogenization of
Felli & Castree, 2012). issues where women in the Global South are considered vul-
Mass migration as a security threat has fuelled climate nerable and the Global North as champions in dealing with
migrant narratives and proposals for border securitization pol- climate change (Arora-Jonsson, 2011; Gioli & Milan, 2018;
icies (Boas et al., 2019). Consequently, securitizing climate Rothe, 2017). What also needs to be discussed is the effect
change consequences has been pointed out to provide solutions of such a discourse. Such a discourse (migration as adaptation
that are more technical and managerial, consistent with hyper strategy) emphasizes improving the capacity to move/build
330 P. LAMA ET AL.
resilience of certain groups, particularly women, in order to that cause vulnerabilities. Identifying who has the ability to
reduce vulnerability. Policy discourses that promote be mobile, certainly helps focus on vulnerable groups, but
migration management for development of the receiving attention must also be paid to the structures that go beyond
country rather than bans through international development identifying who is vulnerable to understand why and how.
cooperation have gained prominence (see Suliman, 2016). The emphasis on delineating the vulnerable from the not vul-
This inadvertently, shifts intervention from dealing with nerable in terms of capacity and increasing community resili-
causes of differential and unequal capacities (gender inequi- ence may have merit, but there is a danger in an
ties and other axes of power relation such as caste and ethni- understanding of inequalities limited to ‘differences’ between
city to name a few) to reducing exposures to climate by groups and something which is ‘wrong’ (Bettini & Gioli,
improving vulnerable groups’ (as a homogenous category) 2016). Such apolitical framings, reconfigure rights and respon-
adaptive capacities. Popular interventions include knowledge sibilities in a manner that focuses on individual self-help prepa-
transfer, awareness-raising and creating self-help groups redness approaches rather than on institutional arrangements
assume primacy (Rothe, 2017). However, these progressive dealing with the root causes of vulnerabilities and securing
policies do not deal with inequities that constitute migration human rights (ibid). The discussion of vulnerabilities more in
(Suliman, 2016). Moreover, the gendered approach of viewing terms of differences than inequalities could reinstate proble-
migration and climate change is limited to how gender shapes matic discourses in the climate change and gender nexus that
migration. What also requires inquiry is how certain dis- frame vulnerabilities based on differences between women in
courses and practices surrounding climate and migration the global north as resilient and virtuous and in the global
construct gender in problematic ways and promote interven- south as victims (Arora-Jonsson, 2011; Wester & Lama, 2019)
tions limited in approach. The emphasis on unequal Inclusion anchored in essentialist discourses – seeing
capacities to migrate to explain gendered differences in women as inherently inclined to protect the environment –
migration does not sufficiently engage with this politics of cli- prove problematic. For example, Holmgren and Arora-Jonsson
mate change related migration discourse. For instance, in (2015) show how the attempt of including women as ‘employ-
many climate change policies at the national level, including ees and forest owners’ rather than ‘active citizens in decision-
women in adaptation projects has been used as a way of making’, makes mainstreaming an exercise aimed towards
empowerment through providing livelihood opportunities increasing forest production rather than achieving gender
(Wester & Lama, 2019). Important to note is that adaptive equality. Studies on gender representation in the board
strategies themselves are not apolitical, or for that matter rooms for companies with the greatest climate impact, reveal
result in changes that are positive for everyone. Empower- that the mere inclusion of women does not lead to a better cli-
ment programmes and policies – particularly those promot- mate policy (2017). Such homogenization of roles, based on
ing alternative livelihoods – may in fact become a burden gender-biased assumption could weaken mainstreaming
without actual benefits or ownership of resources, and may efforts limiting them to focusing only on roles, rather than
end up doing very little when it comes to reducing gender relationships that render some in positions of privilege and
inequities (Chant, 2016; Leach & Mearns, 1996). others in subordinated positions, and disguising power issues
The policy responses, as mentioned above, for climate- of access to decision-making (Arora-Jonsson, 2011).
induced migration supporting building resilience and empow- It is important to reiterate here that climate change is not the
erment, although may be well intentioned have neglected gen- only change that people respond to but to a complex combination
dered subject positions, and related attributions and of changes (Parsons & Nalau, 2016; Smithers & Smit, 1997; Thorn-
behavioural norms (Rothe, 2017). Gender is included as an ton & Manasfi, 2010). While adaptation and mitigation efforts
addition, although not necessarily, as binary (Hanson, 2010). focusing only on climate might help reduce other associated vul-
Although gender has grown in recognition with increasing nerabilities, such climate focus leads to an overemphasis on impact
attention to social dimensions of climate change, such the sim- (rather than processes of how vulnerability is produced) which
plified tendency to project gender in terms of category – men leads to technological solutions (Boyd, 2017). Such emphasis on
and women as seen predominantly in explaining the nexus problems and solutions becomes unreflective towards other per-
between gender, migration and climate change, fails to account spectives and less sensitive to the uncertainties associated with
for multiple basis of inequalities focusing more on roles rather social and economic processes that may in fact be the underlying
than relations (Kaijser & Kronsell, 2014). Moreover, it closes drivers shaping vulnerabilities (Jayaraman, 2015).
the space to discuss how climate-related migration policies
are framed by intersectional social relations and how these pol- Disguising the dynamic role of mobility and its gendered
icies serve to define gender and migrants which then has impli- implications
cations on who is vulnerable and how. Apart from attention to how gender impacts the ability to
move, what also demands attention is that migration itself as
Reinforced gendered division of labour a process has gendered implications. ‘The mobilities turn’ as
The framings of mobility and migration in relation to climate Cresswell (2010) puts it has been able to problematize the con-
change are also discursive. According to MacGregor (2010), cept of mobility going beyond the physical connotation to
this created a paradox where women are alienated from the include symbolic and representational meaning, having the
debate and yet at the same time increasingly included in the sol- potential to bring out the myriad experiences. Randi Hjorthol
utions. Understanding who migrates is a pertinent question. (2008) in her study in Norway concludes that the differences
But equally important is to understand the underlying factors in daily patterns of commuting between men and women create
much space of action for women and thus may serve as an indi- be empowering and disempowering, and at the same time
cator of degree of equality between the two. In this way, immo- how gender shapes mobility patterns. Despite enriching
bility represents an indicator of gendered practices (Uteng & research from different geographical and social contexts
Cresswell, 2008). Thus, the meaning of migration as a process acknowledging gender as an organizing rather than additive
goes beyond just representation in the form of physical move- variable to be measured, policy focus has tended to lapse
ment and experience in the place of origin and destination. For towards the latter (Cornwall et al., 2004; Mahler & Pessar,
instance, mobility, and for that matter immobility, has effects 2006). It is now important to look at climate vs. movement
that may go beyond the concrete experience itself and could and whether what is needed is redefining gender as an orga-
lead to conditions of livelihood security/insecurity, availability nizing principle where climate change is a risk modifier as
and accessibility to resources, or lack of opportunities that this paper argues.
could all shape or produce new experiences (Lama, 2018). In migration studies climate change is generally seen as an
The realization of mobility could thus represent freedom, pro- accelerant to other factors that cause people to migrate. In
gress and even empowerment (Uteng & Cresswell, 2008). At other words, it is not considered an additional factor, directly
the same time, going beyond the binary connotation, gender influencing migration, but one that compounds existing ones.
is increasingly recognized as fluid meaning that identities and Gender is rendered ‘a special case’ that requires a special lens
relationships that are socially constructed as male/female or to understand this variable changing due to impact of climate
masculine and feminine are not fixed (Pessar & Mahler, change. Such an approach entails the risk of gender being
2003). Gender thus does not indicate male or female but rather sidelined or at most included as an additive factor using pro-
a process which acquires meaning through performance of blematic assumptions, long criticized by feminist studies (see
activities, ways of behaving, roles, that (re)define the sexed cat- Arora-Jonsson, 2011; MacGregor, 2010; Wester & Lama,
egories of male and the female (Butler, 2004; Nightingale, 2019). Thus, the need to reinforce gender as an organizing
2006). In this way, mobility as a process and practice gives principle becomes even more pertinent with the growing dis-
meaning to gender practices and could potentially reproduces course on understanding gender dimensions when it comes to
power hierarchies (Uteng & Cresswell, 2008). climate-induced migration (Näre & Akhtar, 2014). Gender as
Going back to the earlier discussions on building capacity an organizing principle implies not just assuming it as a vari-
and empowerment, mobility is often equated with empower- able to be measured but viewing it as a structure of social
ment (Mandel, 2004), due to its potential to facilitate access relations that organize mobility patterns and are also shaped
to opportunities and livelihoods (Christensen & Gough, 2012; by it (ibid). This means an understanding of how gender is
Hanson, 2010). This echoes the binary gendered notion of shaped and attains relevance due to how it is defined and
space where the public (going out, being mobile) as a male dealt with in climate change and mobility policy and practices,
notion or domain while the private and domestic as female and in a context where power operates to make it salient. Dis-
(Sheller & Urry, 2006). This is shown from the case of Uganda cursive dimension when discussing the nexus between the
by Tanzarn (2008) of how space is not intrinsically gendered three then matters because any change in climate and mobility
but becomes so due to the utilization of space by men and in practice and policy will have gendered implications. Night-
women hierarchically positioned in society. Empirical studies ingale (2006) using the Nepalese example of community for-
of gendered travel behaviour from the global north further con- estry shows how gender intersects with caste to shape access to
tribute to confirming the gendered nature of mobility where resources and participation, and at the same time the meaning
women travel shorter distances (Law, 1999). Nightingale’s of gender itself is reproduced through community forestry
work (2006) and Davidson and Bondi (2004) on gender and practices.
space further highlight that space and gender are not static, One of the main challenges in understanding the relation-
thus both what the space represents and what gender means ship between climate, gender and mobility is the difficulty to
are co-constructed and in constant interaction with each isolate climate variability and shocks from other drivers of vul-
other. Some concrete examples include Nightingale’s work nerability (Mearns & Norton, 2009). Using gender as an orga-
(2006) on gender and the environment in Nepal, where lower nizing principle to analyse vulnerabilities in relation to climate
caste is not allowed to enter the household of higher caste (con- could be one starting point. Further, complementing this could
sidered pure spaces and if used by lower caste becomes be reconceptualizing climate change as a risk modifier rather
impure), and menstruating women are forbidden from entering than amplifier to understand the interplay between gendered
the cooking areas or certain spaces that they regularly occupy. vulnerabilities and mobility. Climate risks are translated socie-
In this way, gender and caste are defined in relation to space. tally, meaning that climate is not the only or principle driver
Thus, an understanding of mobility as a dynamic process is that people respond to, and it has a modifier effect on popu-
equally important to understand the changing power relation- lation movement and environmentally induced migration.
ship and meaning of gender due to mobility. There is evidence that people tend to move from less to more
environmentally vulnerable locations (McGranahan et al.,
2007) as in the case of attempting to mitigate food security in
Discussion and conclusion rural areas by migrating to coastal cities or urban areas on
flood plains.
Gender as a dynamic organizing principle – why?
Conventional approaches to migration analyse push and
Examining gender in relation to mobility have yielded inter- pull factors. However, the impact of climate change on
esting discussions surrounding how mobility/immobility can migration can be understood better by examining the drivers
332 P. LAMA ET AL.
and mechanisms underlying them. Evidence shows that climate whether mobility and migration would be one of such
by itself does not simply add to the existing and agreed factors responses is complex, uncertain and largely contextual.
influencing migration. Research and examples from McLeman Additionally, economic viability is another factor that deter-
(2017) illustrate such complexity of interactions and the diver- mines the pattern of migration as a response to extensive risk
sity of outcomes. Climate does not affect migration patterns in and interacts with other climatic and environmental drivers.
simple push-pull fashion; rather, migration outcomes are There is limited empirical evidence that environmental con-
mediated by intervening economic, social, and political forces ditions impact long-distance or international migration. In a
that affect the ability of exposed populations to adapt to cli- study of the Horn of Africa and francophone sub-Saharan
mate-related threats to homes and livelihoods. Consequential Africa migrants to Canada, Veronis and McLeman (2014)
environmental change can alter these factors in unpredictable found that the environment was a second- or third-order con-
and erratic ways and varies from one ecosystem to another tributor to migrants’ decision-making process and primarily
(low lying deltas vs. arid or semi-arid lands). To understand among skilled and urbanites who possessed the means and
this and to further elaborate the argument above that responses wherewithal for long-distance movement. In that sense, econ-
are usually to climate variability than to climate change, we omic development in the source country can contribute to, as
need to look at three challenges in climate effect namely: uncer- well as limit, migration. Who benefits from such development
tainty, attribution and surprise. is subject to gender equality, power relations in society, and dis-
First, uncertainty manifests in the fact that the length and tribution of resources. Migration can be a coping mechanism
robustness of records on climate impact since records began activated in order to diversify income when poverty is a
are insufficient and not necessarily correlated to human mobi- major driver. However, extreme poverty means resources to
lity. Synchronicity and feedback loops between one impact of migrate are limited (Smith et al., 2006). There is evidence
climate change and another, on both physical and socio-econ- that extreme drought leads to a decrease in international
omic scales are also hard to come by. long-distance migration because food scarcity during crises
The second major challenge in the interplay between climate drives prices up forcing people to spend more on basic needs
and human systems is the fundamental difference between cli- rather than on migration (Findley, 1994; Henry et al., 2004).
mate change and climate variability. Human systems may be Access to food and staples is also gendered in various contexts.
responding to climate variability rather than climate change. These challenges put together make it hard to establish cli-
The decision-making process and risk trade-off that people mate change as having a direct additive, multiplier or synergis-
generally undertake and the consequent move are not necess- tic effect on population movement. We argue here that climate
arily attributed to climate change as such but to climatic varia- is a risk modifier subject to specific contexts and circumstances.
bility in most cases. Climate ‘change’ as opposed to climate
‘variability’ happens on a spatial and temporal scale that cannot
Gender as a dynamic organizing principle – how?
be perceived or experienced by the individual or a community.
Variability is more tangible and felt as a factor in resource Using gender as an organizing principle requires moving away
degradation or loss of livelihoods over time (diminishing from binary explanations to understanding gender as fluid and
water resources, loss of crop yield, erratic seasons or rainfall, situated, and operating with other axes of differentiation to cre-
etc.). Several studies document the impact of climate variability ate and exacerbate vulnerabilities and at-risk conditions over
on internal migration (Marchiori et al., 2011; McLeman et al., time. Establishing a causal relationship between gender, vulner-
2016). The anticipatory or adaptive response highlighted in abilities and mobility, assuming roles adorned by men and
these studies is what creates a shift from voluntary to forced women as static, or based on sexed categories, will only lead
migration, as initial adaptation to episodic or periodic stresses to identifying groups and suggesting solutions to empower/
becomes unsustainable. But the need to attribute processes to build resilience of such groups (as discussed earlier). This will
either variability or change complicates the study of human however lead to homogenization of the issues and falls short
mobility. An overlap between human activity and natural proof relating other forms of power relations (class, ethnicity,
cesses complicates even further attempts to discern cause. Evi- race, imperialism, etc.) to gender as a structure of oppression.
dence of this can be seen in the 2011 Foresight Project which This makes a pertinent case to focus on analysis that starts by
adopted a deterministic approach that assumed that all, or a accounting for social vulnerabilities and understanding its
proportion of people living in risk zones will migrate implication on mobility and vice versa. An example of this is
(Gómez, 2013). This neglects the role of human agency and suggested by Kaijser and Kronsell (2014), who call for an inter-
the complex factors that influence the decision-making process sectional analysis based on critical feminist approach that
underlying migration, including those that are unrelated to any specifically tries to understand different experiences of climate
climatic or environmental changes. change (not limited to women) and involves probing power
Third, surprise is a challenge also linked to the complex, relations and not just gender roles. This would involve ‘under-
non-linear nature of climate change and human systems. standing discursive construction of gender and analysis of
Human or social systems are also subject to non-linear changes power relations that shape perceptions of vulnerability and
(Morinière, 2009) and a linear relationship between climate- responses to […] impacts of climate change’ (Djoudi et al.,
induced disasters and human systems is beyond proof or evi- 2016, 259). Rothe (2017) uses an anti-essentialist feminist
dence. A doubling of extreme events does not necessarily approach (differences in sexes as naturally given) to show mas-
mean a doubling of the number of disasters or of the number culinized discourses of security as control and reproduction of
of people affected. How those affected would respond and gender myths in relation to climate-induced migration research
and policies. MacGregor (2010) makes a similar argument to women or non-binary individuals. The linear way of describing
understanding the discursive framing of climate policies and or understanding this process fails to consider that the pre-
actions, including migration that have gendered implications, existing social structures governing a society before a disaster
apart from the material impacts of climate change. will prevail through the disaster. If men are more likely to
Migration, as this paper has shown, is a complex multi- migrate as an adaptation strategy in search of alternative liveli-
faceted phenomenon influenced by a large number of interact- hoods, men are also more likely to migrate as an adaptation
ing factors, ranging from economic causes, socio-cultural con- strategy in a climate context. This also means that for a large
ditions and geopolitical considerations. All feature as actual, as group – most often women – migration is not an option regard-
well as expected or perceived, factors in an individual’s or a less of the external conditions. Women and men have different
household’s decision to migrate or stay. patterns of mobility that are deeply embedded in the context of
More importantly, migration is dynamic with implications. any society, making migration an option for some but not all.
There can be positive outcomes when the decision to migrate is Merely counting or estimating the number of migrants fail to
planned well in advance of the need to move or before it address underlying conditions that result in migration patterns.
becomes critical or inevitable, and when human and labour Gendered roles must be seen to reflect underlying social con-
rights of those who move and those at the destination are structions, not as a variable that becomes apparent first when
respected (Wilkinson et al., 2016). Migration is also not always migration occurs.
a successful or viable adaptation. The impact of climate change In addition, women are often seen as instrumental in cli-
is not uniform across the globe, just as the conditions within mate change adaptation and numerous programmes have
which changes take place are not homogenous. addressed women as key actors in bringing about change
Exploring the gendered dimensions of migration in the con- in livelihoods and making societies better equipped to miti-
text of climate change, or suggesting gender as an organizing gate against and adapt to climate change. However, these
principle is aligned with several well established notions and strategies fail to address underlying inequalities and vulner-
findings in the literature. First, migration is rooted in societal abilities. Gendered roles often place the responsibility for car-
processes that could predate recent environmental changes and ing for the family in the home on women, and the
degradation as this paper demonstrated so far. However, some responsibility of providing for their families by working out-
current and future claims of migration crises continue to be pre- side the home on the men – this will imply gendered adap-
sented in ahistorical or apolitical terms (Zetter, 2010 cited in tation strategies to climate change adaptation. Even if
Bergman Rosamond et al., 2020). Second, and also in line with programmes can aim to empower women – by giving them
the discussion of power noted in the paper, Zetter and Morris- vocational training so that they can provide for their families
sey’s (2014a, 2014b) extensive study on patterns of migration in the absence of men – this will not change the underlying
and climate change link the patterns and regimes of migration vulnerabilities. Physical places are gendered by social norms
of population and individuals impacted by environmental stres- and the spaces men and women can occupy will affect
sors not directly to climatic or environmental changes but to the what options are available to them. Also, any discussion on
exercise and articulation of rights both ‘material’ and ‘structural’ restricting population growth fails to explicitly address the
within the systems of power in society, and both ‘[…] historically underlying perception that fertility control is the responsibil-
(land ownership, use of communal resources, etc.) and in current ity of women, failing to understand the power dynamics sur-
politics (distribution of material rights, protection, etc.)’ (Berg- rounding women’s reproductive rights and health.
man Rosamond et al., 2020). In that sense, migration is hardly Pre-existing social structures and stereotypical views on
influenced or facilitated by a single factor but manifests as an what is male and female in any community will have a direct
outcome of complex and intertwined socio-economic and politi- impact on the choices individuals or groups have when adapt-
cal complex that includes inequality, discrimination, poverty, etc. ing to a changing environment. This means that climate change
all of which are gendered. is not yet another risk that communities have to face, as chan-
Reducing climate change to a simplistic direct driver of ging external conditions are reflected in what internal struc-
migration plays into and facilitates apocalyptic and securitiza- tures, choices or strategies are already available to members
tion narratives that not only stigmatizes migrants (Bettini, of the community. These social structures also mean that
2013), it also detracts from understanding the root causes to women and men – should they migrate – are exposed to gen-
vulnerabilities and the underlying factors that climate change dered norms in the receiving community. The impact of this
leverages (Buckingham and Masson, 2017), including gender can be difficult to predict and needs to be assessed on a case-
dimensions. by-case basis, but given the universal gendered roles, chances
are that women will be affected in the least favourable way.
Viewing climate change as a risk modifier that interacts with
Conclusion
already existing gendered roles, choices and resources, rather
In this contribution, we have attempted to show that climate, than climate change presenting an additional risk for men
gender and migration are related in complex and non-linear and women to handle might lead to a lessened focus on the
ways. If climate-induced migration can be seen as a climate effects of climate change and an increased focus on existing
adaptation strategy – or failure to adapt – this has gendered gender inequalities that are present regardless of which risk
ramifications. Even if the alarmist way of viewing migration – source face a community. This way, risk reduction strategies
as groups of people leaving their destroyed homes for a safer can address underlying causes rather than addressing the
place to live – could happen, it will not be the same for men, symptoms.
334 P. LAMA ET AL.
Disclosure statement Buckingham, S., & Le Masson, V. (Eds.). (2017). Understanding climate
change through gender relations. Taylor & Francis.
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s). Carr, E. R., & Thompson, M. C. (2014). Gender and climate change adap-
tation in agrarian settings: Current thinking, new directions, and
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Mo Hamza is a professor at the Division of Risk Management and Societal 7(2), Article 025601. https://doi.org/10.1088/1748-9326/7/2/025601
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Tedeschi M., Vorobeva E. and Jauhiainen J. S. 2020. Transnationalism:

current debates and new perspectives. GeoJournal, 1-17.
GeoJournal (2022) 87:603–619
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10708-020-10271-8 ( 01234567
(0123456789().,-volV) 89().,-volV)
Transnationalism: current debates and new perspectives

Miriam Tedeschi . Ekaterina Vorobeva . Jussi S. Jauhiainen
Published online: 9 August 2020

! The Author(s) 2020
Abstract This article provides evidence-based theoretical definition. Many studies have shown the
results regarding current debates on transnationalism. need for conceptual academic clarity regarding
It draws on the content analysis of the 50 most cited transnationalism, whether considering it from narrow
(according to the major academic databases and search or broad perspectives. Transnationalism is transfor-
engines in 2020) and the 50 most recent (published or mative, and powerful enough to trigger changes in
forthcoming in 2019–2020) articles and/or books on contemporary societies. This article suggests a number
transnationalism. The study analysed the main defini- of particularly intriguing research fields regarding
tions of transnationalism, identified classification transnationalism: telecommunications (ICT—Infor-
criteria for transnational experience, and reviewed mation and Communication Technology/the inter-
the concept of transnationalism in the studied articles net/social media), return migration (aspirations to
and books. In transnationalism, a broad range of return, and in relation to telecommunications), as well
economic, sociocultural, and political cross-border as the connection between bodies and the law (the
activities and practices, and their various combina- incorporation of the body into transnational practices
tions, modify people’s sense of belonging to places; and in relation to the law).
affect their citizenship and nationality; change their
aspirations, imagination and decisions in everyday Keywords Transnationalism ! Content analysis !
life; and influence their identity. In the studied ICT ! Return migration ! Legal body
academic literature, transnationalism was often asso-
ciated with globalisation, migration, cosmopoli-
tanism, multiculturalism, diaspora, post-migration
studies, and internationalism. Transnationalism has Introduction
an inner processual and in-becoming character, lead-
ing to difficulty in giving it a precise and clear Discussions centring on transnationalism are inher-
ently multi- and trans-disciplinary (Vertovec 1999),
M. Tedeschi (&) ! E. Vorobeva ! J. S. Jauhiainen
spanning discourses on sociocultural activities (Kear-
Department of Geography and Geology, University of ney 1995), cross-border entrepreneurialism (Sommer
Turku, Turku, Finland 2020), everyday practices (Innes 2019), post-migra-
e-mail: miriam.tedeschi@utu.fi tion (Beauchemin and Safi 2020), political parties
J. S. Jauhiainen
(Kernalegenn and Van Haute 2020; Pilati and Herman
Institute of Ecology and the Earth Sciences, University of 2020), the right to vote, and dual identity and
Tartu, Tartu, Estonia
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604 GeoJournal (2022) 87:603–619
citizenship (Klingenberg et al. 2020)—to name only a practices and in relation to the law). Furthermore, we
few. Eminent scholars have explored the concept in pay attention to the topic of imagination as a guiding
depth and, over the years, have stressed different thread for possibly uniting these novel research topics.
aspects of transnationalism (Portes et al. 1999; Schiller
et al. 1992b; Vertovec 2009).
Connectedness across borders, the formality/infor- Methodology
mality of frequent cross-border activities and prac-
tices, and the high intensity and degree of cross-border This research obtained evidence-based results regard-
exchanges are the main characteristics of a transna- ing current debates on transnationalism, drawing on a
tionalism ‘from below’, concerning individuals and database of the 50 most cited (Google Scholar,
civil society. Transnationalism has an inner processual Scopus, and Web of Science) and the 50 most recent
and in-becoming character (whereas diaspora, for (published or forthcoming in 2019–2020) articles and/
instance, mostly refers to specific groups and com- or books about transnationalism. The 50 most cited
munities), leading to difficulty in giving it a precise articles indicated the widely recognised key scholarly
and clear theoretical definition; therefore, instead of theories of transnationalism, and the 50 most recent
being based on a deductive approach, from theory to articles indicated the evolvement of the scholarly
practice, the definition of transnationalism could more discussion regarding transnationalism. The main def-
usefully be developed through a pragmatist inductive initions and classifications for conceptually framing
approach. Such an approach to transnationalism transnationalism have come from only a few scholars
means defining it according to its actual use and (as discussed in detail below) and are often repeated
empirical context, as recommended by Bauböck and and reworked from the same original sources; there-
Faist (2010) and suggested by Beauchemin and Safi fore, the research paid particular attention to these
(2020), defining the macro-, meso- and/or micro-level main sources (as cited in the reference list), without
of the empirical context, and then deriving the theory. explicitly citing all of them. Other sources repeating
In this way the variables to study transnationalism and those definitions and classifications remain in the
the methods to analyse it can be provided, but have background (and may not be cited) to avoid duplica-
limits that need to be examined in order to avoid tion. Nevertheless, all the publications contributed to
incorrect or over-generalised conclusions. the empirical material for this research. The texts were
In this article, we address the various definitions of analysed using empirically-driven content analysis to
transnationalism, highlighting their limits and opening identify the main definitions of transnationalism, the
up new lines of research. Our argument follows two main scholars, the related strands of thought, and the
research questions: how is transnationalism defined key and missing topics. In addition, other relevant
(or not defined) in the most cited and most recent scholars, who were not included in the list, are cited
scholarly works about the subject, and what are the and used in the article. They provided important
most promising lines of research concerning details that supported the definitions and classifica-
transnationalism. tions of transnationalism and helped to open up
After this introduction, we (1) outline the Method- possible lines of future research (as discussed later in
ology used in this article; (2) analyse the existing the article).
theories about transnationalism, mainly derived from The content analysis of the publications about
debates in the 1990s and early 2000s; (3) discuss the transnationalism on which the research was based was
applicability of these theories to empirical research, divided into three rounds. First, we identified the main
while stressing the need to find criteria and variables scholars (such as Portes, Schiller, and Vertovec) based
that define transnationalism (and what it is not); and on their citation frequencies. Their thinking was
(4) highlight promising novel research directions for scrutinised and the similarities and differences in their
transnationalism studies, such as telecommunications definitions of transnationalism were identified. From a
(ICT/the internet/social media), return migration methodological perspective, it was important to
(aspirations to return and in relation to telecommuni- determine whether scholars of transnationalism used
cations), and the connection between bodies and the qualitative, quantitative, or mixed methods. In addi-
law (the incorporation of the body into transnational tion, we identified the broader geographical focus of
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GeoJournal (2022) 87:603–619 605
the articles and the countries they discussed: Europe, national borders at an ever-accelerating rate’ (Li and
Africa, North America, South America, Asia, and/or Teixeira 2007). On the other hand, transnationalism
Oceania. concerns individuals’ and civil society’s movements
Second, using an abductive method (starting with across borders (Kearney 1995; Peck 2020) and how
our content analysis of the texts and then seeking most increased global connectedness affects those move-
likely characterising keywords for transnationalism), ments. Following this line of thought, in this article we
we identified around 50 keywords relating to the topics concentrate on transnationalism ‘from below’, mostly
discussed in, or absent from, the articles and books in relation to individuals and civil society (see
concerning transnationalism. Among the main key- Table 1) and using Hirst et al.’s definition of civil
words were assimilation, capitalism, citizenship, civil society, which does not include the state (or state-led
society, cosmopolitanism, diaspora, globalisation, organisations), but rather includes ‘individuals, cor-
identity, internationalisation, nationalism, neoliberal- porate bodies, associations, and large and complex
ism, and migration. organisations’ (2001: 107). In general, ‘civil society
Third, we recognised certain main terms relating to … consists of groups, individuals and institutions
the adjective ‘transnational’ in the studied material. which are independent of the state and of state
Common examples of such words were: community, boundaries, but which are, at the same time, preoccu-
organisations, activities/practices, social capital, rela- pied with public affairs’ (Kaldor 1999: 210).
tions, and citizenship, among others. Even though Schiller et al. (1992b) defined transnationalism as
these classifications were present in the databases, ‘the processes by which immigrants build social fields
they were not the key focus of this article, but that link together their country of origin and their
constituted relevant background information and country of settlement’. They continued: ‘transmi-
guided us toward the current and missing debates grants develop and maintain multiple relations—
about transnationalism. familial, economic, social, organisational, religious,
Following these three rounds of analysis of the and political, that span borders. Transmigrants take
articles and books about transnationalism, we identi- actions, make decisions, and feel concerns, and
fied promising novel lines of research, as will be develop identities within social networks that connect
discussed later in the article. These included telecom- them to two or more societies simultaneously’
munications (ICT/the internet/social media), return (Schiller et al. 1992b: 1–2). These definitions high-
migration (aspirations and in relation to telecommu- lighted the relevance of migrants’ agency (Bauböck
nications), as well as the connection between bodies and Faist 2010) in a globalised world, covering many
and law (the incorporation of the body into transna- overlapping economic, social, and political fields and
tional practices and in relation to the law). hinting that transnationalism ‘ontologically’ consists
of relevant dynamic cross-border relationships and
activities, regardless of the type (cultural, social,
Main theories of transnationalism political, economic, etc.) of relationships involved.
This process of meaningful relation-building is not
Transnationalism—definitions and theories static, but is continuously evolving and ‘becoming’,
greatly contributing to the forging of people’s dual or
In the most relevant and recent literature regarding plural identities and sense of belonging.
transnationalism, it was understood as being a com- Not all immigrants, however, become ‘transna-
ponent of globalisation, from which it cannot be tional’, as Portes stressed (2001), so the phenomenon
separated; however, the two terms are not inter- needs to be better defined and narrowed down
changeable. Klingenberg et al. (2020: 2) stated that (Bauböck and Faist, 2010) as ‘a concept that seeks
globalisation refers to all activities spanning social, to cover an excessive range of empirical phenomena
economic, and political fields that ‘cause greater ends up applying to none in particular, thereby losing
interaction and interconnectedness between countries its heuristic value’ (Portes 2001: 182). Nevertheless,
and continents’ (see also Levitt 2001). Indeed, ‘in the since transnationalism remains a broad concept, it is
early 21st century, goods, information, services, challenging trying to tie together the disparate aspects
financial capital and human beings are flowing across of its activities and multidisciplinary dimensions,
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606 GeoJournal (2022) 87:603–619
while at the same time establishing clear variables and narrow and broad transnationalism (Itzigsohn et al.
limits. Moreover, cross-border activities have always 1999), based on the degree/intensity and regularity of
existed in history (Foner 1997; Mintz 1998), so their individuals’ transnational activities, as already
role in the context of transnationalism today must also stressed by Portes et al. (1999). Itzigsohn et al.
be highlighted. In this sense, ‘much is distinctive about (1999) distinguished between ‘the degree of institu-
transnationalism today [in the 1990s], not only tionalisation of various practices, the degree of
because earlier patterns have been intensified or involvement of people in the transnational field, and
become more common but because new processes the degree of movement of people within the transna-
and dynamics are involved’ (Foner 1997: 356). This tional geographical space’ (Itzigsohn et al. 1999: 317).
linking of transnationalism to the already-known From these studies, qualitative and quantitative vari-
phenomenon of cross-border activities was not a ables to define transnationalism can be derived.
redundant operation, but allowed researchers to more Vertovec (2003) supported the idea that grassroots
explicitly point out and study ‘transnational’ practices resources and private citizens are regularly involved in
and activities (Portes 2003). In order to narrow down transnational activities. These activities affect peo-
the phenomenon of transnationalism, Portes (2001: ple’s sense of belonging, loyalty, and sense of
185) distinguished four categories of actions carried attachment. They become multi-local: found and
out across national borders: ‘those conducted by retained in more than one locality (Klingenberg
national states; those conducted by formal institutions et al., 2020). Vertovec (2009) claimed that the
that are based in a single country; those conducted by meaning of transnationalism is grounded in six
formal institutions that exist and operate in multiple theoretical premises: social morphology (social net-
countries; those conducted by non-institutional actors works spanning borders), type of consciousness
from civil society’. He called the first two types (multiple identities and sense of belonging), mode of
international; the third type, multinational; and the cultural reproduction (hybridisation of various cultural
fourth type, transnational [for an alternative classifi- phenomena), avenue of capital (activities of transna-
cation of international and multinational see, for tional corporations), site of political engagement
instance, Bauböck (2003)]. Transnational activities (cross-border public participation and political organ-
‘represent goal-oriented initiatives that require coor- isation through technologies), and (re)construction of
dination across national borders by members of civil ‘place’ or locality (creation of new social spaces
society’ (Portes 2001: 186)—thus identifying transna- across countries). Meaningful and constant cross-
tionalism from below. borders relationships and activities connect all these
The majority of scholars have agreed that transna- aspects, which are inherently transformative, relevant,
tionalism is ‘from below’ (Smith and Guarnizo 1998) and widespread enough to bring about societal struc-
and concerns civil society, as well as individuals and tural change. Indeed, they ‘may contribute signifi-
their formal/informal activities: ‘a ‘‘people-led’’ pro- cantly to broadening, deepening or intensifying
cess that exploits the economic and political opportu- conjoined processes of transformation that are already
nities presented by globalisation and challenges the ongoing’ (Vertovec 2009). In this way, ‘transnation-
centralising tendencies of nationalism’ (Al-Ali et al. alism has reconstructed localities, regrouping, as a
2001: 578–579). However, there is also transnation- result of the mobility of both people and ideas, the
alism ‘from above’ (Østergaard-Nielsen 2003) in the practices and meanings derived from multiple geo-
corporate and inter-governmental sectors. Again graphical and historical points of origin’ (Rizvi 2019:
according to Portes, transnationalism ‘ontologically’ 277). This has happened because of the greater
consists of cross-border activities and goal-oriented ‘extensiveness, intensity and velocity of networked
relationships involving individuals, civil society, and flows of information and resources’ (Vertovec 2004:
non-institutional actors (thus restricting the field of 972); thus, being inherently in-becoming, transnation-
research). Moreover, migrants need to regularly alism is transformative, powerful enough to trigger
maintain these ‘transnational’ relationships and activ- societal changes. Recent literature has already high-
ities, otherwise they can no longer be considered lighted that distinctions such as integration versus
transnational (Portes et al. 1999). In this sense, other transnationalism, or transnationals versus non-
scholars have suggested distinguishing between transnationals, should be revisited (Beauchemin and
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GeoJournal (2022) 87:603–619 607
Safi 2020; Faist and Bilecen 2017). It is transnation- is becoming transnational (Beauchemin and Safi
alism itself, and its transformative nature, that chal- 2020). Studies have indicated how the dualism
lenges these dual categories and distinctions, pushing between the country of origin and the host country
forward and challenging their limits and rooting them can be overcome. Transnationalism involves beha-
in the actual practices and activities of cross-border viours aimed at being and becoming cosmopolitan
individuals. (with cosmopolitanism here referring to belonging to
In this sense, individuals’ integration into host one large global community). Migrants in general (not
countries is not necessarily antithetical to transnation- only international migrants), and even non-migrant
alism. Here, we are not referring to the normative and families that have close ties with transnationals, have
political dimension of integration, but rather to the meaningful connections that reach many countries
migrant’s ‘adaptation processes’ (Erdal and Oeppen besides the home country. At least two processes are at
2013: 869) in the host country. These are not fixed work here simultaneously: ‘on the one hand the
processes, but are instead a relentless negotiation, continuing importance of the nation and the emotional
Erdal and Oeppen (2013) continued, between individ- attachments invested in it, and on the other hand those
uals (or groups), whereby ‘a membership’ in a processes, such as cross-border migration, which are
particular place is dynamically agreed, differences transnational in form’ (Westwood and Phizacklea
accepted or rejected, and hybrid identities continu- 2000: 2). Both cross-border migration and emotional
ously redefined. Indeed, in real life, an individual can attachments can involve more than one country and
hold multiple identities across borders (Lucas and lead to individuals’ cosmopolitan ways of living.
Purkayastha 2007), but still be integrated into the host These are further reinforced by ICT, as discussed later
country, which is compatible with integration in the in this article.
form of sociocultural transnationalism: ‘transnational
practices that recreate a sense of community based on Transnationalism—the empirical perspective
cultural understandings of belonging and mutual
obligations’ (Itzigsohn and Saucedo 2002: 767). There Considering the empirical work on transnationalism, a
is also a rejection-based transnationalism (Beau- key issue is how to measure it (Pötzschke 2012); how
chemin and Safi 2020) that is conversely associated to find a threshold to distinguish transnational from
with segregation in the host country, often caused by non-transnational individuals; and whether this still
racism. In this situation, transnational migrants makes sense in the information age, where everything
increase their connections with, and activities in, the is connected. The transnationalism literature has
country of origin, since they feel that that is where they indicated the criteria to be refined in fieldwork that
belong, rather than in the host country. This particular follows a pragmatist approach. As mentioned in the
form of transnationalism takes at least two forms: introduction, deductive theory-driven approaches play
a limited role in this, given the inherently in-becom-
A symbolic one, with migrants retaining an
ing, changing, and transformative nature of transna-
identification with the home country as a reac-
tionalism. Vertovec suggested cross-fertilisation as a
tion to the experience of discrimination and
means to use and mix contributions and methods from
racism; and an economic one, with migrants
various disciplines to analyse transnationalism. Inter-,
investing at origin and so gaining satisfaction
multi-, and trans-disciplinary approaches are crucial.
and prestige in their home society (in contrast to
In this sense, for instance, ‘though not without its
the frustrations encountered at destination)
problems and critics, social network analysis has
(Beauchemin and Safi 2020: 257).
operationalised many terms and concepts that
Rejection-based transnationalism might lead to researchers of transnational social formations would
return migration (discussed later in the article). do well to bear in mind when collecting, analysing and
Regardless of the integration versus segregation describing data’ (Vertovec 2003: 647). These include:
distinction, and the numerous shades in-between them the size of the network and its density, multiplexity
in terms of the identity and sense of place and (the overlapping of institutional spheres), clusters (‘a
belonging of the individuals, the question recently specific area of a wider network with higher density
posed in the academic literature was whether everyone than that of the network as a whole’), the strength (or
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weakness) of ties (Granovetter 1973), durability (how Ciobanu and Ludwig-Dehm (2020) and Wong
long relationships last over time, when they disappear, (2007)—to cite only a couple. The latter’s work relied
etc.), and frequency (the regularity of contact within on a survey which measured transnationalism as a
the network). The use of social network analysis dichotomous variable and as a scale (Wong 2007: 90).
(mapping and measuring relationships and flows As dichotomous variable, those who were not transna-
between people, groups, or organisations) as a way tional had only one (in that case Canadian) citizenship.
to measure transnationalism (in terms of transnational For the scale, three variables were selected: ‘citizen-
fields emerging as social structures) created ‘a family ship status, family in country of birth, and travel back
of indices and strategies to capture and display to country of origin’ (Wong 2007: 91). Active
variation in embeddedness and transnational span’ citizenship was measured as a dichotomous variable
(Molina et al. 2014: 234). Vertovec added: and as two scales. Other variables were: civic partic-
ipation, political participation, a sense of belonging,
Although all of the above terms and concepts
the importance of ethnic/cultural identity to the
define (and may be used to quantify) various
individual, and the individual’s experience of ethnic/
aspects of social ties, it remains clear that such
racial discrimination. However, once again, such
ties are not fixed. As well as being reproduced,
measurement cannot be universal because of differ-
networks are constantly being socially con-
ences between the countries that accept dual or
structed and altered by their members (Vertovec
multiple citizenship.
2003: 647).
It is impossible to report all the multiple facets of
Vertovec’s insistence on the ontologically transient transnationalism in one article, or to list the different
nature of transnationalism is reflected in the fragmen- types of variables that scholars have employed to
tation of the discipline and in scholars’ attempts to measure (and limit) it; however, the main variables
measure transnationalism with different variables and can be classified as the type of actors involved
methods. The Horizon 2020 EUCROSS project, for (organisations or private citizens); the type of activ-
example, defined indicators for measuring transna- ities (sociocultural, economic, political); the degree of
tionalism (cross-border practices, divided into mun- integration/segregation; the degree of cosmopoli-
dane practices and extraordinary practices) based on tanism (whether the actors involved have built mean-
people’s physical mobility, virtual mobility, and ingful connections with more than two countries,
cosmopolitan consumption and competencies. They rather than only with the country of origin and the
added variables relating to transnational background current host country); the degree of emotional belong-
and private networks, such as being born abroad, ing (to what extent the individuals feel that they
having more than one citizenship, having par- belong to one rather than another country); and the
ent(s) who were born abroad, having a partner who degree/intensity of connections with the home (or
was born abroad, or having family members and/or other) country. Here, an additional challenge is posed
friends from abroad. The specific measurement of by the notion of a ‘country’, because the migrants are
‘extraordinary practices’ challenges the concept of the connected only to some people, organisations, and
‘regularity’ of cross-border activities, demonstrating institutions in the country of origin or the destination
the fluidity and the changing nature of the phe- country. Ultimately, countries are socially con-
nomenon; thus, instead of measuring the regularity of structed, imagined communities of which people
such activities and practices, the focus should be on perceive themselves to be part (Anderson 1983).
their intensity and personal relevance, and on the Overall, despite such criteria, researchers may still
impact they have on identity and sense of belonging, define transnationalism differently, according to their
especially in the contemporary information age. specific empirical context and the fieldwork (Table 1).
Other attempts to define transnationalism through a
measure of its elements and variables were made by
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Table 1 Summary of the main definitions of transnationalism (which may overlap)

