Slums in Peru

The Barriadas of Lima: Slums of Hope or Despair? Problems or Solutions?
Author(s): BILL CHAMBERS

Source: Geography , Autumn 2005, Vol. 90, No. 3 (Autumn 2005), pp. 200-224
Published by: Geographical Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40574091
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GEOGRAPHY 2005 Annual ABSTRACT: Squatter settlements (barriadas) are
a very significant element in the urban growth
VOLUME 90(3) of Lima, Peru. Barriadas are residential
PAGES 200-224
Conference: communities formed by low-income families in
which the houses are constructed in large
measure by the residents themselves, and which
Presidential Address are frequently formed illegally. Many areas
originally formed as barriadas have become
integrated into the city as working-class
The Barriadas of Lima: suburbs. Various estimates suggest that over 40%
of the city started as barriadas. Originally they
Slums of Hope or
Geography ©2005
were the product of migration from the Andes

Despair? and coast of Peru as a result of the continued
Problems or Solutions? primacy of Lima with its attractions and the
poverty of the rest of the country. This poverty is
a result of physical geography and political
BILL CHAMBERS
elements such as land tenure, terms of trade,
guerrilla movements and the coca trade.
Fundamental to understanding barriadas is the
This paper is based upon the Presidential Address invasion of land and the consolidation and
given by Professor Bill Chambers at the 2005
progressive development of communities over
Annual Conference of the Association at Pride long periods. Barriadas are believed by some to
be the only way in which, with government
Park, Derby. It is the product of over 40 years living
in, studying and teaching about the barriadasacquiescence,
of Peru has been able to cope with
Lima. Bill Chambers was introduced to the the demands of millions of people for housing
barriadas when he was sent to Lima as a school- and social mobility. Others see barriadas more
leaver volunteer for Voluntary Service Overseas negatively
in as slums and problems. This is not
1964. His project was designed by the British the view of the author who has studied the
architect, John Turner, who had been working phenomenon
in over 40 years. Recent developments
Lima with the Peruvian housing ministry. Thesuggest that far from being peripheral and a
project allowed teams of young British school-drain on the society and economy of Lima, the
leaver volunteers and apprentice electricians toinformal economies of barriadas may be a
contribute to the gradual improvement ofcatalyst for growth and a fundamental restruct-
squatter housing through the provision uring of and reorganisation of the whole city.
technical assistance. The teams lived with families
in the squatter settlements. Introduction
From September 1964 until May 1965,
Chambers lived in Carmen de la Legua on the left
bank of the Rio Rimac, downstream from lima. In Barriadas are the Peruvian form of a global
May he moved to Comas to the north of the city, phenomenon called squatter settlements. In most
where he stayed until October 1965. During his of the world squatter settlements are perceived as
time in lima he worked with Ralph Pattisson, an aberrations and an insult to humanity. They are
architecture student from Newcastle University seen as hotbeds of political intrigue and poverty
who lived in the barriada of El Ermitaño during and as places where disease and crime are rife.
1965. This paper, based upon 40 years of living in,
Subsequently they continued to research the studying and visiting the barriadas of lima,
barriadas whenever Pattisson returned as he challenges these stereotypes and asks two
prepared to marry his Peruvian girlfriend, orquestions.
when Are the barriadas of lima slums of
Chambers returned on family holidays in 1982 hope
andor slums of despair? Are the barriadas
2003. From 1973 until 2000 Professor Chambers
problems or solutions to problems?
taught the geography of Latin America to Stokes (1962) first identified the 'slums of
hope and despair' dichotomy to describe the
undergraduates at Liverpool Hope University.
This paper is dedicated to John Turnerphysical
and and social conditions of the inhabitants
200 Ralph Pattisson. of very different areas of poor housing in
economically less developed countries.

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Inhabitants of the former are upwardly mobile, smell) the city centre cerros of El Agustino and
GEOGRAPHY
positive, and live in improving conditions, whilst San Cosme. However an alternative view is that far
those living in the latter are following a downward from being problems, barriadas are the only 2005 ANNUAL
trajectory, pessimistic about their future, and live viable solution to the economic, political and land CONFERENCE:
in stagnating conditions. tenure problems of the rest of Peru. Turner argues PRESIDENTIAL
Outsiders travelling from Jorge Chavez, that the barriadas are the only feasible solutions ADDRESS
Lima's international airport, past the barriadas of to the rapid urbanisation problem (Plunkett,
San Martin de Porres and Carmen de la Legua, will 1963). This is the view of the author.
almost certainly consider them to be problems. The barriada was defined by Collier (1975,
This view will be confirmed when they see (and p. 18) as:
Geography © 2005
201
Figure 1: Peru: regions and places mentioned in text.

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0 A residential community formed by low income Andes reach a height of 6768m at Huáscar
families an.
GEOGRAPHY
in which the houses are constructed in large This is theby
measure world of the Incas. Las Sierras are
2005 ANNUAL home tobut
the residents themselves and which are generally sheep, llamas, vicuñas and alpacas and
CONFERENCE: not exclusively formed illegally. source of some of the richest lead, iron, gold,
PRESIDENTIAL silver and copper mines in the world. Potatoes are
They were initially called urbanizaciones
ADDRESS
clandestinas but in 1953 were officially indigenous. However, unfavourable terms of
trade for mineral and agricultural commodities,
designated as barriadas. Subsequently they have
unfair land tenure, risk of volcanic and tectonic
been called urbanizaciones populares,
hazards, steep slopes and thin soils mean that the
urbanizaciones marginales, pueblos jóvenes and
poorest parts of Peru are in the Andes, and that
most recently asentamientos humanos. These
these areas are most susceptible to extremist
Geography ©2005
terms are the Peruvian equivalent of favelas in
guerrilla movements (Strong, 1992; Kent, 1993).
Brazil, barrios in Colombia and Ecuador,
At the junction between the Andes and La
callampas in Chile, ranchos in Venezuela and
Selva is the area known as la Ceja de la Selva
colonios prolearios in Mexico.
(literally, eyebrow of the jungle, since it overlooks
In this paper the term barriada, while dated,
La Selva). This is the source of coca leaves and
will be used to describe the squatter settlements
currently the area of greatest growth of the
which are the focus of this study.
narcotics industry in Peru. This in turn leads to
civil unrest (Morales, 1989).
Peru La Selva has traditionally been the most
isolated part of Peru. The major Amazon river port
of Iquitos, the ninth largest town in Peru, remains
unconnected with Lima by road. Since the
Peru is a republic situated on the western side of
South America, just south of the Equator. nineteenth
It century, a succession of presidents
comprises four contrasting ecological zones,and el visionaries (e.g. President Belaunde) have
perceived La Selva as a region of the greatest
Mar, la Costa, las Sierras and la Selva (Figure 1),
potential. They have encouraged colonisation by
but only fifteen per cent of its territory is suitable
for agriculture. southern and eastern European immigrants and
others, and dreamed of the development of
El Mar, the Pacific Ocean, in the nineteenth
century provided guano as a fertiliser for thehighways (e.g. the Carretera Marginal de la
world and in the late 1960s was the source of theSelva) linking Peru with Brazil. These have been
largely unsuccessful and, apart from ecotourism
largest fishery and fishmeal industry in the world
(mainly anchovies). and narcotics, the major economically profitable
La Costa is almost entirely desert. Theactivities va La Selva are the logging of hardwoods
Atacama is the driest desert in the world. It is a
and the extraction of oil and gas.
zone of varying width crossed by over 50 rivers Peru is a large country, five times the size of
the UK, but with half its population (Table 1). The
with sources in the glaciers, snow patches and
mountains of the Andes. Where the rivers cut population density is low, with large areas of the
across the coastal desert the water is used for the
irrigation of commercial crops such as cotton,Table 1
sugar cane and, more recently, asparagus andA comparison of Peru and the
broccoli, cultivated with high technology, highlyUnited Kingdom
mechanised and fertilised. Most of the land has
been, or is, owned by absentee or foreign, private
or corporate, landowners. Between the rivers,
apart from isolated salt pans, the northern
oilfields and the southern vineyards there is little
of economic significance. La Costa is vulnerable to
the Niño phenomenon and the events of the
1980s and 1990s had a catastrophic impact on its
economy, housing, agriculture and transport.
Las Sierras comprise the Andes, the second
highest mountain range in the world. The range is
highly active tectonically because of its location at
202 the junction of the South American and Nazca
Plates (Degg and Chester, 2005). The Peruvian
Source: World Bank (2004).