Type of transnationalism Definitions Main authors
Transnationalism ‘from ‘Home country policies that channel the transnational Michael Peter Smith, Luis Eduardo
above’ activities of migrants’ (Hourani 2012) Guarnizo, Jose Itzigsohn, Sarah Mahler,
Eva Østergaard-Nielsen
Transnationalism ‘from ‘Migrant practices relating to their country of origin in Michael Peter Smith, Luis Eduardo
below’ economic, cultural and political terms’ (Hourani 2012) Guarnizo, Alejandro Portes
Broad transnationalism ‘Refers to a series of material and symbolic practices in Jose Itzigsohn, Carlos Dore Cabral, Esther
which people engage that involve only sporadic Hernandez Medina, Obed Vazquez
physical movement between the two countries, a low
level of institutionalization, or just occasional personal
involvement, but nevertheless include both countries as
reference points’ (Itzigsohn et al. 1999: 323)
Narrow transnationalism ‘Refers to those people involved in economic, political, Jose Itzigsohn, Carlos Dore Cabral, Esther
social, or cultural practices that involve a regular Hernandez Medina, Obed Vazquez
movement within the geographic transnational field, a
high level of institutionalization, or constant personal
involvement’ (Itzigsohn et al. 1999: 323)
Rejection-based (reactive) Symbolic: ‘Identification with the home country as a Jose Itzigsohn, Silvia Giorguli Saucedo,
transnationalism reaction to the experience of discrimination and Cris Beauchemin, Mirna Safi
racism’;
Economic: Investment ‘at origin and so gaining
satisfaction and prestige in their home society’
(Beauchemin and Safi 2020: 257)
Transnationalism: cross- ‘Multiple ties or interactions linking people or Steven Vertovec, Nina Glick Schiller, Linda
border activities and institutions across the borders of nation-states’ Basch, Cristina Blanc-Szanton
social processes (Vertovec 1999: 447);
‘Emergence of a social process in which migrants
establish social fields that cross
geographic, cultural, and political borders’ (Schiller et al.
1992a)
Transnationalism: ‘Economic initiatives of transnational entrepreneurs who Aleiandro Portes, Luis Eduardo Guarnizo,
economic, sociocultural, mobilize their contacts across borders in search of Patricia Landolt
and political suppliers, capital and markets’;
‘Political activities of party officials, government
functionaries, or community leaders whose main goals
are the achievement of political power and influence in
the sending or receiving countries’;
‘Socio-cultural enterprises oriented towards the
reinforcement of a national identity abroad or the
collective enjoyment of cultural events and goods’
(Portes et al. 1999: 221)
Minor transnationalism ‘Cultural transversalism [that] includes minor cultural Francoise Lionnet, Shu-mei Shih, Alvin
articulations in productive relationship with the major Wong
(in all its possible shapes, forms, and kinds), as well as
minor-to-minor networks that circumvent the major
altogether’ (Lionnet and Shi 2005: 8)
Reverse transnationalism Second generation return to homeland and their links to Russell King, Anastasia Christou, Tracey
the country of birth (King and Christou 2010; Reynolds Reynolds
2011)
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Promising fields in the study of transnationalism inherently transnational (Waldinger 2013). Transna-
tionalism and the consumption of telecommunication
From the analysis of the literature, specific relevant products seem to correlate with a certain set of
lines of research emerged that could be explored in the background variables. Virtual and physical mobilities
future. In the following, we suggest telecommunica- are dependent on the socioeconomic status of people.
tions (ICT/the internet/social media), return migration Digital divides (individuals’ internet access and
(aspirations to return, mainly in relation to telecom- resources, social media, and their impact on these
munications), and the legal aspects of the body in individuals) still exist according to social status,
transnational experiences. These topics—or some gender, and urbanity (Chen 2013), but they are
aspects of them—are under-researched, as evidenced shrinking as mobile phones and internet access are
by our content analysis; thus, while ICT is widely becoming ubiquitous. Wealthy people, those with
discussed in the literature, aspects such as the conse- higher education, the younger generation, employed
quences of ICT on migrants’ mobilities/immobilities men, and people living in urban areas generally have
and its enabling of their simultaneous memberships in better access to, and skills for using, the internet and
multiple social, cultural, and political communities, as social media and have greater financial resources to
well as the creation of multiple identities across facilitate a transnational lifestyle (Recchi and Favell
borders, are worthy of further investigation. Also 2019). According to Recchi and Favell (2019), higher
generally under-researched is how the migrants’ education levels and foreign language skills are more
bodies and movements adapt, in their everyday relevant factors than economic status. Furthermore,
micro-practices, to the overlapping of various (and the younger generation is more familiar with infor-
often contradictory) international and national laws mation technology than older people. Regarding
and regulations and how this is connected to transna- physical mobility and gender differences, women
tional experiences. Finally, in return migration, which more often travel virtually than physically; also having
is generally widely discussed in the academic litera- one non-national parent in a family encourages virtual,
ture, a promising under-researched topic is how return but not physical, mobility.
aspirations are connected and modified by telecom- Even though telecommunications and transnation-
munications, especially by the internet and social alism mutually reinforce each other in various ways,
media usage. and in relation to a wide range of variables, the cause-
As is clear from the above, all these topics partly and-effect relationship between the two phenomena is
overlap and connect with the individual’s imagina- hard to identify. One possibility is to use the concept of
tion—with his/her being part of imagined home and imagination in relation to places and communities to
host communities influenced by the media, social reinforce their connections. The notion of ‘transna-
media, and various online social networks (Kavoura tionalism online’ or ‘digital transnationalism’ [coined
and Borges 2016)—as a transversal driver that is by Starikov et al. (Starikov et al. 2018)] indicates how
highly conducive to transnational behaviours, activi- intersections between the media and transnationalism
ties, and practices. In this sense, imagination ‘connotes can result in a qualitatively new phenomenon (Sun and
various ways of being transnational that as yet have no Sinclair 2016), which has yet to be studied in depth
viable political, economic, and social framework to (Lubbers 2018). They believed that the development
sustain adequately the possibilities they might of online communication channels enables instant,
embrace’ (Hitchcock 2003: 2–3). voluntary, often anonymous, and simultaneous mem-
berships in multiple social, cultural, and political
Telecommunications: ICT/the internet/social communities (Foner 1997); however, unlike tradi-
media tional participation in social group activities, such
involvement is characterised by instability, flexibility,
In the literature on transnationalism, the notions of constant change, and loose ties. This approach
telecommunications and transnationalism have often suggests new research questions relating to changes
been, and still are, tightly connected. Indeed, the goal in belonging to ‘imagined communities’ (Anderson
of telecommunications—to connect individuals over 1983) with the advent of the internet, and, in
distances, regardless of their place or country—is particular, in the notions of national and local, how
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they are affected by the mass-mediated imaginary however, by the 2020s, it has become increasingly
(Pelliccia 2019), and whether and how the role of common to share all kinds of mundane details about
geographical proximity has changed as the crucial one’s everyday life on social media. Sometimes it is
factor in tying communities together. Indeed, the irrelevant whether particular social media group
hybrid augmented reality between physical and digital members live in the same city or in different countries;
spaces is creating cognitive, imagined (but no less nevertheless, the information gaps provide space for
real) travels (Hillmann et al. 2018; Koikkalainen and imagination and preconceptions about life on the other
Kyle 2016), which bring another novel aspect to the sides of borders. Recchi and Favell (2019) argued that
study of digitally-impaired transnationalism. the limitations of virtual relationships may encourage
Overall, telecommunications allow citizens to ‘in- people to aspire to physical mobility. Likewise,
habit trans-spatial and transtemporal imaginaries that intense virtual connections may make migration
dissolve the fixity and boundedness of historical easier, since an individual may move into a locality
nationhood and state territorial imperatives’ (Ong and circumstances with some pre-existing knowledge
and Nonini 2003: 288). The transnational character of and, similarly, occasional visits to a former country of
media products presents both new challenges and origin sustain further virtual communication. Overall,
opportunities (Smith 2003) to nation states. Mediated the research on the complex relationships between
transnational lifestyles may lead to ‘eroding not only virtual and physical mobilities has provided some
the nation state’ but also national identities (Aksoy and understanding of the consequences of physical
Robins 2003); therefore, located in the context of other absence and occasional visits for transnationals and
states, not only one’s own national identity, but also their families, and about the role of imagination in
other’s national identities, are questioned, redefined, these mobilities/immobilities.
and modified (Iwabuchi 2019)—and potentially chal- Nevertheless, the maintenance of transnational
lenged and imagined differently. connections may prevent the establishing of beneficial
The consumption of certain media products, prior networks in a new country of residence. Verdery et al.
to factual migration (including return migration), (2018) suggested that sustaining friendships in the
might lead to aspirations to virtual or even physical country of origin can mean withdrawing from friend-
mobility. Indeed, Portes (2003) claimed that virtual ship networks in the country of residence, potentially
travel and physical mobility are positively correlated. leading to an increasing separation of transnationals
Media can help normally immobile individuals to and their segmented integration into marginalised
cross national boundaries and, thus, visit a ‘‘‘third groups (even though this dualism of integration versus
space’’ of transnational encounters’ (Ong and Nonini transnationalism has been questioned, as we showed in
2003: 309). In summary, media have the potential to the previous section). The longer transnationals live in
sustain various kinds of imagination and, therefore, a new destination, the wider local networks they enjoy
transnational behaviours, at both the national and (Comola and Mendola 2015), regardless of their
global scales. Additionally, in the current era, in which transnational ties, although transnationalism is an in-
social media is increasingly present in people’s becoming phenomenon, so it is not possible to draw
everyday lives, both information and misinformation any generalised conclusions. In this sense, similarly to
(including news and fake news) are distributed rapidly globalisation, its non-linear movement has been
across populations, heavily shaping their imagina- demonstrated, with transnational ties intensifying in
tions, their actions, and their decisions. one period of time and decreasing in another (Jones
Nevertheless, being just a call or a ‘chat’ away does 2019): for certain individuals, transnationalism is a
not always mean being fully informed about, or temporary, rather than a constant, way of living, where
engaged in, transnational activities. Carling (2008) physical and virtual, mobilities and immobilities, are
raised the question of both the connecting and lived as flexible, loose, and non-linear spaces in-
disconnecting effects of telephoning. He noticed that between, and where imagination forms a bridge across
‘even migrants who maintain close contact with their these ‘in-between categories’.
non-migrant relatives and return to their country of In summary, telecommunications and transnation-
origin on a regular basis have limited information alism mutually reinforce each other through various
about the daily lives of non-migrants’ (2008: 1463); products, practices, and imaginations. Virtual mobility
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and physical mobility are characterised by strong move, but rather as a crucial part of the fragmented
interdependence and tend to sustain each other. Future journeys of transnationals (Carling and Erdal 2014;
research could therefore focus on how mobility and Iaria 2014). Transnationalism and return migration are
immobility are connected (Ehrkamp 2019) via indi- embedded in personal ties that introduce emotions,
viduals’ simultaneous virtual memberships in multiple beliefs, and imagination into the debates. Return visits
social, cultural, and political communities, and how an also proved to be connected with citizenship, belong-
individual’s visits to a country of origin may lose their ing, and transnational identity negotiation for migrants
significance as a necessary prerequisite for knowing (Carling and Erdal 2014; De Bree et al. 2010; Duval
what is going on in that country. The majority of 2004). Scholars identified the importance of temporal
empirical studies about transnationalism have focused and spatial dimensions in these practices (Carling and
on Europe, North America, and specific places in Asia. Erdal 2014): indeed, transnational practices, and
More analyses are needed relating to other contexts return aspirations, can significantly change over time.
that have recently experienced a wider distribution of Moreover, the geographical proximity between the
mobile phones and internet access, such as Africa. country of origin and that of current residence
Another important topic to address is the use of the influences the frequency of visits and even commu-
internet and social media among forcedly displaced nication, thus having an impact on the transnational
people who are obliged to cross national borders and to lives of migrants (Iaria 2014). The frequency of visits
live a contingent transnationalism (Merisalo and and communication also, obviously, has an impact on
Jauhiainen 2019, 2020). Given the importance of both the former home community and the current host
online social networks, there is a need to study how community (which has become, or might become,
relevant to the study of transnationalism is a clear one’s home community).
distinction between mobility and immobility, or even Nevertheless, the cause-and-effect relationship
between the physical and virtual, as has been discussed between transnationalism and return migration
in post-migration studies (Moret 2016; Yoon 2016). remains hard to detect. Some quantitative studies have
shown that transnational practices form a necessary
Return migration basis for return migration; for instance, Carling and
Pettersen (2014) demonstrated that developed transna-
The connection between transnationalism and return tional practices resulted in the higher return aspira-
migration (aspiration) is an increasingly relevant topic tions of immigrants. However, visits to a former home
(Carling and Erdal 2014; Carling and Pettersen 2014; country may help to prevent the romanticising of one’s
De Haas and Fokkema 2011; Guarnizo 1997; Horst homeland; for example, Chang et al. (2017) claimed
2007), specifically in relation to imagination and that trips to a country of origin reconfirmed the
telecommunications. As previously mentioned, in rightfulness of the decisions some Koreans made to
transnationalism, connections with the country of immigrate to New Zealand and reinforced their
origin are not constantly maintained (transnationalism attachment to the host country.
per se is not linear, but rather a fluctuating, in- Reasons for returning might stem from the pre-
becoming process), but often change over time; hence, return transnational practices of migrants. Supporting
a migrant may not remain transnational forever. social and personal connections, making investments
Nevertheless, transnational connections with the in the infrastructure of the former home location, or
country of origin might be strong enough to shape sending remittances home gives returnees visibility
the aspirations, motivations, imaginations, and actions back in the former home country and among related
of transnationals. In this sense, the connections may communities, creates high social status, and assists in
even induce a return to the country of origin (Carling future reintegration. Lietaert et al. (2017) specified
and Erdal 2014) or, at least, be relevant enough for a that remittances may act as a strategic investment,
migrant to become aware of what kind of context he/ aimed at improving living conditions in a place where
she might be returning to in the country of origin, or to a migrant plans to settle in the future. It is common for
decide not to return there. migrants who aspire to return to use remittances to
In the literature about transnationalism, return has build a house or purchase another property in their
been conceptualised, not necessarily as a permanent former country of origin; for instance, in Dakar,
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Senegal, ‘the majority of building projects are initiated their ancestral homelands, but who were not born or
and sustained by transnational migrants who send never resided there (King and Christou 2010).
money to families, business partners, and contractors Living across borders and having hybrid identities,
in the city’ (Melly 2010: 39). Based on the case of transnationals often feel that they do not fully belong
Italians in Switzerland, Wessendorf (2007: 1090) anywhere. Tsuda (2013: 184) assumed that ‘it is also
claimed that ‘owning property in Italy not only possible that ethnic return migrants who suffer con-
legitimised the return as a strategically possible, final siderable exclusion and discrimination in both their
conclusion of the migration plan, but it also provided a countries of birth and their ethnic homelands may
symbolic site for the (re)united family and an invest- adopt non-nationalist, diasporic ethnic identities that
ment that linked the future generations to the country are not based on loyalty to either nation-state’. As a
of origin’. Moreover, involvement in the activities of result of unsuccessful returns, as well as weak
transnational companies facilitates the easy mobility integration into a host state, transnational conscious-
of individuals between their former homes and current ness might be developed (Vertovec 1999: 450), and
host states (King and Christou 2014; Kunuroglu et al. this consciousness might be grounded, not only in the
2018). The transnationality of households with, as a complex emotional and imaginary lives of transna-
rule, one family member abroad proved to be a tionals, but also in physical ones; for instance,
temporary strategy and resulted in the ultimate return constantly moving across borders, migrants ‘access
of the breadwinner (Kunuroglu et al. 2018); further- the best of both worlds’—the best products, the most
more, the transnational family might use the return as a convenient services, or the cheapest human labour
punishment, education, or rehabilitation of their (Horst 2007). Transnational mobility can thus be
children (Bolognani 2007). Regarding emotional conceived as a strategy of individuals to enhance
connections, often biased information about life in benefits and increase resilience, although continuous
the country of origin, received via different commu- commuting can be a time-consuming and tiring
nication channels such as TV and social media, may experience.
trigger an idealisation of the homeland. This imagi- A future promising line of research is to what extent
nary homeland often results in nostalgia, homesick- the aspiration to return is conditioned by telecommu-
ness, a ‘myth of return’ or ‘dream of return’, with nications, in terms of the internet and social media
moving back perceived as highly desirable, but rarely usage. Telecommunications facilitate transnational
implemented (King and Christou 2014; Kunuroglu individuals’ everyday contact with the country of
et al. 2018; Wessendorf 2007). As Bolognani (2007: origin, so it is important to study what kind of content
65) stated: ‘[the] imaginary homeland is the antidote to (formal institutional, informal friendship-based, or
frustration: if things are not good here for younger various truthful and fake news groups) influences the
transnationals, they need to believe that elsewhere return migration aspirations and the actual return
there is a place where working towards personal well- migration of transnationals. It should also be taken
being is possible’. into account that not all people can return, even if they
In addition to the pre-return migration phase, would like to; for example, many forcedly displaced
transnationalism has also been discussed in relation people, or those whose country of origin is suffering
to a post-return phase. The so-called ‘reverse transna- economic hardship. In these cases, ‘protracted’
tionalism’ of returnees, sustaining connections with a transnationalism as a continuous imaginary return
host state after returning to a country of origin, proved can be an important element shaping an individual’s
to be crucial for migrants’ well-being and financial identity; however, while such an identity prevents an
status (Carling and Erdal 2014; De Bree et al. 2010); individual’s (forced or voluntary) assimilation into the
thus, returning does not put an end to transnational host country, it also creates challenges for his/her
practices and mobility and migrants may still follow potential reintegration into the home country. The
their pre-return trajectories, utilising their social and successful and failed reintegrations of returned
professional networks (Iaria 2014). Furthermore, transnationals, and their overall impact on the society
reverse transnational practices are especially common of the former country of origin, remain important
among second-generation migrants, who ‘return’ to topics to be investigated.
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The body and the law materially made. Some bodies succeed in the negoti-
ation and manage to move-in-space in the way that the
Gender-related and feminist literature on transnation- written and non-written rules of the new country
alism is extensive (to cite but a few: Gamburd 2000; indicate; some do not, with material consequences for
Kea 2020; Lionnet and Shi 2005; Sahoo and how they come to terms with themselves and their
Purkayastha 2020; Salih 2003; Wong 2020). A transnational conditions, build their own social net-
promising line of research based on this literature is works, integrate successfully (or not), and deal with
to further explore the relationship between transna- the bureaucratic procedures required by states. Of
tionalism, the body, and the law. The strand of thought particular interest as a sub-topic here are the bodies of
relating to body politics (and even biopolitics) has migrant mothers, who leave their own families to look
already shown how society greatly influences the body after the children of full-time working women in
and its movements. Moreover, bringing attention back industrialised Western countries, as well as ‘in the
to the body in the field of transnationalism studies middle and upper class households of Asia …, the
would foster understanding of ‘three crucial aspects of Middle East …, and Central and Latin America’ (Lutz
the incorporation process: identity formation, eco- and Palenga-Möllenbeck 2015: 140). This is an
nomic mobility, and transnational practices’ (Brown example of the so-called circulation of care, which
2016: 14). accounts for the increased demand for caregivers and,
In particular, more attention should be paid to the consequently, the ‘increasing feminisation of migra-
effect of the law and legal practices on the everyday tion worldwide’ (Lutz 2018: 578). When women leave
lives (including the bodies’ movements and choices) their own children (who are looked after by other
of transnational migrants. The focus should be on the members of the family) to find jobs as carers for other
connections between the everyday micro-practices of children elsewhere, the reunification of transnational
adaptation and the (often contrasting) legal require- families may happen, but is likely to be hard to
ments of the countries with which the transnational achieve: indeed, ‘live-in caregivers in particular are
migrants are connected. In migration studies, the new obliged to cohabitate with their employer, and cannot
materialism focuses, among other topics, on the run a separate household with their families’ (Lutz
definition of the identity of migrants as never fully 2018: 580). How do the bodies of these mothers
completed bodies: beings always in-becoming, whose change when adapting to (and adopting) the laws and
‘borders’ are always challenged in, through, and by regulations of different countries—and what are the
interactions with other bodies-in-space (Papadopoulos consequences for the children who are left behind?
and Tsianos 2008) and with the law. Transnationalism Specifically in connection with ICT, how does the
studies could be conducted to discover how transna- physical absence of mothers from the family of origin
tionals imagine their bodies across borders, the affect their relationships with their children—and to
belongingness of such imagined bodies to specific what extent it is possible to compensate for the ‘absent
countries, and the (potential) differences between the body’ by using computer-mediated communication?
imagined transnational bodies and the bodies incor- Baldassar and Merla recognised that this subject
porated into everyday micro-activities and legal deserves further investigation:
frameworks in host countries (Choo 2006). Brown
The fact that migrants can, to various degrees,
(2016) highlighted how even withdrawing money
maintain a (sometimes daily) virtual presence in
from an ATM in a new host country requires that the
the life of their families via the use of commu-
person re-educate his/her body to micro-movements to
nication technologies … is both underexplored
which he/she is unaccustomed. The re-education of the
and undervalued, as are the visits home to attend
body is an everyday micro-activity ultimately aimed
family events such as weddings … or for caring
towards integration, so as not to be pointed at as ‘the
purposes (2014: 28).
different’ or the ‘foreigner’. In general, this involves
the need to negotiate the everyday in the new spatio- In general, ‘critical feminist care research today is
legal environment of the new country, albeit with an concerned with the empirical investigation of how
underpinning spatio-legal layer inherited from the care work is shaped by moral norms and power
home country, of which the body of a transnational is structures’ (Lutz and Palenga-Möllenbeck 2015: 144),
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at the same time highlighting the emotional suffering Conclusions

caused by the exercise of motherhood at a distance.
Even though less emphasised by the literature so far, This article has analysed the most recent and relevant
these elements may bring attention back to the research concerning transnationalism and how it
relationship between the feminine body and laws and contributes to framing transnational behaviour, activ-
regulations. ities, or practices. So far there is no universal definition
This topic of the body and the law also needs to be of transnationalism: what is included in it and
combined with the overarching theme of imagination, excluded from it. Furthermore, the ontological char-
which transversally crosses the majority of literature acter of transnationalism is processual and ‘in-becom-
on transnationalism. The imagined body and the actual ing’; therefore, what activities, practices, and
body shaped by national and international laws, as behaviours are transnational—and what are not—
well as transnational regulations and local (even non- largely depends on the methods and materials used and
written) rules, generate imaginaries crossing coun- on the variables proposed by the researchers. In the
tries, mostly via social networks; for instance, some information age, it is already debatable whether one
transnationals used ‘their bodies to perform upward can be fully ‘not transnational’.
mobility to those back home and saw transforming However, as common points, transnationalism
their bodies as a key to actual incorporation’ (Brown ‘from below’ (from the viewpoint of individuals and
2016: 24). These performances, with shared pictures civil society) concerns cross-border (sociocultural,
showing off individual wealth that, in fact, does not political, and/or economic) activities, practices, and
exist in the new country of residence, cross social behaviours that are meaningful, affect the identity and
networks and shape the imaginations of families and sense of belonging of people, and are carried out on a
friends who remain in the home countries: ‘immi- regular (not exceptional) basis in the everyday lives of
grants alter their dress and grooming practices to individuals—even though this latter criterion can be
symbolise belonging … and transnational ties’ (Brown questioned, as discussed earlier. From these common
2016: 15). Such selective or purposefully faked (although fluid and ever-changing) points, variables
depictions of a country have also been used by can be derived that describe the level to which
asylum-related migrants, who often wear ‘masks’ and activities, practices, and behaviours are transnational.
construct fake identities (Papadopoulos and Tsianos The international literature is full of examples of these
2008). Many purposefully create an image of success variables, which vary greatly, depending on whether
that is visually effective for transmission online by the used methods are quantitative, qualitative, mixed,
selecting specific clothing (albeit borrowed) and or comparative. The majority of the studies on
easily-recognisable ‘iconic’ locations (even those that transnationalism have relied on qualitative analysis.
are usually never visited) for these visual body-related From the many studies of transnationalism that we
electronic transmissions. A specific focus on the body analysed, promising strands of research have already
in transnationalism studies could also open up new emerged. These strands of research need to be based
empirical investigations of the transnational use of on clear, but necessarily transient, definitions and
health services—still under-researched in the transna- characteristics of transnationalism. This is crucial for
tionalism field. In addition, especially concerning the usability and applicability of transnationalism as a
healthcare services, where the body and feelings such key concept for analysing and interpreting early
as trust play a major role, it is necessary to explore how twenty-first century societies; for instance, the close
transmigrants choose whether and where to be cured, connection between transnationalism and telecommu-
and why, and the role of language and feelings of nications (defined as the use of the internet and social
belonging on the one hand, and of the law on the other media in cross-border activities) highlights the poros-
hand, in these choices: ‘transnational ties shape health- ity of spatio-temporal borders in the information era.
related behaviours of migrants from the use of In the contemporary world, consisting of hybrid
healthcare services to health preferences’ (Kelleher augmented reality involving physical and digital
et al. 2020: 1). spaces, transnationalism needs to be reconceptualised
in terms of cognitive, imagined travel (Hillmann et al.
2018; Koikkalainen and Kyle 2016) and hybridised
123
616 GeoJournal (2022) 87:603–619
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Anthropology, 46: 81-97.
AN46CH06-Brettell ARI 6 September 2017 20:46
Annual Review of Anthropology
Marriage and Migration

Caroline B. Brettell
Department of Anthropology, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, Texas 75275-0235;
email: cbrettel@smu.edu
Access provided by University College London on 11/02/17. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2017.46:81-97. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2017. 46:81–97 Keywords

First published as a Review in Advance on July 17, marriage migration, bride deficits, mixed-status migrant families,
2017
transnational parenting, mail-order brides, arranged marriages
The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at
anthro.annualreviews.org Abstract
https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102116- Despite immigration policies that are often built around family reunifica-
041237
tion, contemporary research on migration often prioritizes labor mobility
Copyright ! c 2017 by Annual Reviews. over mobility associated with marriage and family formation. Drawing on
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scholarship across a range of disciplines and across the globe, this article
focuses attention on the substantive dimensions and theoretical debates lo-
cated at the intersections of research on marriage and migration. Among the
ANNUAL
REVIEWS Further topics covered are rural bride shortages and mail-order marriages, arranged
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online features: marriages, marriages of convenience and the state policies introduced to
regulate them, and crimes of honor. The article also addresses the impact
of migration on spousal relationships and on parenting in a transnational
context. Of particular consideration are dimensions of insecurity that arise
in mixed-status families, which may result in domestic violence.
81
INTRODUCTION
The association between marriage and migration has been documented across both space and
time. Historians and anthropologists have written about marriage migration as a dimension of so-
cial life in early modern and modern Europe (Kertzer & Hogan 1989, Moch 1992, Netting 1981)
and in colonial America (Adams & Kasakoff 1980, Norton 1973). They have analyzed the impacts
of emigration on the marriage market—excluding individuals from marriage altogether, elevating
ages at marriage, or increasing the number of out-of-wedlock births (Brettell 1986, Guinnane
1997, Rogers 1991, Scheper-Hughes 1979). Some scholars have documented the transportation
of marriage practices (e.g., consanguineous or sororate marriages, sister exchange) across borders
(Baykara-Krumme 2016, Brettell 2015, Reid 1988), whereas others have described a nineteenth-
century “international marriage market” that included arranged unions or third-party matchmak-
ing among first-generation immigrants in the United States (Sinke 1999). Historians of twentieth-
century US immigration have provided accounts of Japanese “picture brides” (Tanaka 2004) and
post–World War II “war brides” (Zeiger 2010). Finally, scholars working on both colonial and
postcolonial Africa have discussed migration that is undertaken to amass funds for bridewealth
payments or other projects in village communities (Frost 1999, Rasmussen 2002, Tazanu 2012).
Despite this deep, diverse, and global history, in much contemporary research on migration,
labor mobility often takes precedence over mobility in association with marriage and family forma-
tion, and this is true despite immigration policies that are often built around family reunification
(Lee 2013). As Piper & Roces (2003a) observe, some of this bias is because economic models tend
to dominate migration theory. However, as more sociologists and anthropologists have weighed
in, and in association with the proliferation of research on the gendered dimensions of migration
in particular, the scholarship on marriage-related movements, in both national and transnational
spaces, has expanded significantly (Constable 2005, Palriwala & Uberoi 2008, Williams 2010).
Drawing on literature across a range of disciplines, this article reviews the substantive dimensions
and theoretical debates at the intersections of research on marriage and migration. It is divided
into three sections, focusing first on brides and grooms, then on husbands and wives, and finally
on fathers, mothers, and the tasks of parenting.
“LOVE’S” GEOGRAPHY: MOBILE BRIDES AND GROOMS
Rural Bride Shortages and Mail-Order Brides

Across the globe, men and women are migrating to marry or marrying in order to migrate,
with greater or lesser degrees of agency and in the context of varied structural constraints and
opportunities. This marriage-related mobility takes several forms. One form is a response to so-
called female deficits, that is, a shortage of rural brides. For example, Cole (2010) has written
about Malagasy women who marry French men and settle with them in rural France. These
men, like those of a prior generation (Rogers 1991), have difficulty finding French wives who
are willing to endure the hard life of a farming wife. Challenging the simple dichotomy between
love and instrumental marriages in the context of migration, Cole argues that Malagasy–French
marriages are about more than the commodification of marriage and citizenship; rather, husbands
and wives are involved together in complex projects that include running a business, caring for
elderly parents, and building a home in Madagascar (Cole 2014, p. 532). Coastal Malagasy women
marry French men in semirural areas because of the poverty of their circumstances at home.
French men, who find French women “egotistical and materialistic,” (p. 535) gain lively and hard-
working wives who will care for them in old age; the Malagasy women gain French citizenship,
companionship, and help with their family in Madagascar. But tensions do arise over different
82 Brettell
notions of kinship, particularly as these are defined by a French state suspicious of marriage
fraud.
If Europe offers one context where foreign-born women migrate to rural areas to marry native-
born men, Asia is another, and there the research is extensive (Constable 2005, Fan & Huang 1998,
Freeman 2011, Lee 2012, Yang & Lu 2010). Faier (2007) discusses Filipina women who have mar-
ried men who live in rural Japan. Many of these women came to Japan as labor migrants to work in
hostess bars (under a six-month entertainment visa) but who subsequently choose to marry to stabi-
lize their status in Japan (through a spousal visa). Addressing how and why these women assert their
love for husbands whom they first met while employed as hostesses, Faier describes their marriages
as part of a process of “global self-making” (p. 149). She argues that through love Filipina migrant
women are managing both “the perils and promises of their transnational encounters . . . [and]
claiming a sense of humanity, countering the stigma associated with their work in bars, and ar-
ticulating a sense of themselves as cosmopolitan, modern, and moral women who possessed an
emotional interiority” (p. 149). Furthermore, the love they profess for their husbands is extended
to the love for family left behind whom they continue to support financially through remittances.
Bride-deficit marriage-related migration can also occur within national borders. In the Indian
state of Uttar Pradesh, marriages cross caste, linguistic, and state boundaries (Kaur 2012). Men are
often unable to find local wives because they are landless, are older, have a damaged reputation, or
were previously married. Furthermore, a shortage of brides has come about because of the low sex
ratios associated with a preference for sons and the use of new reproductive technologies to select
the sex of offspring; these factors are also characteristic of some parts of rural China in association
with the one-child family policy. Marriages are sometimes contracted across distances of more
than 1,000 km, moving women from areas with better sex ratios (particularly West Bengal) to
marry men in Uttar Pradesh who have fewer prospects for finding local brides. For the bride’s
parents, these long-distance marriages are a viable option when they cannot afford a dowry, if they
need money, or if a daughter is too old, is not attractive, or has been married before. Kaur (2012)
found that most of these marriages were arranged by local men in Uttar Pradesh who had Bengali
wives themselves and that these marriages tended to be more successful than marriages that were
transacted with Bangladeshi wives who had to cross a national border and found themselves in
more unfamiliar surroundings and hence felt more vulnerable.
A variant of these regional demographic imbalances that result in migration-related marriage
is offered by Thai’s (2005, 2008) research on Vietnamese transnational marriages. He describes
a research population where 80% of the grooms were US-based low-wage earners and almost
70% of the brides were college-educated residents of Vietnam. Such marriages alleviate a “double
marriage squeeze,” that is, where there are insufficient numbers of men in Vietnam and insufficient
numbers of women in the United States. Thai describes one form of what is referred to in the
literature as spatial hypergamy, whereby marrying a migrant is perceived to or actually does
result in an improvement in social status for individual migrant brides or grooms as well as for
their families (Constable 2009, Kalpagam 2008, Kim 2010, Oxfeld 2005). Spatial hypergamy
takes on intriguing dimensions in the Chinese context, in particular where it is limited by the
household registration (hukou) system, which makes rural brides unattractive to urban husbands
(because registration passes through the mother). Nevertheless, migration itself has expanded the
geographic scope of the marriage market for rural women, not only village-to-village or county-
to-county moves but also interprovincial long-distance moves (Fan & Li 2002). Women from
poor villages will often accept a husband without stellar personal attributes if he comes from a
more prosperous region, whereas men are looking for attractive and hard-working brides.
Many migration-related marriages are commercially mediated by a paid go-between who
makes the connections and often arranges the journey (Chaudhry & Mohan 2011). This marriage
www.annualreviews.org • Marriage and Migration 83

brokerage system has recently assumed greater importance across Asia, sometimes with brokers
themselves working to motivate potential brides or grooms to participate in the national or inter-
national marriage market (Davin 2007, Lu 2005, Nakamatsu 2003, Wang & Chang 2002). Are
brides in particular commodified and/or trafficked in relation to such marriages? Several authors in
Constable’s (2005) edited volume debate this question as they explore the impact of economics,
familial obligations, gender and sexuality, personal motives, and imaginings about tradition and
modernity, as well as regional, national, global and transnational processes on cross-border mar-
riage migrations throughout Asia.
The potential commodification of brides is also central to analyses of mail-order brides ( Jackson
2002, 2007). Filipinas actively participate in the mail-order bride industry because it gives them
access to income from husbands or from a side job; some of these funds can be sent home to support
family members. However, Filipinas are also “objects and subjects of capital flow in an increas-
ingly complex configuration of transnational capitalism between the US and Asia” (Mahalingam
& Leu 2005, p. 852). Kojima (2001), based on research in Japan, argues that the mail-order bride
system has developed in response to women’s resistance; these brides “are substitutes for women
in industrialized countries who resist conventional forms of marriage based on the ideology of
oppressive domesticity” (p. 204). Furthermore, the flow of “reproductive migrant workers under
the conjugal contract” occurs with the complicity of the state (pp. 204, 208). It has also been en-
hanced by the Internet, which has reconfigured cross-border marriage migration (Constable 2003,
Johnson 2007, Johnson-Hanks 2007) and contributed to rising concerns about “bride trafficking”
( Johnson 2007), the potential for domestic violence (Menjı́var & Salcido 2002), and the persistence
of transnational stereotypes and economic inequalities (Chun 1996). Consequently, legal scholars
have argued for better regulation of the mail-order bride business, including placing restrictions
on its exploitative dimensions (Lloyd 2000, Narayan 1995). Despite these critiques, we must also
pay heed to Constable’s (2003) cautionary observations. She questions terms such as “global hy-
pergamy,” “trafficking,” and “mail-order marriages” because they imply “a unidirectional flow of
bodies and ideas across borders” (p. 12). Instead, she prefers a perspective that steers away from
opposing love and opportunism and that carefully assesses women’s agency as well as broader
gendered geographies of power and inequality. Constable (2003) argues that women and men
involved in these marriages often exercise “informed and logical” (p. 6) choices when they decide
with whom to correspond and whom to meet and perhaps marry. Furthermore, their circum-
stances, experiences, and motivations vary greatly, and these should be taken into account as we
attempt to understand why men and women seek, through the Internet, to find marriage partners
abroad. The men and women engaged in these relationships operate “within a particular historical
and global context as people who both exert power and are subject to it” (Constable 2003, p. 9).
Homeland Spouses, Arranged Marriages, and Crimes of Honor

Rural bride shortages and mail-order brides constitute two forms of marriage-related migration.
Marriages also occur among first- and second-generation immigrants who turn to the homeland
to find spouses. These marriages are often arranged or semiarranged, and, as such, they permit
exploration of a host of significant questions. Are brides who join husbands who live abroad fully
passive actors in this process? Do these marriages help to establish and/or reinforce transnational
networks? How is the practice of arranged marriages transformed by the migration process? In
what contexts do love marriages emerge (Rytter 2012)?
Arranged (or semiarranged) marriages within immigrant families have been described for South
Asians in the United Kingdom (Gardner 1995, Pande 2014), North African Muslims in suburban
Paris (Selby 2009), Turks in Belgium (Timmerman 2006, Timmerman et al. 2009), and Jat Sikhs in
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Canada (Mooney 2006). These unions help to reinforce family assets, family honor, and religious
and cultural practices and observances. They also draw attention to gendered and intergenerational
power differentials within immigrant transnational families as well as to the characterization of
such marriages by host societies. The respondents in Schmidt’s (2011) study of second-generation
Turks and Pakistanis in Denmark insisted that their arranged marriages are “based on individual
priorities and free will” (p. 268) and expressed regret about national discourses that generally
portray them in a negative light.
Shaw (2001) describes several forms of arranged marriages among Pakistani families in Britain.
Some are conventionally arranged, whereby the parents or guardians of the couple make the major
decisions. Included in this group are shot-gun marriages, which are arranged quickly, and often
with close kin, to prevent what is considered a potentially shameful liaison. There are also marriages
that seem conventionally arranged but, in fact, the bride and/or groom can influence the decision
or may have steered it themselves. Young Pakistanis, according to Shaw (2001), describe these as
“arranged love marriages” (pp. 323–24); they are becoming increasingly frequent. Finally, there
are “true love” marriages, which are often in direct defiance of parental plans. These are rare, and
sometimes they can become arranged love marriages. In other research, and in association with an
elucidation of the concept of rishta (meaning match, proposal, or connection), Shaw & Charsley
(2006) emphasize the emotional ties of kinship that characterize transnational consanguineous
marriages, that is, the “positive sentiment of affection, in relationships between siblings, between
parents and children, and also between prospective spouses” (p. 406).
Although most arranged marriages that are mediated by migration involve foreign brides, there
are some examples of foreign husbands. Based on fieldwork among Punjabi families in Bristol (in
the United Kingdom) as well as in the Punjab region of Pakistan, Charsley (2005) focuses on the
challenges—social, cultural, and economic—that migrant husbands confront as the house son-in-
law. This situation rarely occurs in the home country where it is generally a woman who moves,
after marriage, into the household of her in-laws. A migrant husband has little kin support and is
confronted with power relations within the household, which he may find frustrating. The end
result is often violence, desertion, or the taking of a second wife.
Arranged marriages or attempts to arrange marriages can sometimes have adverse results,
including honor-based violence, which may occur when a second-generation daughter challenges
traditional marriage practices as well as other norms that regulate her life (Akpinar 2003, Korteweg
2012). One of the most poignant and intellectually difficult discussions of honor-based violence
is found in Wikan’s (2008) In Honor of Fadime, a book that raises important questions about
the responsibilities and responses of the host country and its institutions in intervening in these
situations. As does the book Generous Betrayal (Wikan 2002), In Honor of Fadime challenges policies
of multiculturalism and a stance of cultural relativism, which have often resulted in inaction (see
also Ewing 2006, Meetoo & Mirza 2007). Wikan’s position is certainly not without its critics
(see, for example, Razack 2004). Some scholars argue against an emphasis on gender equality that
creates distinct boundaries between the majority society and immigrant communities, and they
propose instead an intersectional approach that considers “the contexts of migration, including
the receiving country’s culture and politics and the ongoing racialization of Muslims in the West”
(Yurdakul & Korteweg 2013, p. 205). Such an approach would recognize changing gender relations
not only within the majority society but also within Muslim immigrant communities, “while being
attentive to other categories of difference at play” (p. 212). These arguments are equally relevant
to debates about female circumcision (closely associated with cultural ideas about marriageability)
within host societies for immigrants (Dawson et al. 2015, Johansen 2006, Thierfelder et al. 2005,
Walley 1997) as well as to discussions of polygamous marriages among sub-Saharan Muslims in the
United Kingdom and France (Charsley & Liversage 2013, Sargent 2011, Sargent & Cordell 2003).

Marriages of Convenience and State Interventions

Host societies are involved in other ways with “homeland” marriages and marriage practices. In
some cases, they implement policies to protect human rights violations—for example, introducing
a minimum age for marriage migration in the United Kingdom (Wray 2011) or establishing
criteria by which to assess whether a marriage is forced (Bredal 2005). Efforts are also made to
control what are deemed to be marriages of convenience (often labeled fraudulent marriages) and
are hence abuses of immigration laws. In the United States, the emphasis on family reunification
in post-1965 immigration policies has raised the possibility that individuals may use marriage
as a way to secure permanent residence status (a green card); that is, someone may be paid to
participate in a marriage of convenience and to act as the sponsor for the individual interested in
immigration. The marriage then terminates after a successful entry with legal papers in place.
In the United States, the number of foreign nationals who have obtained green cards on the
basis of marriage has doubled since 1985; in most years during the past decade, twice as many
(if not more) green cards were issued to spouses of American citizens than were issued to immi-
grants wanting to enter under one of the employment-based categories (see http://www.dhs.gov/
yearbook-immigration-statistics). The United States Citizenship and Immigration Services has
estimated that between 20% and 33% of marriages between US citizens and immigrants are
fraudulent—an estimate that has certainly been contested. There are, of course, barriers in place
to make marriage as a path to legal immigration difficult. In 1986, the United States passed mar-
riage fraud amendments to the Immigration Act of 1965. Penalties for those who were involved in
sham marriages were increased and a two-year provisional green card was created for immigrant
spouses of citizens and permanent residents. However, these regulations have often left women
in a vulnerable position, totally dependent on the goodwill of husbands. Often the two-year con-
ditional status extended to four or more years owing to backlogs and delays in visa processing,
serving to increase the precarity and vulnerability of their situation (Menjı́var & Salcido 2013).
Narayan (1995) has observed that “since citizens and LPRs are not obliged to secure either condi-
tional or permanent resident status for a foreign spouse, many immigrant women may have their
legal right to remain in the country permanently dependent on the survival of their marriage” (p.
111, emphasis in original).
Suspicions regarding the legitimacy of cross-border marriages are also prevalent in the United
Kingdom. The Primary Purpose Rule, in effect from 1985 to 1997, required would-be spousal
migrants to demonstrate that the primary purpose of the marriage was not immigration. This was
viewed to specifically target South Asian arranged transnational marriages, where it was difficult
to demonstrate a long-standing romantic relationship (Menski 1999). In the early 1990s, Asian
men were refused entrance into Britain at a high rate because they were suspected of arranging
marriages of convenience simply to enter the country (Lutz 1997, p. 103). The policy was eventually
abandoned on the grounds that it was arbitrary and unfair, had penalized genuine cases and divided
families, and was generally ineffective. But the United Kingdom is not alone in Europe in its
position of “moral gate-keeping” and exclusion in relation to transnationally arranged marriages
(Wray 2006). Other countries have placed minimum lengths of time on marriages before an
application for family reunification could be filed. Thus, as in the United States, suspicion of
fraudulent marriages often guides evaluations of family reunification petitions, particularly when
men are applying to join a wife already in the country of immigration. There is an inherent
gendered bias in which marriages are more subject to suspicion of fraud and hence more scrutiny,
which is rooted in the idea that men should be the primary immigrants.
An interesting twist on this topic is offered by Pellander (2015; see also Leinonen & Pellander
2014), who studied how bureaucrats in the Finnish immigration administration, as well as local
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police, handled residence permit applications based on marriage. In Finland, suspicion of marriages
of convenience has resulted in a number of moral regulations about what constitutes a good or
acceptable marriage—factors such as having spent sufficient time together before and after the
marriage, whether there are conflicting statements about one another or the marriage or monetary
transactions in association with the marriage, sharing the same address, and whether there is a
common language. Pellander argues that these regulations give Finnish bureaucrats interpretive
leeway. On the one hand, marriages were constantly evaluated within a framework that protected
presumably vulnerable women who may have been forced into a marriage or entered into it naively.
On the other hand, if the couple came from a place where paying money upon marriage is a part
of local culture, they could not be excluded on this basis. And finally, given the time that it takes
for the wheels of bureaucracy to turn, it is possible that “what officers deem to be a marriage of
convenience at one point in time can turn into a marriage that qualifies for immigration at a later
point. The contrary is also true: a marriage that officers assess favorably can be labeled a fraud
after some time has passed” (Pellander 2015, p. 11).
More generally, Eggebø (2013) has observed that the legislation put into effect to try to reg-
ulate marriages of convenience inquires into and makes assumptions about true marital intimacy.
D’Aoust (2013) deploys the concept of “technologies of love” (p. 259) to describe the intersec-
tion between governmentality and marriage-related migrations. These technologies of love, as
“modes of subjectification and governing practice . . . [that] connect intimacy with citizenship in
unexpected ways” are key to the “identification, testing, and assessment procedures of a couple’s
right to belong” (pp. 259, 260). All these authors offer us examples of the imbrication of migration
and conjugal relations, but there are many others.
HUSBANDS AND WIVES IN MIGRATORY SPACES

The experience of migration can change both the meaning and the practice of conjugal/gender
relations within families and households, whether in the sending society, in the country of immi-
gration, or in the transnational spaces in between. These changes are varied and context specific.
At one end of a spectrum are Taiwanese families in which women sacrifice their wifely role in
order to migrate to the United States to take care of their children and ensure that they receive
a high-quality education (Chee 2005). Husbands remain in Taiwan and send money to support
their US-based families. There are also families in which wives work abroad in domestic service or
as nurses while husbands remain behind as primary caregivers to their children, a role that often
challenges their masculinity (Gallo 2006, Gamburd 2008, Hoang & Yeoh 2011). At the other
end of the spectrum, and much more common, are families in which wives remain in sending
communities. The absence of the male partner alters conjugal roles and gender relations in myr-
iad ways (Bélanger & Linh 2011; Coe 2011, 2014). Moroccan wives of male migrants live more
comfortably and securely, but many view their increased responsibilities for decision making as
a burden (De Haas & van Rooij 2010). A similar sentiment is offered by Honduran women who
claim that male migration has created more work for them and, hence, greater stress and anxiety
(McKenzie & Menjı́var 2011, pp. 76–77). Mexican women increasingly find themselves managing
household finances, supervising farm labor, overseeing home construction and renovation, and
attending community meetings, tasks their husbands performed prior to migration (Boehm 2008).
New ideas about greater independence emerge. Pauli (2008), for example, outlines a traumatic
relationship between Mexican wives and their mothers-in-law with whom they live when their
husbands depart for the United States. These wives use the remittances sent by husbands to con-
struct a home of their own so that they can achieve some autonomy. Migration can also change
expectations about marriage and the ideal husband (Grimes 1998). Levitt (2001) describes young

Dominican women who notice that when migrant couples return to visit they appear to make more
decisions together and the husband is more respectful of his wife. They want similar relationships
for themselves.
By contrast, based on research on the impact of migration on conjugal expectations in rural
Bangladesh, Rao (2012) challenges the utility of emphasizing dichotomous ideas about autonomy
and dependence or domination and subordination, arguing instead that analysis should be focused
on notions of mutuality and emotional interdependence within clearly gender-demarcated do-
mains. After marriage, Bangladeshi wives live with in-laws and remain under their supervision,
while husbands work abroad. The primary conjugal expectation for men is provisioning and eco-
nomic success, whereas that for women is the successful and careful performance of familial and
mothering responsibilities. The result, Rao argues, is the strengthening of the institution of mar-
riage and the increasing conformity to cultural ideals of male providers and dependent spouses.
Although girls’ education has surpassed that of boys, “rather than translating into greater voice
within marriage, the desire for social mobility and status gains has meant both an increase in
dowries and the restriction of women’s mobility and autonomous activity” (p. 37).
In a somewhat different vein, Kwon (2015) offers an analysis of the “work of waiting” in the
context of Korean Chinese transnational labor migration to South Korea. She writes about the
women who wait for the return of a husband who is abroad. Waiting, Kwon argues, is a form of
unpaid “affective work” (p. 480) that not only binds separated family members, but also generates
a financial safety net. It is an act of love but also labor because it requires managing remittances.
Waiting enables mobility and is an important part of the marriage partnership.
Many husbands and wives are separated by migration, but increasingly more couples are living
together as immigrants, sometimes in so-called “mixed-status” families (Fix & Zimmerman 2001).
One of the driving questions in the body of literature about these immigrant families, and one that
is much debated, is whether migration, and particularly employment, is a source of empowerment
for immigrant wives (George 2005, Lim 1997, Mahdi 1999, Zentgraf 2002). In engaging this
question, Barajas & Ramirez (2007) criticize a simplistic “home–host” dichotomy that constructs
the sending society as a site of patriarchal oppression and the host society as the locus of greater
equality and freedom from patriarchy. Their study of Mexican couples in Mexico and the United
States reveals that while Mexican women in the United States report more extensive familial
authority and equality in decision making than do their counterparts in Michoacán, Mexico, they
also report greater burdens associated with waged work and household chores. Thus, neither
migration, nor employment, nor women’s greater authority within the home have altered the
traditional division of labor for Mexican immigrant wives in the United States; in fact, they
experience a greater “double burden” than do their counterparts in Mexico for whom work and
domestic spaces are integrated.
A different analysis is offered by Ong and colleagues (1996). Ong writes about Cambodian
refugee wives who lose respect for husbands who are unable to make a living and who refuse to
share in child care at home. Men also feel this loss of value. They are suspicious of a welfare system
that provides women with material support and hence a stronger bargaining position vis-à-vis
their husbands than previously experienced. This imbalance creates conjugal tensions, something
equally noted by Abdi (2014) in research among more recent refugees from Somalia who are
living in Minnesota. Somalian men feel emasculated by the precarity of their own employment, by
the paycheck that their wives may bring in, and/or by public assistance programs directed toward
women and children, which they view as a “symbolic menace” (p. 469). All these factors undermine
the economic and cultural foundations of men’s domestic authority.
The tensions and conflicts within immigrant families, which devolve from transgressions or per-
ceived transgressions of gender ideologies, can increase the potential for domestic violence within
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immigrant families (Abraham 2000, Argüelles & Rivero 1993, Mehrotra 1999, Sterett 1997).
Akpinar (2003, pp. 428, 435) argues that the immigrant context enhances the role of women as
bearers of group identity and that abuse emerges when women violate ideas of acceptable feminin-
ity by becoming wage earners. Immigrant men who feel that they are marginalized, discriminated
against, or stigmatized (Ewing 2008) may turn inward and exert patriarchal control over women
(wives and daughters) because this domain is something they can still control. Powerlessness in
the public sphere generates a desire to exercise more power in the domestic sphere.
Undocumented wives live in an especially difficult situation of insecurity that can sometimes
make them objects of verbal and physical abuse (Bhattacharjee 2006, Salcido & Adleman 2004).
Without papers and with limited host-language skills, they are often isolated within their homes
and dependent on a spouse or children. Their employment status is frequently unstable, and they
have few opportunities for alternative living situations. Hence they are reluctant to leave an abuser,
and in many cases their own cultural background discourages them from doing so (Menjı́var &
Salcido 2002). Finally, their legal status makes them fearful of contacting authorities for assistance
or filing a complaint. An abusive husband can threaten his wife with deportation and, hence,
separation from her US-born children if she transgresses him.
Some scholars have investigated the issue of sexual abuse, including marital rape, the manip-
ulation of reproductive rights, and bride burning within immigrant families (Singh & Unnithan
1999). Writing about South Asians, Abraham (1999, pp. 604–5) argues that in the immigrant con-
text the interplay between culturally sanctioned sexual rights to a woman’s body, combined with
discrimination based on the ethnic, class, cultural, and structural location of immigrant families
(and often the downward mobility experienced by men in particular), may exacerbate sexual abuse.
It is further exacerbated by a perception of American society as sexually permissive and the desire
of South Asian men to have as much control as they can over their wives’ sexuality.
Alongside the extensive literature on domestic violence within immigrant families, there is also
a newly emerging body of literature that focuses instead on enhanced intimacy and new forms
of partnership that have developed between couples in the aftermath of migration (Constable
2003, Faier 2007, Gonzalez-Lopez 2005, Walsh 2009), leading Mai & King (2009) to call for
an “emotional turn” in migration and mobility studies, which would place love and affect at the
center of analyses of migration decision making and behavior. The pioneering work in this area
was carried out by Hirsch (2003), who, in her study of Mexican families abroad and at home,
discusses a generational shift from heterosexual relationships that are based on respect (respeto) to
those based on trust (confianza) and explores how this shift impacts courtship, marriage, sexuality,
and fertility. She describes “companionate marriages” (characterized by a high degree of sexual
intimacy and intense psychological companionship) among not only migrant families in Atlanta
but also families in Jalisco and Michoacán, Mexico. She rejects the facile assumption of there (i.e.,
Mexico) as traditional and here (i.e., the United States) as modern. What is different is the greater
ability among Mexican women in Atlanta to negotiate these changes within the family, on the basis
of the economic opportunities available to them as well as the legal and institutional protections that
characterize the US context. Hirsch (2003) emphasizes that even though a companionate marriage
may offer a woman more emotional satisfaction, it may also be more fragile; she therefore argues
that “equal access to intimate companionship is not the same as equal access to power” (p. 156).
FATHERS, MOTHERS, AND TRANSNATIONAL PARENTING

Migrant family life and, by extension, migrant-related marriages have been significantly impacted
by transnational practices. Research on long-distance or transnational parenting (Carling et al.
2012), and particularly on transnational motherhood, has proliferated. Transnational motherhood

has been defined as the “circuits of affection, caring, and financial support [on the part of mothers]
that transcend national borders” (Hondagneu-Sotelo & Avila 1997, p. 550). Migrant women who
migrate to a distant place in search of work often leave their children with surrogate caregivers,
usually a relative and often their own mothers. To accommodate the decision to live and work
apart from their children, transnational mothers rescript what it means to be a good mother by
including the role of breadwinner. These mothers often “juxtapose traditional ideas of physical
and emotional nurturing with realities of nurturing from outside of their own domestic sphere,
providing physical support that comes from remittances and emotional help through technological
mediums such as the internet or over the phone” (Millman 2013, p. 77).
The research on transnational motherhood is extensive and global, documenting emotional
responses of guilt, regret, sadness, and incompleteness that impact not only their relationships
with their children but also their relationships with their spouses. Ecuadorian immigrant women
working in Italy describe a form of “double living” whereby their bodies are in Italy but their hearts
and souls are in Ecuador (Boccagni 2012, p. 266). This “embodied distress” is also manifest in the
intersubjective negotiations that occur between Salvadoran mothers working in the United States
and their children who remain behind in El Salvador (Horton 2009). Transnational mothers
express a profound sense of “moral failure” (Horton 2009, p. 30) because they are unable to
continue as physical caretakers for their children while securing the financial and physical well-
being of their children by working abroad. “As children challenge their mothers’ absence, mothers
attempt to situate their migration in a context of continuing love” (Horton 2009, pp. 30, 33). This
love is often expressed in the form of things (e.g., TV sets, freezers, brand-name clothing, toy
cars, jewelry) that are sent home. This “commodified love” has also been documented for Filipino
domestic workers in Italy and the United States (Parreñas 2001, p. 371) and for Ukrainian and
Ecuadorian transnational parents in Spain (Leifsen & Tymczuk 2012, p. 220).
In some contexts, transnational households are considered broken because they diverge from
what is considered a normative, cohabiting family in which the woman performs the primary
responsibilities of child care. This situation is precisely the reaction faced by Sri Lankan women,
who leave behind their husbands and children to migrate to the Middle East on two-year labor
contracts to work as housemaids. According to Gamburd (2000), when these women breadwinners
return from abroad, they are subjected to accusations of prostitution and marital infidelity. But
their husbands also face challenges to their masculinity, being described by Arabs as “donkeys”
because they send their women abroad, and turn to alcohol to drown their sorrows (Gamburd 1999,
p. 5). Malayali men in the state of Kerala, in southwest India, contend with similar emasculating
public identities (Gallo 2006). They are known as “waiting men,” who bide their time until their
visa is approved or who depend on their wife’s remittances. They are also objects of derision
for this status of dependency and because they have no control over the sexuality of their absent
wives who reside within the intimacy of Italian domestic space. However, these men are equally
emasculated when they travel to join their wives who are working abroad. They are often given
positions in the same household in work that is perceived as feminizing.
Although transnational motherhood, including its impact on husbands and children left behind,
has received much scholarly attention (see also Nicholson 2006, Pratt 2012), the significance of
transnational fatherhood and its association with the construction of masculine identities should
not be overlooked (Pribilsky 2004, 2007). Indeed, the long-distance parenting of male migrants is,
in some sense, implicit. By this I mean that in many contexts there is a historically rooted “culture
of migration” that includes the expectation that men will migrate and support their families from
afar (Cohen 2004). In such places, the father as breadwinner has long been equivalent to the father
as migrant, and both are part of what it means in these contexts to be a good father and a good
husband.
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More recent research has focused on the differing emotional responses of fathers and mothers
who are separated from their children as a result of migration (Montes 2013) as well as migration’s
impact on masculine identities (Broughton 2008). On the basis of research among Mexican men
and women in New Jersey, Dreby (2006) shows that a mother’s relationship with her children
in Mexico greatly depends on being able to show emotional intimacy from a distance, whereas a
father’s relationship is rooted in his success as a migrant worker. If a father cannot fulfill his role as
a provider, he grows more distant from his children. A father, even one who has had relationships
with other women while abroad, maintains his image as a “good” father if he is sending money
back to his family. Conversely, if Mexican women do not show dimensions of stress and suffering
related to being physically absent from their children, they can be subjected to accusations of being
a “bad” mother and abandoning their children. Similarly, Pribilsky (2012) discusses Ecuadorian
immigrant men who balance their desires for the good things of life in New York with their
responsibility to send money back home to their families and, hence, to act as responsible fathers.
Maintaining this balance means learning how to save and learning how not to spend or consume.
Thus, men are drawn into the world of money management, a world dominated by their wives
back in Ecuador. One of the most serious consumption dilemmas is what to do about alcohol,
which they are routinely used to consuming in Ecuador and which defines masculinity in that
context. By contrast, in saving and remitting money to their families, Ecuadorian men in New
York begin to define themselves as “more modern” by comparison with their fathers back in
Ecuador.
In summary, transnational parents, no matter what strategy they use, are operating in both pro-
ductive and reproductive roles across space. As some researchers have emphasized, “the essence of
migrant transnationalism is that physical absence is compatible with social presence and participa-
tion,” and hence the subject of transnational parenthood places emphasis on “how the parent-child
relationship is practiced and experienced within the constraints of physical separation” (Carling
et al. 2012, p. 192). This experience is often one of sacrifice and trauma, underscoring the chal-
lenges of love across borders (Abrego 2014).
CONCLUSION
Marriage migration is closely tied to processes of globalization and constitutes one form of the
transnational social fields that connect places of out-migration with those of in-migration. It is a
topic of inquiry within migration studies that has become increasingly important as interest in the
gendered dimension of migration has grown, as the patterns of mobility within and across borders
around the world have expanded and diversified, and as our understanding of the varied reasons
for migration (beyond employment) as well as of the role of the state in regulating movement
has broadened. Highlighting the conjunctures of marriage and migration illuminates the gender
biases and stereotypes inherent not only in analytical categories but also in policies such as those
that target marriages of convenience or that promote multiculturalism. The research on marriage
and migration challenges dichotomous thinking (love/instrumentalism, autonomy/dependence,
dominance/subordination, home/host country) and calls for more complex analyses not only of
the structural factors that shape the relationships between migrant brides and grooms, husbands
and wives, and fathers and mothers but also of the different power dynamics that shape decisions
about both marriage and mobility within both national and transnational spaces.
There are certainly questions that warrant further consideration. One is how marriage-related
migration will be affected by the increasing number of refugees who are on the move in different
parts of the globe. A second is how LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) migrations/border
crossings may be related to laws regarding same-sex marriage, whether in support or against.

Although there is already some research on this issue (Elman 2000, Holt 2004, Luibheid 2002,
2008), it needs to be more fully and systematically investigated and theorized. We should also
explore how online sites, whether international dating websites (Del Rosario 2005) or Internet
groups that come together to lobby for more marriage-friendly immigration policies (Brettell
2008), impact marriage migration. Other questions should also be pursued: How will we continue
to assess the significance of the social, cultural, gendered, and affective dimensions of migration in
relation to the economic dimensions? How are these dimensions variously impacted by issues of
both structure and agency? And, are marriage migrations a barrier to integration, as some scholars
believe, or do they foster integration? If we enter the discussion of population mobility from
the perspective of marriage rather than, for example, the perspective of labor markets, we can
highlight different aspects of the migration experience, the relationship between the immigrant
and the state, and the transnational connections between places of origin and places of destination.
If we explore marriage through the prism of migration, we also come to understand the dimensions
of partnership, collaboration, cooperation, and intimacy that characterize a fundamental human
relationship, that between a husband and a wife.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
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Required reading 7.
Suárez-Orozco C. and Baolian Qin D. 2006. Gendered perspectives in

psychology: immigrant origin youth. International Migration Review,
40(1): 165-198.
Gendered Perspectives in Psychology:
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Center for
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Ltd
Migration Studies
SYCHOLOGYREVIEW of New York
Immigrant Origin Youth

Carola Suárez-Orozco
New York University
Desirée Baolian Qin

Columbia University
In this article, we contend that the field of psychology has largely failed to
foreground the role of gender in its study of immigration. Here, we review
studies that address gender and migration focusing on the experience of child-
ren and adolescents. We provide developmental perspectives on family rela-
tions, well-being, identity formation, and educational outcomes, paying
particular attention to the role of gender in these domains. We conclude with
recommendations for future research, which include the need to consider
whether, and if so, how, when, and why it makes a difference to be an immigrant,
to be from a particular country, or to be female rather than male. We argue that
it is important to consider socioeconomic characteristics; to consider resilience
as well as pathology; and to work in interdisciplinary ways to deepen our under-
standing of the gendered migratory experience of immigrant origin youth.
The discipline of psychology has potentially much to offer the study of migration
and gender. Psychology’s focus on the individual as the unit of analysis and its
consequential capacity to shed light on the personal lived experience is, of
course, an obvious contribution. Beyond that, psychology’s concern with mental
health is a unique (albeit pathology focused) consideration generally not
evaluated in other disciplines. Further, the branch of developmental psychology
provides much needed conceptual and methodological tools critical to examining
the often-neglected child and youth experience in migration. Gender studies in
psychology have struggled to find theoretical frames and methodological ap-
proaches that are consistent with the discipline’s leitmotif, however. Despite the
field’s potential to contribute to our understanding of immigrant life as a gendered
phenomenon, there is a dearth of work at the intersection of these fields.
UNDERSTANDING THE NEGLECT OF GENDER AND

MIGRATION WITHIN PSYCHOLOGY
For much of its history, the field of psychology was effectively gender-blind –
theories and research developed with largely male subjects were automatically
© 2006 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All rights reserved.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1747-7379.2006.00007.x
IMR Volume 40 Number 1 (Spring 2006):165–198 165

166 I M R
presumed to be generalizable to women and girls. The important work of

Maccoby (1988, 2000) persuasively demonstrated that most gender differences
are neither innate nor cognitive in nature but, rather, are socialized early in
development through a series of relationships with caretakers and peers. The
groundbreaking and controversial work of Carol Gilligan (1982) demonstrated
that women appear to place more emphasis on relationships in coming to their
moral decisions than do men. This body of scholarship played a significant role
in shifting the paradigm in the field from one of gender-blindness to one that
recognized potential gendered differences in human experience. Since then,
psychological research has regularly included gender as a control variable
(much like race and age) in statistical analyses. Once it was acknowledged that
women/girls and men/boys might indeed be dissimilar from one another on
some psychological dimensions, researchers began to consider “whether and to
what degree the sexes differ” (Maccoby, 1988; Eckes and Trautner, 2000a:8) on
a variety of trait, behavior, and ability indicators. While controlling for gender
has been an important step in our understanding of gendered experiences, we
need to deepen our analyses by considering “how, when, and why it makes a
difference to be male or female” (Eckes and Trautner, 2000a:10).
An exception to the general neglect of gender in the field of psychology
occurs in the subdisciplines of social psychology and developmental psychol-
ogy. There has been to date, however, relatively little overlap between the two
subdisciplines, though the two domains provide complementary insights
(Eckes and Trautner, 2000b). Given that gender is both a developmental phe-
nomenon and one that is highly influenced by the social environment, it is crit-
ical to consider this complementarity, particularly when examining migration.
Specifically, developmental analyses of gender provide insights into the
ways in which gendered patterns of understanding and behavior are formed by
early experience. A developmental perspective also provides information in the
ways in which these patterns may change over the developmental trajectory
(Eckes and Trautner, 2000a; Fagot, Rodgers, and Leinbach, 2000). A variety
of constructs have been examined by developmental psychologists including:
gendered values, behaviors, attitudes, traits, activities, interests, and self-
perceptions (Eckes and Trautner, 2000a). Within the field of gender and
migration, the bulk of the work of developmentalists has tended to focus on
adolescence while relatively neglecting other stages in life. For developmental-
ists – as with most psychological researchers and theorists – the individual
rather than the situation is emphasized. As a result, psychologists have often
viewed gender as a biological category rather than as “a construct that materi-
alizes in social encounters” (Eckes and Trautner, 2000a:11).
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While social psychologists are by definition attuned to the social pro-

cesses that structure gender dynamics, their research often tends to be somewhat
naive about the myriad of cultural realities – such as linguistic and religious
factors – that also play a significant role in the patterning of gender. Too
few psychologists – whether in the subdisciplines of feminist psychology,
developmental psychology, social psychology, or many of the myriad of other
fields in psychology – have the cultural knowledge that allows them to contrib-
ute insightfully to the study of individuals of nonmainstream cultures. Encour-
agingly, there is a growing consensus in the field that cross-cultural sensitivity
and focus are crucial (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1988; Sue and Sue, 1987; Lan-
drine, 1995; Doucette-Gates et al., 1998; Branch, 1999). Research that uses
mixed method designs, linking emic and etic approaches, triangulating data,
and embedding emerging findings into an ecological framework are essential
to this kind of endeavor.
The disciplines of social as well as developmental psychology are highly
influenced by the scientific method. In some ways this is the main strength of
the field. Attempts are made to clearly delineate and define variables under con-
sideration. Specific outcome variables are viewed to be of particular interest and
attention is paid to sorting out cause and affect relationships. The resulting
dependence on experimental designs can be quite limiting, however, as experi-
mental social environments are ungeneralizable to real-life situations. Further,
random selection of subjects is necessarily constrained by static group
variables (such as gender or country of origin.) Cross-cultural research with
immigrants in particular forces us to reexamine the traditional social science
assumptions around validity and reliability. Questions and prompts that are
valid for one group may simply not be valid for another (Suárez-Orozco and
Suárez-Orozco, 1995; McLoyd and Steinberg, 1998). Hence, instruments that
capture the experiences of individuals from a variety of backgrounds are a
challenge to develop.
Replicable studies and piecemeal research focusing on very specific out-
comes are the reigning approaches in published psychological research. As the
“grand theories” of psychoanalysis and learning theory fell into disfavor, psy-
chology became a largely atheoretical field. We would argue that this absence
of theoretical frameworks is a major deficit in the field. Even when findings
indicate differences, there is a tendency to shy away from proposing theories
that might shed light onto why these differences may occur.1
Psychologists, for the most part, limit their reading of “out-group” dis-
ciplines both within the field and in the related social sciences such as
sociology and anthropology. They particularly tend to privilege a journal
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discourse, excluding books (where much sociology, anthropology, and his-

tory research is published) as a systematic source of information. Moreover,
the work of researchers using qualitative approaches is frequently ignored by
those who hold quantitative approaches in high regard. Hence, work emerg-
ing from the out-group is often overlooked, limiting the capacity to inte-
grate new findings and approaches that could move forward the state of
knowledge in the field.
Taken together then – the ambivalence and superficiality of much of
gender research; the relative absence of research on migration; the dependence
on experimental design; naiveté about culture; the atheoretical nature of the
field; and the limited communication between related complementary and
subdisciplines – these have resulted in psychology sadly lagging in its contri-
bution to our understanding of migration and gender.
MIGRATION AND GENDER SCHOLARSHIP IN THE FIELD OF

PSYCHOLOGY
Our broad review of the literature reveals that studies of migration and gender
in the field of psychology (and mental health) largely fall into three broad
domains – 1) acculturative stress and “migration morbidity”; 2) relational
strains in family dynamics; and 3) immigrant youth development. In this
article, we will focus on the psychological literature that pertains to the
development of immigrant origin youth. If it is true that immigration has
generally been understudied in the field of psychology, the immigrant child
and youth experience has been even more neglected (Garcia-Coll and
Magnuson, 1997; Suárez-Orozco, 2001). This is quite puzzling given that at
the turn of the century, one in five children growing up in the U.S. was a child
of immigrants, and that proportion is projected to increase to one in three by
2030 (Rong and Preissle, 1998). Migration certainly presents a variety of
challenges to the development of immigrant youth (Tartar et al., 1994; Tartar
1998; Suárez-Orozco, 2001; Ullmann and Tartar, 2001). Here, we review
1Two noteworthy exceptions in the psychology of migration literature are the work of Leon and
Rebecca Grinberg (1990) as well as Ricardo Ainslie (1998). The Grinbergs’ provide a Kleinian
perspective on the migratory process that emphasizes common pathological outcomes –
depression, anxiety, and paranoia. That perspective can be off-putting. Nevertheless, they
provide an interesting insight into ways, along the pathological spectrum, that individuals can
respond to immigration. Ricardo Ainslie (1998) has written eloquently about how immigrants
go through a process of what he terms “cultural mourning” as they enter a new society. His
argument brings substantial insight to the acculturative stress line of reasoning.
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psychological studies that address gender and migration with a focus on children
and adolescents, considering how gendered constructs play out differently for
immigrant origin youth. We will provide developmental perspectives on family
relations, well-being, identity formation, and educational outcomes, paying
particular attention to the research focusing on the role of gender in these
domains.
Family Relations
Dion and Dion (2001) contend that “studying the contribution of gender to
immigrants’ experiences in the receiving society offers insights about the
challenges confronting immigrant families” (p. 511). This lens is useful in
considering the strains to the parental dyad as well as gendered patterns of
parents’ socialization of their children (Williams et al., 2002).
Relational Strain. It has long been recognized that children who thrive are
more likely to be raised in families with minimal family discord. Immigration,
however, tends to bring about changes to expected family roles that can
destabilize family relations (Shuval, 1980; Foner, 1997; Garcia-Coll and
Magnuson, 1997; Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 2001). Family roles
need to be renegotiated, and new scripts concerning gender relations, child-
rearing values, parent-child relations, and social attitudes come to the fore.
Sluzki (1979) was on the forefront of describing the stresses of the family
triggered by migration, proposing an insightful stage model of migration and
family conflict.
The change of power relations and the empowerment of women outside
the household can contribute to higher levels of family conflicts (Pido, 1978;
Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1992; Lim, 1997; Debiaggi, 1999; Hirsch, 1999; Mahdi,
1999; King and Zontini, 2000; Zhou, 2000; Min, 2001; Prieur, 2002). Men,
perhaps in part because of their disempowerment in the world of work, may
enforce their patriarchical rights and rigidify their traditional expectations of
their spouse (Shaw, 1988; Kibria, 1990; Espin, 1999; Zamudio, 1999). In its most
extreme form, marital discord can lead to domestic violence (Easteal, 1996; Bui
and Morash, 1999; Darvishpour, 2002; Menjivar and Salcido, 2002).
Strained family relations may ultimately lead to the dissolution of the
family. Relationships can come apart largely because of the tensions resulting
from migration, but they may also come apart for reasons that have little to do
with the migration. In some cases, however, relationships can be strengthened
during the course of migration in a kind of “it’s you and me against the world”
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partnership.2 Further study of the complexity of dyadic family relationships of

immigrants is needed.3
Household Responsibilities. Migration can challenge expectations about

gender-related roles requiring renegotiations. Processes of immigration and
resettlement may increase the burden of children’s involvement in household
responsibilities due to the necessity for both parents to work, and as well as
parents’ lack of English proficiency. Among immigrants originating from a
number of sending countries, research demonstrates fairly consistently that,
compared with their brothers, immigrant girls tend to have many more
responsibilities at home (e.g., Waters, 1996; Olsen, 1997; Valenzuela, 1999;
Espiritu, 2001; Ginorio and Huston, 2001; Lee, 2001; Sarroub, 2001;
Williams et al., 2002). Valenzuela (1999) found that, compared with boys,
immigrant girls participate more in tasks that require “greater responsibility”
and “detailed explanations.” Their roles included translating; advocating in
financial, medical, and legal transactions; and acting as surrogate parents.
Based on two waves of data collection, we found that although boys and girls
did not report different levels of responsibility for translating, girls were
significantly more likely to report responsibilities for cooking and childcare
(Suárez-Orozco and Qin-Hilliard, 2004).
Research findings on the impact of household responsibilities and edu-
cational outcomes are inconclusive. Excessive home responsibilities, some
argue, put extra burden on immigrant girls and hinder their educational
achievement (Morse, 2000; Stockwell, 2000; Canedy, 2001; Espiritu, 2001;
Ginorio and Huston, 2001; Lee, 2001). There is also evidence, however, sug-
gesting that household responsibilities may not have negative association with
educational outcomes (Ginorio and Huston, 2001; Fuligni and Pederson,
2002). For example, a report from the San Diego Schools (1989) showed that
2
There seem to be significant differences in the rates of partnership dissolution in immigrants from
different sending countries; in our sample from the Harvard Immigration Projects, immigrants
of Chinese and Mexican origin stayed together at higher rates than did those of Dominican,
Haitian, or Central American origin (see fn. 4 for details about the study.)
3
For a more thorough understanding of these dynamics, it would be important to get a sense
of the rates of dissolution within the country of origin in consideration. It is also important to
trace the sources of tension as well as the periods in time in which the dyad is most vulnerable
– prior to migration, during separations, or after the migration. A deep understanding of the
phenomenon at work should draw on anthropological insights into cultural models originating
in the country of origin, sociological perspectives into structural constraints that affect families,
as well as psychological understandings of personality and relational dynamics.
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high-achieving Latinas tended to have more responsibilities at home than low

achievers. It is possible that developing a sense of responsibility at home may
transfer to school settings. Jurkovic et al. (2004) found that while “filial respon-
sibilities” sometimes competed with schooling pursuits, performing care-
taking tasks also provided youth with “an increased sense of personal and
interpersonal competence.” Hence, these responsibilities may provide un-
anticipated benefits to girls who shoulder greater household responsibilities.
Parental Control. One of the most consistent findings across studies in

immigrant families is the different socialization strategies that parents have for
their daughters and their sons. Research done by psychologists as well as
sociologists and other social scientists with diverse immigrant populations in a
variety of countries has shown that immigrant parents place much stricter
control over their daughter’s activities outside the house than their sons’.
Immigrant girls are often not allowed to go to parties, spend time with friends
after school, or participate in after-school programs and other activities that
immigrant boys can typically choose to do freely (Sung, 1987; Olsen, 1997).
Espiritu (2001) terms this the “double standard” in parental monitoring.
This finding cuts across nearly every ethnic background as well as across
different historical periods: stricter parental control of immigrant girls has been
documented in second-generation Chinese women in San Francisco in the
1920s (Yung, 1995), Italian women in Harlem in the 1930s (Orsi, 1985),
Mexican girls in the Southwest during the interwar years (Ruiz, 1992),
daughters of Caribbean (Waters, 1996), Asian Indian (Dasgupta, 1998),
Hispanic (Williams et al., 2002), Yemeni (Sarroub, 2001), Chinese (Sung,
1987), and Hindu, Muslim, and Mexican (Olsen, 1997) immigrant girls in the
last two decades (also see Espiritu, 2001 for a review). Similar findings are
also shown among south Asian immigrant groups in Canada (Naidoo, 1984;
Talbani and Hasanali, 2000) and among Muslim immigrants in France (e.g.,
Keaton, 1999). Immigrant girls experience other forms of parental restrictions in
clothing, makeup, and language use (e.g., Olsen, 1997; Espin, 1999; Suárez-
Orozco, 2001). However, in no other area is there more parental concern and
control than in dating (Walki et al., 1981; Ghosh, 1984; Wolf, 1997; Pettys
and Balgopal, 1998; Espiritu, 2001).
Contributing to this strict monitoring of dating-related activities is the
expectation that women be the designated “keepers of the culture” (Billson,
1995). Research has documented that in socialization of their children, immi-
grant parents have higher expectations for their daughters to embody tradi-
tional ideas than for their sons. Immigrant boys do not have to conform to the
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“ideal” ethnic subject compared to their sisters, thus they often receive more
day-to-day privileges denied to their sisters (Haddad and Smith, 1996; Waters,
1996; Espiritu, 2001).
Often immigrant parents equate becoming assimilated to the American
culture to being “sexually promiscuous” (Espin, 1999) and “against the tradi-
tional . . . culture” (Dasgupta, 1998). Pressure for socialization of second-
generation females is particularly strong when parents perceive that the receiving
society poses a threat to the values of their native culture. Dion and Dion
(2001) consider “threat to values” as “an important underlying factor contrib-
uting to gender-related socialization” (p. 517). Interestingly, this perceived
threat often contributes to parental control being stricter than it had been
in the country of origin.
The existing literature suggests that there may be both negative and posi-
tive implications of strict parental controls. The negative effects are the most
obvious. In many traditional cultures, women were restricted within the house-
hold domain and could not go out to work, which limited their opportunities
and perpetuated their subordinate status in the society. These restrictions are
also found in contemporary immigrant communities as well. As a result of
strict parental control, immigrant girls are often caught between school and
home (Lee and Cochran, 1988; Talbani and Hasanali, 2000; Espiritu, 2001;
Prieur, 2002). Interestingly, however, there may be a “silver lining” to the cloud
of monitoring and oppression. Zhou and Bankston’s (2001) research with
Vietnamese girls showed that high level of parental control contributed to their
educational success. Smith’s (2002) work with Mexican origin women in New
York showed a similar pattern in the world of work. Heavy monitoring may
benefit girls by keeping them focused on activities that keep them away from
the lure of the street and its accompanying potential to (in the best of cases)
distract them and (in the worst of cases) draw them into illicit activities.
Intergenerational Tensions and Conflict. There is an ample body of literature

showing that children usually acculturate to the new culture more rapidly than
their immigrant parents (Uba, 1994; Fuligni, 1998; Ying, 1999; Portes and
Rumbaut, 2001; Suárez-Orozco, 2001). This can have important implications
on dynamics at home. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) point out the danger of
what they define as “dissonant acculturation” occurring when “children’s
learning of English and American ways and simultaneously loss of the
immigrant culture outstrip their parents’ ” (53–54). Dissonant acculturation
between parents and children can lead to serious conflict within the family
(Sluzki, 1979; Teachman, 1987; Berry, 1997; Foner, 1997; Garcia-Coll and
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Magnuson, 1997; Portes and Rumbaut, 2001; Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-

Orozco, 2001; Prieur, 2002; Sharir, 2002). Particularly for less acculturated
youth, there is evidence that such conflicts are linked to suicidality for both
girls and boys in a sample of youth who were receiving mental health services
(Lau et al., 2002).
As a cautionary note, it is important to recognize that much of the the-
orizing in this domain has arisen out of family therapy observations. Healthy
families, however, do not present themselves for treatment. Hence, theorizing
in this domain may be skewed towards pathological rather than healthy fami-
lies. Indeed, several dissertations that explored the issue of family conflict
found that immigrant families do not have higher levels of family conflict than
non-immigrant families (e.g., Yaralian, 2000; Buchanan, 2001). In our study
of “normal youth” (drawn from a school rather than a clinic setting and com-
paring cohorts of adolescents in Mexico, Mexican-born immigrants, second-
generation youth of Mexican origin, and white Americans), immigrant and
second-generation youth displayed less family conflict than did their white
American counterparts (Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 1995). 4
Emerging findings also suggest there are gender differences in inter-
generational conflict, particularly in relation to differences in parental control.
Dion and Dion (2001) argue that since parents exert greater control on their
daughters, girls may be more likely to resist or reject traditional beliefs or
values. There is some evidence showing that adolescent girls are less likely to
endorse traditional family values (Rosenthal et al., 1996) and gender role
ideology (Gabaccia, 1994; Dasgupta, 1998; Tang and Dion, 1999). Talbani
and Hasanali (2000) found that South Asian girls in Canada disapprove of the
strict parental control. They express their “suppressed frustrations” by not tell-
ing their parents, creating dissidence, alienation from parents, and sometimes
open rebellion. These contradictions can create serious psychological stress in
some girls. Research shows parallel findings in Hmong (Lee, 2001), Filipino
4The data for this research are part of the Longitudinal Immigrant Student Adaptation Project,
directed by Carola Suárez-Orozco with Marcelo Suárez-Orozco while at Harvard University. The
study followed longitudinally 400 immigrant children (ages 9 to 14 at the beginning of the
study) coming from five major regions (China, Central America, the Dominican Republic,
Haiti, and Mexico) to the Boston and San Francisco areas for five years. This interdisciplinary
project utilized a variety of methods including structured student and parent interviews;
ethnographic observations; projective and objective measures; reviews of school records; and
teacher questionnaires and interviews. This project was made possible by funding provided by the
National Science Foundation, the W.T. Grant Foundation, and the Spencer Foundation. The data
presented, the statements made, and the views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors.
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(Espiritu, 2001), Korean (Hauh, 1999), Latino (Calderon, 1998), and Indian
families (Pettys and Balgopal, 1998) in the U.S. This pattern seems to hold up
in international research as comparable findings are documented in immigrant
families in Norway (Prieur, 2002), Turkish families in Germany (Popp, 1997),
and South Asian families in Canada (Ghosh, 1984).5
Of course, immigrant parents have conflict with their sons as well. These
conflicts, however, tend not to center around issues of dating or monitoring of
their whereabouts, but rather around issues of delinquent or problem behaviors
(Gabaccia, 1994). Much less is written about generational conflict with boys,
however, indicating a fertile avenue for future research.
Immigrant Youth Well-Being
The literature on the psychopathology and well-being of immigrant youth (like

that of adults) provides little evidence to support the contention that immigrants
are significantly more likely than nonimmigrants to suffer from mental health
challenges – in fact, there is a growing body of evidence to support the notion
that first-generation immigrants do better than nonimmigrants (the second
generation and beyond) in this regard (Hernández and Charney, 1998). In fact,
there is considerable evidence that the second and third generations suffer from
greater physical and mental health challenges than does the first generation. In
general, however, the body of literature on the physical and emotional well-
being of immigrant youth does not tease out gendered differences. When
gendered differences are established, the literature tends to draw on gendered
observations developed on nonimmigrant youth – boys tend to externalize
while girls tend to internalize problems (Leadbeater et al., 1999).
Family-Related Stress. Emerging findings on gender and mental health of

immigrant children and adolescents suggest that girls seem more vulnerable
5When some girls do start dating, it often provokes intergenerational conflict in the family (e.g.,
Sung, 1987; Rumbaut, 1997). In extreme cases, tragedies occur. For example, in the fall of 2000,
the Chinese-American community was shocked when a Chinese immigrant adolescent girl
strangled both her parents with the help of her boyfriend because they prohibited her to date the
African-American young man. In another troubling incident that took place in France in 1994,
a fifteen-year-old Turkish Muslim girl was strangled by her brother with the consent of her
parents and cousin, who all witnessed the killing, because the girl was dating a boy and wanted
to run away from home with him, which was considered to be a “dishonor” to her entire family
(Keaton, 1999). Aswad and Bilge (1996) have also documented “honor killings” of adolescent
girls from immigrant families by their fathers or brothers.
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than boys to adjustment and family-related stress (e.g., Aronowitz, 1984;

Zambrana and Silva-Palacios, 1989; Rumbaut, 1996; Hernández and
Charney, 1998; Suárez-Orozco, 2000; Portes and Rumbaut, 2001; Portes and
Hao, 2002; Williams et al., 2002). In their study of gender differences in stress
among Mexican immigrant adolescents, Zambrana and Sliva-Palacios (1989)
found that immigrant girls had statistically significant higher stress levels than
boys. More specifically, the girls tended to report more stress about issues
related to family loss (leaving family and friends back) and change (moving
from one neighborhood to another). There is evidence, however, that there is
some cultural variation on this dimension.
Sociologists Rumbaut and Portes’s (1996) study of 5,000 second-generation
adolescents from various ethnic groups found that girls from immigrant
families had significantly lower levels of psychological well-being as measured
by depression and self-esteem compared to their male counterparts. Hence,
there appears to be some evidence supporting the hypothesis that immigrant
girls tend to internalize difficulties more than boys.
Risk Behaviors and Delinquency. There is an emerging pattern of gender

difference in the literature indicating that immigrant boys are more likely than
immigrant girls to engage in risk behaviors and delinquency. Khoury et al.
(1999) examined gender and ethnic differences in the prevalence of alcohol,
cigarette, and illicit drug use over time in a cohort of young Hispanic
adolescents in South Florida and found that girls were less likely than boys to
have risk behaviors. Ma’s (2002) analysis also showed that gender was the most
important child-level variable linked to behavioral problems of immigrant
children (boys showing more behavioral problems). Males also seem to
participate more in sexual behaviors than female immigrants. Pedersen’s (2002)
study of immigrant adolescents in Oslo revealed that female Muslims with
an immigrant background (from countries such as Pakistan, Turkey, and
Morocco) rarely had taken part in sexual intercourse during their mid-teens
while Muslim males from the same countries reported much higher level of
sexual experience. Youth violence is also highly gendered with boys far more
likely to commit violence than girls do in the general population
(Messerschmidt, 1993; Courtenay, 1999).
Taking a historical perspective, and drawing on data from 100 years of
U.S. immigration records, particularly in California, Tony Waters (1999)
examined immigrant groups such as Laotians, Koreans, and Mexicans in the
late twentieth century, as well as Mexicans and Molokan Russians in the early
twentieth century. He concluded that when an immigrant group had a large
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population of young males, it created a potential pattern for misunderstand-

ings within the host society. Using rich case studies, Waters demonstrated that
these cultural tensions and the social disparagement and exclusion that male
immigrant origin youth tended to experience led to predictable outbreaks of
crime within deviant subcultures (such as gangs.)
Participation in delinquent acts is highly linked to poverty and sustained
exposure to inequality (not vectors closely examined in the field of psychology).
Cross-cultural evidence (largely emerging from the field of anthropology) from
a variety of different regions suggests that the social context and ethos of recep-
tion play an important role in immigrant adaptation. In cases where racial
and ethnic inequalities are highly structured, such as for Algerians in France,
Koreans in Japan, or Mexicans in California, “psychological disparagement”
and “symbolic violence” may permeate the experience of many minority youth.
Members of these groups are not only effectively locked out of the opportunity
structure (through segregated and inferior schools, and work opportunities in
the least desirable sectors of the economy) but also commonly become the
objects of cultural violence. The stereotypes of inferiority, sloth, and violence
justify the sense that they are less deserving of partaking in the dominant soci-
ety’s opportunity structure. Such charged attitudes assault and undermine the
sense of self among minority children, who may then come to experience the
institutions of the dominant society as alien terrain reproducing an order of
inequality (DeVos and Suárez-Orozco 1990). As a consequence, boys growing
up in conditions of discrimination often deviate from acceptable social norms
(Chesney-Lind et al., 1998). They are less likely to fully engage in school, are
more likely to “act out,” and are more likely to engage in illicit behaviors.
Engaging in delinquent behaviors is often a way to demonstrate status
when other outlets or paths for social recognition are lacking. Prieur (2002)
documented the gang and criminal fantasy of immigrant adolescent boys in
Norway as a “subcultural form” of masculinity. These boys, who lacked positive
role models in other domains, were strongly influenced by African American
urban culture, which emphasizes respect and honor, and competence in such
activities as dancing and sports. Mayeda et al.’s (2001) study of ethnically
diverse group in Hawaii, including immigrant Filipino youth, also found that
while both girls and boys engaged in violent and delinquent behaviors, for girls,
it was a reaction against the abuse in the society, both physical and sexual; how-
ever, for boys, it was a means for gaining popularity and street-elite status.6
There is significant historical and cross-cultural evidence that delin-
quency and gang involvement is found among second-generation immigrant
origin groups (Vigil, 2002). It remains to be determined whether these problem
G P  P 177
behaviors are a result of immigrant and disparaged minority status (DeVos,

1980) or whether immigrant youth tend to live in neighborhood contexts that
are simply more conducive to acting out and deviant behaviors. It may be that
immigrant boys are simply acculturating to their inner-city milieus. Further
research is needed in this area.
Clearly, externalization and delinquency is found among girls as well as
boys, though there tends to be an overrepresentation among boys. This is a
domain of scholarship that is socially highly relevant. It is sufficiently multiply
determined, however, to require the perspectives of all of the social sciences.
A lens entirely focused on the individual or even the family will leave much out
of the equation of understanding.
Challenges to Identity Formation
For adolescents, the quintessential task of development is forming a coherent

identity during adolescence (Erikson, 1963; Marcia, 1980). For immigrant
youth, this task can be particularly challenging considering the multiple worlds
they traverse and live in and the contradictions between the host culture and
their native culture and discrimination from the host society (e.g., Aronowitz,
1984; Vigil, 1988; Grinberg and Grinberg, 1990; Kohatsu, Suzuki, and
Bennett, 1991; Goodenow and Espin, 1993; Phelan, Davidson, and Yu, 1993;
Florsheim, 1997; Phinney and Landin, 1998; De Las Fuentes and Vasquez,
1999; Suárez-Orozco, 2000, 2001; Talbani and Hasanali, 2000). When there
is too much cultural dissonance, when cultural guides are inadequate, and
when the social mirror reflects negative images, adolescents may find it difficult
to develop a flexible and adaptive sense of self.
It should be noted that while identity was a concept coined by a psy-
chologist (Erik Erickson), much of the most interesting work about immigrant
6They also found that boys from the Philippines and other backgrounds demonstrated a
tendency to derive their self-worth or identity by engaging in delinquent or violent behaviors –
Messerschmidt (1993) termed the boys’ using delinquent behaviors to gain status on the street
as “masculine posturing” – “the persona power struggle with other young, marginalized, racial
minority men is a resource for constructing a specific type of masculinity – not masculinity in
the context of a job or organizational dominance but in the context of ‘street elites’ and,
therefore, in the context of street group dominance” (p. 116). More comfortably fitting within
the domain of psychological scholarship, family variables such as lack of family anomie and lack
of family cohesion have been considered as a contributing factor to substance abuse (Kim et al.,
2002; Pantin et al., 2003), gang membership (Vigil 1988), and delinquency. Not surprisingly,
social support plays an important buffering function (Short 1996).
178 I M R
youth has been done by sociologists. Here we will briefly outline the research
in this domain, recognizing that while it largely did not emerge from the field
of psychology, it is an area of scholarship that could benefit from the psycho-
logical perspective (a point we will return to later).
The Social Mirror. The general social climate or ethos of reception plays a critical
role in the adaptation of immigrants and their children (Suárez-Orozco, 2001).
Unfortunately, intolerance for newcomers is an all too common response all over
the world. Discrimination against immigrants of color is particularly widespread
and intense in many settings receiving large numbers of new immigrants – this is
true in Europe (Suárez-Orozco, 2004), the U.S. (Espenshade, 1998), and in Japan
(Tsuda, 2003). As today’s immigrants are more diverse than ever in terms of
ethnicity, skin color, and religion, they are particularly subject to the pervasive
social trauma of prejudice and social exclusion (Tatum, 1997).
Immigrant youth are challenged to navigate between achieved identities
and assigned or imposed identities. Assigned identities, in the form of stereo-
types and negative social mirroring, can be particularly damaging for youths’
identity formation. A variety of sources within the host society – including
school authorities, police officers, and the media, among others – reflect images
within the social mirror to immigrant youth about their group of ethnic origin.
When the reflected image is generally positive, the individual (adult or child)
will be able to feel that she is worthwhile and competent. When the distortions
in the “negative social mirror” are consistently reflected from a number of
sources, it is extremely difficult to maintain an unblemished sense of self-worth
(Suárez-Orozco, 2000).7
Research across ethnic group and country of origin has shown that the
negative “social mirroring” immigrant youth face is deeply gendered. For
example, Nancy López’s (2003) research with Caribbean second-generation
youth in New York showed that men are usually racialized into “hoodlums”
and tend to have more negative interactions with police due to racial profiling.
7Research from the Harvard Immigration Project (see fn. 4 for more details) suggests that
immigrant children are keenly aware of the prevailing ethos of hostility of the dominant culture
(Suárez-Orozco 2000). The children were asked to complete a modified sentence completion
task – “Most Americans think that [Chinese, Dominicans, Central Americans, Haitians,
Mexicans – depending on the child’s country of origin] are . . .” Disturbingly, fully 65 percent
of the respondents provided a negative response to the sentence completion task. The modal
response was the word “bad”; others – even more disconcerting – included: “stupid,” “useless,”
“garbage,” “gang members,” “lazy,” and “we don’t exist.” This is likely to have serious
developmental implications.
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Mayeda et al.’s (2001) study of Filipino youth in Hawaii found that boys were
often stereotyped as violent and gang-involved in the media and general public,
as well as in the school context (also see Okamura, 1982). Filipino girls, on the other
hand, were often stereotyped as “hoochie mammas” and labeled as “loose and
promiscuous” or submissive “mail-order brides” (also see Egan, 1996; Halualani,
1995).
Interestingly, there are differences in stereotypes about males and females
from different backgrounds. For, example, while Latino and African immi-
grant boys are often stereotyped by popular media to be gang members and
dangerous and delinquent youth (López, 2003), Asian male adolescents have
often been stereotyped to be unmasculine (Chua and Fujino, 1999). Their
physical attributes such as being small and short contribute to their being per-
ceived as weak (Sung, 1987; Ling, 1997; Eng, 2001; Lei, 2003) and thus make
them more likely targets for verbal or physical racist attacks. Importantly, in the
process of negotiating identity, immigrant youth, girls and boys, often chal-
lenge and resist the negative social mirroring and stereotypes. Williams et al.’s
(2002) study found that Latina girls, though facing low expectations at home
and at school, resisted the “domesticated Latina” image and showed others that
they had dreams for a professional career.
Conflicting Messages. Another challenge immigrant youth face is the

conflicting messages they receive from school and home. This is particularly
the case for immigrant girls. For many girls, bridging the different cultures can
be very challenging during adolescence, because of the inherent cultural clashes
and conflicts between the American culture and their home culture (e.g., Sue
and Sue, 1973; Kim, 1981; Sung, 1987, 1985; Rosenthal and Feldman, 1992;
Goodenow and Espin, 1993; Uba, 1994; Waters, 1996; Florsheim, 1997; De
Las Fuentes, 1999). Ginorio and Huston (2001) in their AAUW report of
Latinas in education found that many Latina girls experienced a “bifurcated
self ” due to the centrality of family and religion in their lives and the varied
expectations of school and peer groups. Williams et al. (2002) argued that
the nexus between school and family represented intersecting mechanisms of
social control for Latina girls (568). The differing messages immigrant girls
received from home and from school can be particularly confusing.
Ethnic Identity. The majority of research on identity formation for immigrant

adolescents has focused on ethnic identity (e.g., Phinney, 1989, 1990; Rosenthal
and Feldman, 1992; Lay and Verkuyten, 1999; Suárez-Orozco, 2004). Indeed,
forging a positive identity that incorporates elements of both the parental and
180 I M R
host cultures is one of the single most important developmental tasks immigrant
origin youth face. There is mounting evidence that the individual who can move
comfortably across cultural contexts and who is able to incorporate affective and
instrumental dimensions of the cultures (s)he traverses will have better outcomes.
Nearly all researchers agree that fast assimilation into the American society and
losing one’s ethnic identity is associated with higher levels of psychosocial risks
and lower educational achievement in minority youth (Phinney, 1990;
Rosenthal and Feldman, 1992; Portes and Zhou, 1993). Indeed, a transcultural
identity appears to be most adaptive to immigrant children’s development
(Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 2001).
Measuring identity is a methodological challenge, however. Identity is far
more complex than a simple self-selected ethnic identity label. It involves fairly
easily established performance of identity (assessed by observing the participa-
tion in a series of ethnic activities and the dominant culture’s activities) as well
as the much more nebulous internal state of feeling of belonging. Feelings of
belongingness, however, are far more difficult to assess and the concept is more
complex than a simple binary choice. Whether or not one feels affiliation to
and acceptance by the groups under consideration may be related to the
ability to incorporate elements of the culture into one’s sense of self. Does the
individual value her culture of origin? Does she feel accepted by others of that
culture? Is she drawn to the new culture (or cultures)? Does she feel welcome
and incorporated into the new culture (or cultures)? Does she wish to be
incorporated into the new culture or does she find it alienating? These attitudes
will have much to do with the fusion of culture that is internalized
(Maestes, 2000). Psychological methodologies are best suited to determin-
ing these phenomenological emotional and cognitive dimensions of
experience.
Researchers have documented important gender differences in immi-
grant youth’s ethnic identity development (Waters, 1996; Lee, 2002; Schwartz
and Montgomery, 2002; Qin-Hilliard, 2003). Yip and Fuligni’s (2002) study
found that Chinese immigrant girls were more likely to have a strong sense
of ethnic identity than their male counterparts. Qin-Hilliard’s (2003) study
drawing on the Longitudinal Immigrant Student Adaptation (LISA)8 study
demonstrated that although in the first year, there was no gender difference in
ethnic identity among the recent immigrant students interviewed, by the fifth
year, boys were significantly less likely than girls to keep their country of origin
identity. The trend held true for all given ethnic groups, but particularly for
8See fn. 4 for more details of the LISA study.