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Table 2
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Population distribution (%) by regions of Peru, 1876-2001
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ADDRESS
Source: Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informatica (INEI).
country (for example in the Atacama desert andcoast, mainly in the city and region of lima. The
the high Andes) with few, if any, inhabitants.percentage
On of the population in the Andes fell by Geography © 2005
the United Nations Human Development Index half, and the development of La Selva saw its
population
(2002) Peru is 85th out of 174 countries (the UK is increase to more than 10% of the
12th), and so it is not among the poorest less country's inhabitants.
developed countries, especially when compared
with parts of Africa and Asia. Its GNP however is
tiny compared with that of the UK. Per capita Migration
electricity consumption is just over 10% and the
use of fertilisers 0.5% of the UK's. Not surprisingly,
The process of migration which is largely
infant mortality rates are on average six times as
responsible for these changes in population
high as in the UK, but in certain regions of the
distribution is mainly the product of the primacy
Andes this figure exceeds 100 per 1000 new-born
of Uma (Table 3).
children in the first year of life, compared with the
There are many reasons for the primacy of
UK's figure of 5 per 1000. Peru is a rapidly
lima, but the most important is its capital city
urbanising country and in 2004 74% of the
function with the associated employment and
population lived in urban areas.
cultural opportunities. Also important is the
The majority of the population of Peru has
juxtaposition of the port of Callao, part of the
long occupied the Andes, which comprise 26% of
same functional unit. Both the export of raw
Peru's surface area (Table 2). This pattern was
materials from the coastal cotton and sugar
evident throughout the Inca and the Spanish
plantations and Andean mines, and the import of
Colonial periods and during the start of the period
luxurious foreign consumer durables so beloved
of Independence (in 1821). During this time the
by the upper and middle classes, are channelled
vast Selva, comprising 63% of the territory, was
through Callao, providing employment and
home to less than 1% of the population. As late as
revenue. A historical reason for Lima's primacy is
1876, three-quarters of the Peruvian population
lived in the Andes while the coastal zone was the fact that lima was the base for the Spanish
Viceroy during the Colonial period. This led to the
home to less than a quarter of the population.
With the advent of industrialisation and the emergence of lima as the only legal trading port
for Spanish Latin America, a dominance which
twentieth century, great changes in the demo-
extended over the Andes as far as modern
graphy took place and the coastal barriadas are
Argentina.
the results. By 2001, while the total population of
Migration, at its peak in the 1960s, was the
all three regions had increased, the proportion in
cause of over 50% of population growth in lima
each of the zones had shifted dramatically, with
and approximately 75% of the inhabitants were
over 53% of the population now living on the
migrants. Some 40% of the migrants were fromZtf
Costa and 50% from Las Sierras. The single main
Table 3
source of migrants was the central-southern area
The primacy of lima of the Andes in the departments of Ayacucho,
Huancavelica and Apurimac. Smith (1968) and
Slater (1975) mapped regional variations in living
standards or development in Peru using a variety
of socio-economic indicators (Smith, 1979)
(Figure 2). They both identified the central-
southern Andes, as well as the altiplano around
Puno and Lake Titicaca (with Cuzco known as 203
Source: Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informatica (INEI). mancha india) and the northern Andean

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GEOGRAPHY
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Figure 2: Peru: two views of regional variations in living standards. Source: David M. Smith (1979).
departments of Cajamarca and Amazonas, as by