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Dominican, Central American, and Haitian boys. Similarly, in their research

with immigrant adolescents in Canada, Dion and Dion (1999, 2001) found
that stricter parental control and socialization of daughters to carry on the
parental values may also have positive effects in girls’ sense of ethnic identity
development.
Immigrant girls also appear to have more flexibility in choosing an ethnic
identity compared to boys (Rumbaut, 1996; Olsen, 1997; M. Waters, 1999).
Waters (1997) found that Caribbean girls seemed to face fewer pressures to
take on racialized identities, allowing them more leeway in identity formation.
Similarly, both Rumbaut (1996) and Olsen (1997) found that girls were more
likely than boys to choose “additive” or “hyphenated identities,” indicating
attempts to bridge the two cultures.
In summary, there seems to be some consensus that the boundaries
between the identities appear to be less fluid and less permeable for boys than
it is for girls. Boys appear to have more difficulty in assuming bicultural com-
petencies and making successful bicultural adjustments (Waters, 1996; Portes
and Rumbaut, 2001). This challenge seems to be at least in part a result of the
highly racialized identities and negative expectations strongly imposed upon
immigrants by the dominant society. Immigrant boys of color, in particular, are
more likely to perceive that they are unwelcome by mainstream society. Fur-
ther, they face more pressure by their peers to take on a racial identity. Perhaps
as a result, immigrant girls tend to perceive more future opportunities than do
immigrant boys of color.
Educational Adaptations
Much of the work on gendered patterns of educational outcomes is inter-

disciplinary in nature, drawing from the fields of psychology, anthropology,
sociology, and education. In many ways, it is the best-developed work in
gendered experiences of immigrant youth and may well serve as a model of
research.9
Academic Outcomes. Emerging findings on the educational adaptation of

immigrant youth confirm the national trend that immigrant boys lag behind
immigrant girls in academic settings across ethnic groups (e.g., Gibson, 1988;
9Reading across disciplines, working in interdisciplinary teams, and examining both individual
motivational issues as well as school context influences allow for deeper and more nuanced
understanding than is found in many areas of immigration.
182 I M R
Brandon, 1991; Waters, 1996; Lee, 2001; Portes and Rumbaut, 2001; Qin-
Hilliard, 2001, 2003; Suárez-Orozco, 2001; Suárez-Orozco and Qin-Hilliard,
2004). Brandon’s (1991) study of Asian American high school seniors showed
that females reached higher levels of educational attainment faster than males.
Rong and Brown (2001) found that African and Caribbean immigrant black
females outperformed their male counterparts in schooling attainment. In
their recent report on second-generation youth with various Latino and Asian
origins, sociologists Portes and Rumbaut (2001) found that boys were less
engaged; had significantly lower grades, level of interest, and work effort, as
well as lower career and educational goals; and were less likely to adhere to
their parents’ language compared to girls. Consistent with this literature,
data from the Longitudinal Immigrant Student Adaptation (LISA) study10
show that over time girls received higher grades and expressed higher future
expectations than did boys (Qin-Hilliard, 2003). Researchers have also
documented similar gender patterns in educational outcomes among North
African immigrant students in Europe (Raissiguier, 1994; Hassini, 1997; Haw,
1998).
While a similar gender gap exists in the educational outcomes of native
students in the U.S. (Connell, 2000; Spring, 1994; U.S. Department of Edu-
cation, 1995; Kleinfeld, 1998; Grant and Rong, 1999) as well as in many other
countries around the world, it is important to study the gender gap in immi-
grant minority communities, because research findings suggest that the gender
gap favoring girls in immigrant origin and minority populations is bigger than
in the native population (Dunn, 1988; López, 2003). For example, the AAUW
Educational Foundation’s (1998) report found that the gender gap in NAEP
(National Assessment of Educational Progress) test scores was larger for His-
panics than for white students, favoring Latinas in several subject areas.11
Educational Aspirations. Gender differences in educational aspirations

favoring girls has also been documented but “undertheorized” (Kao and
Tienda, 1998:357). Immigrant girls are found to have higher academic
expectations and future aspirations than boys in most of the studies conducted
10See fn. 4.
11In the fourth grade, Latinas outperformed their male counterparts in reading and history; by
the eighth grade, they scored higher in math and reading; and by the twelfth grade, they scored
higher in science as well as reading. The gap between white girls and boys was smaller at each of
these assessment points, with girls outperforming boys only on reading in the fourth and twelfth
grades. Brandon’s (1991) study of gender differences of educational attainment among Asian
Americans found similar results.
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so far (Hao and Bonstead-Bruns, 1998; Plunkett and Bamaca-Gomez, 2003).

López’s (2003) study found that women maintained optimistic outlooks, while
men expressed worries about their prospects for social mobility. Female
immigrant students also appear to have higher future career ambitions than
males according to a study conducted in Canada (Maxwell, 1996).
Potential Explanations. So why do immigrant girls outperform boys in

educational settings and have higher educational and future aspirations? Our
review shows that a number of factors may help to account for the observed
gender differences in immigrant youth’s educational adaptation. First, a critical
difference between boys and girls is in the realm of social relationships. In a
series of elegant studies of Mexican-American adolescent social networks
within schools, Stanton-Salazar (2001) found that boys’ school-based
relationships were less supportive. Drawing on data from the LISA study, Qin-
Hilliard (2003) also found that compared with boys, immigrant girls were
more likely to have friends who were serious about schoolwork and supportive
of academics. Girls also had better relationships with their teachers and
perceived more support at school than did boys. Second, for immigrant
students, school is a highly “gendered” institution (Williams et al., 2002;
López, 2003). Girls and boys frequently have very different experiences in school.
Boys were often more rambunctious, and teachers were less understanding of
young men and were more likely to discipline them harshly for the same
infractions committed by women (Gillock and Midgley, 2000; Ginorio and
Huston, 2001; López, 2003). Third, peer pressure for boys to engage in deviant
behaviors was also stronger than for girls (Gibson, 1988; Adams, 1994;
Fordham, 1996; Waters, 1996; Gillock and Midgley, 2000; Smith, 2002; Qin-
Hilliard, 2001). Behaviors that gain respect with their peers often bring them
into conflict with their teachers. Some researchers point out that immigrant
boys from certain ethnic backgrounds are more likely to perceive racism from
the mainstream society and thus are more pressured to reject school when
compared to immigrant girls (Gibson, 1993; Waters, 1996; Suárez-Orozco,
1998). Immigrant boys in general are more likely than their sisters to develop
an “oppositional relationship” with the educational system or to see schooling
as a threat to their identity (Gibson, 1993). Expressions of “protest
masculinity,” coupled with structural obstacles, seem to place boys of low
socioeconomic status who belong to disparaged minorities most at risk of
low educational achievement and delinquency (Connell, 2000). This line of
reasoning should be considered in future research focused on immigrant youth
in particular. Teacher interviews as well as field notes from the LISA study
184 I M R
reflect that immigrant boys are more quickly recruited into the mores of their
new social environments (which are often in deeply impoverished inner-city
schools that do not foster cultures of high-achievement orientation).
FUTURE RESEARCH
Although much of the research on gender tends to focus on differences

between girls and boys, it is important to note that there is much overlap as well
(Connell, 2000). Though there are certainly differences between immigrant
males and females, there are also many similarities. Interestingly, many of the
dimensions we have examined over the years have revealed no gender
differences, such as attitudes toward teachers, perceptions of school safety,
attitudes toward Americans, and self-reports of somatization and hostility
(Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 1995; Suárez-Orozco and Qin-Hilliard,
2004). We suspect that in many studies, when gender emerges as non-
predictive, the “non-findings” may go unreported or subsumed and are lost
among other findings.12 It is important to recognize that “non-findings” of
overlap in attitudes, behaviors, and experiences between males and females are
in some ways as interesting as findings of difference.
Gender is an extremely important dimension to consider in conducting
research on migration. There is ample evidence to suggest that there are many
dimensions of experience that are indeed different for males and females.
Future research should always consider whether, and if so, how, when, and why
it makes a difference being an immigrant or being from a particular country or
being female rather than male.
It is also important that psychologists working in the field not lose sight
of the significance of socioeconomic background. While immigrants come
from a range of socioeconomic backgrounds, a majority of new immigrants are
poor. Further, much of the research in the field has been done on these poorer
populations, who may make themselves more available to researchers than the
more privileged. Yet, economic factors in both the sending and receiving con-
texts along with educational social capital contribute vastly different migratory
experiences. Gender, no doubt, interacts with class and migration, which is
likely to result in quite different outcomes (Suárez-Orozco, 1998). Future
research should be conducted to tease out these different scenarios of gender
dynamics and migration adaptation.
12When gender is used as a control variable, it is often embedded in studies on other topics.
G P  P 185
In our estimation, psychologists have focused excessively on pathology.

Much of the research emanating from the mental health field has searched for
links between the migratory experience and expected negative psychological
fallout resulting from that experience. The data that have emerged from this
line of research have often shown little relationship between migration and
psychopathology (when comparisons have been made between migrant and
non-migrant populations either in the host country or in the sending country).
We need to be careful to draw samples from nonclinical settings. Researchers
should consider sources of resilience that arise from the migratory experience.
For example, are such inoculating traits as hope, perseverance, and capacity to
delay gratification more often found among immigrants than their native-born
peers? Are men and boys or are women and girls more able to deploy these cop-
ing strategies and under what circumstances? This shift to a positive psychology
framework has the potential to deepen our understanding considerably.
The oft-studied but often oversimplified domain of immigrant identity
is an issue in which the field of psychology has much to contribute. Identity
and belonging are deeply gendered in ways that matter fundamentally to the
project of social science. Half a century of basic research suggests that gendered
dynamics are critical for understanding a whole array of processes relevant to
the study of identity and belonging. Whether it is how moral judgments are
constructed and the moral community constituted (Gilligan, 1982) or how
schooling processes and outcomes vary, gender has proven to be an important
factor in shaping the human experience. Anthropologists and sociologists have
provided persuasive insight into the ways in which negative identities are more
powerfully ascribed to males of “disparaged” (DeVos, 1980) minority backgrounds
(Waters, 1996; Smith, 2002; López, 2003). Psychologists have been helpful in
providing insight into how, for African-American students, these imposed negative
“identity threats” shape cognitive and emotional states that are then manifested
in substandard performance on a variety of experimental tasks (Steele, 1997).
This line of inquiry should be extended to immigrant origin populations. The
complex confluence of identity, gender, and migration is a domain of inquiry that
would benefit greatly from the incorporation of perspectives and methodolo-
gies provided from the intertwining of these various social science traditions.
Clearly, gendered experiences of migration are complex and outcomes are
multiply determined. Sociologists and anthropologists have provided a great
deal of insight into the gendered experience of migration for adult women.
Psychologists have much to offer in providing nuanced cognitive and
emotional perspectives. In particular, developmental studies on children and
adolescents complement the focus on adults in other disciplines. Further,
186 I M R
psychology’s longitudinal methodologies that consider the process of migration

and how it evolves over time can also contribute to the field of migration and
gender. We must recognize that this domain of immigration and gender
requires interdisciplinary, mixed method strategies to achieve any depth. Psy-
chologists need the perspective of the sociological understanding of social
forces (such as power inequities or poverty), as well as the cultural insights that
anthropologists can provide. Researchers in human development should also
consider the historical and political forces at work, not simply within the host
context but also that of the sending countries. How the confluence of these
forces is internalized and carried into the migratory experience is intimately
linked to the adaptations of immigrant origin youth.13
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Waters, M.
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———
1997 “Immigrant Families at Risk: Factors That Undermine Chances for Success.” In
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———
1996 “The Intersection of Gender, Race, and Ethnicity in Identity Development of Caribbean
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Waters, T.
1999 Crime and Immigrant Youth. Thousand Oaks CA: Sage Publications.
198 I M R
Williams, L. S. et al.
2002 “My Name Is Not Maria: Young Latinas Seeking Home in the Heartland.” Social Problems
49(4):563–584.
Wolf, D. L.
1997 “Family Secrets: Transnational Struggles among Children of Filipino Immigrants.”
Sociological Perspectives 40(3):457– 482.
Yaralian, T.
2000 “Acculturation, Ethnic Identity, and Psychological Functioning among Immigrant and
First Generation Armenian Young Adults.” Ph.D. Dissertation. Malibu CA: Pepperdine
University.
Ying, Y. W., M. Coombs, and P. A. Lee
1999 “Family Intergenerational Relationship of Asian American Adolescents.” Cultural Diver-
sity & Ethnic Minority Psychology 5:350–363.
Yip, T., and A. Fuligni
2002 “Daily Variation in Ethnic Identity, Ethnic Behaviors, and Psychological Well-Being among
American Adolescents of Chinese Descent.” Child Development 73(5):1557–1572.
Yung, J.
1995 Unbound Feel: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco. Berkeley: University of
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Zambrana, R. E., and V. Silva-Palacios
1989 “Gender Differences in Stress among Mexican Immigrant Adolescents in Los Angeles,
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Zamudio, P.
1999 “Continuities in Gender Relations: A Case of Immigrant Families from Huejuquilla el
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Zhou, M., and C. L. Bankston, III.
2001 “Family Pressure and the Educational Experience of the Daughters of Vietnamese Refugees.”
International Migration 39(4):133–151.
Zhou, Y.
2000 “The Fall of ‘The Other Half of the Sky’? Chinese Immigrant Women in the New York
Area.” Women’s Studies International Forum 23(4):445–459.
Required reading 8.
Rettberg J. W. and Gajjala R. 2015. Terrorists or cowards: negative

portrayals of male Syrian refugees in social media. Feminist Media
Studies, 16(1): 178-181.
178 COMMENTARY AND CRITICISM
the (white, Afrikaans) pharmacist waves the wealthy young customers through. In their
mockery of the impotent guard we see the intense disjuncture between this “new” black
masculinity—signified by slang, expensive cars, disposable income, branded clothing, con-
sumable materials like drugs and alcohol, Anglophone accents, and fashionable ennui—and
“old” black masculinity, reminiscent of an apartheid-era imaginary—traditional, respectful,
hard-working, low status, less proficient in English, a guard at a shop rather than a purchaser
of expensive goods.
The first film uncritically lauds the depiction of the black South African man as both
consumer and consumable object while the second laments the affective consequences of
apathetic middle class adolescent modernity. Both construct versions of blackness that are
largely shorn of any agency but the personal and that are divorced from a sense of the polit-
ical. Collectively they suggest the development of a new polysemy in South African popular
cultural representations of black masculinity that may move beyond historical hegemonic
injunctions.
References
Chouliaraki, Lilie. 2010. “Post-Humanitarianism: Humanitarian Communication Beyond a Politics of
Pity.” International Journal of Cultural Studies 13 (2): 107–126.
Falkof, Nicky. Forthcoming. “ENG/AFR: White Men in Two Contemporary South African Films.” Critical Arts.
Gqola, Pumla D. 2009. “‘The Difficult Task of Normalizing Freedom’: Spectacular Masculinities, Ndebele’s
Literary/Cultural Commentary and Post-Apartheid Life.” English in Africa 36 (1): 61–76.
Haupt, Adam. 2008. “Black Masculinity and the Tyranny of Authenticity in South African Popular Culture.”
In Power, Politics and Identity in South African Media, edited by Adrian Hadland et al., 378–398. Pretoria:
HSRC Press.
Kids. 1995. Film. Directed by Larry Clark. USA: Guys Upstairs.
Mager, Anne. 2005. “‘One Beer, One Goal, One Nation, One Soul’: South African Breweries, Heritage,
Masculinity and Nationalism 1960–1999.” Past & Present 188 (1): 163–194.
Necktie Youth. 2015. Film. Directed by Sibs Shongwe-La Mer. South Africa: Urucu Media.
Tell Me Sweet Something. 2015. Film. Rififi Pictures: Directed by Akin Omotoso. South Africa.
Walker, Liz. 2005. “Men Behaving Differently: South African Men since 1994.” Culture, Health & Sexuality
7 (3): 225–238.
Terrorists or cowards: negative portrayals of male Syrian

refugees in social media
Jill Walker Rettberga and Radhika Gajjalab
a
University of Bergen; bBowling Green State University/ Fulbright Scholar 2015/16, University of Bergen
In 2015 Syrian refugees became increasingly visible to Westerners in both mainstream and
social media as more and more refugees arrived in Europe. Social media are heavily used
by Syrians themselves (Kari Andén-Papadopoulos and Mervi Pantti 2013; Carleen Maitland
and Ying Xu 2015; Melissa Wall and Sahar el Zahed 2015), as well as by Europeans who are
sympathetic to their struggle, but there is also a backlash that is evident in spaces such
© 2015 The Author(s). Published by Taylor & Francis.

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 179
as the Twitter hashtag #refugeesNOTwelcome. In this short commentary, we examine

images and words shared on the Twitter hashtag #refugeesNOTwelcome to understand
the portrayal of male Syrian refugees in a post-9/11 context where the Middle-Eastern male
is often primarily cast as a potential terrorist. Queer theorist Jasbir Puar (2007) and Middle-
East scholar Paul Amar (2011) provide us with a theoretical approach to make sense of the
contradictions we see emerging in this social media context.
The claim that the Syrian refugees are primarily male is often repeated on #refugeesNOT-
welcome through images of men with text highlighting the absence of women and children.
This emphasis on visual displays of male refugees is particularly strong following the extreme
spread of images of drowned children on European beaches in August and September 2015.
In contrast to mainstream media coverage of the war against Afghanistan and Iraq, in which
the war was justified in part through an explicit focus on images of oppressed women, on
#refugeesNOTwelcome women are less visible. However, this lack of visibility operates in a
similar way to highlight the desertion of women in the geographic location that the refugees
are fleeing from, thus reaffirming the notion that Muslim nations are places where there are
oppressed women to be rescued.
The stereotypical image of Middle-Eastern men in contemporary times often suggests
that they are dangerous. However, in 2015 we have seen an increased sympathy towards
Syrian refugees in Europe in many mainstream media outlets as well as in social media. This
has led to a more nuanced portrayal of Middle-Eastern people. To coordinate support for
the refugees, Welcome Refugees groups have been established on Facebook for countries,
regions, and cities all over Europe. Welcome Refugees Norway, for instance, was established
in the summer of 2015 and grew to over eighty thousand members within a few weeks. The
group not only featured posts about how to help newly arrived refugees, it also included
posts from Syrians themselves, which have received hundreds of likes and many comments
from supportive people.
A seeming shift towards a self-staged testimony appears to offer a potential autonomous
self-management of social media presence by the refugees themselves. Yet it is countered
by anti-immigrant responses, as seen on #refugeesNOTwelcome. Anti-immigrant discourses
work to discredit the autonomous social media output by casting doubt on the refugees and
their integrity. “Infidel Angel”’s tweet on September 7, for instance, states that it “Won’t be
long before the rapes start. #refugeesNOTwelcome We all know their mindset. All Hell is going
to be let loose, soon. #auspol” (Infidel Angel 2015). The discourse produced here attempts to
reclaim and maintain the stereotype of Middle-Eastern masculinity as threatening.
If not rapists, male refugees are portrayed as terrorists. In one tweet posted to the hashtag
#refugeesNOTwelcome, two images are shown side by side: a naked, starving African child
stands in the red dust of a refugee camp. Men on a boat are talking together. “This is a real
refugee,” the text below the child says. The men are not, according to the text: “These are not.
These are soldiers of Islam. Don’t let the media fool you.” The photograph of the African child
is familiar to Western eyes from charity campaigns and calls for compassion. Such images
contribute to the homogenizing imagery of third-world poverty that helps create sufficient
distance. Compassion becomes easy. The dry dirt and the starving people, naked or wrapped
in blankets, could never be confused for an image of Europe. The men on the boat, on the
other hand, are dressed as Europeans dress and look much like Europeans. The text and
the juxtaposed images tell us we must fear these men and that they are not true refugees.
180 COMMENTARY AND CRITICISM
A focus on the masculinity of Middle-Eastern men during times of unrest is not unique
to the Syrian refugee crisis of 2015. Debates about how to respond to the visibility of the
Middle-Eastern male in non-terrorist crises and uprisings were noted during the uprisings
of 2011, in which observers “initially responded … with shocked incomprehension” (Amar
2011, 29). Predatory sexuality and undisciplined male aggression were among several causes
suggested to support claims that people in the Middle East were not ready for democratic
self-governance. Even activists who support the refugees have at times made use of tropes
that demonize Arab men as “sexually obsessed with buying young girls” (Katty Alhayek 2014,
698).
Another dominant theme in the images shared in anti-refugee hashtags is that of the
Middle-Eastern man as coward. One image shared several times shows a crowd of men in a
train station, walking between two blue trains, some with their hands up in a way that looks
more anxious than threatening, with the text: “2200 immigrants arrive in Munich. No women
no children. Apparently only men flee ‘war zones’?” This argument that presents the refugees
as cowards who flee rather than staying to fight is expressed in text-only tweets as well, for
instance: “If you’re a military age male who flees violence and leaves behind his women and
children, you’ll never be an American! #refugeesnotwelcome.” One tweet shows a photo of
six women sitting, smiling, at rest but dressed in fatigues. They wear their hair in pony tails
and hold their rifles non-threateningly. The text on the image uses the capital letters of
internet memes to state that these are “BRAVE KURDISH WOMEN FIGHTING ISIS.” The image
is accompanied by a tweet: “These men aren’t refugees. They are cowards! #auspol #refu-
geesnotwelcome #LightTheDark” (Ryder 2015). Another tweet that says, “Kurdish women
fight #ISIS in #Syria, why can’t #Migrants?” (Strength & Honor #WR 2015) is accompanied by a
photo of dark-haired women posing formally for a group photograph in the desert wearing
khaki uniforms and casual sweatshirts. They wear military backpacks and hold their rifles
vertically for the photograph.
Discourse about the Middle-Eastern male as non-masculine is not new, and is based on a
history of colonial framing of Middle-Eastern men as simultaneously effeminate (in compari-
son with Anglo-Saxon men) and threatening to women (as potential rapists of white women
and abusers of brown women). A more contemporary post-9/11 “invocation of the terrorist
as a queer, nonnational, perversely racialized other has become part of the normative script
of the US war on terror” (Puar 2007), and feeds into a world-view about Middle-Eastern
non-Jewish men, who are assumed to be Muslim by default. In the case of the Syrian refugee
crisis, the question of what to do with the benign visibility of these non-terrorist Middle-
Eastern men is further compounded by that fact that they do not conform to received visual
expectations of what a “refugee” looks like. Their masculinity is put into question when they
are not coded as terrorists or rapists. Our goal in this short essay therefore was to reveal how
particular contradictory themes around the masculinity of Middle-Eastern men is fostered
through their representation in social media.
References
Alhayek, Katty. 2014. “Double Marginalization: The Invisibility of Syrian Refugee Women’s Perspectives
in Mainstream Online Activism and Global Media.” Feminist Media Studies 14 (4): 696–700.
Amar, Paul. 2011. “Middle East Masculinity Studies Discourses of ‘Men in Crisis’, Industries of Gender in
Revolution.” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 7 (3): 36–70.
FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 181
Andén-Papadopoulos, Kari, and Mervi Pantti. 2013. “The Media Work of Syrian Diaspora Activists:
Brokering between the Protest and Mainstream Media.” International Journal of Communication 7: 22.
Infidel Angel [sharonuren]. 2015. “Won’t be long before the rapes start. #refugeesNOTwelcome We all
know their mindset. All Hell is going to be let loose, soon. #auspol” [Tweet], September 7. Accessed
September 28, 2015. https://twitter.com/SharonUren/status/640814559037517824.
Maitland, Carleen, and Ying Xu. 2015. “A Social Informatics Analysis of Refugee Mobile Phone Use: A
Case Study of Za’atari Syrian Refugee Camp (March 31, 2015).” Accessed October 3, 2015. http://
ssrn.com/abstract=2588300 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2588300.
Puar, Jasbir. 2007. Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (Next Wave). Durham: Duke
University Press. Kindle Edition.
Ryder [anglosaxonryder]. 2015. “These men aren’t refugees. They are cowards! #auspol
#refugeesnotwelcome #LightTheDark” [Tweet], September 20. Accessed September 28, 2015.
https://twitter.com/anglosaxonryder/status/645507356030205953.
Strength & Honor #WR [heedthiswarning]. 2015. “Kurdish women fight #ISIS in #Syria, why can't
#Migrants? #RefugeesNotWelcome #WR #DR #SaveEurope” [Tweet], September 21. Accessed
September 28, 2015. https://twitter.com/heedthiswarning/status/645719671438708736.
Wall, Melissa, and Sahar el Zahed. 2015. “Syrian Citizen Journalism.” Digital Journalism 3 (5) (September
3): 720–736.
Required reading 9.
Manalansan IV, M. F. 2006. Queer intersections. Sexuality and gender in

migration studies. International Migration Review, 40(1), 224-249.
Queer Intersections: Sexuality and
Gender inMigration Studies
Martin F. Manalansan IV
University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
This essay examines the historical and theoretical development of sexuality

inmigration research. Noting gaps and omissions in the literature, the
essay proposes a dual notion of sexuality including one that isproduced by
the intersection of other social identities such as class and race, and a
queer
studies-derived idea of the sexual that goes against the normalizing of
heterosexual institutions and practices. Utilizing a case study of Filipina
migrant workers, the essay demonstrates the pivotal role of sexuality in the
future of gender and migration research through a critique of the implicit
normative around heterosexual and
assumptions family, reproduction,
a critical notion
marriage that abound in this body of literature, and how
of sexuality enables a more inclusive and accurate portrait of global
gendered migration.
INTRODUCTION
Sexuality has traversed a circuitous historical route as a topic for social research
in general and as a unit of analysis inmigration studies in particular. While
gender has been stereotypically rendered as female inmany works, until very
recently sexuality has almost always been relegated to and equated with the
realms of heterosexual reproduction and family life.Additionally, sexuality has
been submerged under or closeted within concepts and rubrics like gender
roles, morals, deviance, and
pathology.
Recent works on and those that docu
sexuality migration, particularly
ment queer sexualities, have
emphasized not only the viability and importance
of sexuality as an object of study, but also pointed to its constitutive role in the
formation and definitions of citizenship and nation. In other words, sexuality,
specifically as it is understood in queer studies1 terms not only expands the
meaning ofmigration but also alters our understanding of gender and challenges
studies' reliance on heteronormative institutions, and
migration meanings,
practices (Luibh?id, 2004). This essay investigates how a queer perspective on
*I use "queer studies" and not "lesbian and gay studies" to emphasize the fact that queer studies
go beyond lesbian and gay identities to question and undermine the idea of sexual identities and
orientation.
? 2006 by theCenter forMigration Studies ofNew York. All rights reserved.

DOI: 10.11111). 1747-7379.2006.00009.X
224 IMR Volume 40 Number 1 (Spring 2006):224-249
This content downloaded from 81.194.16.102 on Wed, 3 Apr 2013 10:04:49 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Sexuality and Gender inMigration Studies 225
can enrich and research under

sexuality gender migration by unraveling
examined about desires, and social roles.
assumptions kinship, marriage,
By "queer" I do not mean merely adding homosexual identities and

practices to themix. Rather, I am positing a political and theoretical perspec
tive that suggests that sexuality isdisciplined by social institutions and practices
that normalize and naturalize and heterosexual
heterosexuality practices
including marriage, family, and biological reproduction by marginalizing

institutions, or that deviate from these norms. scholars
persons, practices Queer
- some scholarly works by politically
argue that all social discourses including
? more
feminists often if not promote, hetero
progressive privilege, exclusively
normative ideas, and institutions. One of the tasks then for queer
practices,
studies scholars is to expose these privileging and normalizing tendencies in
institutions and texts. In this this paper to delineate the theo
spirit, attempts
retical,methodological, and conceptual slippages and underlying assumptions
that permeate recent works in and studies. The aim is not to
gender migration
diminish their contributions, but rather to highlight alternative frameworks
of analysis and to demonstrate the contested boundaries between gender
and sexuality.
I also use both as an anti-normative as well as a social
"queer" signifier
category produced through the "intersectionality" of identities, practices, and

institutions. Political theoristCathy Cohen, echoing feminists of the seventies
and underscores the interconnections between the of
eighties, predicaments
as thewelfare queen and the lesbian bulldyke and
marginalized figures such
advocates for a "broadened of queerness . . . based on an inter
understanding
sectional that how numerous of oppression interact to
analysis recognizes systems
. . . the lives ofmost see also Harper et al, 1997).
regulate people" (1997:441;
Following this logic, I would argue that sexuality and sexual identities,
practices, and desires may be pivotal factors for migration. Hector Carillo
or
(2004:58) suggests that sexuality, broadly conceived, can be the indirect
direct motivation for international relocation and movement. Carillo (2004)
calls this concept "sexual He proposes that "sexual far
migration." migration,"
from a normalizing process where migrants move for the purposes of biological
and heterosexual that transnational movements enable
reproduction, suggests
queer identities, and

practices, subjectivities.
This examines the various in which a on
paper ways queer perspective
sexuality can positively influence gender and migration studies. The first
section of the essay will briefly trace the historical antecedents of the study of
in and research. While neither an exhaustive
sexuality gender migration
examination nor literature review, the next
chronological broad-ranging couple

226 International Migration Review
of sections will highlight scholarly themes in the research that articulate with
moments. The study of sexuality inmigration emerged in the
specific historical
past ten to fifteen years due to numerous intellectual, political, and historical
conditions, specifically the rise of theAIDS pandemic and the emergence of
intellectual currents in feminism, race/ethnic studies, and LGBTQ (lesbian,
gay, bisexual, and studies.
transgender, queer)
examine dominant
following section of the paper will briefly
The
themes in gender and migration research and focus on specificworks that have
advanced the study of sexuality in the field. As part of this special issue on
and research, this essay will not be a review
gender migration comprehensive
of all possible bodies of research. As the other essays in this special IMR issue
are advancing the field of
suggest, there are many exciting new projects that
more work needs to be done.
sexuality and gender inmigration research, but
The primary aim of thispaper is to illustratehow sexuality is an important
factor in the process and how researchers reconcep
migration migration might
tualize prevailing notions in gender and migration studies not only by including
queer people but also by utilizing the tools of queer studies as away to complicate
and reexamine and that normative
assumptions concepts unwittingly reify
notions of and To the value of a queer
gender sexuality. emphasize perspective
to the study of sexuality in gender and migration research, I present a case
or a a
study "queer reading" of particular body of literature in gender and
on
migration studies that focuses Filipina domestic workers. While researchers
in this area of and research have been successful in showcas
gender migration
ing the gendered dimensions and experiences of Filipina labor migrants,

they have unwittingly ignored the normalizing and naturalizing tendencies in
their own concepts and methods. In the final section, I enumerate the various
ways this perspective may help expand and complicate gender and migration
research.
THINKING SEX, THINKING GENDER: FROM FEMINISM TO

STUDIES
TRANSNATIONAL
A pressing question comes tomind in relation to the essays in thisvolume: why
"think sex" and not think sex in tandem with gender? Can gender subsume
sexuality conceptually and theoretically? In other words, why devote a section
to in a collection of works that aims to review the valences of
sexuality gender
inmigration studies? Can we think of gender separate from sexuality? In
her seminal essay "Thinking Sex," Gayle Rubin (1993) calls for a conceptual
and theoretical separation of gender from sexuality. She suggests that sexual

oppression and regulation demanded an alternative explanatory framework

beyond familiar feminist culprits such as patriarchy and male dominance.
Therefore, sexuality demands a separate investigativepath while stillmaintaining
a critical
dialogue with gender. The development of contemporary research on
sexuality and migration reflects the complicated tensions between gender and
sexuality (see Valentine, 2004). To better understand these tensions, it is
important to look into the historical and cultural contexts in which these
categories developed in the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
The overlapping histories of feminism, theAIDS pandemic, and lesbian
and gay studies were sources of a of ideas, situations,
important conglomeration
and practices that shaped and influenced the contemporary study of sexuality.
were
Significant developments in feminist studies in the seventies and eighties
milestones in the of queer research. Feminists
important trajectory sexuality
a ac
during this period departed from universalized notion of "woman" and
knowledged how particular groups ofwomen, particularly those from the third
world, have and that are not similar to those of
specific struggles experiences
their Western counterparts.
An emergent cohort of feminists in the late seventies and early eighties
to dislodge the universalizing tone of early "second wave" feminism
attempted
or their contextual
by arguing for the intersectionality of sexuality and gender
definition and operation in conjunction with other identities and practices
such as race and class. Adrienne Rich (1986) attempted to dismantle
monolithic constructions of gendered and sexualized experiences by positing
the notion of the "politics of location." The "politics of location" suggests the
specificity and particularity of gendering and sexualizing processes and how
are in to understand and transform women's
they important trying predicament.
Women and their she are situated, and
experiences, argued, always positioned,
marked by race, class, and ethnicity (Lewis and Mills, 2003:5).
The emergence of feminists of color and the third-world feminist
movement was the for a new or strand of feminist and
catalyst path divergent
sexuality studies as they confronted the vicissitudes and diversity of women's

oppression. For example, the African American writer and lesbian feminist
Audre Lorde argued that women should recognize the relative privilege of
white women thatwas achieved in part at the cost of black and third-world
women's lives. She further suggested that this recognition should also lead to a
seealsoHull, Scott, and Smith,
political process for change (Lewis andMill, 2003;
1982; Anzaldua, 1987; Mohanty, 2003). Therefore, these feminist scholars argued
against universal and fixed notions of "woman" and "gender," and instead pointed
to divergences and cleavages due to social, cultural, and historical conditions.

Shifts in understanding sexuality and gender, particularly in terms of

their cultural and social inflections, found their way to another body of
literature that emerged out of theAIDS pandemic in themid-eighties. AIDS
as a on
global phenomenon shaped the development of the research agenda
as one that is not about contacts, but about
sexuality merely physical culturally
mediated behaviors and identities. Human travel and movement were singled
out to be crucial vectors in the spread of the disease. While simplistic and
new
problematic, this notion of the disease's "mobility" did provide the grist for
research that broadened the scope and range of sexual ideologies, practices, and
identities. AIDS became a catalyst in the transformation of the research
agenda by both public health professionals and academic scholars. The change
in research direction was based on the realization that
Western models of sexual
orientation were untenable in various cultural contexts. While
anthropological
studies in various non-Western societies had advanced this idea long before
the eighties, itwas only in the later half of the firstdecade of the pandemic in
theU.S. when itbecame apparent thatAIDS - which was first labeled GRID
(gay-related immune deficiency) when itwas first thought to be affecting
men ?
white started to devastate communities of color and
primarily gay
immigrant communities. The radical changes in the epidemiology showed

how the disease also affected "heterosexuals" or several of men and women
groups
who eventually were found to have been involved in same-sex relations but did
not identify as either homosexual or
gay/lesbian.
Beyond discrepancies in identities and behavior, epidemiologists and social
scientists found that the and valences of or "lesbian"
meanings "straight," "gay,"
in communities of color and immigrant communities were radically different
frommainstream American society (Herdt, 1997; Parker, 2001; Patton, 2002b).
More importantly, specificmigrant groups such as Haitians were
given special
epidemiological labels because they could not be easily classified into existing
risk behaviors and identity categories. The radical shift inAIDS epidemiology
in themid to late eighties when communities of color and com
immigrant
munities started showing signs of the pandemic's ravages led
epidemiologists
and social scientists on a mad rush to try to understand non-Western and non
mainstream identities, values, and around sex and

practices gender.
At the same time,migrants, who have been historically held as
culprits
in various epidemics in history, have also become one of the
exemplary figures
of thepandemic. The disease and the organizing around various sexualminorities,
including gays, lesbians, and sexworkers, highlighted the idea that not only did
migration bring cultural and racial differences into themix but that themove
ment of people around theworld and the
globalizing of cultural economic and

political institutions have brought divergent sexual ideologies and identities

into sharp relief (Mishra, Connor, and Maga?a, 1996; see also Patton, 1990,
1992, 2002b). These realities established new research avenues forAIDS
aca
tracking and prevention, and also shaped the parallel emergence of the
demic discipline of gay and lesbian studies and eventually queer studies. Not
onlywere academics and health researchers acknowledging the bias in the usage
of such terms as "lesbian", and/or "homosexual", were also
"gay", they trying
to understand how can be an factor in the creation of a
migration important
variety of sexual identity categories and practices that do not depend onWest
ern conceptions of selfhood and community. This shift in understanding can
be likened to the situation with feminists of color and third-wo rid feminists in
the late seventies and early nineties. Therefore, departing from a popular
notion of universal of sexual orientation, research the early
categories during
eighties up till themid-nineties eventually strongly advocated for the cultural

"situatedness" of sexuality (Weston, 1998:168-173).
Queer studies in particular and sexuality research in general were influ
enced by changes in the pandemic and also by a growing realization about the
effects of globalization. While Rubin (1993) hinted at the importance of
migration, itwas only in the past ten years that the study of sexuality in a
transnational and global perspective gained ground (Altman, 1997, 2001;
Adam, Duyvendak, and Krouwel, 1999; Bell and Binnie, 2000). Povinelli and
Chauncey (1999) in their introduction to an important collection of essays
can be unmoored from a static
interrogated the question of how sexuality
to a mobile one by demonstrating how the sexual provides a
geographic frame
better understanding of global movements and "flows" by positing the notion
of mediation." In other words, go the abstraction of
"subjective they against
flows and mass group movement and emphasize theways inwhich people as
in processes that
agentive subjects negotiate sexual and gender identities
include tourism, business travel, etc.
immigration,
Part of the new attitude toward that of gen
emerging sexuality, mirroring
der, is to understand the particular factors, conditions, and ideologies that
sexual identities and and how these social institu
shape practices, permeate
tions. Film and other forms of mass media, the Internet, tourism, and
migra
tion of have created a on which to scrutinize sexual
people stage phenomena
as of and transnationalism. Scholars who examine the trans
part globalization
nationalization of sexuality and sexual identities have shown that far from a
homogenizing
orMcDonaldization of sexual mores and practices, globaliza
tion and rapid transnational movements have created emergent hybrid forms
that interact with Western or Euro-American sexual In other words,
ideologies.

non-Western sexual ideologies do not follow a unilinear assimilative process

intoWestern modern sexual ideologies but rather are involved in syncretic
that create alternative sexual cultures, and identities
processes politics,
(Manalansan, 1994, 1995, 1997, 2000, 2003; Eng and Horn, 1998; Cruz
Malav?, and Manalansan, 2002; Luidh?id, 2002, 2005). Following this idea,
feminist theoristsGrewal and Kaplan (1994) and queer studies scholars Patton
and S?nchez-Eppler (2000:2) have suggested that transnational travel and
movement have not diminished the influence of indigenous local practices
and institutions but rather created situations where ideologies, identities, and
practices highlight the crucial articulation between the local and the global.
In sum, this rather abbreviated genealogy of theories and research on
sexuality showcases the shiftingmeaning of sexuality in research texts from
a universalized a con
biological and psychological reflex of static bodies into
stitutive element of cross-cultural, cross-national These
migrant experiences.
main ideas provide broad hints to the specific themes and processes of existing
works that a in research.
incorporate sexuality perspective migration
SEX AND MIGRA TION: A GLIMPSE OF THE LANDSCAPE
A quick perusal of the empirical literature on sexuality and migration will

readily show how particular disciplines such as anthropology, history, and
on sexuality and
sociology have been at the forefront of research migration.
Sociology's specialized subfield of deviance and anthropology's interest in
non-Western and focus on the and
practices, history's development provenance
of identities and communities have been the foundational bases for the
development and accumulation of knowledge. Other disciplines have contributed
to the corpus of work on
sexuality and migration. These disciplines include
psychology and social psychology, which deal with migrant sexual attitudes
after settlement (see Su?rez-Orozco and Qin, this volume). Sexual mores and
attitudes in addition to family and community restrictionswere seen as the
barometer of migrants' adjustments to their new homes (Espin, 1997, 1999;
Ahmadi, 2003).
Historical research on sexuality and migration is particularly notable.
Specifically the reinterpretation of specific events such as Chinese migration
to theUnited States were
reinterpreted and portrayed not merely as symptoms
of political and economic factors, but rather as a product of intersecting
processes of racialization and sexualization (Hing, 1993). Nayan Shah's (2001)
study of San Francisco's Chinatown showed how struggles around public
hygiene and health in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were

suffused with overt Orientalized images of the Chinese during this period
thatwere inflected by sex and gender. Therefore, Chinese women, who were
virtually barred from the United States until the middle of the twentieth
were as embodiments of illicit sex, loose morals, and
century, portrayed
disease (Peffer, 1986, 1999). At the same time, Shah (2001) suggests that
Chinese men were feminized in such a way that theywere easily figured into
an American domesticity yet rendered in
conflicting images of asexuality and
at various times
threatening heterosexuality during this period of antimisce
genation (see also Hodes, 1999; Ngai, 2003).
The history ofU.S. immigration shows how various laws restricted entry
of particular groups by constructing them as sexually deviant and morally cor
rupt. For example, the Page Law of 1882, which restrictedChinese migration,
included barring Chinese women for being alleged prostitutes (Luibh?id,
2005:xiv). The McCarren-Walter Act was an important act of immigration
legislation that, among other things, specifically barred homosexuals since

was considered to be a or condition
homosexuality pathological psychopathic
akin to an infectious disease (Luibh?id, 2005:xii).
The landscape of sexuality in gender and migration research is too broad
to cover in this essay. Other works in this special issue of IMR have done far
more in-depth disciplinary investigations of thesematters. Here, Iwould like
to highlight three important trends and themes in recent research that provide
new on theoretical frameworks, and meth
vantage points popular concepts,
odologies in gender and migration research.While the following discussion

to some of the more research, it also calls for more work to be
points exciting
done.
1. Queer Asylum
from laws and for

Apart antimiscegenation migrants' struggle citizenship,
cases a
research around
refugees
and asylum has become prominent part of the
literature on sexuality. Issues around asylum gained ground during the height
of theAIDS pandemic, particularly in relation to undocumented immigrants
who have come down with the disease. Legal measures were promulgated to
allow these immigrants to have a stay of deportation for humanitarian
while at the same time strict rules
purposes, ironically maintaining quarantine
that prevented visitors and immigrants with HIV/AIDS from crossing U.S.
borders (Herdt, 1997).
Political organizing around AIDS and gay rightsenabled the establishment
of immigration provisions for refugee/asylum cases based on sexual orientation.