portrayed least
tourist brochures, rural life in Peru is
advanced and therefore potentially thehard.
most Access
likelyto basic services such as running
water, sewage removal, electricity, surfaced roads,
source of migrants. Migrants are characteristically
doctors,Some
young and ambitious and often single. hospital beds, dentists, television and
travel by step migration from smalltelephones
villages istolimited when compared with lima.
towns and then cities but the majority
Similarly,now
associated quality and duration of life
indicators and
migrate in one step to join family members show a marked contrast (Table 4). In
neighbours (paisanos) in lima. addition to the lack of basic services, great
inequalities in land tenure mean that the Andean
Migration to lima is not a new phenomenon.
campesino
It started in the early twentieth century followinghas little or no land. The plots of land
are Chester,
earthquakes in the Andes (Degg and constantly being subdivided and becoming
2005); this continues to be a push factor less and less viable. Any land is marginal and soils
although
lima itself is as vulnerable to this hazard are thin, infertile and vulnerable to flooding,
as any
rural or Andean location. erosion and landslides. As a result, the lack of land
Another physical factor which has caused on which to grow crops and graze livestock means
migration to lima in recent years has been the that poverty is a major impediment to security.
recurrent El Niño effect. In 1982/3 (Caviedes, 1985) Without other employment on haciendas or in
and 1998 this flooding caused large-scale mines, legal economic opportunities are limited
devastation throughout the country. In 1982/3 it and the more ambitious young people have little
contributed to a fall of 12.6% in the GDP In 1998 choice but to migrate to the opportunities of
there were 70 deaths, 22,000 people made home- lima.
less and the formation of La Niña Lake, 40km wide Rural poverty also leads to high rates of infant
by 300km long (CNN, 28th January 1998). These mortality, which in some parts of the southern
events have also led to migration to lima from the Andes reaches over 100 per 1000 births in the first
year (Anon, 1991). Considerable variations in
northern coastal Sechura desert areas near Piura.
A third factor causing migration is ruralmortality exist not only geographically but also as
204 a result of the education of the mother. Bitran,
poverty which, in turn, is frequently associated
with land tenure. Despite the idyllic picture
Ma and Ubilla (2000) show the contrasts in child

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Table 4
GEOGRAPHY
Peru: Socio-economic indicators of development by department
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Source: Atlas Departmental del Peru (2003)
Table 5 killed (over half by the police and army) and

Child mortality rates by region and damage to the value of US $25 billion was caused
mother's education (1997) (Diaz-Iimaco, 1998). In the period 1988-2003
Iima/Callao gained 351,670 people by internal
migration (INEI, 2002), the majority from the
Sierran departments of Junin (net loss of 66,519),
Ancash (43,956) and Ayacucho (34,615) where the
guerrillas were most active.
Finally, the growth of the cocaine business in
the 1990s in the Ceja de la Selva (and La Selva) led
to localised wealth in towns such as Tingo Maria
(which Morales (1989, p. 95) called the 'white city',
after the colour of cocaine powder), and to the
high rate of growth of towns such as Tarapoto
(6.9% in 1996), Pucallpa (5.6%), and Moyobamba
Source: Bitran, Ma and Ubilla (2000). (4.6%) compared even with the 2% pa of lima.
However, overall the population of the area was
mortality per thousand (Table 5), with the highestaffected by large-scale migration by many peace-
rates being incurred by uneducated women loving inhabitants. Between 1988 and 1993 over
from the Sierra. This is another factor which 53,598 left San Martin department (which includes
encourages young ambitious families to migrate Tarapoto and Moyobamba), compared with 16,509
to Lima. between 1976 and 1981. Of these a large
Since the 1980s, the Sendero Luminoso proportion (16,707 in the latter period and 6551 in
(Shining Path) guerrilla movement has also the earlier period) went to lima (INEI, 2002).
caused large-scale migration to Lima (Strong,
1992; Kent, 1993). While Lima is not free from Housing in Lima
Migrants who arrive in lima are almost always poor.
such terrorism, its impact is felt most in rural parts
of the Andes where individuals are placed inThey have few financial resources although they
impossible situations. If they follow the may have many relatives, paisanos and
instructions of the guerrillas they are the butt of compadrazgos (godparents) from whom they can
the Peruvian military and police. If they follow the obtain support. In the 1960s many migrants initially
instructions of the military and the police they are settled in the city centre (Turner, 1963; Mangin,
the victims of terrorist violence. A map showing 1967). However from the 1980s onwards an
the years in which a state of emergency was increasing number migrated directly to the periph-
declared by the authorities (Figure 3) suggests a ery of the city to live with family and paisanos. In
strong relationship with the departments where recent decades the inhabitants of the barriadas are
migration is at its greatest. During the violencia increasingly second-generation migrants born and205
between 1980 and 1997 over 30,000 people were educated in lima (Joseph, 2004).