This was double-edged. The laws required the asylum

legal development
petitioners to assert and document the horrible conditions that existed in their
home countries. Of particular importance are the dossiers developed based on
social science on the conditions for nonnormative sexualities
expert testimony
inMuslim societies and other non-Western nations. This created a dilemma
because it appeared to effectivelydemonize specific societies and in thewords
of legal scholar Sonia Katyal (2002) led to the process of "exporting identities"
from theWest to other countries. Sexual orientation and labels such as lesbian,
gay,
and homosexual were uncritically deployed in legal proceedings, thereby
an East-West dichotomy thatwas morally and culturally hierarchical.
creating
At the same time, this development allowed for the inclusion of sexuality as
a
possible basis for acquiring asylum status. This broadened the definition of
conditions for the granting of asylum and in turn transformed the idea ofwhat
itmeant to be a refugee.The effortsaround asylum work rationalized the lack
of gray or nuanced types of information were rationalized those involved in
work because itwas more effective in court to that
asylum proceedings argue
conditions in the home country are so inhuman in order for the petitioned to
be granted asylum. It is also possible that both lawyers and petitioners actually
believed in the universal nature of gender and sexual identities by couching the
whole project in terms of human rights (Human RightsWatch, 1992; Bhabha,
1996, 2002; Welch, 2002).
However, a counter argument by Juana Rodriguez (2003) in her analysis
of the case, In Re Tenorio, about the asylum application of a Brazilian black man,
serves to advance a different of the process of queer She
understanding asylum.
argues that asylum need not be read in terms of a national portrait of "evil" or
"backward" societies but in terms of the of events and
complex arrangements
?
statuses such as the concatenation of race and class in the case of Marcelo
Tenorio, the petitioner who grew up poor and raciallymarginalized in Brazil.

Her contention therefore echoes the need to read as not
queer asylum being
merely about the protection of people from persecution due to their sexual pre
dilections but more broadly in the context of the intersection ofmarginalized
racialized and classed sexualities.
The current conservative and climate,
anti-immigration political especially
after September 11, 2001, may in fact reverse ifnot halt the progress in the
legal domain, particularly for asylum seekers from theMiddle East (Randazzo,
2005:51-53). However, there are efforts to offset this unfortunate turn of
events both in the form of new
writing on the topic (Randazzo, 2005) and
through the political work of nonprofit organizations like theAudre Lorde
Project inNew York City, which combines feminist concerns about migration

and asylum (particularly female genital mutilation and domestic abuse) and
those of queer sexual orientation. However, more work needs to be done
clearly
in this area.
2.
Shifting Notions ofFemale Sexuality in Sex Tourism, Pen Pal Brides,
and Second-Generation Young Women
While it is beyond the purview of this essay to map out the full range of
the burgeoning literature on the shifting notions of female sexuality (see other
essays in this issue for further discussion), Iwould like to briefly focus on
research on women involved in tourism and sex work, pen pal or
specific
Internet romances, and women. It is to
second-generation young important
some are relevant to the discussion of
highlight general trends that sexuality
and migration. Female sexuality is not merely the conduit for biological
but is also the site for the contestation of various and
reproduction group
institutional norms. In other words, female is the arena for
migrant sexuality
the contestation of tradition, assimilation, and the travails of transnational
migration.
Recent
research literature challenges the earliermyth ofwomen's lack of
agency and their image as unwilling and unwitting victims of circumstance by
are
moving toward the detailing of strategies employed by many women who
involved in transnational sex work and "pen pal" marriages, thus actively
received ideas and situations. In other words, new works
contesting suggests
that these women are not innocent victims in these situations but are in some
ways complicit with as well as active resisters of powerful structural arrange

ments and ideas.
Recent literature has focused on affect and most on "love"

importantly
as arenas which female sex workers are in fact and
important through creating
then situations that will enable them to material and
manipulating garner
cultural capital through emotional and monetary relationships with foreign
men who may enable the women to live more comfortable lives.
eventually
Brennan (2004) conducted an ethnographic study of Dominican women
who have sexual relationships with Western men and how "love" as an idiom
is to rationalize work, and eventual
manipulated pleasure, suffering, migration.
What is fascinating in this ethnography and otherworks like it is the decentering
of heterosexual reproduction and the troubling of the heterosexual dyad. In
otherwords, love and coupling are enabled not by romance on the ground but
mass media representations of love,
through the influences of economic plight,
and the objectification of desire as located in theWest.

Recent worksillustrate the various conduits to the sexual commodifica

tion ofwomen and queers that lead to theirmigration across national borders.
Women and third-world queers are active participants in sex tourism and in the
Internet. By exposure to the ideas, practices, and images of theWest through
tourism and through exploring theWeb, third-world women and queers are
involved in new forms of recruitment where the impulse tomigrate and the
desire for lifeoutside the homeland are seen through the lenses of sexual desire
and pleasures. Constable (2003) conducted an ethnographic study of Filipina
and Chinese women who were involved in romantic Internet relationships
with Western men. She that these women are able to narrate their rela
suggests
romance and fairy tales by manipulating idioms of love,
tionships in terms of
sex, and money. At the same time, the Internet affords these women the ability
to get to know and fall in "love" with their partners before actually migrating
or them in person.
meeting
The Internet is themedium that gives rise to the desire tomigrate by cre
ating new and efficientways of navigating cultural, racial, and class differences
aswell as physical distance. Third-world and immigrant queers are also utilizing
the Internet to negotiate the racial and cultural divides in the sexual com
munities. At the same time, sex tourism also becomes a site for the reification
of racial and economic differences (Alexander, 1994, 1997; Cantu, 2002; Giorgi,
2002). For example, Jasbir Puar (2002) illustrateshow non-Western queers are
mass media
exposed to gay and lesbian cultures through established tours and
connected to such industries. These may lead to the visualization of theWest
as a haven for various queers.
Research suggests that there is still a moral dimension attached to tradi
tional practices from the homeland and a resistance to the seemingly amoral
racialized dimensions of gender and sexual practices in the new land of settle
ment. Yen Le Espiritu (2003) demonstrated this theme in her
study of Filipina
see themselves as
second-generation girls inCalifornia who being pitted against
white girls in terms of normative moral behavior. Oliva Espin's (1997, 1999)
pioneering studies of Latina lesbian migrants suggest that they are caught
between their own communities' and tendencies and
homophobic misogynist
the larger new homeland's racialized, classed, and ethnicized attitudes and
As such, their to their own identities can be seen
practices. struggle negotiate
as not mere assimilation to or of lesbian and/or American
passive adoption
identities. Second-generation and young immigrant women are held to be
the of their communities' traditions and their sexual behavior as
repositories
"evidence" of the groups' worth and are therefore highly policed (Luibh?id,
:
2 0 0 5 xxvi?xxvii).

Again, more work needs to be done on these aspects ofmigrant female

sexuality,particularly those that go beyond normative conceptions ofmarriage
and family.However, JenniferHirsch's (2004) work on Mexican transnational
families provides a strong innovative model for future research by demonstrat
that choices and relations among Mexican
ing reproductive gender migrants
are experiencing dramatic transformation due to mobility. She shows the
ways inwhich female roles, family relationships, and male-female interactions
among Mexican migrants have departed from the focus on biological repro
duction and economic concerns to one that highlights struggles around marital
intimacy and the construction of companionate Therefore, repro
marriages.
ductive choices, including the use of contraception and birthing methods, are
setwithin the shifting cultural, emotional, and economic contexts ofMexican
female sexuality, family dynamics, and marriage.
In sum, female in situations functions not as mere
sexuality migration symbol
of homeland traditions but rather as the site of ideological and material struggles
that shape the impetus tomigrate and influence themanner of settlement and
assimilation. Female migrant sexuality thereforedeflects the imputed normative
new ways of thinking
meanings of reproduction and mothering, and poses
about female sexual agency and the redefinition of gender roles in a transna
tional context.More importantly,this section suggests thatnew works should also
look into how migrant lives and conditions set the stage fordramatically altering
normalized ideas of the family primarily as reproductive units, marriage as
economic transactions, and as and heterosexual.
sexuality always already
3. Queer Settlement and the Question ofAssimilation
In her pioneering work Entry Denied, Eithne Luibh?id (2002:xii-xv) notes that
the state cultural, and economic means
regulates migration through legal, political,
that in turn sexual identities, practices,
and categories.
Luibh?id sug
reproduce
gests that themovement ofmigrants are not only monitored and controlled by
state authorities by specific racial, ethnic, and gender preferences and prohibi
tions, but aremediated though implicit sexualized ideas in law and immigration
is the sitewhere the
proceedings. Therefore, she suggests that themigrant body
racialized, ethnicized, and gendered disciplinary measures employed by various
states and their agents come and is also the venue for promoting as well
together
as repressing sexualized images, desires, and stereotypes (^^Minter, 1993).
The renaissance of research on cultures and sexuality in
queer immigrant
the past ten years illustrates the ways in which understand,
complicated migrants
make sense of, and engage with the prevailing practices of the new land of

settlement. As I have above, several themes arise out of these

argued important
encounters. First, studies of and Latino men (Manalansan,
Filipino gay migrant
1994, 1997; Cantu, 1999, 2000; Roque Ramirez, 2001) demonstrate how they
evaluate their experiences with the gay community in terms of the conflict
between tradition and Second, third-world are
modernity. migrant queers
often conflicted over issues regarding home and family. Far from having
a "natural affiliation" with their biological families, these men and women
establish complex fictive family networks of friends and lovers tomitigate the
violence and rejection of the former (Cant?, 1999; Manalansan, 2000, 2003).
At the same time, coming from biological familieswho still live in thehomeland
and who depend on their remittances and other kinds of support, these queers
need to emotions and attitudes to mark the economic
negotiate conflicting
transnational binds that connect them to each other (Cant?, 1999, 2001).
Third, migrant queers experience discrimination and stigma from both their
own communities as well as from mainstream culture. These experiences
extend themarginalization ofmigrant queers evenwithin the "gay and lesbian"
communities in theUnited States (Gopinath, 1996, 2005; Puar, 1998; Reddy
and Syed, 2001; Wat, 2002). As migrants of color, these queers are gendered
and racialized accordingly by these communities. Unable to be easily located
in normalized acceptable identities and categories, these migrants of color
are
establishing multiple hybrid cultures and creating spaces for community
activities and new cultural "traditions" that depart from both theirown migrant
communities and from mainstream and and lesbian" cultures.
"straight" "gay
In sum, this section provides a briefglimpse of thevarious issues and modes
of thinking around sexuality inmigration research and suggests the need for
more work on and This subsection on settlement
sexuality migration. queer
points to the innovative ways queer migrants are reconfiguring family and
social networks, as well as and ostracism from mainstream
negotiating stigma
communities. That are non-normative forma
migrant queers creating family
tions and hybrid cultural arrangements is an important fact. Its utility extends
beyond the confines of queer migrant lives.The next section will demonstrate
how a can new avenues for research and critical
queer perspective provide insight
for a significant body ofmigration literature on Filipina domestic workers.
HETERONORMATIVITYACROSS BORDERS: THE CASE OF

FILIPINA DOMESTIC WORKERS
Global labormigration has become increasingly female. This realityhas led to

particular themes and concepts in themigration literature that address the issue

of gender but ironically reifynormative notions of both gender and sexuality.

A major part of this burgeoning literature has focused on female migrant
workers from the Philippines and theirdispersal into various parts of theworld
and has formed over the past eight to ten years. A good number of theseworks
have focused primarily on the travails and experiences of Filipina domestic
workers. While most of the research conducted about these women attempts
to the processes of several themes in the research can be
engender migration,
characterized by the following heteronormative tendencies.
The literaturehas tended to focus on heterosexual married mothers. While
this had led to interesting follow-up work on the children of transnational
families, ithas also led to the neglect of the experiences of gay and straightmen
and singlewomen. In fact the implication seems to be that the nuclear family
is the primary model of the transnational family and that heterosexual marriage
or heterosexual partnering are only plausible cornerstones of family lifewith
or maternal
parenthood gendered in static biological terms and motherhood
love, the province solely of biological (typicallymarried) women with children.
A critical examination of this body of literature from the perspective of
queer sexuality studies and theorywill illustrate how these themes are played
out in the research texts focusing on Filipinas who have been constructed as the
"servants of globalization" in the best known study on the topic, by Rhacel
Parre?as (2001). will show thatwhile women from the Philippines have been
I
themost thoroughly studied female migrant laborers in theworld, they have
also been subject to an implicit gendering and sexualizing even from themost
politically progressive and analytically sophisticated feminist researchers.
to forge an agenda that
My purpose here isnot to disparage theseworks but
the research into amore critical and reflectivestage. Indeed, theworks
might push
Iwill be engaging with are those thathave clearlymade important contributions
to the study of gender and migration. The research by Parre?as (2001) and Nicole
Constable (1997) are among the notable works that have provided moving
and incisive ethnographic portraits of Filipina domestic workers inRome, Los
and Hong The authors are sensitive to the economic and
Angeles, Kong. clearly
social realities of these women and are focused on how Filipina migrants are
transnational issues of labor, and
actively engaging family obligations, "caring."
These pioneering works have successfully mapped the unique transnational
labormarket for nannies and maids in the "firstworld," towhich third-wo rid
?
women to work as cooks, cleaners, and labor that is
go housekeepers always
feminized or widely recognized as the province ofwomen.
At the heart of these workers' dilemma is the "chain of care." Not only
are Filipina domestic workers expending physical energy for salaries, they are

also involved in providing emotional or "caring" work by looking after the

children of more affluent first-world families. At the same time, they are dis
torn away from their biological families and forced to leave their
placed and
children in the care of poorer women in the homeland. Hence, this "chain" is
forged primarily through links constituted by biologically reproducing
women of the first and thirdworlds and the displacement of their labor from
their biological families.
Unfortunately, despite the excellentwork thathas been done indocument
and these women's transnational dilemma, researchers have
ing analyzing
conceptualized thematernal and affective labor inherent in the "chain of care"

of the global domestic service industry as being embodied inmarried mothers
from the thirdworld. In other words, thework of the home, including caring
for children, cooking, cleaning, and other domestic chores, is rendered in
heteronormative terms.
For example, Rhacel Parre?as (2001) in her study of Filipina domestics in

Rome and Los Angeles unwittingly reifies stereotypical gendered conceptions
of domesticity and affect.Her methodology section argues for a preponderance
ofmarried women in her sample and case studies, despite the fact that nearly
half of the respondents are single women. While she provides several case
studies of are eventually marginalized when the idea of
single women, they
children and transnational mothering gains dominance in the ethnography.
Additionally, she conducted a nonrandom survey of domestic workers inRome
with 222 women at least half ofwhom were single. The sample also included
79 men (Parre?as, 2001:16). While she conducted ten interviews with male
domestic workers, female and lesbian domestic workers, these inter
single
views are eventually sidelined in relation to the dominant stories of Filipina
mothers.
migrant
Of course, it is not a error to focus on married mothers,
methodological
but without the necessary contextualization this focus creates naturalized and
normalized conceptions ofmotherhood, domesticity, child care, and repro

duction. Parre?as seems to that married women with children are the
imply
only possible and logical links in this "chain of care." But the presence of single
women and men (be they queer or heterosexual) among
migrant domestic
workers disrupts the neat synchronicity of the "chain of care" inwhich third
world mothers take up the "reproductive labor" of their first-world counter
in turn or other more women
parts while employing poorer relations destitute
in their countries to take care of the children they leftbehind.

I am not arguing formerely adding more analyses of single and/or queer
migrant domestics, but questioning how the "chain of care" framework

unwittingly privileges the experiences ofmigrant women with children. Note

for example that in the concluding section of the chapter on
intergenera
tional and gender relations where she presents a couple of case studies of
single
women, Parre?as creates a monolithic construction of the laborers
migrant
when she writes "emotional enables to reunification,
repression parents delay
the more aggravate the strains of the transnational
they intergenerational
household formation and the harder it is for them to return to the Philippines,
face their children and confront the tensions thatmigration has caused the
family" (Parre?as, 2001:149). This statement starkly illustrates how the
biological nuclear family is the pivot around which the dynamics of the so
called chain of care migration operate.
In another work, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild (2003) argue
that the "chain of care" of the international domestic labor industryhas created
"a crisis of care" or a "care drain." In GlobalWoman, Ehrenreich and Hochschild
(2003:1-13) suggest that this crisis is not caused by the departure of women
or of domestic workers per se, but
by the departure of third-world mothers
and wives. The problem is that the authors perceive the gender, reproductive,
and marital status of these laborers as the all-encompassing rationale for the
inequality of labor conditions leftbehind in the homeland. In doing so, these
researchers again construct the international care industry by privileging
a heterosexual (mostly) married third-world mother.
One way to complicate this deceptively simple picture is to commit to
to examine thework of
changes in the research agenda. First, it is important
male domestic workers. Second, new works need to focus on gender fluidity
and the role of women as sexual and
gendered agentive subjects. If, as the essays
in this special IMR issue contend, gender is relational, thenmy move to include
thework of male domestic workers does not in any way disavow the strong
factor in labor market nor dismiss issues of sexism and
gender segmentation
can
gender inequality. Rather, including the labor of male domestic workers
nuance and complicate our understanding of the idea and process of
help
in the domestic industry.WTiile the easy answer to the question of
"gendering"
not too men are involved in it,
gender in domestic work could be that many
men
placing the experiences of these alongside that of women highlights the
continuities and discontinuities of domestic work. In other words, my purpose
here is not to valorize themale domestic labor but to show how it complicates
the idea of carework and prevents us from falling into the normative and
women as natural nurturers.
universalizing trap of implicitly regarding
In the recent years, ithas become apparent that the Filipina or Filipino
woman as the global careworker par excellence exists hand in hand with the

figure of male migrant careworker, specifically gay Filipino men, who are
becoming the new figure of foreign careworkers. An example is the nurses and
unskilled domestic workers, who to recent accounts are
according tending
to the elderly in Israel.A television
documentary produced inTel Aviv entitled
"Paper Dolls" chronicles the travails of these men (who are not professional
nurses but unskilled domestic careworkers for the
elderly) as they contend with
the racializing, gendering, and sexualizing processes in Israel.
Therefore, current works on Filipino migrant labor do not take into
consideration the present and shifting terrain of gender (broadly construed) in
the global care industry. In care industry fields such as nursing, recent trends
in the past five years indicate that
Filipino male doctors are retraining themselves
to become nurses to find
employment in theUnited States and Europe. At the
same time, anecdotal accounts that an number of
suggest increasing Filipino
nurses in theU.S. are gay men. I do not intend to equate thework of nurses
with those of domestic workers, but I am interested in theways inwhich
gender operates when third-world migrant men work in unskilled, parapro
fessional, and professional fields that have been traditionally constructed as
female. Indeed, in order to get a comprehensive idea of the
gendered dimen
sion of domestic work, it is necessary for futurework tomove away from this
oversight ofmigrant male labor and examine how such relationships are in fact
crucial and constitutive elements of
gendering processes in the international
care
industry.
Parre?as (2001:77) and Hochschild (2003:29) depict the Filipino (and
other third-world)male as
being pathologically prevented by cultural "tradition"
from participating in domestic affairswhile at the same time
rendering the
domestic sphere as always and already female. Hochschild (2003:29) suggests
a solution to this
"problem" by advocating for an educational program thatwill
train thesemen to become more involved indomestic activities.This
supposed
pathological condition ofmen "traditionally" avoiding and being discouraged
from domestic affairs isnot
only ethnographically erroneous, itbelies a particular
kind of knowledge "imperialism," to use Hochschild's term, since it portrays
third-world men as lacking the cultural to be authentic modern
knowledge
fathers.A related problem isHochschild's to
tendency implicitly create a context
in which third-world male and female
migrants are seen as premodern
or in tradition to move as domestic workers into Western
wallowing only
modernity. Therefore, Hochschild's proposed educational program unwittingly
portrays third-world cultures as primarily archaic patriarchies that can only be
transformed through the infusion ofWestern
gender equalities. This idea reifies
gender and sexism in static black-and-white terms.While I strongly believe

in the existence of gender inequalities, statements such as Hochschild's pro

vide a rather inflexible gender script that actually inhibits the
politicizing
of female domestics by rendering their status as "natural" and inevitable.
My point here is not to excuse or deny the existence of sexism in the
Philippines, but to contest the universalizing claim that third-world men are
not involved in domestic work and, more
importantly, to demonstrate the
variation in cultural ideologies regarding men and domestic work that can
potentially dislodge normative universalizing notions of gender scripts and
domesticity. Ethnographic evidence on gender relations in Southeast Asia
actually point tomore fluid notions ofmale and female that counter simplistic
conceptions of gender roles (seeErrington and Atkinson, 1990; Brenner, 1998;
Cannell, 1999). Alicia Pingol's (2001) study of husbands in the northern part
of the Philippines whose wives are overseas contract workers (a good number
of them domestics) showed a significant number of the men taking over
thework of "mothering" and suggests a shift or "re-making" ofmasculinities.
not a
Pingol is describing liberatory process happening to male roles in the
Philippines, but rather, her work implies that there are shifting, oftentimes
messy and contradictory relationships between ideal conditions and everyday
practices within transnational families and in gender relations inmigration.
At the same time, it is useful to note that inmost of the literature on
Filipina domestic workers, the notions of motherhood and fatherhood are
determined solely by the biological features of specific bodies and not as
disciplinary results of social and cultural norms. These researchers are unable
to seriously consider motherhood without biological reproduction and/or
marriage. Feminist researchers of gender and migration might benefit from

their normative of maternal love, and care
unsettling conceptions parenthood,
on
by not locking them into specific gendered and married bodies. The focus
means that sexuality in this body of migration
biological parenthood also
research is relegated to either reproductive sex, forced abstinence brought
about by migration, and sexual abuse, or rape. There have been very limited
discussions of sexuality and pleasure (either heterosexual or homosexual) in the
lives of these women.
The gendering of thesewomen is rendered on the basis of rigid or stereo

typical notions of being "feminine." Constable (1997:95?99) documented
the disciplining of Filipina women's bodies by theirHong Kong employers
by obscuring or deemphasizing their femininity including by forbidding nail
a
polish, prescribing daily wear, and having their hair cut short like boy. The
defeminization of these women is seen
solely
in terms of
prescribed employers'
no consideration or further investigation as towhether
discipline and there is

any of thesewomen found either pleasure in itor had some positive reaction.
In other words, is it not possible that the disciplining of the feminine aspects
of their appearance might also present the opportunity for gender insubordina
tion and behavior, or a source of agency or even for these
gender-crossing pleasure
women? Another would be to reexamine these women's
interesting project
weekly gatherings, which are typically seen asmerely leisure activities or some
times as politically oriented meetings and to entertain the possibility that these
occasions offer homosocial sites for same-sex affection, and romance
intimacy,
and how these erotic entanglements can destabilize dominant notions of
femininity, female roles, and reproduction.
In amore recentwork, Constable (2002) examined how women
constantly
negotiated the disciplining of their appearances by their employers attempting
to achieve a balance between the
overtly "sexy" feminine look that could label
them as for male sexual advances and an masculine look
"easy" prey excessively
that could lead them to be mistaken for a "T-bird" or lesbian. This
promising
path of research could benefit from actually looking at how lesbian and/or
gender-insubordinate "female" workers actually perceive these defeminizing
measures in relation to desire and erotic Feminist researchers
disciplinary practices.
of gender and migration might want to consider third-worldwomen and men
in the international care
industry as viable desiring subjects without
imputing
compulsory heterosexuality and middle-class domesticity and thus locating
themwithin the very patriarchal confines that these researchers have
implicitly
vowed to
critique.
While more work needs to be done tomove away from these hetero
normative new work is to as a to counteract
presuppositions, beginning appear way
these tendencies. Rhacel Parre?as's (2005) recentwork The Children
ofGlobal
Migration, on the children in transnational families, provides a useful starting
point for futureworks. She begins the book by narrating her unique fieldwork
experiences in the Philippines, where she encountered situations of gender and
sexualmisrecognition - that is, shewas mistaken fora bakla,which is
aTagalog gloss
for a homosexual, transvestite, and effeminate "man." toward the end of
Again,
the book, she points to the idea of the limits and
possibilities of gender fluidity
as one for
important vantage point understanding and engaging with the plight
of these children. These observations build on Parre?as's earlier
pioneering
work and can potentially be the first steps toward new
provocative insights.
In sum, a critical reveals the gaps and fissures in this
queer reading emergent
literature on worker and shows that even recent research
Filipina migrant
that purports to sensitively
bring gender to the center of migration studies
fails to consider how specific
normalizing and naturalizing ideas around

carework, and formation create and

reproduction, parenting, family discrepant
incomplete understandings of third-world female migrant labor. While
new works are to in response to this more research needs
starting emerge gap,
to be done to create a more and of literature that
expansive provocative body
engages with the dynamic aspects ofmigrants' institutions, bodies, and desires.
AS PARTOF THE RESEARCHEQUATION:

SEXUALITY
ADDED VALUE OR COMPLICATING FACTOR?
As I have argued above, far from being a conservative force that leaves bodies
and cultures intact, migration creates dilemmas and situa
specific contradictory
tions thatdisturb static notions of gender and sexuality.Therefore, it is important
to see how a radical
repositioning and reexamination of heteronormative
premises in gender and migration research can yield expansive and provocative
This essay then is not about mere documentation, but aims to
insights. strongly
push formigration scholars to step back and reflecton theirworks in the face
of these hegemonic premises.
To summarize themains points of this essay, the following are themain
contributions of a queer of and research. First, the
analysis gender migration
queer perspective suggests going beyond a laboring gendered agent and high
a seen
lighting desiring and pleasure-seeking migrant subject. As through the
queer reading of Filipina migrant laborers above, migrants are not just dis
placed caretakers and mothering workers but in fact possess sexual desires and
erotic that must be taken into consideration. These desires are not
practices
limited to migrants' search for material and social advancement but also
are often reasons for the decision to
pivotal migrate.
the that is not an all
Secondly, queer perspective suggests sexuality
encompassing reality but one that intersects with and through other social,
economic, and cultural and identities. At the same time, a
practices queer
notion of sexuality enables migration research to go beyond normative and
universalized family patterns and biological rationales. I have argued that the
crises around laborers do not have to center on nuclear and
migrant biological
family bonds nor to firmly ground caring and maternal love in biologically
women. The rather in the section
reproducing provocative questions preceding
were meant to
disentangle parenting and affect from biologically deterministic
notions of male and female.
Finally, a queer perspective of sexuality expands the notions of refugee,

recruitment, and assimilation as to what constitutes
asylum, particularly
factors that force people tomigrate or flee particular spaces for other places.

The growing importance of the Internet, sex tourism, and other global cultural
flows showcases the influence on people's imagination about the rest of the
world beyond their immediate locality, thus expanding the terms of their
of integration
longings and desires. A queer perspective complicates conceptions
or assimilation particularly when citizenship and alien status are marked by
racialized, classed, sexualized, and gendered images of specificmigrant groups.
For who are as deviant,
example, figures portrayed simultaneously sexually
areMiddle Eastern or South Asian males
gendered, foreign, and dangerous
of a certain who after 11, 2001, were seen to be
age range September part
of a profile that is labeled as "terrorist" and, as such, unable to be incorporated
into the idea of nationhood and patriotism (Puar and Rai, 2002).
These aforementioned ideas are already part of the new emerging works
in the field, and scholars are beginning to heed the call for critical analysis that
includes as of migration research, new
sexuality part thereby charting pro
vocative theoretical and conceptual terrains and resulting in relevant empirical
research and interventions. all these a lot more work
Despite accomplishments,
remains to be done. Researchers should remain vigilant in guarding against the
reification of the heteronormative and be active in opening new and alternative
ways of understanding sexuality and gender inmigration studies.
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Required reading 10.
Pande A. 2017. Mobile masculinities: migrant Bangladeshi men in South

Africa. Gender & Society, 31(3): 383-406.
702825
research-article2017
GASXXX10.1177/0891243217702825GENDER & SOCIETYPande / MOBILE MASCULINITIES
MOBILE MASCULINITIES:
Migrant Bangladeshi Men in South Africa
AMRITA PANDE
University of Cape Town, South Africa
In this ethnography of Bangladeshi men living and working in South Africa, I draw on the
intersection of three sets of literatures—masculinities studies, mobility studies, and the
emerging body of work on migrant masculinities— to argue that migrant mobility shapes
and is shaped by relational performances of racialized masculinities. I analyze three par-
ticular moments of such “mobile masculinities.” The first is in the home country wherein
migration is seen as a mandatory rite of passage into manhood. The second moment is in
transit, where the relational masculinity of migrant men and “traffickers” (men who
smuggle migrants across borders) is performed and (re)made. The final moment is in
South Africa, wherein we observe two contrasting forms of masculinities: hyper masculin-
ity (the idealization of violence and misogyny) and Ummah masculinity (the immersion in
God and Islamic Ummah). Both kinds of masculinity in the final moment are attempts by
the migrants to recuperate masculinity within a situation of extreme powerlessness. This
article invokes the need for mobility research within gender studies, and an attention to a
complex, processual construction of identities wherein gender, race, and other differences
define the identities of migrants but also the discourses and narratives of masculinities.
Keywords: migration; mobility; masculinities; racialized masculinities; Bangladesh
W ithin the otherwise rich and interdisciplinary scholarship on gen-

der and migration, there is a relatively small body of empirical
research on migration and masculinities (Ahmad 2004; Datta et al.
2008; Farahani 2012; Pessar 2003). In the last few decades, the rich
scholarship on women and migration has attempted to rectify the mas-
AUTHOR’S NOTE: This work is based on the research supported in part by the National
Research Foundation of South Africa (Grant Number 103712) and in part by a research
grant provided by the University of Cape Town, South Africa. I am grateful to the
Bangladeshi men who made me a part of their turbulent lives in Cape Town. Correspondence
concerning this article should be directed to Amrita Pande, University of Cape Town,
Cape Town, South Africa; e-mail: amrita.pande@uct.ac.za.
GENDER & SOCIETY, Vol 31 No. 3, June, 2017 383–406
DOI: 10.1177/0891243217702825
© 2017 by The Author(s)
384 GENDER & SOCIETY/June 2017
culinist bias of early migration studies by engendering the analysis and,

at the same time, responding to the empirical reality of a rapid feminiza-
tion of international labor flows (Donato et al. 2006; Hoang 2016). In
some sense, the pendulum seems to have shifted the other way, creating
a paradoxical turn in migration studies. According to sociologist
Hondagneu-Sotelo, “the preoccupation with writing women into migra-
tion research and theory has stifled theorizing about the ways in which
construction of masculinities and femininities organize migration and
migration outcomes” (1999, 566).
In this ethnography of working-class Bangladeshi men living and work-
ing in Cape Town, I ask: how do the construction and performances of
masculinities—embedded in the process of a migrants’ mobility—shape
migrants’ experiences of mobility? In answering this question I build upon
the body of work on (racialized) masculinities and migrant masculinities,
as well as the “new mobilities paradigm” in the social sciences that pre-
sents movement and mobility as key to our understanding of how people
make meaning in relation to space and place (Sheller and Urry 2006; Urry
2007). I argue that masculinities of migrant Bangladeshi men emerge in
relation to a variety of other masculinities encountered during the process
of mobility. As such, as masculinities move across spaces and are in transit
and under negotiation, they become “braided with [a range of] other iden-
tities” across race, class, and sexuality (Charsley 2005, 208).
I analyze three particular moments of what I call “mobile masculinities,”
that is, masculinities encountered and negotiated during the migration pro-
cess that, in turn, shape migrants’ experiences of mobility. I use these
moments to focus on the diverse and interactive construction of masculini-
ties during the migration process. The first moment of mobile masculinities
can be situated in the home country whereby migration is seen as a manda-
tory rite of passage into manhood. This is what I label “mandatory mascu-
linity.” The second moment is during the migration journey where the
interactions between captive (i.e., migrant men) and captor (i.e., brokers and
traffickers) allow for the forging of a hierarchy of masculinities that unsettle
the migrants’ notion of hegemonic and subordinate masculinities. This is
what I call “relational masculinities.” The final moment is in Cape Town
where two contrasting forms of “protest masculinities”—hyper masculinity
and Ummah masculinity—are observed. Here, I use Connell’s (1995) defi-
nition of the term protest masculinities as forms of recuperative masculinity
forged within a situation of extreme powerlessness. Both types of protest
masculinities, although seemingly in stark contrast to each other, emerge as
a response to the hyper emasculation of the migrants during the second
moment, that is, during the process of migration.
Pande / MOBILE MASCULINITIES 385
In analyzing the different moments of mobile masculinities, this

article demonstrates that with globalization and migration, masculinity
is constantly being processed and is relationally constructed, often
with other masculinities. These discussions about masculinities—in
plural and in interaction with one another—are made invisible by the
omnipresent analytical tool of hegemonic masculinity, which is often
set up as a debate of binaries—black/white or female/male (Beasley
2013). For working-class migrant Bangladeshi men, these global
negotiations of masculinity, across differences of race and class, have
to simultaneously grapple with the influence of Islam and other spe-
cifically South Asian/Bengali imperatives. By focusing on mobility,
process, and moments, this article allows one to focus on how gen-
dered and raced identities travel across time, space, and borders. It
enables us to analyze how these intersectional identities, as “provi-
sional projects,” get (re)negotiated at each stage of the migration pro-
ject and profoundly affect migrants’ understanding of their selves
(Datta et al. 2008, 5).
(RACIALIZED) MASCULINITIES, MIGRATION AND

MOBILITY
Key milestones in masculinity studies include the recognition that mas-

culinity is socially constructed (Connell 1987); that masculinities are
multiple, overlapping, and relational in nature (Morrell, Jewkes, and
Lindegger 2012); and that globalization is creating a world gender order
that “involves the re-articulation of national hegemonic masculinities into
the global arena” (Beasley 2008, 7). Despite the initial emphasis on inter-
sectional and relational impact of masculinities across race, class and
sexuality, the global turn in masculinities studies emphasized class rela-
tions. With globalization and increased mobility, however, masculinities
cannot be understood without connecting large scale global processes to
local imperatives, unpacking how masculinities are not just classed but
also racialized in different diasporic spaces, and how these multiple and
racialized masculinities relate to one another.
Racialized Masculinities
An analysis of Bangladeshi men’s migration experiences must take
racialized masculinities into account. The hyper awareness of the nega-
tive images around black males has pathologized racialized and black
masculinity, making it a spectacle and/or a corrective revolutionary pro-

ject (Chon-Smith 2015). This moralizing project, emerging primarily
from the United States and Britain and focusing on black African men,
positions black men along an axis that is often based on a black/white
racial binary. Yet South Asian men are either ignored in such analyses of
black masculinity or trapped by a similar pathologizing project, whereby
only young Muslim and “Arab men” become subjects of study in their
own rights (Archer 2001; Gillborn 1990). In Britain, for instance, discus-
sions of racialized masculinities and specifically South Asian masculinity
get framed as a problematic masculinity of minorities (Kalra 2009;
Modood, Beishon, and Virdee 1994). While earlier works focused on
South Asian women in Britain as victims of a patriarchal culture whether
in the context of arranged marriages or domestic violence, now South
Asian/Muslim males are the “new figure of danger and crisis” (Kalra
2009, 116). In other contexts, for instance in the United States, Asian and
black masculinities are often constructed as polar opposites (Chon-Smith
2005). The cultural myth of emasculated Asian bodies, or the stereotype
of the “model minority,” makes Asian masculinity and the black “brute”
masculinity “negate each other” in post–civil rights era United States
(Chon-Smith 2015, 2). In this scholarship, racialized masculinity “is
paradoxically positioned at both the center and the margins of counter-
vailing hierarchies, rendering men of color . . . the most salient in study-
ing masculinity” (Chung 2005, 24).
Within the continent of Africa, much has been written about racial and
ethnic formations shaping and being shaped by the South Asian commu-
nity migrating to various countries (Herzig 2006; Nagar 1996), but very
few migration scholars address issues of gender and masculinities (for
exceptions, see Herzig 2006; Hundle 2013). Masculinities studies, how-
ever, have emerged as a key area within African gender studies. This
scholarship examines how men, masculinities, and gender relations
impact and are impacted by socioeconomic, cultural, and religious trans-
formations like nationalist movements, dismantling of colonial rule, the
influence of Christianity and Islam, and the end of apartheid in South
Africa (Lindsay and Miescher 2003). Among these scholars, there is
some consensus that this changing landscape shapes masculinity and that
colonial rule, as well as postcolonial political and economic crises, can
be associated with crises for African masculinity (Lindsay and Miescher
2003; Morrell, Jewkes, and Lindegger 2012; Raimundo 2008). Lahoucine
Ouzgane and Robert Morrell further argue that any understanding of
African men has to start from a position of diversity—of color of skin,
language, religion—but with the shared experience of their “complex

positioning as ‘other’” (2005, 8). At the same time, these scholars argue,
several hegemonic forms of masculinities may coexist (Morrell, Jewkes,
and Lindegger 2012). For instance, Morrell (1998, 2001) extends
Connell’s (1987) conceptualization of hegemonic masculinity as a cultur-
ally idealized form to the South African context by arguing that, histori-
cally, there has been more than one masculine ideal within South African
society. He classifies these as white masculinity represented in the
political and economic dominance of the ruling class, an African rurally
based masculinity (found in and perpetuated through indigenous institu-
tions such as chiefship, communal land tenure, and customary marriage
law), and, finally, an urban black masculinity. Hegemonic masculinities,
thus, are theorized as multiple, shifting, and contextual. Despite the rec-
ognition of masculinities as changing, this scholarship fails to include an
analysis of migrant men and mobile masculinities. The bridge between
masculinities and migration studies remains one that needs to be built.
For this I now turn to the “mobilities” approach of the social sciences and
the small body of work on migration and masculinities.
Mobile Masculinities
The new mobilities paradigm is a “movement-driven” social science,
whereby motion is treated not as a rupture or anomaly but as fundamen-
tal to social and personal identity (Jensen 2013; Sheller and Urry 2006).
Such an approach requires us to pay close attention to the journey, to the
fluid and the fleeting. Migration, then, becomes a pivotal node for under-
standing how “worlds (and sense) are made in and through movement
and motion” (Büscher and Urry 2009, 100). Scholars of migration often
discuss the decision to move in terms of “push and pull” debates—the
political-economic conditions forcing one to leave and/or the appeal of
the destination country. But decisions to migrate are not simply a matter
of rational calculation of costs and benefits; they are shaped by a “knotty
set of gendered cultural considerations” (Broughton 2008, 569). The
emerging research on men and masculinities, for instance, has high-
lighted that, on the one hand, notions of masculinity shape the decision
to migrate, and, on the other hand, the migration process itself affects
men’s identity. Migration sustains the male breadwinner regime and is a
source of masculine pride (Monsutti 2007; Osella and Osella 2000;
Sayad 1999). At the same time, depending on the nature and context, the
process of migration is often also the migrant’s first experience of
becoming the other, in terms of class-, ethnicity-, and race-based interac-

tions in the new home (Broughton 2008; Cohen 2006). Migration often
leads to downward mobility that requires migrant men to make “mascu-
line compromises” (Choi and Peng 2016).
In this article, I focus on masculinities in motion, and thereby illustrate
how masculinities are produced in transit and in relation to other mascu-
linities in Africa. A contemporary reading of African masculinities together
with Bangladeshi masculinity, however, requires being alert to the colonial
vicissitudes of masculinities in Africa and South Asia. For instance, during
the British Empire many versions of masculinity were simultaneously in
vogue, serving different purposes of governance in the colonies. Certain
ethnic groups, such as Rajputs, Pathans, and Sikhs, were seen as more
masculine and were recruited into the British army in the Indian subconti-
nent. Bengali men were constructed as more effete and cowardly, yet intel-
lectual enough to be part of the civil services (Budd 1997; Chowdhury
2001; Sinha 1995). In this way, racial taxonomies were produced through
ideologies of masculinity (Kalra 2009, 122). Much like for South Asian
men, in colonial African discourse, two contrasting imageries of black
Africans operated simultaneously. One was of the masculine British white
man colonizing the black continent; the second was of the hyper-masculine
“brute-like” African man who needed to be colonized and governed. Neo-
colonial rendering of these accounts of black African masculinity permeate
the media in South Asia, including Bangladesh, through the ever-popular
global media form of Bollywood (Larkin 1997). Popular Bollywood mov-
ies are unabashedly racist, often featuring actors in blackface, and portray-
ing the black male as a “harbinger of primitivism,” one who is constantly
the other—a figure to be ridiculed and othered for his brute-like lack of
urbanity. In fact, the black brute-like figure in the jungle sequences of
Bollywood movies bears uncanny similarity to “savages” encountered in
“imperialist fictions,” such as Hollywood’s Tarzan (Basu 2010). Yet, as
bodies move across borders and black African and Bengali masculinities
interact, these imageries undergo a transition to unsettle the migrants’
notion of ideal masculinities.
METHODS
This study is part of a larger ethnographic project that includes detailed

oral histories of 23 Bangladeshi men and participant observation in their
work and leisure spaces in Cape Town. It is estimated there are over
350,000 people of Chinese descent, around 100,000 Pakistanis, around
60,000 Bangladeshis, and a substantial number of new migrants from India

in South Africa (Huynh, Ragunanan, and Park 2011). Most migrants from
Bangladesh, and all the 23 respondents in this study, are men, in part due
to cultural restrictions on women traveling alone. All the respondents
worked in corner stores in three residential neighborhoods in Cape Town.
This is a common survival and employment tactic for migrants in South
Africa, whereby migrants who often find it hard to get waged employment
instead work in corner grocery stores, locally known as “spaza shops” or
“spazas.” Spazas stock everything from bread to shampoo, and are open
seven days a week and for longer hours than bigger grocery stores. While
South African nationals also run and manage spazas, recently migrants
have started dominating this market.1 Since most Bangladeshi men cannot
own land, these shops are rented from the local community but manage-
ment is kept almost exclusively within kin and familial networks. Most
employees are Bangladeshi men as well, although bigger shops tend to
employ some South African or African nationals.
The familial networks organizing the spazas means that the respond-
ents were from a relatively homogenous group. Nineteen of the 23
respondents were from the Sylhet district (Northeastern division of
Bangladesh) and Shariatpur (Dhaka division). Their ages ranged from 21
to 47 years. While two men were married with children (their wives and
children were in Bangladesh), the rest of the men were unmarried. All
were from land-owning families, and all but one identified as middle-
class. All except one had completed high school, and one, Ashik, had a
professional degree. All the men identified as Muslim.
The oral histories were conducted in Bengali, one of the languages I
speak fluently, and all were recorded. With the recent surge in xenopho-
bic attacks, many migrants prefer not to reveal their migrant identity.
This initially posed a challenge in accessing research respondents,
since most of the men reacted defensively to my initial query, “Where
are you from?” by asserting that they were South African citizens.
Realizing that my attempt at striking a conversation with that query was
likely to get misinterpreted within the current socio-political climate, I
abandoned that question and instead relied on my Indian identity, and
my ability to speak Bengali, to ease any anxiety. I walked into the spaza
stores as a customer and revealed my own migrant identity first, before
asking any questions or talking about the research. Given the conten-
tious legal status of some of the respondents, I have used pseudonyms
for all the respondents.2 My gender, nationality, and familiarity with
some of their customs worked in my favor. I conducted all the oral
histories in spaza shops, since none of the respondents had much free
time. These conversations, usually over copious cups of tea and sweet
biscuits, lasted between 45 minutes and 3 hours at a stretch but were
often interrupted, for example, when customers walked into the shops.
By the second month of my research, I had become familiar with the
workings of the shops and helped out with accounts and housekeeping.
Customers often assumed I was a wife or sister from Bangladesh and
automatically included me in their daily chitchats with the men in the
store. The actual space for leisure and work remains the same for many
migrants, who often live in rooms attached to the store. But the shop
floor becomes a space of leisure once the shutters are pulled down. I
shared many meals with the migrant workers during these late hours.
While the formal oral histories were recorded, I also took extensive
field notes of the times spent participating in their everyday lives.
Despite the relative ease with which I was accepted as an “insider,”
being the only female in an all-male space was challenging and some-
times even uncomfortable. Most of the respondents admitted that they
missed their wives, girlfriends, or just any female companionship. My
married status made me a “sister” or a boudi (sister-in-law), and in
some sense normalized my presence in an all-male space. Yet, I was
always aware of the skewed nature of our relationship: while I was
treating this interaction as transient and a research project, the respond-
ents wanted this to be a lasting relationship. All the respondents waited
eagerly for my arrival and were reluctant to let me leave at the end of
the day. Late night instant messages and phone calls have become a
norm and all the respondents regularly take my advice on matters rang-
ing from intimate “love trouble” to the more frequent visa or “paper
trouble.”
I allowed respondents to direct the course of events in their oral histo-
ries as well as the conversation. Conscious of what has been labeled
“mobile methods” whereby researchers track their respondents in various
creative ways to keep pace with the “fluid disorder and disembeddedness”
of lives in transition (Büscher and Urry 2009, 103), I often encouraged
them to recount their journey with the aid of maps, sketches, photographs,
letters, notes, and souvenirs. In many cases, oral histories were inter-
spersed with video and audio clips (on their phones) from the journey, and
from their homes and with role-playing of many of the characters encoun-
tered during the journey. Although not all of these became data, these
tools facilitated the testimonies and my ethnographic understanding of
these critical moments. I used a grounded theory approach and used open
coding such that the patterns emerging could be analyzed thematically

(Berg 2004). I started the analysis with a list of codes, but refined these
further to develop fewer umbrella codes or “master codes,” for instance,
“mandatory migration,” “racialized masculinity,” “protest masculinity,”
“hyper sexualized masculinity,” “violent masculinity,” and Ummah.
PREMIGRATION: MIGRATION AS MANDATORY