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Figure 3: Peru: Departments under states of emergency, 1981-90. Source: Strong, S. (1992).
standpipe
In the city centre there is a variety of housing at the far end. The alleyway is usu
'festooned
opportunities available to recent arrivals. The vastwith laundry' (Lloyd, 1980, p.39). P
(1961)
majority of migrants locate in slums (turgurios).described one measuring approxima
These take a variety of forms. Over 64% live 35m
20m by in occupied by 30 families with a to
population
tenements called callejones. These are purpose- of 158 people.
Five
built alleyways constructed until the 1930s. Theyper cent live in corralones. These a
206 single
have single-room apartments at right angles to undeveloped
the plots of land often engulf
alleyway, with one source of light and bya the
single
expansion of the city. Gradually these p

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Figure 4: Land for sale:
Urbanización Torreblanca, GEOGRAPHY
Cono Norte, 2003.
Photo: Bill Chambers. 2005 ANNUAL
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become filled by a mass of dwellings constructed The poverty of the country and the lack of
of all sorts of materials. Alderson-Smith (1975)mortgages and other forms of credit also means
described the development of one such corralón. that the private sector is poorly developed and so
Some migrants (20%) locate in purpose-builtspeculative development is rare. It is, however,
workers' housing in areas such as Barrios Altos,not unknown. In 2003 the author observed private
La Victoria and Rimac, and others (11%) in plots for sale north of the city at Urbanización
decaying mansions of a departed bourgeoisie Torreblanca Zone B (Figure 4). Here 120m2 plots
which, as in other parts of the world, are sub-let. fronting the main road with water, drainage, light
Lima has few alternatives to the turgurios and asphalt roads were available for US$53 per m2
described above. The country is poor. It does not at US$148 per month for 69 months.
have the resources to begin to meet the needs of In the absence of enough housing, squatter
the thousands of migrants who arrive each year in settlements have inevitably developed on the
Lima. Government housing projects are rare and periphery of the city.
often for particular groups of privileged
employees such as the military or the police.
Obtaining loans from private, international or The growth of Lima
world banks is unattractive and ineffective, partly
because of their requirement that the housing
meets minimum modern standards and The growth of Lima's population followed a
gradual
installations prior to settlement. These pattern until the mid-twentieth century.
conditions
are expensive and therefore allow the Since then the population has increased to its
government to construct only a limited numbercurrent
of 8,187,000, doubling approximately every
(albeit high-quality) units. Turner (1967a) has
20 years since 1941 until the slow down of the late
twentieth century (Table 6).
criticised these 'instant development procedures'
which tend to characterise official housing Squatter settlements are a manifestation of
policies (in Peru and elsewhere). the increased urban population and the inability
He challenges three assumptions: that high
of the state or private sector to provide sufficient
structural and equipment standards should takeadditional accommodation:
precedence over high space standards; that
households can and should move when their
Q Almost no low-cost housing has been provided in Lima
in recent decades, either by government or by other
socio-economic status has changed; and that the
public bodies, or on a smaller scale by middle-class
function of a house is to provide a hygienic and enterprise' (Lloyd, 1980, p. 143).
private
comfortable shelter. He considers, quoting Patrick
Geddes (1918), that the essential need of aBetween
family 1949 and 1959 an average of 5476 units
is room and that the essential improvement were built
is p.a. and yet 50,000 people invaded land
more room. He argues that progressive in Lima (Turner et al , 1963, p. 389). In I960 Lima's
development or consolidation is the more population increased by 100,000, yet only 207
6100
appropriate approach for Peruvian squatters. private and 380 public sector homes were built.

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Figure 5: lima: Location of squatter settlements.
208

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Tableó
GEOGRAPHY
lima and Peru population growth, 1940-1993
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Source: INEI (1994).
Geography © 2005
Harris et al (1963, quoted in Dyer, 1975) claim
strewn floodplain of the Rimac downstream from
that an average of 6847 housing units Lima at San Martin de Porres and Carmen de la
were
Legua in
completed annually from 1950 to I960, mostly bythe 1950s. This was followed by the
development of the arid re-entrant valleys of the
the private sector, but at this time the population
was growing by 80,000 or even 100,000 Andean foothills to the north of lima, which
p.a.,
opened p.a.
requiring 16,000 to 20,000 new housing units onto the cotton and sugar cane cultivated
Between 1972 and 1981, Lima's housing stock
haciendas of the floodplain of the Rio Chillón.
increased by 33% but its population grew Here
byduring
40%. the late 1950s and 1960s places such
Between 1993 and 1996, 700 new informal as Comas and El Ermitaño developed rapidly and
settlements emerged in Lima and 200 land with considerable notoriety (Mangin, 1963). In the
invasions took place between 1998 and 2003 1970s and 1980s the occupation of the Atacama
(Escalante, 2003). desert to the south of lima commenced at Villa el
There is a distinctive spatial dimension to the Salvador. This was then followed by the
growth of poor housing in lima (Figure 5 and Table development of the infill suburb of Los Olivos
7). Matos Mar (1977) has mapped the growth of within the existing mancha urbana ('urban stain')
Lima's barriadas in 1957, 1967 and 1977 (Figure of lima from 1980 to the present. The most recent
6). Prior to this period, in the 1920s and 1940s, development has taken place to the east of lima in
inner-city infill took place around districts such as the Cono Este at San Juan de Lurigancho.
Medocita and Matute. The developments in the Between 1940 and 1984 the areal extent of
1940s were of the inner-city cerros, including El Lima increased from 3900ha to 35,OOOha. This
Agustino and San Cosme. These cerros or steep growth continued to 70,000ha in 2000 and by
hillsides were on the northern side of the central
2015 it is expected that Lima will cover an area of
business district across the Rio Rimac from the99,600ha (INEI, 1993, quoted in Golda-Pongratz,
2004).
President's Palace, and in close proximity to the
city market and bullring. These were followed by The proportion of Lima which originated as a
the development of both banks of the boulder- squatter settlement has increased. In 1956 the
209
Figure 6: Lima: The growth of the barriadas 1957-1977. Source: Matos Mar, J. (1977).

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Table 7
GEOGRAPHY
The development of squatter settlements in lima: temporal and spatial elements
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figure was 120,000; by 1983 it had risen to marginal2 and peripheral developments but largely
million, and it is now estimated that 3,900,000by subdivision of plots and increasing the height
of individual properties (Table 8).
(40%) of the capital's 7.8 million population live in
the more or less consolidated informal city
(Golda-Pongratz, 2004).
The Instituto Libertad y Democracia (1989)
The processes of
calculated that approximately 45% of Lima's barriada growth
population in 1982 lived in what it termed 'formal
housing' - that is housing built in accordance with
the norms of property rights, legal transactions a. Invasions
and contracts. About 47% lived in 'informal
For many years the dominant model was tha
settlements' (squatter settlements of a wide
proposed by John Turner (1968). This comprise
variety of descriptions) while 7% lived in rental
step migration to lima, to city centre locations
slum housing' (Dietz, 1998, p. 69).
residence in city centres, invasion of periphera
At the same time as the urban extent has
land and progressive development of plots an
increased so has the density of the settlements.
communities. This was undoubtedly the
For example, following its initial invasion and
prevailing model until the 1980s, although even
settlement in the 1960s and 1970s, Comas has
before then Collier (1976) had noted three
continued to increase its population partly by
different forms of development: the classical
clandestine 'invasion', the 'gradual formation' of
Table 8
illegally occupied land and the 'government
Comas: Population growth 1958-2010 authorisation' projects. In a survey of 136
settlements, Collier categorised 37% as of invasion
origin, 30% gradual formation and 30%
government authorisation. If measured by
population, the figures changed markedly
towards the importance of government
authorisation which accounted for 61% of the
210 population, while invasions accounted for 27%
Source: www.comasweb.pe and gradual occupation only 11%.