MANHOOD RITUAL
Within migration studies there seems to be a move away from the sim-
ple dichotomy of “push and pull” migration theory, and toward a more
complex and overlapping perspective on motivation, mobility, and flows of
people across borders (Appadurai 1990; Castles 2011). The narratives of
migrants in this article indicate such a complexity. Most of the respondents
chose South Africa by default; it was not a destination of choice for any of
them. Some respondents chose South Africa as a last option after their
applications to Europe, North America, and the Middle East failed and for
others, brokers (i.e., Bangladeshi middlemen who make all travel arrange-
ments for the migrating men) made the decision. None of the respondents
had encountered a returnee from South Africa or the continent of Africa.
Yet, the fuzzy image of a prosperous “bidesh” (foreign land), most often
associated with the United Kingdom as a glamorous place with all its
whiteness, novelty, affluence, and power was often connected to South
Africa.3
Moreover, a critical gendered moment revealed in the oral histories is at
this premigration stage. An example is the story of Abir, 23 years old and
“one-in-the-middle” of his brothers. His elder brother is a college drop-out,
and overall a “good for nothing.” Abir’s father, a government officer, tried
to get his elder son to mend his ways by buying him a shop and then getting
him married. Both ventures failed. With the money invested in the shop, at
the age of 15 Abir had to leave the madrassa (Arabic for an educational
institution, commonly used to refer to a school for religious instruction in
the Islamic world) and had to run it. Abir explained that his life trajectory
was deeply impacted by the many failures of his elder brother, especially
his failure to perform expected masculinity:
Now, Abbu (father) knew that dada (Bengali word for elder brother) was
not man enough to migrate. Dada is too heart-heavy, head-weak and is
utterly in love with his first-born. But still Abbu sent him abroad to
Malaysia, so that he could do something with his life. He lived there for
three years but he couldn’t do anything. Nothing at all. So when he returned
after three years without a single rupee, Abbu said to me, “OK you take
over. One of my sons has to. What will others say?” . . . So I went to the
broker and started the visa process. [Emphasis added.]
Abir’s brother was not “man enough” to be a migrant so Abir had to fill
his place as the dutiful, and presumably, manly second-born son. Ashik,
32, and the only son of an army hawaldar (a low-ranked army officer),
had a different migration trajectory, but his story echoed a similar nar-
rative. For Ashik, migration is a mandatory ritual imposed by elders in
the family:
To tell you the truth, I didn’t want to struggle as an immigrant in a foreign

land all my life. But my father insisted that I go abroad and buy gold for
my stepmother. I didn’t want to do it—I said we can buy gold even back
home. But he wanted real gold from outside [the country] for his wife. I
thought, “OK, I need to do it for my Abbu. Who else will do it for him?”
He doesn’t have any other sons to send abroad. I wasted most of the money
I saved in Malaysia on buying gold. But then I said, why stop at Malaysia
and I started applying for a visa to Europe. . . . When my application to Italy
and Germany was rejected, I said to the broker, “Just send me out any-
where.” [Emphasis added.]
Mithun, 47, is the eldest in the family and the last in his family to migrate.
His migration trajectory was also closely linked to the failure of his two
brothers. Mithun explained,
When I was 13 my Abbu, the eldest son in his family, got a chance to go to
Kuwait. So I kept our sweet shop going. By the time it was time for my
Abbu to return, I was 20, our business was not doing well and we were
much in debt. I was always worried, about the business, about how I would
explain all the spending to my father, worried about the household—chinta
chinta chinta [worry worry worry]. But then I realized where our family
had gone wrong, none of us brothers had gone out [abroad]. Everywhere in
Sylhet you look, the boys, at least one or maybe even two of the sons, are
abroad. That is the way for boys. . . . So somehow I managed to save up and
sent my younger brother to Singapore. Now he had gone there on a tourist
visa but got caught by the police. So he returns home, but with no savings,
no gifts nothing and our money matters are not solved. What face were we
to show to our neighbors? So now we decided to send the middle brother
to Dubai. But he continued to work for two years, but no savings. This is
when I said, “What do I do?” So I approached the broker for a visa.
[Emphasis added.]
For Mithun, Abir, and Ashik, migration was a mandatory ritual for boys
and a duty to be fulfilled by a son. But this ritual is not merely about being
the breadwinner for the family. Much like marriage and the birth of sons
for men means the symbolic entrance into adult life, entering bidesh
becomes a way to reassert normative expectations about masculinity as
the ability to aspire towards a better life and take risks. Migration also
becomes mandatory, in part, to “save face” in the community and neigh-
borhood. “What will others say” and “What face were we to show to our
neighbors?” are the typical motivations given, urging men to migrate even
when there is little economic desperation. While a rite of manhood, it is
poignant to consider how this journey is one of precarity and vulnerabil-
ity, starting with their journey from Bangladesh to South Africa.
RELATIONAL MASCULINITY: INTERACTION WITH

THE KALIA TRAFFICKER
Although for many men, the actual experience of migration is often

emasculating, in the narratives of several respondents the perilous and
unpredictable journey was a test of their manhood; as Abdul said, “only
the real men survive.” They described the encounters with traffickers (i.e.,
men who smuggle illegal migrants across borders), police, and border
security as traumatic. Abdul, 29, revealed that he was deeply scarred by
his journey. As a result, he was the only respondent who was initially
reluctant to allow me to record the oral history and wanted me to take
notes instead. As I frantically scribbled notes, he explained:
Prabashi jeeban [a migrant’s life] is full of dangers, and I no longer want

to take any risks. A recording might get me into trouble. I just don’t want
any more trouble. I have arrived here, but now I wonder was it worth it?
This surviving one step at a time has scarred me for life. My journey . . .
you cannot imagine.
Abdul’s testimony is an instance of the importance of moments, however

fleeting, in a migrant’s experience. He recalled the many transit points in
what he calls his “journey of lies,” from a nameless place in India, to
Nairobi, Kenya, to Maputo, Mozambique, to the wilderness of South
African borders. His is a story of the violence of brokers as well as the

layers of lies and uncertainties. He said:
I had paid a Bangladeshi broker around 8.5 lakhs Taka (USD $10,000) and
he had said I would take a straight flight to Africa. But then started the real
journey—journey of lies. The first stop was someplace in India. No one told
me the name. Here I was in transit for 13 hours . . . hungry and confused. I
had some trouble with authorities but I somehow managed to convince them
that I am going to meet my uncle in Kenya. There at least I was with men
who looked like me, I felt somewhat okay. Nairobi was a short layover, all
I remember doing was running. [Then] from Nairobi to Maputo. At Maputo,
a Pakistani broker received me and I had to pay him USD $1,000 for getting
me past authorities. On the other side, a kalia [a derogatory term for a black
African man] met me who took 21 of us —16 Bangladeshis and 5
Pakistanis—to his house. There was no food or water there and if we asked
for water, he just laughed and called us names, “Stop crying like a woman,
eh wosa eh manzy [pejorative Swahili slang for homosexual or effeminate
men].” To the kalia, we were like nothing, nothing. I remember just trem-
bling, and crying, yes, [he adds almost defensively] I cried. From there they
stuffed 21 of us in the back seat of a car. Imagine, instead of 3 they stuffed
21 of us—pretty much all bodies stacked on top of one another. After a few
hours’ drive, two of the Pakistanis started having trouble breathing and fell
sick. We requested the kalia in front to let us get a breath of air but he just
turned around and slapped us on the head and called us manzy manzy. Just
dhaam [whack]—no word [he] just hits out!
Abdul recalled the extreme physical discomfort and mental trauma of the
journey, and also the nonchalance and brutality of the traffickers. He
described the uncertainty and mundanity of their violence as a feeling of
being sexually violated:
These new kalia started demanding USD $20 per head from us but most of
us had nothing left ‘til then. So they started searching us. They frisked us
the way not even a policeman would, undressed us completely and took
away whatever they liked – watches, mobiles, jackets, shoes. And they
laughed as they left us shivering with almost no clothes on! And instead of
helping us cross the border and taking us to a city, they just abandoned us
at the border with another set of border-crossers. Again, kalia—a group
now. They wanted some payment as well. But by now we had nothing,
nothing but some clothes that we had managed to keep from the others.
They took away even a pair of pants I had from the football team I used to
play for in Bangladesh, they even took that. It is like [he hesitates] we were
being raped again and again and again.
Apart from the violence of the journey and the effect it had on Abdul,
there are two important allusions in his recollections. One is the emphasis
on the “blackness” of all the African traffickers in his narrative, the figure
of the “kalia.”4 The other is the traffickers’ construction of Bangladeshi
migrant men as effeminate. The hypermasculinity of captors and the
demasculinization of captives are particularly striking. For instance, while
kalia is a racist slur used by the captive for their captors, manzy, msenge,
and shoga were common pejorative Swahili slang terms for homosexual
or effeminate men. These are labels used by the captors to demean the
migrants, especially South Asian men. In Abdul’s narrative, traffickers of
different nationalities appeared at every stage of the journey: some were
Indian, some Bangladeshi, some Pakistani, and some African. But while
the brokers in South Asia were of a familiar race, the black masculinity of
the traffickers he encountered in Africa was so unfamiliar that it even
“smelt dangerous”:
It was basically kalia after kalia making us cross all the borders. Men of a
kind I had never seen. They were bigger and stronger than any human.
Everyone had to listen to them. They even smelt dangerous.
Much like Abdul recalled the chant of homophobic slurs that were
often accompanied by physical violence, others recalled the overpowering
physical strength of their captors and their constant homophobic jeers.
During a role-play exercise as part of his oral history narrative, Abir
recalled with part terror and part awe the last leg of his journey, which was
with a black African trafficker. Despite the similar brutal treatment he
faced at the Dhaka airport in the hands of other Bangladeshi men, it was
the black African man and his natural strength that Abir chose to enact. He
explained:
The kalua are different, they are just like in the movies. [He laughs
embarrassedly.] The rest of these people [South Asian brokers] are
doing it because they are corrupt. But these kalua are there because they
are made for this. Now this man I remember the most, he was so big, he
just parted the trees as we walked. There we were, in the middle of the
night, in the mountains and in front of us were the border security with
guns guarding the border to Zimbabwe! If they had seen us they would
have shot us down. It was dawn, but not yet light. The kalua was right
in front showing us the way. He was not just a broker, he was a “border-
crosser” and you could see why—he was made for the jungle! He made
us walk up and down mountains. There were such big thorns that it
made holes in our jackets and shoes. We saw skulls of lions, deer, buf-
falo. We were petrified, we knew there were lions around. The kalua
showing us the way had a gun and he said he could shoot us if we made
a noise but he would shoot out if we saw a wild animal. We reached a
river with water to our knee. This man said, jeering at us, “Many like
you have been eaten by crocs in that river.” You know, he was laughing
when he was saying this. His big head, his laugh—ooi. I get nightmares
of that even now.
In Abir’s narrative the “border-crosser” or trafficker may be the vil-

lain, but he also is depicted as one with super-manly powers. The cap-
tive-captor relationship is a clear indication of the relational, interactive,
and processual nature of masculinity. On the one hand, Abir and other
Bangladeshi men construct the African traffickers as kalia, primitive
and brute-like, and, in effect, distance themselves from the captor’s
blackness. On the other hand, as the migration journey commences, the
kalia appears as the seamless commander and his black masculinity
becomes a powerful radar to measure one’s own masculinity. Rafi, 29,
elaborated on this point:
Listen let me tell you, I am not a weak one myself. But these men [African
traffickers] are something else, you know. The situation—this not knowing
what they will do next, where you will be next—it takes away all your
strength. And these [African traffickers] are pork eaters, beef eaters, meat
eaters, strong, very strong. What are we in front of them? They are the
kings, they run this show. You start realizing very soon that this is not your
gram [village], and I am not the tiger of my village anymore. [Emphasis
added.]
As migrant men crossed borders and interacted with the traffickers, the
kalia was recognized as “the king of the show.” The African captor,
with his sense of control and authority, severely eroded the migrant’s
own sense of manhood. The migrant no longer claimed to be “the tiger
of his village” but instead was reduced to an effeminate, sexualized
other. Sexuality emerged as an underlying theme in much of the
mobile masculinities being negotiated and forged. It emerged in the
homophobic and misogynistic labeling of migrant captives by the traf-
fickers. It reemerged in the performances of protest masculinities in
the host country—either in the performances of violent and/or sexual-
ized hypermasculinities or its complete contrast in celibate celebration
of God.
PROTEST MASCULINITIES: HYPER MASCULINITY AND

UMMAH MASCULINITY IN CAPE TOWN
During the migrants’ journey across borders, masculinities were nego-

tiated, performed, learnt, and forged, in crisis. The crisis of masculinity,
however, did not end with migrants’ arrival in Cape Town. The spaza
shop—the space that the migrants worked, ate, and slept—is a homosocial
space where the migrant’s conventional notions of masculinity were once
again threatened and made suspect. Men can work to recuperate their lost
masculinity in homosocial spaces where men lack “legitimate access to
women’s bodies in the form of both sexual and domestic labor” (Broughton
2008; Cohen 2006, 85). One conventional strategy, observed in the migra-
tion literature, is to get married or to ensure family reunification for mar-
ried men (Sayad 1999). While this pattern is evident in the diaspora in the
United Kingdom and Europe, South Africa reveals a different pattern. All
married respondents in this study stated vehemently that they would never
bring their families to the dangers in South Africa, nor would they marry
someone who is not a Bangladeshi. Instead, the migrant men recuperated
their masculinity through two contrasting strategies—hyper masculinity
with an emphasis on violence and sex, and Ummah masculinity reaf-
firmed through celibacy.
Hyper Masculinity
One strategy for recuperating the masculinity lost in transit is to
embody different forms of hyper masculinity—an exaggerated, highly
visible, and violent masculinity. Thirteen of the 23 respondents performed
versions of such hyper masculinity, often characterized by the celebration
of violence and misogyny. Shamim, 21, was not new to violence and had
spent two months in prison at the age of 15 for abetting a politically moti-
vated murder. Yet, it was South Africa, he argued, that taught him that
violence is celebrated and, even, respected:
I have been in jail for two months. Not a separate jail [for juvenile offend-
ers], it was with all other hard-core criminals. In Bangladesh if you are
above 10, you will be sent to the same prison. So I have seen it all, you
know, even before I turned 16. Guns, knives, fists and blood. But here, it is
different. Back home, all this is punished, you don’t earn respect by being
in prison. But here, gun talks, knives talk, you are a man if you can stab the
one next to you and walk away smiling. Look at him [he points at a
Nigerian customer], you think he got here by praying in a mosque. No. He
killed many, and now he is wearing that gold necklace. And he is now talk-
ing to you glibly in English and you are smiling at him.
Shamim described his “gang” of three Bangladeshi friends, and their vio-
lent rituals.
I keep a bludgeon under the counter, and Abid keeps a dagger under his
shirt. [He shows me the bludgeon.] I have used it, don’t you worry. And I
keep it with me. Not because I am scared of being mugged or anything, but
because that’s how it is. They [Black African men] speak with their knives.
Now that I am here, I speak their talk.
Other respondents, who speak of Shamim as the “one with a constant

black eye,” corroborated his story. Shamim believes violence earns
respect, and resorting to violence is his way of recuperating his lost mas-
culinity. Yet others narrated tales of misogyny and sexual adventures as
ways to recuperate their masculinity.
While most men gave me somewhat censored versions of their attempts
at sexual intimacy with South African women, Ashik discussed his group
sexual adventures in explicit detail. He summarized the dilemma of many
of his comrades:
The problem here is lack of time. There is no Sunday even. I can make
many girlfriends but how will I find any time to give to them. Also I have
no place to take her. I earn ZAR 3000 [USD $250], with that I can’t rent a
house. So we prefer to just save some money and live in shared apartments,
often at the back of the shop. So where do I bring any respectable girl? I
have learnt the hard way, no woman would want me, you know, I have no
money, no time, no energy to show her the good times.
Ashik cheered up as he went on to describe in vivid detail his transactions

and encounters with various sex workers in Cape Town. These weekly
encounters often involve a group of his colleagues paying for the same sex
worker and, in his words, “taking turns at the fun.” In some sense, these
sexual adventures restore Ashik’s sense of manhood. At the same time, he
is quick in reiterating that these acts of haram (forbidden by Islamic law)
are out of desperation:
Here these men do it differently; they don’t have religious beliefs like us
Muslims. I know we do a lot of things as migrants, as men of our age our
body makes many demands, which Islam will not want us to—kintu praya-
jan aayan mane na [loosely translated to mean “but there is no morality in
desperation”]. I am Muslim and I realize what I do is haram. But I mean
how long can one stay hungry? It’s like that for all of us here. So now we
have learnt the way of these men here [gesturing at a Nigerian and a black
South African customer in his shop]. Here these kalia live big and girls
think they are big! So now even if there is no one person to love, we can
have many now, you know.
While Ashik constantly narrated snippets from his sexual adventures,

some others were more forthcoming when the recorder was turned off
and the atmosphere was relaxed. Miraz explained in great detail the
drudgery of his domestic chores. His sexual adventures are a way to feel
“back in charge”:
Here, it is like this . . . we all have to take turns to cook, clean and even
cook for others. Ma would have fainted if she saw her babu [boy] do this.
No, really, this is not how we [men] are meant to be. Look [he shows me
his hands], this is not from breaking any stones or anything, just the drudg-
ery of washing utensils and that too often other people’s utensils as well.
This is our everyday. . . . But these Saturday nights are something else.
These women [sex workers], they know their thing, they know how to
make you feel special. Now instead of taking turns to cook and clean like
an old ma, we take turns to [have sex], you know! When I am in bed with
her, however small the bed, however dirty she may be, I am [he pauses] I
am in charge. I can do what I please [with her].
Evenings and dinner times often involve the men sharing similar tales of
their adventures with various sex workers. Although the narrations are
filled with Bangla innuendos and jest, and it is sometimes hard to sepa-
rate fact from fiction, they are clear attempts at public display of sexual
prowess. An often-mentioned name is that of Hero, a Bangladeshi man
who has since migrated to California. Ashik and Rihat got introduced to
sex workers through Hero, a man with long black hair, who, according
to Rihat, “could beat any kalia hollow as far as ‘doing it’ with women
was concerned.” Over a late night chai, Rihat showed me his recent
photograph with friends including Hero, and recalled with apparent
glee:
Let me tell you how I met her [the first sex worker]. Remember I told you
about the boy with the long hair—Hero? He used to go partying on Long
Street and pick all women he liked at clubs. And when he needs some,
[Rihat pauses and winks], “pleasure” from one of them, he calls them. So
one day he called her and brought her to our room and all the people ful-
filled their pleasure with her. Our Hero is no less than Shahrukh [a top
Bollywood star]. He beat all these kalia at “doing” women, you know.
Anyway, once that night happened and I wanted to have her for myself.
And when I did, you should have seen the rest of these men cry with jeal-
ousy. [Rihat winks and gives me a high five.]
Shamim’s celebration of violence and Rihat and Ashik’s detailed descrip-

tions of their sexual adventures are likely to be attempts to gain back the
manhood lost in transit and to inhabit homosocial spaces. Other men,
however, negotiate their emasculation in a strikingly different manner—
by taking refuge in the Islamic Ummah.
Ummah Masculinity
Scholarship on Pakistani and Bangladeshi diaspora has highlighted the
role of Islamic Ummah (Hassan 2003). Ummah is a transnational supra-
geographical community of Muslims that transcends nationality and other
bases of community. Mosques, Jumma’h (Friday prayer), and the Ummah
take center stage for eight respondents in this study; however, these
become as much an avenue for finding alternative masculinities as for
practicing religion. Abdul defined Ummah as a community that is based
on an unrestricted and individual relationship to God. Yet he emphasized
a distinctive moral tone and celibacy as a key tenet for belonging to this
community. This celibacy, according to him, is what binds his community
together and keeps them separate from other Bangladeshi and African
men. He said:
See that Ashik [he whispers] he is not a good man—smoking, drinking,

women. He is not the only one, there was another one who has now gone
to America. But we are Muslims, it’s not fine to do this. . . . I have no
friends here really, because I cannot be with people like these. But I do have
my community in the mosque, here by the station. I believe . . . we believe
that there are three things that are greatly addictive—women, alcohol, and
gambling, and we stay away from all three. We are strong about these
beliefs and this is what keeps us different from other of these Bangladeshi
men and the culture here. Here, you know, boys, even girls are smoking
from schoolgoing age. And you know every second woman here has a child
out of wedlock. Men should respect their women and for women, their izzat
[honor] is the most important thing. That’s what I don’t understand about
the men here. And see, now even our boys from our own soil [nation] are
imitating them. It pains me. . . . I am not like them.
When I asked Abdul if such virtuosity is mandatory to be a part of

Ummah, he hesitated, and then he responded:
It’s about being a man, being Muslim, and being Bangladeshi, all together.
These men think they are strong and we are weak, but think about it. We
are six of us in my mosque, some married, some not. But we have retained
our (he searches for the right word] charitra [character], purushotta [manli-
ness], our manobauta [humanity] by sticking to the core values of Ummah.
We are also men, but we have restrained ourselves. This is what makes us
stronger than them.
Another Bangladeshi migrant in Abdul’s mosque is Shumon. Although

Shumon is not as regular to the mosque as Abdul is, he reiterated Abdul’s
criticism of men like Ashik and Shamim. Shumon gave a poetic explana-
tion as to why a real man is God’s man, while he simultaneously distanced
himself from the “violent” others:
Listen, do you know why your Sanskrit words Purushottam [Supreme God]
and purushotta [manliness] are of the same origin? Because only real men
can be close to the Supreme. What is the point of all this that these people
do [pointing at his colleagues in the shop]—knives and women and who
knows what else? I don’t need these things, and yet, you see me and you
decide who is the better man?
Ummah is often associated with observance of the “five pillars” of

Islam—Islamic testimony (shahada), daily prayer (salat), alms-giving
(zakat), fasting (sawm), and pilgrimage (hajj)—that have more to do with
ritual observance than with sexuality. Moreover, some Islamic teachings
celebrate the physiological functions of marriage by firmly rejecting the
practice of celibacy. Despite these teachings, migrant men like Abdul
Rahman and Shumon distance themselves from the other men by empha-
sizing their celibacy as a symbol of their authentic and virtuous Islamic
way. This celibacy not only brings them close to the Supreme God (puru-
shottam) but also defines authentic purushotta (manliness) for them.
Thus, the protest masculinities of these two apparently antithetical

groups—those who celebrate sexual activity and those who purposely
shun it—achieve similar ends. Despite their rather striking differences, the
two groups are navigating the dilemmas posed by their migration journey
and status in their new home. While one group emphasizes exaggerated
violence and sex, seemingly to imitate the images of dominant black
sexuality and masculinity to elevate their effeminate status, the other
adopts religious celibacy and sexual restraint to achieve the same.
CONCLUSION
Connell argues that “gender is unavoidably involved with other social

structures. . . . [G]ender “intersects”—better, interacts—with race and
class” (1995, 75). In this article, I have analyzed this interaction by focus-
ing on the gendered and racialized performances of masculinities by
Bangladeshi men migrating to South Africa. By focusing on three particu-
lar moments in time—premigration, during the migration journey, and on
reaching Cape Town—I demonstrated the intersectional, interactional,
and shifting nature of masculinities. In the first moment, at home, the
decision to migrate is more a manhood ritual, a way to save face in front
of the community, than it is about economic deprivation. On the one hand,
migration becomes the ultimate signifier of masculinity—a way to lead an
empowered, fuller life in bidesh. On the other hand, the actual experience
of migration is often emasculating, particularly in relation to the black
African masculinity encountered during the second moment—their jour-
ney to South Africa. Narratives illustrate how the migrant traversing bor-
ders is held captive by African traffickers, men who appear to be “kings
of the show” and fully in control over their lives and that of others. As the
migrant men recall their journey, the same African man that popular
media in Bangladesh and elsewhere dehumanizes, is suddenly imbued
with superhuman powers, transforming the black African “other” into a
powerful authoritarian figure. In contrast, the Bangladeshi migrant in
captivity is stripped of his manliness and reduced to an effeminate shoga.
In an extension of Connell’s formulation of protest masculinity, Walker
(2006) distinguishes between anomic (i.e., destructive) and disciplined
protest masculinity. While discussions about protest masculinity often
observe the attempts by blue-collar male workers to emphasize their
sexual prowess, Walker observes far more willingness of men to violate
sexual mores of heterosexuality in his version of disciplined protest
masculinity. Instead of linear narratives of “sexually boasting” compensa-

tory masculinity, Walker observes narratives that often violated the ideals
of hegemonic masculinity (2006, 16). In the two instances of protest mas-
culinities observed in this study, a similar contradiction can be noticed.
While one set of men desperately attempt to fit the assumed ideal type of
black hypermasculinity, often in violent and misogynistic ways, another
group turns to celibacy. In a sharp contrast to the first group, the group of
men adhering to the Islamic Ummah express their need for “solidarity in
the face of anomic conditions” (Walker 2006, 21) and as a way to disci-
pline the other violent self-destructive masculinity. Sexual performance,
or the extreme lack of it, becomes a tool to reconstitute their masculinity.
While scholars have started exploring the intersection of sexuality, heter-
onormativity, and masculinity, more work is needed in unpacking such
“racialized notions of masculinities that are often enacted through sexual-
ized tropes” (Pascoe 2007, 3).
Finally, this article’s focus on relational masculinities and the mobil-
ity paradigm invokes both the need for mobility research within gender
studies and an emphasis on fluidity and moments. This fluidity is not
simply a reference to movements of people across borders; more funda-
mentally, it demands an in-depth attention to dynamics of sociality on
the move, and the temporal emergence of relationships and identities.
Such an analytical frame allows for the study of a complex, processual
construction of identities wherein gender, race, and other differences
define the identities of migrants as well as the discourses and narratives
of masculinities.
NOTES
1. This has been one reason cited for the rise in xenophobic violence in the
country, most brutally targeting migrants from the African continent but also
affecting migrants from South Asia (Huynh, Ragunanan, and Park 2011).
2. As per the University of Cape Town guidelines, this research received
approval from the departmental Human Research Ethics Committee.
3. Such blurring of boundaries between all land that is foreign can be gauged
by the label londoni used for all Bangladeshi emigrants, which derives from UK
being the first destination in Bangladeshi migration history (Puppa 2014)
4. In his work on South Asian Americans, Thangaraj (2010) expands on the
figure of the Kallu, a negative racial epithet. He argues that this term “reconfig-
ures race and racialization according to South Asian American sensibilities while
complicating the black-white racial binary” (384).
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Amrita Pande, author of Wombs in Labor: Transnational Commercial

Surrogacy in India (2014: Columbia University Press) teaches in the
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Wimmer A. and Glick Schiller N. 2005. Methodological nationalism, the

social sciences, and the study of migration: an essay in historical
epistemology. International Migration Review, 37(3): 576-610.
MethodoLogicul Nutionulism, the SociuL
Sciences, and the Study of Migration:
An Essay in Historicul Epistemology'
Andreas Wimmer
University of Culifarnia, Los Angeles
Nina Glick Schiller

University of New Hampshire
The article examines methodological nationalism, a conceptual tendency

that was central to the development of the social sciences and under-
mined more than a century of migration studies. Methodological nation-
alism is the naturalization of the global regime of nation-states by the
social sciences. Transnational studies, we argue, including the study of
transnational migration, is linked to periods of intense globalization such
as the turn of the twenty-first century. Yet transnational studies have their
own contradictions that may reintroduce methodological nationalism in
other guises. In studying migration, the challenge is to avoid both
extreme fluidism and the bounds of nationalist thought.
Methodological nationalism is the naturalization of the nation-state by the

social sciences. Scholars who share this intellectual orientation assume that
countries are the natural units for comparative studies, equate society with the
nation-state, and conflate national interests with the purposes of social sci-
ence. Methodological nationalism reflects and reinforces the identification
that many scholars maintain with their own nation-states.2 We begin by
reviewing the deep-seated nature of methodological nationalism in the social
sciences. We then examine the way in which postwar migration studies were
shaped by methodological nationalism. We add a historical dimension by
'We thank the organizers and the participants of the SSRC conference on transnational migra-
tion, which is the origin of this special issue of ZMR We especially thank Stephen Castles and
Aristide Zolberg for their extensive and inspiring discussions of the paper, as well as Peter van
der Veer, Rainer Baubock, Werner Schiffauer, Robert Smith, Ewa Morawska and JosC Casano-
va for their comments and critiques. Michael Bommes has read the manuscript and provided
thoughtful comments, for which we thank him. An extended version of this paper appeared
in Global Networks; a related paper appeared in Archives of European Sociology
ZWe owe the term to Herminio Martins (1 974:276), who mentioned it en passant in an arti-
cle on social theory. See also Smith (1983:26).
0 2003 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All rights reserved.
0 198-9183/03/3703.0143
576 IMR Volume 37 Number 3 (Fall 2003):576-610

METHODOLOGICAL
NATIONALISM, THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION
577
outlining how processes of nation-state formation, the creation of and

response to migration flows by these states, and the social science description
of these phenomena were interlinked in producing this mainstream post-war
approach. In the last section we examine the conditions under which a
transnational framework for the study of migration arose against this main-
stream and show how far it supersedes and how far it merely rehrbishes
methodological nationalism in new ways.
Our argument focuses on what we perceive as the major, dominant
trends in social science thinking of the past century that have shaped migra-
tion studies. We do not discuss coterminous currents that contradicted the
hegemonic strands. Especially in times of intensified global interconnections,
theories reflecting these developments appeared and provided tools for analy-
sis not colored by methodological nationalism. The most obvious of these
currents was political economy in the Marxian tradition, always devoting
attention to capitalism as a global system rather than to its specific national
manifestations, and especially the studies of imperialism by Rosa Luxemburg
and others before World War I, when transnational movements of comrnodi-
ties, capital and labor first reached a peak. Wallerstein’s world-system theory
belongs to a second wave of theorizing that developed in the 1970s, when
transnational connections again were intensifying and multiplying. A second
and equally important line of development not included in our discussion is
methodological individualism in its various forms where the analysis does not
rely on explicit reference to larger social entities (such as the school of mar-
ginal utility and rational choice in economics and political science or interac-
tionism in sociology).
These views remained heterodox, however, and did not shape the social
science program in the same way as the currents discussed in this article. Rather,
the epistemic structures and programs of mainstream social sciences have been
closely attached to and shaped by the experience of modern nation-state for-
mation. The global forces of transnational capitalism and colonialism that
reached their apogee precisely in the period when social sciences formed as
independent disciplines left few traces in the basic paradigmatic assumptions of
these disciplines and were hardly systematically reflected upon.
THE THREE VARIANTS OF METHODOLOGICZAL

NATIONALISM WITHIN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
We have identified three variants of methodological nationalism: 1) ignoring
or disregarding the fundamental importance of nationalism for modern soci-
578 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION
REVIEW
eties; this is often combined with 2) naturalization, ie., taking for granted
that the boundaries of the nation-state delimit and define the unit of analy-
sis; 3) territorial limitation which confines the study of social processes to the
political and geographic boundaries of a particular nation-state. The three
variants may intersect and mutually reinforce each other, forming a coherent
epistemic structure, a self-reinforcing way of looking at and describing the
social world. The three variants are more or less prominent in different fields
of inquiry. Ignoring is the dominant modus of methodological nationalism in
grand theory; naturalization of “normal” empirical social science; territorial
limitation of the study of nationalism and state building.
In the first variant of methodological nationalism, ignoring, the power
of nationalism and the prevalence of the nation-state model as the universal
form of political organization are neither problematized nor made objects of
study in their own right. This variant has marked especially the sociological
tradition of social theory. As a host of scholars have argued repeatedly, the
classic theory of modernity has a blind spot when it comes to understanding
the rise of nation-states as well as of nationalism and ethnicity (A. Smith,
1983; Esser, 1988; Guiberneau, 1997; Imhof, 1997; Thompson and Fevre,
2001). In the eyes of M a n , Durkheim, Weber and Parsons, the growing dif-
ferentiation, rationalization and modernization of society gradually reduced
the importance of ethnic and national sentiments. Most classic grand theory
was constructed as a series of socio-structural types (from feudalism through
capitalism to communism, from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschafi, organic to
mechanic solidarity, traditional to modern society, etc.). Nationalism was
attributed to middle stages in the continuum of social evolution, a transitory
phenomenon on the way to the fully modern, rationalized and individualized
class society based on achievement (see A. Smith, 1983; Guiberneau, 1997;
Weber, 1895).
The failure of social theory until the 1980s to address the significance
and sources of nationalism in the modern world in part can be attributed to
the disciplinary division of labor that was established at the beginning of the
twentieth century (Wimmer, 1999). The study of the rise of nationalism and
the nation-state, of ethnonational wars of nineteenth- and early-twentieth-
century Europe was relegated to history? Anthropology, and, later, modern-
3There are a few exceptions, such as a small essay by Durkheim written immediately after
World War I. French and German social scientists have pointed to the blind spot in their
respective literatures (see Hondrich, 1992; Radtke, 1996; Taguieff, 1991:46). In the Anglo-
Saxon worid, the early works on nationalism of historical socioiogists such as Deutsch,
Kedouri, Gellner and Smith had little impact until recently on mainstream social theory.
METHODOLOGICAL THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION
NATIONALISM, 579
ization and development theory in political science took on the study of com-
munal identities and nation building processes outside of Europe and the
United States. Sociology focused its attention to the study of modern indus-
trial nations and defined the limits of society as coterminous with the nation-
state, rarely questioning the nationalist ideology embedded in such a found-
ing assumption.
Thus, even the most sophisticated theorizing about the modern condi-
tion accepted as a given that nationalist forms of inclusion and exclusion bind
modern societies together (Berlin, 1998). Nation-state principles were so rou-
tinely structured into the foundational assumptions of theory that they van-
ished from sight. Whether Parsons and Merton or Bourdieu, Habermas and
Luhmann: none of these authors discusses in any systematic fashion the
national framing of states and societies in the modern age. Interestingly
enough, such nation-blind theories of modernity were formulated in an envi-
ronment of rapidly nationalizing societies and states - sometimes, as was the
case with Max Weber and Emile Durkheim, on the eve or in the aftermath of
nationalist wars that profoundly structured the course that the modern pro-
ject has taken in the West.
Empirically oriented social science has displayed what can be under-
stood as a second variant of methodological nationalism, naturalization. They
have systematically taken for granted nationally bounded societies as the nat-
ural unit of analysis. Naturalization produced the container model of society
that encompasses a culture, a polity, an economy and a bounded social group
(4Taylor, 1996). To cast this in an image borrowed from Giddens (1995),
the web of social life was spun within the container of the national society,
and everything extending over its borders was cut off analytically. Assuming
that processes within nation-state boundaries were different from those out-
side, the social sciences left no room for transnational and global processes
that connected national territories.
Naturalization owes its force to the compartmentalization of the social
science project into different “national” academic fields, a process strongly
influenced not only by nationalist thinking itself, but also by the institutions
of the nation-state organizing and channeling social science thinking in uni-
versities, research institutions and government think tanks. The major
research programs of funding bodies address the solution of national prob-
lems in economics, politics, and social services. In most states, universities are
linked to national ministries of education that favor research and teaching on
issues of “national relevance.” Add to this the fact that almost all statistics and
580 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW
other systematic information are produced by government departments of

nation-states and thus take the national population, economy and polity as
their given entity of observation (cf Smith 198326; Favell, forthcoming a),
and we understand why naturalizing the nation-state has become part of the
everyday routine of postwar social sciences, in international relations as much
as in economics, history or anthropology.
International relations assumed that nation-states are the adequate enti-
ties for studying the world. While the anarchical nature of this interstate sys-
tem and the changing dynamics of hegemony and polycentrism have been
discussed at length, it was only very late that a counter-trend calling for the
study of connections forged by nonstate institutions emerged (Nye) or that
scholars began to wonder why the global political system emerged as an inter-
national one (Mayall, 1990). Similarly, post World War I1 scholarship on the
newly independent states approached nation building as a necessary, although
somewhat messy aspect of the decolonization process (see, e.g., Wallerstein,
1961). Nation building and state formation made natural bedfellows in the
works of modernization theorists such as Lerner or Rostow, since the nation-
state model represented the only thinkable way of organizing politics.
Economics followed a similar trajectory in studying the economy of
nationally bounded entities or their relations to each other through trade, cap-
ital flows and the like. Since the publication of Adam Smith‘s “An Inquiry into
the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations” (1983 [1789]) and Friedrich
List‘s masterpiece, “Das nationale System der politischen Okonomie” (List,
1974 [ 1856]), the distinction between internal economy and external relations
has become a guiding principle for the evolution of the discipline. Maynard
Keynes and other major political economists of the twentieth century remained
faithful to this perspective and took the distinction between national, domestic
economy and international, external economy for granted.
Historians also reflect the methodological assumption that it is a par-
ticular nation that provides the constant unit of observation through all his-
torical transformations, the “thing” whose change history was supposed to
describe (Bender, 2001; Rodgers, 1998). Modern mainstream history was
largely written as a history of particular nation-states or of their relations to
each other. When in the 1990s the newly reconstituted states of Eastern
Europe began to organize their historiography, art history and archaeology,
most accounts continued this form of historical narrative.
When anthropology abandoned diffusionism as an explanatory para-
digm, it also began to be shaped by variants of methodological nationalism.
METHODOLOGICAL THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION
NATIONALISM, 58 1
The anthropology of ethnic groups within modernizing or industrial nation-

states focused on cultural difference from the “majority” population - thus
mirroring the nation-state project to define all those populations not thought
to represent the “national culture” as racially and culturally different, pro-
ducing an alterity which contributed to efforts to build unity and identity
(Williams, 1989; Glick Schiller, 1978, 1999c; Wimmer, 2002).
Most interestingly, methodological nationalism, often in the form of
territorial limitation, also shaped the social science analysis of the nation-state
building process itself. Historically, the concepts of the modern state and of a
national population have developed within transborder rather than territori-
ally limited national spaces. In many cases, these transborder spaces were
delimited by the practice and ideology of colonial and imperial domination,
and ideas of popular sovereignty and republican independence were formed
within transborder networks of literate circles. We have to think outside of
the box of dominant national discourses to see such transborder foundations
of particular nation-state building projects, to see the dynamics between Eng-
lish domination of Ireland and English national identity or the linkage
between French ideas about citizenship and civilization and the French colo-
nial project (Lebovics, 1992). Accepting the prevailing paradigm that divides
a state’s affairs into internal, national matters and international affairs that
have to do with state-to-state relations, the history of such transborder and
transnational nation-state building becomes invisible. The writing of nation-
al histories compounds this invisibility by confining the narrative within state
borders.
This tendency of territorial limitation has restricted our understanding
of the rise of the modern nation-state in several ways. First, most current the-
ories and histories of democracy have looked at the inner dynamics of the
evolving democratic polities and lost sight of the nationalist principles that
historically defined its boundaries.4 As an effect of this segregation, national-
ism appears as a force foreign to the history of Western state building. It is the
ideology of nondemocratic, non-Western others, projected onto the ethnic
violence of Balkan leaders or African tribesmen turned nationalists. Western
state building was re-imagined as a non-national, civil, republican and liber-
al experience, especially in the writings of political philosophers such as Rawls
4Thus, with few exceptions, such as Snyder‘s (2000) recent book or an essay by the Georgian
philosopher Ghia Nodia (1992), it is only during the last decade that the blinders of rnethod-
ological nationalism have been overcome by going beyond the dichotomy between state and
nation without falling into the trap of naturalizing the nation-state (Mann, 1993; Breuilly,
1993; Wirnmer, 1996, 2002).
582 INTERNATIONAL. MIGRATION
REVIEW
( c j Senn, 1999). However, what we nowadays call ethnic cleansing or ethno-

cide, and observe with disgust in the “ever troublesome Balkans” or in “trib-
alistic Africa,” have been constants of the Western European history of nation
building and state formation, from the expulsion of Gypsies under Henry
VIII and the Muslims and Jews under Fernando and Isabella. Many of these
histories have disappeared from popular consciousness - and maybe have to
be forgotten if nation building is to be successhl, as Ernest Renan (1947
[ 1882]) suggested some hundred years ago.
State formation and nation building thus have become two separate
objects of inquiry. Most scholars of nationalism discussed the nation as a
domain of identity - far removed from the power politics of modern state for-
mation. The nation is understood to be a people who share common origins
and history as indicated by their shared culture, language and identity (4
Calhoun, 1997; McCrone, 1998; A. Smith, 1998). In contrast, the “state” is
conceived as a sovereign system of government within a particular territory
(reeAbrams, 1988; Corrigan and Sayer, 1985; Joseph and Nugent, 1994 for
alternative approaches to nation and state). In political science, this has
allowed a mainstream theory to emerge, which sees the state as a neutral play-
ing ground for different interest groups - thus exciuding from the picture the
fact that the modern state itself has entered into a symbiotic relationship with
the nationalist political project.
DEFINING THE OBJECT OF MIGRATION STUDIES

In order to understand how methodological nationalism has influenced the
study of migration, we will first describe in more detail the relation between
nationalist thinking and the container model of society that had come to
dominate post World War I1 social sciences. From this, it will be easy to see
why migration has become an important object of inquiry for the social sci-
ences. Modern nationalism fuses four different notions of peoplehood that
had developed separately in early modern Europe but later became melted
into a single concept of the people: 1) the people as a sovereign entity; 2) the
people as citizens of a state holding equal rights before the law; 3) the people
as a group of obligatory solidarity, an extended family knit together by oblig-
ations of mutual support; and 4) the people as an ethnic community united
through common destiny and shared culture.
The isomorphisms between citizenry, sovereign, solidary group and
nation entail a congruence of the corresponding boundaries. The state terri-
tory at the same time traces the frontiers of the sovereign population, delin-
NATIONALISM,
METHODOLOGICAL 583
THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION
eates the homeland of the citizenry, defines the borderline between social
order and disorder, and distinguishes between the national home and the
wilderness of the foreign. Nationalists thus make a fetish of national territo-
ry, a sanctuary that deserves to be defended with the blood of the people.5
It is easy to see the parallels between a nationalist vision of the social
world and the container model of society that had developed in the social sci-
ences and became dominant after World War 11. The translation is almost one
to one: The citizenry is mirrored in the concept of a national legal system, the
sovereign in the political system, the nation in the cultural system and the sol-
idary group in the social system, all boundaries being congruent and togeth-
er defining the skin holding together the body of society. Borrowing from the
image of the stability of the body, the idea of functional integration, so
prominent in standard social science thinking up to the 1980s, paralleled the
nationalist fusion of four notions of peoplehood into one national corpus.
What the “People” is for nationalists, the “Society” is for postwar social sci-
entists.
It should by now become clear why both for nation builders and for
social scientists migrants became an object of special attention and inquiry.
For both, immigrants must appear as antinomies to an orderly working of
state and society, even in societies where past immigration constitutes the
foundation myth of the nation. In the first place, immigrants destroy the iso-
morphism between people, sovereign and citizenry. Immigrants are perceived
as foreigners to the community of shared loyalty towards the state and shared
rights guaranteed by that state. In recent years, and with a renewed intensity
that has increased after September 1I , 200 I, social science research has been
interested in the political activity and loyalty of immigrants, a theme which
parallels the nation-state’s interest in the supervision, limitation and control
of the immigrant population.
Second, immigrants destroy the isomorphism between people and
nation. They appear as spots on the pure colors of the national fabric, remind-
ing nationalist state builders and social scientists alike of the ethnic minori-
ties that have been “absorbed into the national body through the politics of
forced assimilation and benevolent integration. Immigrants thus represented
a renewed challenge to the nation building project and point to the fragility
5The shift to territorially fixed boundaries coincides with the establishment of centralized
kingdoms, thus preceding the nationalization of modern states (cf Guernte, 1986). However,
the establishment of frontier posts, the physical demarcation of frontiers and the sacralization
of the national territory are all linked to the emergence of nation-states (Nordman, 1996).
584 INTERNATIONALMIGRATION
REVIEW
of its achievements - especially in places where the nation had never been
imagined as plural and itself constituted of former immigrants.
It is this logic which has induced generations of migration studies to
measure and scrutinize the cultural differences between immigrants and
nationals and to describe pathways of assimilation into the national group; in
short, to deliver a description of the mechanics of a successful nation-making
process ( 4 Favell, forthcoming b) . The taken-for-granted assumptions of
methodological nationalism preclude problematizing or researching the class
and cultural diversity within the reference group of the national community
(4Waldinger, 2000).
The different postwar theories of immigrant integration - from the
Chicago school’s assimilationism through multiculturalism to contemporary
neo-assimilationism - all presuppose that the relevant entities to be related are
a nation-state society on the one hand and immigrants coming from outside
this nation-state society on the other. Integration is always thought of as
being established, less problematic, less fragile among those belonging to the
national people.
Third, immigrants destroy the isomorphism between people and group
of solidarity. They are not meant to be part of the system of social security
that the national community has developed in New Deals and Beveridge
Plans, because they come “from outside” into the national space of solidarity.
O n the other hand, they cannot be completely excluded from the emerging
welfare systems, because these are historically and institutionally tied to the
work process for which many immigrants were recruited (4Bommes and
Halfmann, 1994). Due to this tension, immigrants’ integration into the wel-
fare systems had a touch of illegitimacy and abuse. A whole branch of post-
war immigration studies has, especially in Europe, studied the implications of
immigration for national welfare systems, analyzed immigrant unemploy-
ment, traced the dynamics of slum development and ghettoization, tried to
understand the culture of poverty in which immigrants were thought of as
being trapped. In quantitative studies, following the logic of methodological
nationalism, immigrants usually have been compared to “national means” of
income, of children per family, of percentages of unemployment and welfare
dependence, taking for granted that this would be the adequate unit of com-
parison (cfvertovec’s [ 19991 review of studies on “social cohesion”). They are
rarely compared to sectors of a national population which they resemble in
terms of income or education. However, when such comparisons are made,
immigrants often do better than the nonimmigrant population (4Rumbaut
NATIONALISM, THE SOCIAL SCIENCFS, AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION585
METHODOLOGIW
and Cornelius, 1995 for the United States; Bolzmann e t a l , 2000 for Switzer-
land).
Fourth, in the eyes of nation-state builders and social scientists alike,
every move across national frontiers becomes an exception to the rule of
sedentariness within the boundaries of the nation-state. A major branch of
postwar migration studies and a whole series of specialized research institutes
have developed analyzing such cross-border movements, the push-and-pull
mechanisms driving them, the networks of chain migration sustaining them,
the role of social and cultural capital in limiting and directing them. Only the
migration of noncitizens is in the focus of chis body of literature, not the
“return” migration of co-nationals traced across several centuries, such as the
Aussiedler (usually translated as ethnic Germans) in Germany. And only
cross-national migration is the object of migration studies. “Internal” migra-
tion of citizens from one city to another, from deindustrializing areas to
booming metropolises, is not considered a problem deserving special atten-
tion and either goes completely unnoticed or is seen as a part of the study of
urbanization processes and thus dealt with in academic fields separated from
migration studies. Cross-border migration, by contrast, appears as an anom-
aly, a problematic exception to the rule of people staying where they
“belong,” that is, in “their” nation-state. Postwar migration studies thus nat-
uralized this belonging, moving it into the background of social science rea-
soning and transforming it into one of its nonquestionable axioms.
PHASES OF NATION BUILDING AND DISCOURSES ON

IMMIGRATION
So far our argument has largely been conceptual and abstract, proceeding
through analogies between the ideologies of nation-state building and the
conceptual schemes of the social sciences and of postwar migration studies.
We should now like to historically situate this relationship and sketch a broad
picture of how different phases of nation-state formation have influenced
both the state’s attitude towards migrations and the way that these have been
conceptualized by the social sciences. We will see that the postwar situation,
with nationalist closure paralleling container reasoning in the social sciences,
is the result of a long history of interaction between nation-state building,
migratory flows and social science discourse.
The scenario for telling this story is a world expanding and contracting
in phases of globalization and nationalization, but still remaining - as a per-
spective not limited by methodological nationalism allows us to see - an
586 INTERNATIONALMIGRATION
REVIEW
interconnected realm of cross-border relationships. From such a perspective,

we may have a better view on how nation-state building, migration and the
social science project are related to each other. We identify four periods,
painting the changes that are of interest in broad strokes so as to gain an
overview of the landscape and using dates as only approximate markers of
global historical transformations: 1870-19 18, 1919-1945, 1946-1 989,
IWO-present, the last phase being discussed in a section of its own.
Phase I: The Prewar Era

Our historical portrait begins in a period that stems from the 1870s to World
War I. The period was marked by two trends that were related to each other
in complex ways that are rarely explored. This was a time that was simulta-
neously one of nation-state building and intensive globalization. While
industries developed within the confines of these nationalizing states, pro-
tected by tariffs from competing capitalist interests, commercial competition
tied to concepts of national interest launched a new period of colonialism.
This was the epoch in which European states “scrambled for Africa, as well
as a time of heightened competition between European states and the Unit-
ed States for the control of raw materials produced in the Caribbean, Latin
America and Asia. It was also a period in which, as part of this effort to
monopolize sources of raw materials and obtain labor for their production,
imperialism was practiced and theorized.
In response to these various and interactive developments, labor migra-
tion was widespread, spanning the globe. Free workers selling their labor
force on a newly established world market for labor made up a section of this
migration. Another section was composed of indentured laborers replacing
slaves on the plantations or constructing railroads and other major infra-
structure projects all around the world, especially in the colonies (Potts,
1990). Poles and Italians migrated to northern France, Switzerland welcomed
diverse populations, England saw influxes from the continent, and German
industrial development fueled migrations from the east and south. Brazil wel-
comed migrants from Europe, the Middle East and Japan. Indians and Chi-
nese laborers went to the Caribbean and southern and eastern Africa. Mexi-
cans, Turks, Syrians and populations from southern and Eastern Europe
migrated to the United States.
The United States, now portrayed as historically a land of immigrants,
unlike European states, was actually the first and for a time the only state to
erect any significant barriers, when it passed the Chinese exclusion act in
METHODOLOGICAL 587
‘THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION
NATIONALISM,
1882. For a certain period, Germany, which contained within its borders land
that had been part of an earlier Polish state, tightly controlled and supervised
the movement of Polish speakers, but not of Italians and other immigrants.
In general, however, this was a period when not even passports and entry doc-
uments were required. Most European countries abolished the passport and
visa systems they had installed in the first half of the nineteenth century after
France took the lead in eliminating such barriers to the free movement of
labor in 1861 (Torpey, 2000). Some states tried to keep workers from leav-
ing, fearing labor shortages, but these efforts were relatively ineffective.
Switzerland, France, England, Germany, the United States, Brazil and
Argentina built industrialized economies with the help of billions of labor
migrants who worked in factories, fields, mills and mines.
Workers migrated into regions in which there was industrial develop-
ment and returned home or went elsewhere when times were bad. Many
maintained their home ties, sent money home to buy land, and supported
home areas with remittances. At the same time, at the beginning of this peri-
od it was still easy for migrants to gain citizenship even in Germany. This easy
access to citizenship reflected the fact that the term “the people” was still basi-
cally defined in terms of shared citizenship rights - the people as nation and
as a group of mutual solidarity were important only in the coming period of
nation-state building. Mirroring the lack of barriers to migration and the
open citizenship regimes, E. G. Ravenstein (1889), in the first systematic
analysis of migration, did not differentiate analytically between internal and
international migration. Instead, Ravenstein treated all movements of people
across the terrain as part of a single phenomenon, largely determined by the
distribution of economic opportunities over physical space. He found that
international migration followed the same “laws” as internal migration, main-
taining that in all cases migration consisted of movements from country to
town and from poorer to richer areas (Ravenstein, 1889:286)
Yet the nation-state building that emerged within this period of global-
ization eventually fostered conceptualizations of “the people” that would dra-
matically affect migration and alter the way in which social scientists thought
about migration. An “ethnic” and/or “racial” concept began to replace the
“civic” approach to peoplehood, initially articulated by Enlightenment philoso-
phers and concretized in the course of the U.S., French and Haitian revolu-
tions. “The people” began to mean a nation united by common ancestry and a
shared homeland, no matter where its members might have wandered. This
concept of people gave each nation its own national character, its peculiar
588 INTERNATIONAL REVIEW
MIGRATION
nature and homeland, and a claim to a place in the sun. This nationalized view
of the people developed within a growing competition for political pre-emi-
nence in Europe. National chauvinisms and racisms legitimated both the colo-
nial empire building of the period and the culmination of this competition in
World War I. It was in the context of this competition and of the salience of
ideas about nation and race that nation-state builders, including elites, political
leaders, state officials and intellectuals, initiated systematic efforts to erase, deny
or homogenize the internal cultural and national diversity that existed within
all of the industrializing states of Europe and the Americas.
In this paper we are particularly concerned with the role of the social
sciences in this reconceptualization. The social sciences emerged as distinct
intellectual enterprises during this period and were both shaped by and con-
tributed to the transformation of concepts of nation and immigrant. In the
transition from civic to nationalized concepts of the people, folklore studies
in Europe and anthropology in both Europe and the United States played a
crucial role. Increasingly, nations were seen as organic wholes, nourished by
the pure lore, tradition or rural virtue of the peasant, yeoman or farmers.
Ideas about nation as races based on blood were popularized globally, enter-
ing into the nation-state building projects and imperial ideologies used to
legitimate colonial expansion (Dikotter, 1997). Meanwhile, sociology devel-
oped those grand schemes of progress - from tradition to modernity, com-
munity to society - that made the national framing of these epochal trans-
formations invisible.
Distinctions drawn between natives and colonizers or between immi-
grants and natives served to homogenize and valorize the national culture of
the colonizing country and popularize the notion that it was a unitary and
bounded society, distinguishable from the subordinated peoples by a racial
divide (Hall, McClelland and Rendall, 2000; Gilroy, 1991; Glick Schiller,
1999a, b; Lebovics, 1992; Rafael, 1995; Stoler, 1989). Nation-state building
in France, England and even the United States (as it took on colonies and
began to police the Caribbean) was shaped by distinctions popularized from
social science. As nationalist concepts of people and society took hold, the
conception of immigrants began to change. By the turn of the century, while
the flow of migration generally remained unrestricted, migrants began to be
conceptualized as continuing to have memberships in their ancestral home-
lands. Many actors contributed to popularizing this idea, and it was in many
ways only the other side of the conceptualization of the world as divided up
into peoples, each made up of a national citizenry and sovereign. The pres-
METHODOLOGICAL THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, AND T H E STUDY OF MIGRATION
NATIONALISM, 589
ence of non-national citizens thus became a major risk for national sover-
eignty and security.
O n the other hand, and again conforming to the newly nationalized
notion of peoplehood, emigrant-sending states, including Italy and Austro-
Hungary, started to see their emigrants as still members of their home coun-
tries and expected them to return (Cinel, 1982; Harrington, 1982; Wyman,
1993). Remittances from abroad were understood to be a significant part of
the economies of many regions. Emigrant-sending states established institu-
tions to protect emigrants as well as police them. Areas of Europe in which
nationalist struggles percolated dispersed political exiles, who continued to
wage their struggles transnationally. In exile these leaders saw the dispersed
workers of their region as compatriots and sought to engender within them
nationalist identities and emotions through meetings, newspapers, and reli-
gious and fraternal organizations. Emigrant workers who moved back and
forth between home regions and countries of immigration both within
Europe and across the Atlantic to the Americas began to become engaged in
these nation-state building projects in their homelands. Both European and
Asian immigrants began to believe that the degree of respect they would be
accorded abroad would be increased if the power and prestige of their moth-
erland increased, and many became fervent nationalists (Cinel, 1982; Kwong,
1987).
All these transnational political activities and engagements seemed to
justify the fears of nationalizing states that immigrants undermined the sta-
bility and territorial boundedness of the nation. By the end of this first peri-
od, immigrants had come to be seen as politically dangerous and nationally
or racially fundamentally different others whose presence endangered the iso-
morphism between citizenry, sovereign and state. Meanwhile, in Europe,
political leaders who faced the political repercussions of intensive industrial-
ization, the vast disparities between rich and poor exacerbated by processes of
globalization, and internationalist revolutionary workers movements fanned
the wave of distrust and hatred to non-nationals that exploded with the out-
break of the Great War.
Phase 11:From World War I to the Cold War

The Great War ended the period of the free movement of labor and other
aspects of intensive globalization. The disruption of economies, first by war
and the reconstitution of many regions into newly independent states along
national lines, contributed to the continuing closure of borders instituted as
REVIEW
part of national defenses of these newly nationalizing states. At the same time,
the warlike process of nation-state formation, with all its ethnic cleansings
and the mass denaturalizations it entailed, was (and still is) the major force
producing refugees who seek to cross borders in search of security and peace
(Zolberg, 1983; Sassen, 1999) - a paradox that constituted a major preoccu-
pation of Hanna Arendt's Tbe Origins of Totalitarianism (195 1).
The mass slaughtering in the name of national honor and independence
had given the idea of a national community of destiny an unprecedented plau-
sibility, making national affiliations a question of life and death not only in the
trenches but in the larger society as well. Distinguishing between friend and foe
on the basis of national background had become commonsense practice and
ideology. The success of the Russian Revolution fanned the surveillance of
migrants as potential threats to national security and reinforced the differentia-
tion between national and foreign ideas and ideologies. The political turbulence
of the times, in which the Great Depression was countered by revolutionary
politics with armed insurrection in Germany and the rise of Republican Spain,
contributed to the efforts by nationalist states to police borders and limit the
movements of political and labor activists.
Previous efforts at developing a system of migration control were revised
and developed into historically novel forms of border policing. It now became
necessary for a person to have a permit to enter a country and reside there, cre-
ating both the differentiation between nationals - who did not need such per-
mits - and foreigners, as well as between legal and illegal residents of states. The
power to issue permits became concentrated in the central government. In the
United States, this power strengthened the position of the federal government
and its role in the delineation of the nation from its enemies. In Europe, the
new regime of visas began to link the right to reside in a country with a work
permit, virtually defining a foreigner as a temporary worker. In short, an entire
central state apparatus of overseeing, limiting and controlling immigration was
institutionalized between the wars. Immigrants, by the logic of border control
and rising security concerns, were now natural enemies of the nation.
Meanwhile, the devastation of the war in Europe had disrupted the
transnational ties of family members abroad by impeding the sending of let-
ters, money and packages. As refugees fled from war zones in Europe and bor-
ders changed, many transmigrants living in the United States lost track of
their families, some permanently. The massive unemployment and poverty of
the Depression also made it difficult to send remittances. People thrown out
of work in the Americas returned to the homes they had been building in
METHODOLOGICAL
NATIONALISM,
THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION591
their regions of origin. At the same time, limits on immigration in the Unit-
ed States effectively halted the back and forth travel that had been a mainstay
of immigrant families, communities and nationalists before the war. Similar
developments occurred for migrants within Europe.
The brief period between World War I and World War I1 was a turning
point in the growth of methodological nationalism, and it is in this period
that the mainstream concept of immigration - as discussed in the previous
section - developed. The social sciences began to play an important role in
this conceptualization. The Chicago School of sociology elaborated the first
systematic approach to migration. Their models carried with them a series of
national values and norms about the way in which immigration was to be
understood. They established a view of each territorially based state as having
its own, stable population, contrasting them to migrants who were portrayed
as marginal men living in a liminal state, uprooted in one society and trans-
planted into another. They advocated assimilation, not by formulating plans
for societal intervention but by proposing a “race-relationscycle” in which the
process of acculturation and assimilation of immigrants occurred normally
and naturally in the course of several generations (Park, 1950). Their casual
use of the word race accepted the conflation of race and nation and placed
together southern and eastern European immigrants, Jewish immigrants, and
African Americans as all racially different from mainstream America,
although with different degrees of distance that would affect their rates of
assimilation. The movement of immigrants was counter-posed to the immi-
grant receiving state, whose society seemed fixed within a homogenous
national culture. The placing of African Americans with immigrants within
the race-relations cycle, portrayed them as outside of the nation, although
they had been part of the Americas since the period of conquest. This dis-
cursive move marked the nation as white and normalized the color line
(Williams, 1989; Lieberson, 1980).
Immigrants were now seen not only as a security risk, but also as
destroying the isomorphism between nation and people and thus a major
challenge to the ongoing nation building project, constantly forcing the
machinery of assimilation to absorb new waves of cultural heterogeneity. The
fact that nation-state building was an ongoing process and that the state con-
tained within its borders significant differences between classes, cultures, gen-
ders and regions became more difficult to perceive. National integration and
cultural homogeneity of the national society were taken as givens. While
seemingly ahistorical, these concepts were very much a product of the col-
-VIEW
lapse of the globalized world during World War I and the Great Depression
of the 1930s. In fact, it seems to us that it was the reduced degree of global
economic integration during this period that prompted and facilitated the
qualitative leap in nation-state building and the emergence of the container
model in the social sciences that the Chicago School helped to propagate.
Social order contained within the nation-state became the taken-for-granted
premise of the new social science as well as of migration studies. Even the fact
that there had been a period of free labor migration within previous periods
of globalization was soon forgotten. As the new image of migration as threat-
ening social order became dominant, the social movements that had so read-
ily crossed borders and fueled political and intellectual life also faded first
from view and then from memory, including the internationalism of labor,
the first women’s movement, Pan-Africanism, and various forms of “long dis-
tance nationalism” (Gabaccia, 2000; Gilroy, 1993; Lemelle and Kelley, 1994;
Rodgers, 1998). In point of fact, the actual data produced by the Chicago
School and those influenced by this school demonstrated ongoing and sig-
nificant transnational familial, religious, economic and political ties of most
migrant populations. However, because their vision was limited by the con-
tainer model of society, all evidence of transnational connections was defined
as a transitory phenomenon that would disappear in the wake of a natural
process of assimilation.
Phase III: The Cold War

During the period known as the Cold War, the blind spot became a blindness,
an almost complete erasure of the historical memories of transnational and
global processes within which nation-states were formed and the role of migra-
tion within that formation. Modernization theory made it look as if Western
Europe and United States had developed national identities and modern states
within their own territorial confines rather than in relationship to a global econ-
omy and flows of ideas. The growth of the United Nations and the granting of
formal independence to most former colonies popularized a vision of the world
as divided into a host of nation-states of equal significance and sovereignty.The
European postwar terrain of displaced persons and refugees was rapidly
reordered by the insistence that everyone must belong somewhere. In the Unit-
ed States, schoolchildren read morality tales about the “man without a country”
and sang patriotic songs that celebrated their “native land.” Throughout the
world, civic education had become equated with lessons in patriotism. People
were envisioned as each having only one nation-state, and belonging to human-
METHODOLOGICAL
NATIONALISM,
593
ity was thought to require a national identity. The social sciences neither inves-
tigated nor problematized this assumption.
By recalling just briefly the Cold War context in which the social sci-
ences grew to maturity, we can gain some additional insights into the way
methodological nationalism of migration studies was shaped by this environ-
ment. In Europe, the competition with the Soviet Union spurred the devel-
opment of social democratic ideologies and a form of social welfare capital-
ism. The people now comprised not only a nation, citizenry and a sovereign,
but a group of solidarity as well. With the establishment of national welfare
states, the nationalist project reached its culmination and fulfillment. Mem-
bership in this group of solidarity was a privilege, and state boundaries
marked the limitation of access to these privileges ( c j Wimmer, 1998a).
In addition, Cold War tensions and suspicions called for an ever tighter
policing of borders and a careful investigation of the motives of all those seek-
ing to cross national borders. Immigration became ever more problematic. To
cross the Iron Curtain, one had to be a political refugee. In the West, only
those who fled communism were allocated the right to move and resettle per-
manently. Otherwise, the consensus held that national borders should limit
the flow of populations and serve as vessels within which national cultures
were contained and cultivated. Yet as industrial structures became reconsti-
tuted in the wake of war, and after depression and war had depopulated the
old continent, new demands for labor arose in Western Europe and the Unit-
ed States.
In this conjuncture, England, France and the Netherlands turned to
their own colonial populations, populations who had been educated to see
the colonial power as the motherland, and shared language and a system of
education with those motherlands. Germany sought to restrict and control
influxes of workers by the use of labor contracts that recruited guestworkers.
The United States used a bit of both strategies, utilizing its colonial Puerto
Rican populations and developing the Bracero Program of Mexican contract
labor. While seeming very different, both strategies provided for the needs of
industry while minimizing the challenge to the concept if not the practice of
national closure, naturalized and normalized by social science.
In the United States, despite massive efforts at assimilation, the previ-
ous waves of immigrants settled in urban areas maintained their national
identities, even if their cultural practices were increasingly similar to their
working class neighbors (Gans, 1982). These groups were designated “nation-
alities” in popular parlance, reflecting ideologies about national belonging of
REVIEW
the prewar period. Politicians campaigning in immigrant neighborhoods

during this period recognized these connections, promising to develop or
support American foreign policies to help the homelands of whatever nation-
ality group they were addressing - Irish, Italian, Polish, Serbian or Greek
(Glick Schiller, 1999a, b; Redding, 1958; Weed, 1973). But due to the limi-
tations that the container model of society imposed on the social sciences,
much of this history has yet to be recovered. In the United States, until Glaz-
er and Moynihan’s (1963) seminal statement to move “beyond the melting
pot,” the social sciences ignored these persisting identities and the ways in
which U.S. urban political life was organized to give salience to competing
ethnic groups, rather than respond to class-based discourse (6Steinberg,
1989). Instead, immigrants were portrayed as uprooted from their home-
lands, and much time and resources were invested in measuring rates and
degrees of assimilation.
Much of this rhetoric changed abruptly in the 1960s in the United
States, and the effects of these changes on the rhetoric of nation-state build-
ing and on social science resonated around the world, especially after the end
of the Cold War. The catalyst for the changes was the U.S. civil rights move-
ment that exposed the unstated but institutionalized equation of American
identity with whiteness. As black activists strove to develop for themselves a
differentiated and contestational political identity, they reached back to the
pre-war Pan-African movement and rekindled an African-American cultural
politic (Ture and Hamilton, 1992 [1967]). In the wake of the Black Power
movement, other populations, which had been excluded from the U.S. racial-
ized nation building project with its normative whiteness, began to elaborate
ideologies of cultural pluralism (Glick Schiller Barnett, 1975; Glick Schiller,
1977; Steinberg, 1989; Glazer and Moynihan, 1963). In this context, which
included the Cold War implications of the exposure of U.S. racism, the racial-
ly construed national quotas embedded in the U.S. immigration law were
finally eliminated in 1965.
BEYOND METHODOLOGICAL NATIONALISM?

The contemporary period of globalization has transformed migration studies
with the emergence of a transnational paradigm. The economic restructuring
of contemporary globalization marked by new ways to organize and expedite
the rapid flow of capital dates back to the 1970s. The worldwide recession
and the oil crisis in the 1970s, which may have spurred the new period of
globalization, stimulated anti-immigrant movements throughout Europe. By
NATIONALISM,
METHODOLOGICAL SCIENCES,AND THE STUDYOF MIGRATION595
THE SOCIAL
now, it was an accepted response for nationals to blame foreigners for every-
thing, although the very identification of a territorially-based population with
a nation-state and with only one was a relatively new invention. The momen-
tum to stop migration as a solution to problems that were in fact of a systemic
nature took different forms in different locations and was implemented with
increasing severity in the course of twenty years, limited the citizenship rights
of former colonial populations and abruptly ended guestworker programs.
The rhetorics of zero immigration masked the fact that the door was left open
for continuing immigration of family members, highly skilled immigrants,
and persons categorized as political refugees. In point of fact, the rapid pace
of contemporary globalization, increased by the implementation of the eco-
nomic reforms in Russia and Eastern Europe after the end of the Cold War
and in Asia after the Asian economic crisis of the 1990s, increased the pace of
migration. Migration is now structured, perceived and discussed under dif-
ferent categorizations in different locations: refugee flows, family reunifica-
tion, the importation of skilled workers on special visas, contract domestic
labor, and illegals.
Social scientists’ theories of migration did not fundamentally alter until
the Cold War had ended and lifted some of the barriers of methodological
nationalism - parallel to the destruction of the Berlin wall. Scholars in a num-
ber of fields, together with political leaders and journalists, began to
announce that the world was becoming qualitatively different and applied the
term globalization to what they were observing, fascinated by various kinds
of flows of people, ideas, objects and capital across the territorial borders of
states.
In anthropology and cultural studies, the globalization fever led to what
we could call the “dissing” of previous paradigms. We heard about disjunc-
ture, dislocation, displacement, disengagement, disconnection, and the dis-
mantling of the old stabilities, knowledges, conventions and identities
(Appadurai, 1990, 1991, 1993; Featherstone, 1993; Rouse, 1991). Working
independently of each other on the east coast and west coast of the United
States, anthropologists and ethnographically inclined sociologists began to
posit that a new form of migration was beginning which they entitled
transnationalism (Glick Schiller and Fouron, 1991; Glick Schiller, Basch and
Blanc Szanton, 1992; Kearney, 1991; Rouse, 1992; Goldring, 1996; Guarni-
zo, 1997; Levitt, 1997). Later, mainstream sociology joined the trend and
forcefully contributed to its formulation and expansion (4Portes et al.,
1999). Even before the first statements about transnational migration had
596 INTERNATIONAL
MIGRATION
REVIEW
been formulated, new data describing the transnational ties among recent
migrants was presented, but methodological nationalism kept scholars from
fully appreciating and theorizing what they were seeing (Chaney, 1979; Gon-
zalez, 1988).
The first wave of transnational studies produced a set of problematic
assumptions. First, scholars tended to see communications technology -
computers, telephones, televisions, communication satellites and other elec-
tronic innovations - as the motor of change. Suddenly, we could all visually
experience the same war, the same concert, or the same commercial and share
the information age. The power of the new technology, combined with the
postmodern insistence on the stability of the past and the fluidity of the pre-
sent, led to a rather crude technological determinism strangely contrasting
with the otherwise constructivist impetus of much of this literature. This
impeded discussion of the broader social and economic forces past and pre-
sent, which had shaped the transnational ties that linked the globe together.
In addition, the impact of past technologies, which facilitated previous leaps
in global integration - including the steamship, the telegraph, telephone and
radio - were dismissed or forgotten.
Second, the first wave of transnational studies tended to speak of glob-
alization in terms of an epochal turn, characterizing the previous historical
period as one in which our units of analysis were bounded and people lived
within these bounded units of tribe, ethnic group and state. The past was sta-
tic, the present was fluid; the past contained homogenous cultures while now
we lived in a world of hybridity and complexity. Some scholars asserted that
the increase in transborder activity signaled the demise of the nation-state as
both a center of power and as a potent source of identity politics (Soysal,
1994; Kearney, 1991).
A second wave of global studies has emerged that addresses some of the
misconceptions of the first few years. We will mention three moments of this
transition. First, we now can acknowledge that globalization is not in itself a
new phenomenon (Wimmer, 2001; Went, 2000). Our analysis should hope-
fully have made clear that while there are significant changes in the world
since the end of the Cold War, we are at the same time also experiencing a
paradigm shift. We have been able to begin to analyze and discuss transna-
tional migration, diasporic identities, and long distance nationalism because
we have changed the lens through which we perceive the world, putting aside
some of the preconceptions of methodological nationalism. Raising questions
about how new globalization and transnationalism really are, this new, more
METHODOLOGICAL THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION597
NATIONALISM,
sophisticated scholarship is disentangling long-term trends, periodic recur-

rences, and novel occurrences in the historical development of global con-
nections (Jessop, 1999; Panitch, 1997, 2000; Wilson and Donnan, 1998;
Went, 2000). There is a general consensus that contemporary globalization
processes seem more potent in their degree of penetration into the rhythms
of daily life around the world (Held et a l , 1999). In the field of migration
studies, after the initial celebrations of the novelty of diasporic identities,
more careful scholarship on the historical depth of diasporic experiences start-
ed to emerge (Cohen, 1997; Glick Schiller, 1999a, b, c; Morawska, forth-
coming; Foner, 2001).
Second, much more attention is now being paid to the continuing role
of the nation-state in transnational processes. It is becoming increasingly
apparent that the nation-state has more successfully survived the upheavals
that accompanied the end of the Cold War and the current period of intense
global connection than scholars predicted during the early days of globaliza-
tion research (Panitch, 2000; Sassen, 1996, 2001). Scholars also began to
look at the past and contemporary role of nation-states in fostering continu-
ing ties with populations settled abroad (Basch, Glick Schiller and Szanton
Blanc, 1994; Guarnizo, 1997, 1998; Guarnizo and Diaz, 1999; R. Smith,
1998; Smith and Guarnizo, 1998; Mahler, 1998; Glick Schiller, 1999a, b, c).
Finally, concepts of diasporic identities and of long distance nationalism
have developed that take up once again the observations of “home country”
nationalism made but not theorized by the Chicago School and scholars of
nationalism (Anderson, 1993, 1994; Cohen, 1997; Fuglerud, 1999; Glazer,
1954; Skrbii, 1999; Tololyan, 2001). Long distance nationalism links togeth-
er people living in various geographic locations and motivates them to action
in relationship to an ancestral territory and its government. Through such
ideological linkages, a territory, its people, and its government become a
transborder enterprise. Long distance nationalism may bind together immi-
grants, their descendants, and people who have remained in their homeland
into a fragile, but vocal transborder citizenry (Glick Schiller and Fouron,
2OO1a). As in other versions of nationalism, the concept of a people com-
prising a citizenry, a sovereign, a nation and a group of solidarity remains
salient, but these different embodiments are not thought of as congruent and
territorially bounded.
Thus, a number of migration experiences that could not be addressed
during previous periods are now possible to research and theorize (for further
discussion of some of the new developments, see Glick Schiller, forthcoming;
REVIEW
Kyle, 2000; Mahler and Pessar, 2000; Bryceson and Vuorela, 2002). Howev-
er, this does not mean that this transformed scholarship on transnational
communities has broken free from the influence of methodological national-
ism. We conclude this section with some areas where methodological nation-
alism is still visible. Diaspora studies often trace dispersed populations no
matter where they have settled, focusing on the dynamics of interconnection,
nostalgia and memory and identity within a particular population, relating
them to a particular homeland. No longer confined to a territorially limited
entity, the nation is extending across different terrains and places but never-
theless imagined as an organic, integrated whole. In this modus operandi,
nation-state building processes that impinge upon diasporic populations in
its various locations are usually overlooked. If the relationship between the
diaspora and nation-state building is examined, it is uniquely and exclusively
in terms of the diaspora’s own homeland and its politics. Thus, the image and
analytical techniques associated with describing a bounded national contain-
er society are reproduced, albeit in a different form. Networks of migrants
and transnational cultural and religious connections that lead to other forms
of identification than national constructions are only now beginning to be
examined within migration studies.
Similar points have to be made with regard to the study of “transna-
tional communities.” Here many of the critiques of the past errors of com-
munity studies apply. Much of transnational studies overstates the internal
homogeneity and boundedness of transnational communities, overestimates
the binding power for individual action, overlooks the importance of cross-
community interactions as well as the internal divisions of class, gender,
region and politics, and is conceptually blind for those cases where no
transnational communities form among migrants or where existing ones cease
to be meaningful for individuals. Furthermore, the different meanings of a
particular transnational identity are usually precluded, meanings which take
actors in very different political directions and alliances. In short, approach-
ing migrant transnational social fields and networks as communities tends to
reify and essentialize these communities in a similar way that previous
approaches reified national or peasant communities.
Strangely enough, the neo-communitarianism of transnationalism stud-
ies also reproduces the standard image of a world divided into nations and
thus naturalizes this vision of the world in new forms. Transnational seman-
tically refers us to the nontransnational or simply to the national as the enti-
ty that is crossed or superseded. Migrants are no longer uprooted or climbing
METHODOLOGICAL
NATIONALISM, 599
up the assimilative ladder to the national middle classes, but they are still the
others, foreign and alien to the nationally bounded society. Studies that exam-
ine the connections between transnational migrants and actors within the
various localities in which they settle and into which they move could carry
us beyond the static, reified and essentialized concept of community and into
the study of migrants and nonmigrants within social fields of differential
power (see, e.g., Nyiri, 1999; Ong, 1999; Wimrner, 1998b).
OUTLOOK SMLING BETWEEN SCYZLA AND CHARYBDIS

Going beyond methodological nationalism requires analytical tools and con-
cepts not colored by the self-evidence of a world ordered into nation-states.
Increasingly, observers of the social sciences see this as one of the major tasks
that confront us. We certainly are not able to offer such a set of analytical
tools here. Instead, our objective has been to clarify the nature of the barriers
which have stood in the path leading to a revised social theory. Confronting
the manner in which our perceptions of migration, including some of the
recent work on transnational migration, have been shaped by the hegemony
of the nation-state building project is an important step. It may prevent us
from running, enthusiastically searching for newness, along the most promis-
ing-looking road, without knowing exactly how we got to the crossroads
where we actually find ourselves. Looking back may help us to identify the
paths that will bring us right back to where we now stand. We described three
modes of methodological nationalism that have shaped the social science pro-
gram - ignoring, naturalization and territorial limitation - and we have iden-
tified the ways in which these have influenced mainstream migration studies.
Describing immigrants as political security risks, as culturally others, as
socially marginal, and as an exception to the rule of territorial confinement,
migration studies have faithfully mirrored the nationalist image of normal
life.
Our second aim was to sketch out, in admittedly rather audacious and
broad strokes, a history of the past century that would help us to understand
how this binding of the scientific eye to the body of the nation came about
and how this relationship has evolved through different phases of nation
building. For all these different phases, we have described how the process of
nation-state building has generated, as one of its aspects, different stances
towards cross-border migration and immigrant integration that were mir-
rored, if not sometimes sustained or even produced, by the basic concepts of
migration research. We have taken the point of view of an observer of second
&VIEW
order, observing what professional observers observe and what they do not.
Such a historical approach does not provide the well developed concep-
tual tools that would allow us to elaborate this perspective more systemati-
cally This remains a task for the future. However, a word of caution is in
order here. It would certainly be nake to think that we will ever develop a
theoretical language not profoundly influenced by the social and political
forces around us. Most of us have come to understand that any observation
is shaped by the positionality of the observer - including the ones unmasking
methodological nationalism. While we are still striving for an adequate ter-
minology not colored by methodological nationalism, we can already predict
that emerging concepts will necessarily again limit and shape our perspective,
again force us to overlook some developments and emphasize others. Every
clear conceptual structure necessarily limits the range of possible interpreta-
tions, as well as the empirical domains that can be meaningfully interpreted.
The task is to determine what reductions of complexity will make best sense
of the contemporary world and which ones are leaving out too many tones
and voices, transforming them into what model builders call ‘noise.’
We note that many who have attempted to escape the Charybdis of
methodological nationalism are drifting towards the Scylla of methodological
fluidism. It makes just as little sense to portray the immigrant as the marginal
exception than it does to celebrate the transnational life of migrants as the
prototype of human condition (Urry, 2000; Papastergiadis, 2000). Moreover,
while it is important to push aside the blinders of methodological national-
ism, it is just as important to remember the continued potency of national-
ism. Framing the world as a global marketplace cannot begin to explain why
under specific circumstances not only political entrepreneurs, but also the
poor and disempowered, including immigrants, continue to frame their
demands for social justice and equality within a nationalist rhetoric (Glick
Schiller and Fouron, 2001 a, b). Nor can we blithely take up the perspective
of cosmopolitanism, either as a description of the post-national stage of iden-
tity or as a political goal to be reached (cf: Beck, 2000). Such a stance may be
helpful for a deconstruction of nationalism, taking a very different tack than
previous discussions of the invention or imagination of community. But it
does not acknowledge that nationalism is a powerful signifier that continues
to make sense for different actors with different purposes and political impli-
cations. Having hinted at the Scylla of fluidism and of the rhetorics of cos-
mopolitanism, the challenge remains to develop a set of concepts that opens
up new horizons for our understanding of past and contemporary migration.
METHODOLOGICAL
NATIONALISM,
THE SOCIAL SCIENCES,AND THE STUDY OF MIGRATION
601
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chapter 5
Gender Gaps in Migration Studies

Recent Developments and Prospects
Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot
1 Introduction
The field of migration studies focuses on spatial movements of people from one
place, temporality, and social space to another, including their multi-faceted
dimensions and underlying processes. Feminist scholars from different disci-
plines introduced gender perspectives in this research field and contributed to
the burgeoning of what is known today as “gender and migration” scholarship.1
More than four decades later several questions can be raised: what is the pres-
ent state of broader migration studies? Are there still gender gaps in this field
of research? How can we further advance migration studies?
In this chapter, “gender gaps” in specific epistemologies refer to lacunas in
the extent to which scholarly focuses, methodologies, and analyses are gender
inclusive, gender informed, or gender oriented. In this context, gender is not
only a socially constructed category2 but also a standpoint focusing on power
dynamics, relations, and asymmetries among social groups. It can be defined
1 See Donna R Gabaccia (ed), Seeking Ground: Multidisciplinary Studies of Immigrant Women
in the United States (Greenwood Press 1992); Arlie R. Hochschild, ‘Global Care Chains and
Emotional Surplus Value’ in Will Hutton and Anthony Giddens (eds), On the Edge: Living
with Global Capitalism (Jonathan Cape 2000) 130–146; Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, Gendered
Transitions: Mexican Experiences of Immigration (University of California Press 1994);
Eleonore Kofman, ‘Gendered Migrations, Social Reproduction and the Household in Europe’
(2014) 38 (1) Dialectical Anthropology 79; Sarah J. Mahler and Patricia R. Pessar, ‘Gendered
Geographies of Power: Analyzing Gender Across Transnational Spaces’ (2001) 7 (4)
Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 441; Mirjana Morokvašić, ‘Birds of Passage are
also Women’ (1984) 18 (4) International Migration Review 886; Rhacel S. Parreñas, Servants of
Globalization. Women, Migration and Domestic Work (Stanford University Press 2001); Rachel
Silvey, ‘Power, Difference and Mobility: Feminist Advances in Migration Studies’ (2004) 28 (4)
Progress in Human Geography 490.
2 It is “a constitutive element of social relationships based on the perceived differences
between the sexes” (see Joan W. Scott, ‘Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis’
(1986) 91 (5) The American Historical Review 1067). These differences refer to “masculinity”
and “femininity” – characteristics socially prescribed to individuals from birth.
© Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot, 2022 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004467682_007

This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.
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Gender Gaps in Migration Studies 111
as “a social relation characterized by power inequalities that hierarchically pro-

duce, organize, and evaluate masculinities and femininities through the con-
tested but controlling practices of individuals, organizations, and societies”.3
An investigation of the existing gender gaps in migration scholarship requires
an awareness of contemporary developments regarding the main object of
analysis in the field – human spatial mobility.
Based on the latest data on migrations that cross national borders, the num-
ber of migrant men continues to exceed that of migrant women: 52 percent
men versus 48 percent women out of 281 million migrants in 2020.4 This gender
imbalance raises the question of whether the numerical dominance of migrant
men translates into comparatively more studies on them than on migrant
women. What place do numerical minorities such as lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, queer (lgbtq) migrants occupy in the migration scholarship?
The present chapter is based on the findings from qualitative and quanti-
tative reviews of the literature on migration. The qualitative review examines
the gender and migration scholarship and its temporal evolution in different
regions of the world – the United States of America (USA), Europe, Asia, Africa,
and Latin America. The quantitative review comprises a bibliometric analysis
of the migration literature between 1980 and 2019 using two search engines that
are widely used in research and academia (Web of Science and Google Scholar).
Further input was obtained from the websites of two leading journals in the
field (Gender, Place & Culture and Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies). By
adopting a mixed methodological approach, the present chapter aims to facil-
itate an in-depth understanding of the significant developments in migration
studies and of the place of gender within this scholarship. It offers fresh insights
as to which areas of the field should strive to become more gender sensitive.
The reviews presented here have certain limitations. First, they have a lin-
guistic bias because they mainly examined publications written in English.
Second, they focused on gender gaps, which leaves out issues related to other
categories, such as ethnicity, age, and social class. Third, the quantitative review
was limited to two widely used search engines, thus overlooking less popular
and independent platforms at the national, regional, or international levels.
However, despite these limitations, the qualitative and quantitative data anal-
ysis in the present chapter can contribute to migration scholars’ reflections
3 Myra Marx Ferree, ‘Filling the Glass: Gender Perspectives on Families’ (2010) 72 Journal of
Marriage and the Family 424.
4 International Organization for Migration’s (iom) Global Migration Portal, Key Global
Migration Figures, 2017 – 2021 (iom 2021) <https://migrationdataportal.org/sites/default/
files/2021-02/key-global-migration-figures.pdf> accessed on 29 November 2021.
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112 Fresnoza-Flot
on how transnational migration studies can be further developed, notably the

gender and migration scholarship. Before presenting the quantitative review,
the chapter examines the evolution of gender and migration studies in various
social contexts. It concludes by identifying the gender gaps and issues still to
be addressed in migration studies.
2 Gender and Migration Research: Evolution in Different Social

Contexts
The development of the gender and migration scholarship is not entirely uni-
form across socio-geographic contexts, as “(c)oncepts of women’s/gender and
feminist ideas” that “travel across national, linguistic, cultural, and economic
boundaries […] are changed in the process”.5 The specific characteristics of
each context as regards migration phenomena also vary, as does the situation
of gender and migration research.
Prior to the birth of the gender and migration scholarship, the broader field of
migration studies displayed several shortcomings related to gender. First, there
was a male bias that viewed migration purely as a men’s enterprise.6 Second,
most scholars adopted a “reductionist” perspective, that is, they considered
women as mere followers and dependents of men.7 Third, they approached
migration in a gender-neutral way, and this gender blindness meant that they
did not pay attention to the power dynamics and gender processes involved
in migration. Fourth, as a result of these shortcomings, women migrants were
mostly invisible in the study of migratory phenomena. And fifth, there was
also a heterosexual bias linked to the heteronormative tendency in migration
studies to analyse migration strictly as a heterosexual affair neglecting the idea
that lgbtq individuals are also capable of migrating. Now that gender per-
spectives have permeated migration studies, we can expect radical changes in
the way scholars in the field conduct their investigations.
In the USA, Hondagneu-Sotelo describes the evolution of gender and migra-
tion research as having three stages.8 The first stage is “women and migration”
5 Sondra Hale, ‘Transnational Gender Studies and the Migrating Concept of Gender in the
Middle East and North Africa’ (2009) 21 (2) Cultural Dynamics 149.
6 Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot and Kyoko Shinozaki, ‘Transnational Perspectives on Intersecting
Experiences: Gender, Social Class and Generation among Southeast Asian Migrants and their
Families’ (2017) 43 (6) Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 867.
7 See Morokvašić (n 1).
8 Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, ‘Gender and Immigration: A Retrospective and Introduction’
in Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo (ed), Gender and U.S. Immigration: Contemporary Trends
(University of California Press 2003) 3–19.
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(1970s to early 1980s) during which scholars wrote about women migrants.
The second stage – “gender and migration” (late 1980s to early 1990s) – started
when scholars turned their attention to gender processes in the realm of the
family and households. The third and final stage, “gender as a constitutive ele-
ment of immigration” began in the mid-1990s, when scholars started analys-
ing larger social structures and institutions beyond the family, using a gender
lens. The rise of queer migration studies is an important development in the
USA. At present, as Hondagneu-Sotelo remarks,9 sexuality is one of the main
streams in gender and migration research,10 thanks to the early initiatives of
USA-based migration scholars.11
The evolution of gender and migration research in the USA, as described
above, resembles the development of the same research field in Europe. In
this region, the first stage of development of gender and migration research
started in the late 1970s and ended in the 1980s. It is known as a “compen-
satory phase”, that is, “focusing on women, showing them where they were
not visible”.12 The visibilisation of women’s active role as initiators and actors
of migration characterised the 1980s.13 The second stage occurred from the
1990s to the 2000s, during which the globalisation,14 intersectionality,15 and
9 Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, ‘Gender and Migration Scholarship: An Overview from a 21st

Century Perspective’ (2011) 6 (1) Migraciones Internacionales 219.
10 See the recent work on the subject: Shweta Majumdar Adur, ‘In Pursuit of Love: ‘Safe
Passages’, Migration and Queer South Asians in the US’ (2018) 66 (2) Current Sociology
320; and Héctor Carrillo, Pathways of Desire: The Sexual Migration of Mexican Gay Men
(University of Chicago Press 2017).
11 For example: Lionel Cantú Jr., Border Crossings: Mexican Men and the Sexuality of Migration.
PhD dissertation (University of California 1999); Héctor Carrillo, ‘Sexual Migration,
Cross-Cultural Sexual Encounters, and Sexual Health’ (2004) 1 (3) Sexuality Research
and Social Policy 58; Eithne Luibhéid and Lionel Cantú Jr., Queer Migrations: Sexuality,
US Citizenship, and Border Crossings (University of Minnesota Press 2005); and Martin
Manalansan, iv, ‘Queer Intersections. Sexuality and Gender in Migration Studies’ (2006)
40 (1) International Migration Review 224.
12 Christine Catarino and Mirjana Morokvašić, ‘Femmes, Genre, Migration et Mobilités’
(2005) 21 Revue européenne des migrations internationales 1, 2.
13 See Laura Oso Casas, ‘Femmes, Actrices des Mouvements Migratoires’ (2005) 5 Cahiers
Genre et développement 35.
14 See Parreñas 2001 and Saskia Sassen, ‘Women’s Burden: Counter-geographies of
Globalization and the Feminization of Survival’ (2000) 53 (2) Journal of International
Affairs 503.
15 See Kimberlé Crenshaw, ‘Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black
Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics’
(1989) in The University of Chicago Legal Forum: Feminism in the Law: Theory, Practice
and Criticism, 139–167; and Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge,
Consciousness, and Politics of Empowerment (Unwin Hyman 1990).
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114 Fresnoza-Flot
transnationalism16 perspectives permeated European migration scholarship.

It was during this period that studies on the international division of reproduc-
tive labour, domestic or care work, skilled migration, and transnational fam-
ilies burgeoned in Europe.17 Consequently, women migrants, although they
were already visible in migration studies before this period, attracted renewed
scientific interest to the extent that scholars overlooked men while reinforcing
their pre-existing heteronormative tendencies. During the third stage (from the
2010s to the present), migration scholars in Europe have been rectifying these
shortcomings in the following ways: by examining men’s experiences;18 carry-
ing out more gender informed, transnational, and/or intersectional research
concentrating on power relations and inequalities;19 and moving beyond care
analysis to examine emerging phenomena in the region such as family and
marriage,20 refugee,21 and lgbtq22 migrations.
16 Linda G. Basch, Nina Glick Schiller and Christina Szanton Blanc, Nations Unbound.
Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nation-states
(Gordon and Breach 1995); and Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch and Christina Blanc-
Szanton, ‘Transnationalism: A New Analytic Framework for Understanding Migration’
(1992) 645 (1) Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 1.
17 For example: Deborah F. Bryceson and Ulla Vuorela (eds), The Transnational Family: New
European Frontiers and Global Networks (Berg 2002); Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot, ‘Migration
Status and Transnational Mothering: The Case of Filipino Migrants in France’ (2009)
9 (2) Global Networks 252; Helma Lutz, The New Maids: Transnational Women and the
Care Economy (Zed Books Ltd. 2011); Janet Henshall Momsen (ed), Gender, Migration, and
Domestic Service (Routledge 1999); and Parvati Raghuram, ‘Gendering Skilled Migratory
Streams: Implications for Conceptualizations of Migration’ (2000) 9 (4) Asian and Pacific
Migration Journal 429.
18 See Ester Gallo and Francesca Scrinzi, Migration, Masculinities and Reproductive Labour.
Men of the Home (Palgrave 2016); Majella Kilkey, Diane Perrons and Ania Plomien, Gender,
Migration and Domestic Work: Masculinities, Male Labour and Fathering in the UK and
USA (Palgrave 2013).
19 Anna Amelina and Helma Lutz, Gender and Migration: Transnational and Intersectional
Prospects (Routledge 2019); and Elisabetta Zontini, Transnational Families, Migration and
Gender: Moroccan and Filipino Women in Bologna and Barcelona (Berghahn 2010).
20 Katharine Charsley (ed), Transnational Marriage: New Perspectives from Europe and
Beyond (Routledge 2012); Joëlle Moret, Apostolos Andrikopoulos and Janine Dahinden,
‘Contesting Categories: Cross-border Marriages from the Perspectives of the State, Spouses
and Researchers’ (2019) 47 (2) Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 325; and Saskia
Bonjour and Betty de Hart, ‘Intimate Citizenship: Introduction to the Special Issue on
Citizenship, Membership and Belonging in Mixed-status Families’ (2020) 28 (1) Identities 1.
21 For example: Betty De Hart, ‘Sexuality, Race and Masculinity in Europe’s Refugee Crisis’
in Carolus Grütters, Sandra Mantu and Paul Minderhoud (eds), Migration on the Move.
Essays on the Dynamics of Migration (Brill Nijhoff 2017) 27–53; and Jane Freedman,
‘Engendering Security at the Borders of Europe: Women Migrants and the Mediterranean
‘Crisis’’ (2016) 29 (4) Journal of Refugee Studies 568.
22 See Jon Binnie, ‘Critical Queer Regionality and LGBTQ Politics in Europe’ (2016) 23 (11)
Gender, Place & Culture 1631; and Sébastien Chauvin, Manuela Salcedo Robledo, Timo
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In Eastern, South-Eastern, Southern, and Western Asia, migration studies

began in the latter part of the 1920s with a gender-neutral tone. This was evi-
dent in the 1927 study by the South Manchuria Railway Company on migrant
workers in Manchuria23 and the early works of Japanese geographer Yoshiji
Takemi on the Okinawans’ overseas migration.24 This tone persisted after the
Second World War alongside the scholarly tendency to focus on male migra-
tion. In the 1970s, migration research continued in this direction, explicitly
tackling refugee and labour migrations. Migrant women were almost absent
from studies during this period, but as migratory movements within and from
Asia to other continents increasingly feminised in the 1980s, scholarly works
on women also started to increase.25 Gender and migration research appears
to have taken shape during this period, focusing on rural–urban and interna-
tional migration of women.26 As in Europe, gender and migration research in
Asia during the period from the 1990s to the 2000s was characterised by the
mushrooming of studies on women’s migration,27 notably examining their
paid reproductive labour28 and marriage- and family-related issues.29 The
influence of globalisation, intersectionality, and transnationalism perspectives
Koren and Joël Illidge, ‘Class, Mobility and Inequality in the Lives of Same-sex Couples
with Mixed Legal Statuses’ (2019) 47 (2) Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 430.
23 Thomas R. Gottschang, ‘Economic Change, Disasters, and Migration: The Historical Case
of Manchuria’ (1987) 35 (3) Economic Development and Cultural Change 461.
24 Yoshiji Takemi, ‘Okinawa Jima Shutsuimin no Keizai Chirigakuteki Kousatsu’ (1) (1928)
4 (2) Chirigaku Hyouron 1; and Yoshiji Takemi, ‘Okinawa Jima Shutsuimin no Keizai
Chirigakuteki Kousatsu’ (1928) 4 (3) Chirigaku Hyouron 12.
25 See Maruja M. Asis and Nicola Piper, ‘Researching International Labor Migration in Asia’
(2008) 49 (3) The Sociological Quarterly 423.
26 See Nasra M. Shah and Peter C. Smith, ‘Migrant Women at Work in Asia’ in James T. Fawcett,
Siew-Ean Khoo and Peter C. Smith (eds), Women in the Cities of Asia: Migration and
Urban Adaptation (Routledge 1984) 297–322; and Lilian Trager, ‘Family Strategies and the
Migration of Women: Migrants to Dagupan City, Philippines’ (1984) 18 (4) International
Migration Review 1264.
27 Mary Beth Mills, Thai Women in the Global Labor Force: Consuming Desires, Contested
Selves (Rutgers University Press 1999); and Nana Oishi, Women in Motion: Globalization,
State Policies, and Labor Migration in Asia (Stanford University Press 2005).
28 Nicole Constable, Maid to Order in Hong Kong: Stories of Filipina Workers (Cornell
University Press 1997); Pei-Chia Lan, Global Cinderellas: Migrant Domestics and Newly
Rich Employers in Taiwan (Duke University Press 2006); and Rachel Silvey, ‘Transnational
Migration and the Gender Politics of Scale: Indonesian Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia’
(2004) 25 (2) Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 141.
29 Rajni Palriwala and Patricia Uberoi (eds), Marriage, Migration and Gender (Sage 2008);
Nicola Piper and Mina Roces (eds), Wife or Worker?: Asian Women and Migration
(Rowman & Littlefield Publishers 2003); and Katie D. Willis and Brenda S. Yeoh, ‘Gender
and Transnational Household Strategies: Singaporean Migration to China’ (2000) 34 (3)
Regional Studies 253.
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116 Fresnoza-Flot
is clearly evident in the Asian literature on gender and migration. Nonetheless,

in terms of theorisation, as Asis and Piper remark, “it appears still a challenge
to advance from the descriptive to the more theoretical level of explanation”.30
Since 2011, gender and migration research in Asia has diversified in terms of
analytical focus and orientation, with an increasing emphasis on marriage
migration31 and a holistic approach to Asian migrations.32
In the Latin American context, Herrera provides an overview of gender and
international migration in the region.33 She observes the “selective presence
of gender in migration studies” there, which means that certain groups of
migrant women are included in the studies “to the detriment of other subjects
and other inequalities”.34 She highlights that it is necessary to examine internal
migration in the Andean region in the 1970s and 1980s to understand inter-
national migration from Latin America. Through this approach, “migrations
are analyzed as individual male trajectories articulated to family strategies in
which women, gender relations and generational differences are taken as neu-
tral variables”.35 Herrera also identifies the concepts most widely used in the
study of internal migration in the 1980s – social networks and family survival
strategies and reproduction. In the 1990s, these key concepts were also central
to the analysis of Latin American international migration in the context of glo-
balisation. She notes the scholarly interest in Latin American migrant women’s
paid domestic/care work and transnational families, particularly stay-behind
family members such as wives and children.36 Interestingly, many studies on
Latin American migrants in Europe focus on women and often have a trans-
national dimension.37 Herrera concludes that the issues that still need to be
30 See Asis and Piper (n 25) 432.

31 Sari K. Ishii (ed), Marriage Migration in Asia: Emerging Minorities at the Frontiers of
Nation-States (nus Press 2016); see also Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot and Gwénola Ricordeau
(eds), International Marriages and Marital Citizenship: Southeast Asian Women on the
Move (Routledge 2017).
32 See Gracia Liu-Farrer and Brenda S. Yeoh (eds), Routledge Handbook of Asian Migrations
(Routledge 2018).
33 Gioconda Herrera, ‘Género y Migración Internacional en la Experiencia Latinoamericana.
De la Visibilización del Campo a una Presencia Selectiva’ (2012) 49 (1) Política y
Sociedad 35.
34 ibid 37.
35 ibid 40.
36 Jason Pribilsky, ‘Nervios and ‘Modern Childhood’. Migration and Shifting Contexts of Child
Life in the Ecuadorian Andes’ (2001) 8 (2) Childhood 251; and Johanna Dreby, Divided by
Borders: Mexican Migrants and their Children (University of California Press 2010).
37 Paolo Boccagni, ‘Practising Motherhood at a Distance: Retention and Loss in Ecuadorian
Transnational Families’ (2012) 38 (2) Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 261; Laura
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explored in the context of Latin American migration include trafficking; the

relationship between gender, state, and migration policies; and sexualities,
notably migratory experiences of “transsexuals, transgender, gay and lesbian
people”.38
Like elsewhere in the world, migration studies in Africa started with a
focus on men as leading actors of migration. Since the latter part of the 1970s,
African migration research has embarked on the visibilisation of women.39
For instance, Izzard remarks that studies in Southern Africa neglect migrant
women “despite evidence” of their “increasing labour migration”.40 This gap
can be attributed to the stereotypical view that men migrate and women stay
behind, a cliché rooted in the historically male-dominated migration during
colonial times. Such a stereotype also persists when it comes to rural–urban
movement, which is generally viewed as male-predominated, although statis-
tics demonstrate that it is dominated by women in many countries.41 Because
of this stereotyping, “the independent rural-urban migration of women has
been grossly neglected in African studies to date”.42 Since the 2000s, gender
perspectives have been progressively permeating migration studies in Africa.
Nonetheless, Crush, Williams, and Peberdy pointed out that although “some
attempts have been made to better understand the gender and dimensions
of migration, the area remains unexplored”, notably regarding “the impact of
migration on gender” in the context of “changing roles for women, employ-
ment opportunities, household structure as well as [the] hiv/ aids”43 epi-
demic. During this time, studies have increasingly focused on women’s
internal migration, that is, rural–urban within a nation, circular movement
within Africa,44 and international migration to countries outside the African
Oso Casas, ‘Money, Sex, Love and the Family: Economic and Affective Strategies of Latin
American Sex Workers in Spain’, 36 (1) Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 47.
38 See Herrera (n 33) 44.
39 Niara Sudarkasa, ‘Women and Migration in Contemporary West Africa’ (1977) 3 (1)
Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 178.
40 Wendy Izzard, ‘Migrants and Mothers: Case Studies from Botswana’ (1985) 1 (2) Journal of
Southern African Studies 258.
41 Josef Gugler and Gudrun Ludwar-Ene, ‘Gender and Migration in Africa South of the
Sahara’ in Jonathan Baker and Tade Akin Aina (eds), The Migration Experience in Africa
(Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 1995).
42 ibid 261.
43 Jonathan Crush, Sally Peberdy and Vincent Williams, ‘International Migration and Good
Governance in the Southern African Region’ (2006) Migration Policy Brief 17, 18.
44 Thomas Antwi Bosiakoh and Vera Williams Tetteh, ‘Nigerian Immigrant Women’s
Entrepreneurial Embeddedness in Ghana, West Africa’ (2019) 11 (1) International
Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 38; and Stefania Gadia Meda, ‘Single Mothers
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118 Fresnoza-Flot
continent.45 The scholarly interest in studies on migrant men in and from the
region through a gender lens has also surged,46 notably those examining male
refugees’ experiences.47
Against this background of evolution of gender and migration research in
different social contexts, we can conclude that advancements in the field have
been taking place, moving through various phases, but in a non-uniform fash-
ion. The USA and Europe appear to be at almost the same stage of progress in
empirical and theoretical terms. Asia and Latin America have also advanced,
but there is still a need for theorisations that go beyond Euro-American per-
spectives of migration. Africa underwent a long period of visibilisation of
women in migration research compared to other regions in the world, which
has culminated in the growth of separate areas of scholarship respectively
focused on women and men. Making these areas converge will require more
studies adopting gender perspectives in Africa. Finally, sexuality and queer
perspectives have not yet received much attention in Asia, Latin America, and
Africa, a gender gap that can be attributed to the challenging socio-legal situ-
ations of lgbtq individuals in these regions. Analysing the debates around
gender, migration, and globalisation over the past 40 years, Marchetti observes
that a new era started in the late 2000s, during which two opposite tendencies
became evident. Gender and migration became “a core element in a range of
disciplines from the social sciences”, while at the same time “several scholars
are looking partially disappointed about what has been achieved, seen as a
‘glass half-full’48”.49 Hence, the major challenge for gender and migration
of Nairobi: Rural-urban Migration and the Transformation of Gender Roles and Family
Relations in Kenya’ (2013) 15 (2) Lidé Města 279.
45 For example: Ameena Alrasheed, ‘An Alternative Perspective: Islam, Identity, and Gender
Migration of Sudanese Muslim Women in the UK’ (2015) 9 (1) African Journal of Political
Science and International Relations 1; and Marina De Regt, ‘Ways to Come, Ways to
Leave: Gender, Mobility, and Il/legality among Ethiopian Domestic Workers in Yemen’
(2010) 24 (2) Gender & Society 237.
46 Dan Godshaw, ‘A Masculinist Perspective on Gendered Relations of Power: Rwandan
Migrant Men in the UK’ (2014) Working Paper 72; and Netsai Sarah Matshaka, ‘“Marobot
NeMawaya”–Traffic Lights and Wire: Crafting Zimbabwean Migrant Masculinities in Cape
Town’ (2010) 65 (13) Feminist Africa 65.
47 For example: Rosemary Jaji, ‘Masculinity on Unstable Ground: Young Refugee Men
in Nairobi, Kenya’ (2009) 22 (2) Journal of Refugee Studies 177; and Samuel Muchoki,
Intimacies, Citizenship and Refugee Men (Springer 2016).
48 Katharine M. Donato, Donna Gabaccia, Jennifer Holdaway, Martin Manalansan, iv
and Patricia R. Pessar, ‘A Glass Half Full? Gender in Migration Studies’ (2006) 40 (1)
International Migration Review 3.
49 Sabrina Marchetti, ‘Gender, Migration and Globalization: An Overview of the Debates’
in Anna Triandafyllidou (ed), Handbook of Migration and Globalization (Edward Elgar
Publishing 2018) 449.
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scholars in different socio-geographic contexts is how to finish filling that

glass. In this respect, there is an immediate need to diversify gender and migra-
tion research by incorporating interdisciplinary perspectives. This will require
dynamic collaborations among migration scholars from various disciplines
and research fields. This represents another challenge due to the compartmen-
talised “nature of social science” in which, in the words of Hondagneu-Sotelo,
“researchers […] are mostly not in conversation with one another”.50
3 State of Migration Studies in Quantitative Terms
A quantitative approach is needed to obtain a holistic view of the recent devel-

opments in migration studies and to find out whether gender gaps persist.
The Web of Science and Google Scholar search engines, as well as websites of
selected leading journals, provide interesting insights that are usually invisible
in qualitative analyses of migration literature. These virtual research platforms
enabled six major developments in the field to be identified, each of which is
outlined below.
3.1 Visibilised Women, Feminised Gender

A search of Web of Science for the terms “gender, women, migration” and “gen-
der, men, migration” in the title, abstract, and keywords of literature published
from 1980 to 2019, identified 3,287 scholarly works for the former and 1,462 for
the latter. Excluding self-citations, studies on “gender, women, migration” gar-
nered more citations than those focusing on “gender, men, migration”: 38,108
versus 20,939. The search with Google Scholar also identified more publica-
tions on the former than the latter: 430 versus 36 (see Figure 5.1).
Interestingly, the peak number of studies with the words “gender”, “women”,
and “migration” in the title was reached during the period from 2000 to 2009.
This coincided with the development of gender and migration research, par-
ticularly in the USA and Europe (see section 2 on the qualitative review of
gender and migration scholarship). From 2010 to 2019, the number of studies
on this theme dropped by 22 per cent, from 208 to 162. By contrast, the num-
ber of publications with “gender, men, migration” in the title showed a slow
increase: from 0 (1980–1989), to 5 (1990–1999), 13 (2000–2009), and 18 (2010–
2019). This suggests that the tendency to study women’s migration through
the prism of gender does not apply to men’s migration. Although gender is
50 See Hondagneu-Sotelo (n 9) 227.
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120 Fresnoza-Flot
250
200
150
100
50
0
1980-1989 1990-1999 2000-2009 2010-2019
gender, women, migra!on gender, men, migra!on
figure 5.1 Google Scholar publications with gender, (wo)men, and

migration in the title
relational and experiential,51 gender often remains connoted with women and
women with gender.
In terms of disciplines and research areas, Web of Science revealed that
studies on “women, gender, migration” were mainly carried out in the fields of
women’s studies, demography, sociology, and geography. By contrast, studies
on “men, gender, migration” were usually conducted in the fields of demogra-
phy, sociology, geography, and public environmental and occupational health.
The top five journals publishing studies on both topics were inscribed in one
or more of the above disciplines and research areas. The following journals led
in terms of numbers of publications on “women, gender, migration”: Gender,
Place and Culture; Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies; Women’s Studies
International Forum; International Migration; and International Migration
Review. Except for Women’s Studies International Forum, all these journals also
published work on “men, gender, migration”. The list of leading journals pub-
lishing articles on “men, gender, migration” included the journal Social Science
Medicine, which was not among the leading journals publishing articles on
“women, gender, migration”. Gender, Place and Culture and Journal of Ethnic
51 See Fresnoza-Flot and Shinozaki (n 6).
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and Migration Studies ranked first and second, respectively, in both lists, con-
firming that women are no longer invisible in migration studies. From 1994
to 2019, Gender, Place and Culture published more articles with “women” and
“migration” in the title than with “men” and “migration”: 22 versus 5. This was
also the case for the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies in which 74 articles
with “women” and “migration” in the title were published from 1971 to 2019
versus 6 articles on men.
In addition, based on the address for reprints or the corresponding author
of each publication, the regions that dominated research outputs on migra-
tion studies were North America – with the USA at the top of the list – and
European countries such as England and Germany. Australia was also among
the top ten countries with publications in Web of Science, whereas the People’s
Republic of China was the only Asian country that made it to the top ten. Latin
American and African countries were not among the top ten countries. This
suggests that it is not only social science that is compartmentalised, but also
the geopolitical regions in which migration research takes place. Thus, the
findings echo the results of the qualitative review earlier in this chapter show-
ing that the USA and Europe are ahead of the developments in gender and
migration research. It also illustrates the social inequalities migration scholars
identify between the so-called “Global North” and the “Global South” as well
as between “visible” women in the former and their “invisible” counterparts
in the latter. Migration studies reflect these inequalities in knowledge produc-
tion, which call for more collaborative research projects and exchanges among
countries in these regions to fill this gap.
3.2 Slowly Increasing Consideration of Sexuality and lgbtq

Through his doctoral dissertation on Border crossings: Mexican men and the
sexuality of migration, Cantú introduced in 1999 sexuality in the study of migra-
tion. In 2004, Carrillo proposed conceptualising “sexual migration” in many
ways, including by taking into account “sexual immigrants’ transportation
of practices across international borders, their lives in their places of origin”,
and “their exposure to local and foreign sexual ideologies before migrating”,52
among others. In 2005, Luibhéid and Cantú published their highly influential
work on queer migrations, reinforcing the field of queer migration studies.53
The following year, Manalansan called for sexuality and a queer perspective
to be brought into migration studies.54 This raises the question of whether
52 Carrillo (n 11) 58.

53 See Luibhéid and Cantú (n 11).
54 Manalansan (n 11).
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122 Fresnoza-Flot
14
12
10
0
1980-1989 1990-1999 2000-2009 2010-2019
Web of Science Google Scholar
figure 5.2 Publications with gender, sexuality, and

migration in the title
scholars in the broader field of migration studies are following the path initi-
ated by the above-mentioned pioneering scholars.
The search of Web of Science shows that studies with “gender, sexuality,
migration” in the title remain at the margin of broader migration scholarship
with only 10 publications from 1980 to 2019 (see Figure 5.2). Likewise, only 11
works with “men”, “sexuality”, and “migration” in the title were published dur-
ing the same period. Google Scholar found 23 publications with “gender”, “sex-
uality”, and “migration” in the title (see Figure 5.2) and indicated that the first
work with “men”, “sexuality”, and “migration” in the title appeared in 1999 –
Cantú’s doctoral dissertation. The period 2010 –2019 witnessed a sudden surge
of publications on the topic, with 13 in total.
As scholars started to examine sexualities in migration, interest in lgbtq
migrants also increased, slowly at first, before intensifying from 2010 onwards.
The search of Web of Science retrieved only 24 publications with “lgbt
migrants” in the title, abstract, and keywords from the late 2000s to 2019. One
of them appeared in 2007 following the publication of Manalansan’s work,55
and the others emerged during the 2010–2019 period. Surprisingly, the search
55 ibid.
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engine found no study before 2007 with “lgbt migrants” in the title, abstract,
and keywords. When the search term was changed to “lgbtq migrants” and
restricted to titles, Web of Science returned four results for the period 2010–
2019. However, when the search for the keyword “lgbtq migrants” was spec-
ified as a “topic” – a phrase appearing in the title, abstract, and keywords of a
paper – instead of as a “title”, Web of Science found 18 publications. Most of
these studies were published between 2010 and 2019.
Similarly, the search of Google Scholar showed that publications with “lgbt
migrants” in the title, abstract, and keywords came out during the same period,
and so did the first set of publications (4) with “lgbtq migrants” in the title.
Before 2010, more studies included “lgbt, migration” in any part of their text
than “lgbtq, migration”. In summary, since 2010, sexuality and lgbt(Q)
migrants have been increasingly considered in the analysis of migration,56 but
generally remain marginal when compared to the bulk of publications on het-
erosexual migrants, as described in section 3.1. As previously observed, lgbtq
migrants “remain largely neglected in studies on transnational migrations”.57
Nonetheless, if the scholarly interest in sexuality and lgbtq migrants contin-
ues, lgbtq migration through the prism of sexuality and queer perspectives
will occupy a central place in broader migration studies, similar to what has
happened with studies on women’s migratory movements.
3.3 Continued Transnationalisation

It is the pioneering work of Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton that intro-
duced the perspective of transnationalism in migration studies in the early
1990s.58 This perspective highlights migrants’ multi-faceted social relations,
ties, and activities that connect the societies in which they are enmeshed.
Before this perspective was adopted in migration studies, scholars mostly con-
centrated on international human mobility without necessarily examining
the simultaneity and intensity of migrants’ social being and practices “here”
and “there”, or, in other words, their embeddedness in social spaces traversing
national borders.59 The transnationalism perspective radically changed the
56 For example: see Chauvin et al. (n 22).

57 Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot, ‘Negotiating Transnational Mobility and Gender Definitions in
the Context of Migration’ in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Education (Oxford University
Press 2021) 13.
58 See Glick Schiller, Basch and Blanc-Szanton (n 16), as well as Basch, Glick Schiller and
Blanc-Szanton (n 16).
59 Thomas Faist, ‘Transnational Social Spaces out of International Migration: Evolution,
Significance and Future Prospects’ (1998) 39 (2) Archives Européennes de Sociologie/
European Journal of Sociology/Europäisches Archiv für Soziologie 213.
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124 Fresnoza-Flot
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1990-1999 2000-2009 2010-2019
transna!onalism, migra!on gender, transna!onalism, migra!on
figure 5.3 Web of Science publications on gender, transnationalism, and migration
way scholars viewed and examined migratory phenomena then and now. The
search of Web of Science and Google Scholar provides quantitative proof of
the continued transnationalisation of migration studies, that is, the process in
which many migration scholars continue to adopt the lens of transnationalism
in their studies.
Between 1990 and 2019, there were 130 publications listed in Web of Science
with “transnationalism, migration” in their title (see Figure 5.3). When the
search for the same words was extended to abstract and keywords, Web of
Science identified 1,578 publications. These works garnered a total of 31,422
citations, reaching their peak in 2019 with 3,989 citations. When the search
incorporated “gender” into the keywords “transnationalism, migration” and
looked only at the title of publications, only nine publications were retrieved.
However, Web of Science returned 224 results when the search covered the
title, abstract, and keywords of publications (see Figure 5.3). Since 1990, the
number of citations of these works has been steadily increasing.
In the search of Google Scholar, the number of publications including the
keywords “transnationalism, migration” in the title was also found to be con-
stantly increasing: for example, from 53 publications between 1990 and 2000
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to 217 publications from 2011–2019. However, a search for the words “gender”,
“transnationalism” and “migration” in the titles of articles published during the
1990–2019 period gave only 17 results and none during the period 1980–1989.
The comparison of data obtained from the two search engines confirms the
lingering scholarly tendency to study migration using a transnational perspec-
tive. Interestingly, gender appears often out of the focus, which is surprising
given the widely known studies on gender and migration (see section 2 about
the evolution of this field), specifically about transnational families, care, and
social reproduction.
3.4 Rising Intersectionality, Prevailing Mobility Lens

The intersectionality approach examines how the overlap of “categories of dif-
ference”60 such as gender, social class, and “race” produces and reinforces mar-
ginality and oppression of social minorities, notably Black women. Although it
was initially applied to the study of these minority women, it has become pro-
gressively more influential in migration studies in recent years. Likewise, the
spatial turn in the social sciences led to the rise of the mobility perspective,61
most notably in geography, sociology, and anthropology. In quantitative terms,
this perspective has had a bigger influence on migration studies than the inter-
sectionality approach and transnational perspective, as the data below from
searches of the Web of Science and Google Scholar prove.
During the period 1980–2019, Web of Science registered eight publications
with “intersectionality, migration” in the title, all of which emerged between
2011 and 2019. However, this search engine retrieved 325 studies with “inter-
sectionality, migration” not only in their title but also in their abstracts and
keywords. From 2008 onwards, there was an uninterrupted increase in the
number of such works. Their highest peak of 84 publications was reached in
2019. A significant change took place in 2017 after two years with the same
number of publications, which was probably due to the new tendency among
scholars to combine analytical perspectives such as intersectionality and trans-
nationalism: for example, the Special Issue on “Transnational perspectives on
60 See Crenshaw (n 15).

61 Peter Adey, David Bissel, Kevin Hannam, Peter Merriman and Mimi Sheller (eds), The
Routledge Handbook of Mobilities (Routledge 2014); Weert Canzler, Vincent Kaufmann
and Sven Kesselring, Tracing Mobilities: Towards a Cosmopolitan Perspective (Ashgate
2008); Noel B. Salazar, Momentous Mobilities. Anthropological Musings on the Meanings
of Travel (Berghahn 2018); John Urry, Mobilities (Polity Press 2007); and Tanu Priya Uteng
and Tim Cresswell (eds), Gendered Mobilities (Ashgate 2008).
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126 Fresnoza-Flot
intersecting experiences”62 in Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. Out of

325 publications identified from Web of Science, 233 contained “gender” in
their title, abstract, and keywords. Most of these publications appeared during
the period 2011–2019, which is in line with the results of the Google Scholar
search: 27 of 28 publications with “intersectionality, migration” in the title
came out in the same period.
Concerning the mobility perspective, between 1980 and 2019, Web of
Science registered 1,062 publications with “mobility, migration” in the title,
and the largest number (714) appeared in the period 2011–2019. The number
of these publications started with seven in 2000 and reached its highest point
in 2019 with 121 studies. This increase coincided with an increased number of
citations per year: from 41 in 2000 to 1,589 in 2019. When the search for “mobil-
ity, migration” included abstracts and keywords, Web of Science gave 18,720
results. However, the publications identified did not concern human migration
alone but encompassed other types of movement from particles to ions and
from cells to birds. The same observation also applied to the 1,220,000 works
with “mobility, migration” elsewhere in the text retrieved by Google Scholar.
Thus, it was more useful to search only for publications with “mobility, migra-
tion” in the title, giving 3,160 results of which 1,680 appeared between 2011 and
2019. As regards gender, in a search of Web of Science from 1980 to 2019, only
27 studies had “gender, mobility, migration” in their title, with the highest num-
ber – five publications – in 2009. When the search covered title, abstract, and
keywords, it identified 1,044 publications. The largest increase in their num-
ber occurred in 2011 with 51 publications, up from 35 the preceding year. The
highest peak was in 2019 with 159 publications. The influence of the mobility
perspective in migration studies, as evident in the data presented above, rose
following the launch of the journal Mobilities and Berghahn’s Worlds in Motion
series. Both have published several studies on mobility and migration often
with a gender perspective.63
Figure 5.4 compares the number of publications with the words “mobility,
migration”, and “intersectionality, migration” in the title identified by a search
in Google Scholar. It clearly shows that whereas the transnationalisation of
62 Fresnoza-Flot and Shinozaki (n 6).

63 Noelle K. Brigden, ‘Gender Mobility: Survival Plays and Performing Central American
Migration in Passage’ (2018) 13 (1) Mobilities 111; Christian Groes and Nadine T. Fernandez
(eds), Intimate Mobilities. Sexual Economies, Marriage and Migration in a Disparate World
(Berghahn 2018); and Dawn Lyon, Erica Capussotti and Ioanna Laliotou (eds), Women
Migrants from East to West: Gender, Mobility and Belonging in Contemporary Europe
(Berghahn 2007).
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2000
1800
1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
0
1980-1989 1990-1999 2000-2009 2010-2019
transna!onalism, migra!on mobility, migra!on intersec!onality, migra!on
figure 5.4 Google Scholar publications on transnationalism, mobility, and intersectionality
migration studies continues and the intersectionality approach is on the rise,

the mobility perspective retains its dominant influence in the field. This dom-
inance is probably due to the polyvalence of the “mobility” concept. Scholars
in different research fields and disciplines are applying the concept in their
inquiries, as well as combining it with other perspectives and approaches such
as transnationalism and intersectionality (see for instance the Special Issue
“Mobilities intersections”64 in the journal Mobilities). Furthermore, it is note-
worthy that the three analytical lenses above reinforce the value of the quali-
tative approach to migration studies. Web of Science, for instance, found more
publications (523) with “gender, qualitative, migration” in their title, abstract,
and keywords between 1980 and 2019 than with “gender, quantitative, migra-
tion” (236).
3.5 Diversification of Research Focus

In recent years, the research focus in the field of migration studies has diver-
sified. Scholars are pursuing new lines of inquiry as migratory movements
64 Monika Büscher, Mimi Sheller and David Tyfield, ‘Mobility Intersections: Social Research,
Social Futures’ (2016) 11 (4) Mobilities 485.
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128 Fresnoza-Flot
intensify. These include “super-diversity”65 in global cities, migration of dis-

placed people, and “family-related migration”.66
“Super-diversity” is seen when various categories of difference such as reli-
gion, social class, ethnicity, and nationality intricately intersect at different
facets of social life. The “decline of multiculturalism”67 in Western countries
has led to a rise in popularity of the “super-diversity” concept among migra-
tion scholars, most notably in Europe. Several publications using it as an
analytical lens have revealed the heuristic value of this concept.68 However,
this burgeoning research field has been criticised for excluding from its anal-
ysis the “dimension of power” and for its “ethno-focal lens”.69 At the time of
the bibliometric analysis presented here, 239 works in Google Scholar with
“super-diversity” in the title were identified, but not one of them included
“gender”. Since a gender perspective considers power dynamics and processes,
incorporating it in the analysis would be an effective solution to address the
gaps above.
Another recent phenomenon that has been attracting scholarly attention,
especially in Europe, involves asylum seekers and displaced people from
war-torn and/or poverty-stricken countries in the Middle East and Africa.
Since 2010, studies on migrant refugees have been increasing: Google Scholar
showed 187 publications on this topic between 2000 and 2019, whereas Web
of Science found 446. The latter search engine indicates that these works were
mostly authored by scholars from major countries receiving displaced peo-
ple: the USA, England, Australia, Germany, Canada, the Netherlands, Turkey,
Italy, Sweden, and Switzerland. There are still only a few publications with
“gender, refugees, migration” in their title: only five from 2000 to 2019. This
suggests a need to engender the analysis of the movements of displaced
people.
65 Steven Vertovec, ‘Super-diversity and its Implications’ (2007) 308 (6) Ethnic and Racial
Studies 1024.
66 Eleonore Kofman, ‘Family-related Migration: A Critical Review of European Studies’
(2004) 30 (2) Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 243.
67 Amnon Rubinstein, ‘The Decline, but not Demise, of Multiculturalism’ (2007) 40 (3)
Israel Law Review 763.
68 Mette Louise Berg, ‘Super-diversity, Austerity, and the Production of Precarity: Latin
Americans in London’ (2019) 39 (2) Critical Social Policy 184; and Susanne Wessendorf,
Commonplace Diversity: Social Relations in a Super-diverse Context (Palgrave 2014).
69 Nancy Foner, Jan Willem Duyvendak and Philip Kasinitz, ‘Introduction: Super-diversity in
Everyday Life’ (2019) 42 Ethnic and Racial Studies 1, 3, 14.
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Finally, the migratory wave that has intensified in recent years and has
attracted the interest of scholars is related to families, notably migration by
and/or for marriage leading to “mixed couples” with “different nationalities
and/or ethnicities”.70 Web of Science retrieved 197 publications with “marriage,
migration” in the title during the period 2000–2019. Aside from several articles
and monographs, edited volumes71, and Special Issues72 on the subject mush-
roomed during the second decade of the 21st century. More and more publica-
tions have examined the migration by and/or for marriage through the prism
of intimacy and mobility.73 However, among the 197 publications identified in
Web of Science, only 16 had “gender” in the title. None had “lgbtq, marriage,
migration” in the title. These two aspects represent a gap in this research field
of marriage and migration.
3.6 Expansion beyond the Core Disciplines

Another significant development in migration studies is the unabated expan-
sion beyond the borders of the core disciplines, namely geography, history,
demography, sociology, anthropology, economics, and political science. This
development can be mainly observed in theology and in biology. Web of
Science and Google Scholar provide quantitative data showing the extent of
this growth.
In theology, reflections on human migration can be traced back as far as
the 1960s, during which the first initiatives took place: the organisation of
“national and international theological conferences”, and the publication of
the “writings of some Scalabrinian missionaries” in Rome.74 These missionaries
70 Betty de Hart, Wibo van Rossum and Iris Sportel, ‘Law in the Everyday Lives of
Transnational Families: An Introduction’ (2013) 3 (6) Oñati Socio-Legal Series 995.
71 Nicole Constable (ed), Cross-border Marriages: Gender and Mobility in Transnational Asia
(University of Pennsylvania Press 2010); see also Ishii (n 31) as well as Fresnoza-Flot and
Ricordeau (n 31).
72 See Bonjour and de Hart (n 20); Beate Collet and Anne Unterrreiner, ‘Introduction.
Mixités conjugales et Familiales’ (2017) 14 (1) Recherches familiales 49; Hélène Le
Bail, Marylène Lieber and Gwénola Ricordeau, ‘Migrations par le Mariage et Intimités
transnationales’ (2018) 64 (1) Cahiers du Genre 5 ; Maïté Maskens, ‘L’amour et ses fron-
tières: Régulations étatiques et migrations de mariage (Belgique, France, Suisse et Italie)’
(2013) 150 (6) Migrations société 41; Moret et al. (n 20); and Laura Odasso, ‘Introduction.
Special Issue “Migration, amour et état: Un ménage à trois”’ (2015) 85 Revue de l’Institut
de Sociologie 11.
73 See Groes and Fernandez (n 63).
74 Gioacchino Campese, ‘The Irruption of Migrants: Theology of Migration in the 21st
Century’ (2012) 73 (1) Theological Studies 7.
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130 Fresnoza-Flot
founded Centres for Migration Studies in seven cities around the world to gain
“a deeper understanding of migration in all its aspects”: “New York, Paris, Rome,
Cape Town, São Paulo, Buenos Aires, and Manila”.75 It was in the late 1970s in
the USA that “the first attempts to craft a theology of migration” were made.76
During the first decade of the 21st century, several theological gatherings took
place and publications appeared. In 2008, Groody and Campese proposed a
theology of immigration in their book A promised land. A perilous journey.77
The following years witnessed the publication of several books78 and articles,
notably in the journal Theological Studies. Since it first began, theology of
migration has promoted interdisciplinarity, drawing from different disciplines
of migration. It is not surprising that the Centres for Migration Studies that the
Scalabrinian missionaries founded are the home of some of the leading jour-
nals in the broader field of migration studies, such as International Migration
Review and the Asian and Pacific Migration Journal.
Quantitatively speaking, of the four decades from 1980–2019, Web of
Science and Google Scholar identified the second decade of the 21st century
as the period with the highest number of publications with “theology, migra-
tion” in the title: 37 and 83 respectively. Hence, the second decade of the 21st
century marks the sharp take-off of the theology of migration. This develop-
ment coincided with the surge of scholarly interest in religion in the broader
field of migration studies. As Google Scholar reveals, this increase started in
the period from 1990 to 1999 when 69 publications had “religion, migration”
in the title. This number more than doubled between 2000 and 2009, but the
peak was reached in the period 2010–2019 with 389 publications (see Figure
5.5), as confirmed by Web of Science. During the same period, six publications
appeared with “gender, religion, migration” in the title. However, there are so
far no publications with “gender, theology, migration” in the title in Web of
Science, which indicates a critical gap to address in the theological study of
migration.
75 Scalabriniani, Networks of Study Centers (2015) <https://www.scalabriniani.org/en/fede

razione-dei-centri-di-studio-sulle-migrazioni/> accessed 28 November 2020.
76 ibid.
77 Daniel G. Groody and Gioacchino Campese (eds), A Promised Land, a Perilous Journey.
Theological Perspectives on Migration (University of Notre Dame Press 2008).
78 Gemma T. Cruz, An Intercultural Theology of Migration. Pilgrims in the Wilderness (Brill
2010); Judith Gruber and Sigrid Rettenbacher (eds), Migration as a Sign of the Times.
Towards a Theology of Migration (Brill 2015); and Kristin E. Heyer, Kinship across Borders: A
Christian Ethic of Immigration (Georgetown University Press 2012).
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450
400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
1980-1989 1990-1999 2000-2009 2010-2019
figure 5.5 Google Scholar publications with religion and migration in the title
Since the 2000s, the biological research field of genetics has been contrib-
uting new findings regarding migration by analysing human dna (deoxyribo-
nucleic acid). This process involves examining the Y chromosome that fathers
pass on to their male children and/or the mitochondrial dna (mtDNA) that
mothers transfer to both their male and female offspring. Studies employ-
ing these methods provide fresh knowledge on human mobility across time
and geographical spaces. For example, mtDNA analysis has shown that the
early waves of human migration occurred first within Africa, specifically from
the region called “Makgadikgadi”79 in Southern Africa, before proceeding
to different continents.80 Like the theology of migration, the genetic study
of human mobility promotes interdisciplinarity. Scholars in this field inte-
grate and draw from various disciplines such as anthropology, archaeology,
paleoclimatology, and linguistics to obtain evidence corroborating their dna
79 See the latest findings regarding the “cradle of humanity” by Eva K. F. Chan, Axel
Timmermann, Benedetta F. Baldi, Andy E. Moore, Ruth J. Lyons, Sun-Seon Lee, Anton
M. F. Kalsbeek, Desiree C. Petersen, Hannes Rautenbach, Hagen E. A. Förtsch, M. S. Riana
Bornman and Vanessa M. Hayes, ‘Human Origins in a Southern African Palaeo-wetland
and First Migrations’ (2019) 575 (7781) Nature 185.
80 See also mtDNA “haplogroup migration pattern” in Michelangelo Mancuso, Massimiliano
Filosto, Daniele Orsucci and Gabriele Siciliano, ‘Mitochondrial DNA Sequence Variation
and Neurodegeneration’ (2008) 3 (1) Human genomics 71.
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132 Fresnoza-Flot
analysis. Recently, Reich has demonstrated the value of analyses of ancient

human dna in the study of human mobility.81 Studies using this method
contribute to refuting or calling into question racialising stereotypes and
discourses regarding majority and minority populations in society. They also
help us understand power inequalities in the past that left genetic imprints
on the present-day human population. For example, Reich discusses82 how
the analysis of the Y chromosome can identify “star clusters” in which a pop-
ulation of men sharing a common male ancestor is spread across many coun-
tries and generations.
Despite its novel findings, genetic research on migration appears to be gain-
ing ground more slowly than the theology of migration in quantitative terms.
Google Scholar and Web of Science identified only 12 and 8 publications,
respectively, with “genetics, human migration” in the title between 2000 and
2019. Likewise, these search engines found only 41 and 29 works, respectively,
with “dna, human migration” in the title, and not all of these studies focused
on human migration. Moreover, no publications with “gender, dna, human
migration” and “gender, genetics, human migration” in the title were retrieved
by Web of Science. As with theology of migration, there is a need in this new
field of migration research to adopt a gender frame in the analysis, a lens that
focuses on relational aspects and moves beyond the mere description of differ-
ences between sex categories of “male” and “female”.
4 Discussion and Conclusion
The present chapter provides new insights regarding the state of gender and
migration scholarship and on the broader migration studies. It unveils lacunas
that should be addressed to attain gender equality in migration studies and
to deepen the reflection about the gender–power nexus in this research field.
Based on the quantitative data and, to a lesser extent, on the qualitative
data analyses, the gender gaps in migration studies identified in this chapter
can be summarised as follows. First, the visibility of women, or for other schol-
ars the “over-visibility of women” in migration studies, unintentionally leads
to feminised gender in the field, which overlooks other socially constructed
categories of difference and the dynamics of power among them. Hence, the
81 David Reich, Who We are and How We Got Here: Ancient DNA and the New Science of the
Human Past (Oxford University Press 2018).
82 ibid.
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numerical dominance of migrant men that we observe in present-day migra-

tion statistics does not automatically translate into many more publications
about them compared to research focusing on migrant women. Second, het-
eronormativity still prevails in migration studies, which slows down the inclu-
sion of sexuality and queer perspectives. This explains why the voices and
experiences of lgbtq migrants, notably beyond Europe and the usa, remain
marginal in migration scholarship compared to their heterosexual counter-
parts. And third, although gender and migration scholarship has brought to
the fore the analytical effectiveness of a gender approach to migration, its
influence has not yet permeated the broader migration studies: for example,
the theology of migration and genetic studies of human mobility. The reflex of
“bringing gender in”83, therefore, does not appear to be well developed in this
field as yet.
There are at least three factors that can explain the gaps described above,
which are not necessarily related to one another. First, since the evolution of
gender and migration scholarship across countries and regions is not uniform,
neither are the broader migration studies; there are many socio-geographic
contexts in the world where gender and migration research is still in its first
or second phase of development. Second, the compartmentalised “nature of
social science”84 engenders compartmentalised migration studies in which
scholars continue to working within the constraints of their disciplines or
research areas, with little or no contact or dialogue with scholars outside their
fields. And third, there is also a compartmentalised geography of migration
studies reflecting the “Global South–Global North” relations of inequalities.
Widely held theoretical perspectives on migration still originate mostly from
the “Global North” and scholars from this region still dominate in terms of the
number of publications and research outputs on human mobility.
To address the non-uniform development and compartmentalised char-
acteristics of transnational migration studies, the present chapter calls for
more analytical rigour in migration research. This can be achieved in three
ways: adopting an intersectional approach, considering its “contextuality”,
and paying attention to “the issue of simultaneity in analysing transnational
experiences and practices”.85 The lens of transnationalism appears effective
83 Patricia R. Pessar and Sarah J. Mahler, ‘Transnational Migration: Bringing Gender In’
(2003) 37 (3) International Migration Review 812.
84 Hondagneu-Sotelo (n 9) 227.
85 Fresnoza-Flot and Shinozaki (n 6) 875.
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134 Fresnoza-Flot
to pursue inclusiveness in migration studies as it compels scholars to expand

their analytical horizons to the societies of origin of migrants, their historical
ties (colonial or post-colonial) with migrant-receiving countries, the social and
legal norms that prevail, and their influence on migrants’ lives, positionality
and sense-making. Combining the lens of transnationalism with other analyt-
ical approaches, such as intersectionality, makes it powerful tool to unveil the
nuances and subtleties of migrants’ experiences.
Furthermore, there is a need for immediate transnational collaborative
actions to bring migration studies to the next level by making the field more
diversified, interdisciplinary, and gender sensitive. These actions will entail
cooperation among scholars with diverse socio-demographic backgrounds,
working in distinct research fields and disciplines, from economically devel-
oping and developed countries, as well as at different stages in their research
and/or academic careers. Such cooperation can take various forms, such as col-
laborative research projects, sharing data, co-authoring scholarly publications,
co-organising scientific events such as seminars and conferences, or making
these events accessible to researchers with little or no funding, particularly in
the times of a global pandemic that exacerbates the social inequalities around
the world. It is through these collaborations that scholars can avoid “methodo-
logical nationalism”,86 remedy the “unequal internationalization”87of the field,
and, by doing so, reduce inequalities in knowledge production. Transnational
collaborations are urgently needed to understand human migration in terms
of the gender–power nexus.
Acknowledgements
Previous versions of this chapter were presented at two events in

Switzerland: the Know the gap Lecture Series focusing on “Talking gender,
equality and diversity” at the World Trade Institute (wti) at the University of
Bern on 19 February 2020; and as a keynote lecture on 2 July 2021 during the 4th
Neuchâtel Graduate Conference of Migration and Mobility Studies organised
by the nccr – On the Move of the Swiss National Science Foundation. I thank
86 Andreas Wimmer and Nina Glick Schiller, ‘Methodological Nationalism and Beyond:
Nation-state Building, Migration and the Social Sciences’ (2002) 2 (4) Global Networks
301.
87 Eleonore Kofman, ‘Unequal Internationalisation and the Emergence of a New Epistemic
Community: Gender and Migration’ (2020) 8 (36) Comparative Migration Studies 2.
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61 44 1224
Elisa Fornalé of the wti, Robin Stünzi of the nccr – On the Move, and Janine
Dahinden of University of Neuchâtel for giving me the opportunity to share
my analysis and reflections regarding gender gaps in migration studies.
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Required reading 1.

Ravenstein E. G. 1885. The laws of migration. Journal of the Statistical

JOURNAL OF THE STATISTICAL SOCIETY,

The LAWSof MIGRATION. EsQ.,

1871. per cent. 1881.

I Number. I Per Cevt.

Born in England and Wales ........ 24,855,822 95'69

Born in Scotland ............................ 3,397,759 90'96

Total ....................... 3,735,573 IOO'OO

Born in Ireland ............................ 5,062,287

Total ........................ 5,174,836*

* Including I ,047persons whose place of birth is not known.

Numbers. Per Cent.

................ 2,527,794 68'81

Natives of County where born ................ 4,534,699

The more active migration of Great Britain is only what might

These proportions are just what might have been expected.

per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Percent.

England and Wales.... 16,921,436 74-04 77'5 I 18,699,922 7z.m 74'75

The proportion of the native element for each county is shown

Its smallness, when compared with the native county element,

There are fifteen counties in which the Irish element exceeds

Of ~ o , o o od i v e s of lrel~indenumerated in Englad and W n k as many

Average Annual Rate

The Scotch Element in England and Wu1es.-The natives of

Proportion of Migrants Euumerated in

The proportions refer, as a matter of course, to migration from

+ On an average each province of Holland has an area of I , r 50 square miles

ATatives of Counties short of the Population of Counties, in per Cents.

t * Sussex ................ * Nerioneth ........ 1.8

* Sir Brydges P. Henniker, the registrar-general, considers that those counties

in excess of the Population of Counties. i n per Cents.

* Kinross ................ 26'1 *Berwick ................ 13'9 f Linlithgow ....

* Wicklow ............ 25'3 f Down .................... 5'6 *Donegal ........ 1'9

Natives of the Natives of Pro ortion of

Extra-metropolitan Middlescx............ 97,736 94,848 97

I,r 64,07I 584,700 50

We thus see that for every hundred strangers who settle iu

The Dispersion of Higrants Illastrated.

Dispersion of the Yigrants from Dublin County.

Per Cent. Per Cent.

Third belt ........... 6,112 23.26 0'56

We will next consider the migration from the counties of

Per Cetlt. l'er Cetlt.

South-east England ........ 1.71

Lancashire ................................. I 7,456 7.40 0.5I

For our third illustration we go to Perthshire in Scotland.

The Absorption of Migrants Illustrated .

Percentage Percentage Percentage of

Warwickshire ................................ 518,436

Gloucester, Oxford, Northampton, Leicester, Stafford, and Worcester.

Proportion of the natives

Woman is a greater migrant than man. This may surprise

Residing in county where born ........ 104 108 104 105

These proportions show very clearly that females are more

The Laws of Migration and the Towns.

Paisley ................................ 34,862 61'76 16.51 -

Percentage Percentage of Percentage