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Fundamental to, and characteristic of, the or credibility, are also common (Olortegui, 2001).
GEOGRAPHY
growth of barriadas in lima is the process of Locations are also carefully chosen to include
invasion. The timing and locations of invasions are land owned by the state, the church, prominent 2005 ANNUAL
highly organised. They are planned, often by politicians and absentee landlords, and low-quality CONFERENCE:
'bridgeheaders' (Turner, 1968) who have land whether it is steep cerros (e.g. El Agustino), PRESIDENTIAL
established themselves in the city. These haveboulder-strewn floodplains (e.g. San Martin de ADDRESS
resources, social and kinship networks and pay toPorres), mountain foothills (Comas), open sandy
join an invasion committee that meets on a regular deserts (Villa el Salvador) or anywhere beyond the
basis to identify potential sites for invasion, to influence of the irrigation canals (El Ermitaño).
commission surveyors, and to plan the layout of
the settlement and the invasion strategy. b. Progressive development, Geography © 2005
The timing is crucial to the success of the consolidation or positive adaptation

invasion. Days are chosen when potential A defining characteristic of all barriadas is the
opposition is likely to be minimal or politically process of consolidation, which can be applied to
unacceptable, because if the invaders manage to the physical development of housing, utilities,
stay for more than 24 hours without being evicted community buildings, infrastructure and
they can apply for legal tenure. Such occasions employment, but equally to individual and familial
include weekends (when police and military leave social mobility. The rate of development depends
reduce staffing levels), holy days such as Easter on a range of factors including financial resources,
and Christmas (when the invaders can appeal to health, motivation, community spirit, individual
the religiosity of the authorities and landowners), and community priorities and government policy.
and national festivals such as the 28th July, or the Turner (1967b) proposed a model of development
Feast of Santa Rosa de Quives (the patron saint of based upon three phases: the incipient (1-2 years),
Lima), or Labour Day, when they appeal to the the developing (4-5 years) and the complete (10-
common nationality or civic responsibility of the 12 years), and upon five categories: land surface,
other gatekeepers. Invasions at (frequent) times structures, public utilities, community facilities
of government turmoil, when it loses popularity and communications (Table 9).
Table 9
Squatter settlement: Progressive development and consolidation
211
Source: Turner (1967b)

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
i Homes
GEOGRAPHY
The most obvious form of consolidation is that of Carmen de La Legua
2005 ANNUAL homes. Almost all barriada homes follow the (The Salazar family home)
CONFERENCE: Visits to my home in Carmen de la Legua
same identical sequence of development from
PRESIDENTIAL start to finish (Turner, 1963; Matos Mar, 1977; between 1965 and 2003 illustrate some
ADDRESS Burga and Delpech, 1988). The process starts with aspects of progressive development (Figure
the assembly of the chosa, a hut of four sheets 7).of
In 1965 the house comprised a one-storey
esteras (reed matting), with a roof made building of of materiales nobles with a concrete
another sheet oí esteras or other materials such as roof. It had two rooms, each used as a
cement bags or polythene. In exceptional cases, bedroom, one for the family of husband, wife
Geography © 2005
the chosa may be made of other assembled and three young daughters, the other let to
materials such as wood and flattened metal the three British volunteers, of whom the
cylinders. Torribio (1992, p. 278) describes the was one. At the back of the plot was
author
ingredients for a chosa as follows: another room which was a kitchen, a garden
Q'Four esteras for the walls. Four wood posts for withthebanana tree and an external standpipe
andfor
corners. Five longer posts for the beams. Cardboard sink. The street outside was unconsoli-
the roof. And wire to tie everything together.
dated and boulder-strewn with piles of bricks
Some homes remain as chosas for many years,
and roofing tiles waiting to be used, and
especially where poverty, illness or poor motiva-
occupied by packs of often rabid dogs.
tion intervene; others with savings move
immediately to the next stage where a peripheral
wall of brick or adobe is constructed around the
plot (often 8m x 20m) to establish ownership, and
for privacy and security. Once this is constructed
the building of the casa noble begins with the
addition of internal brick walls for bedrooms, living
rooms, dining rooms, kitchens and bathrooms. As
each room is constructed, a temporary roof of
matting, mud and reed, wood, polythene or metal
is added. At this stage the home is one storey, and
typically has no glass windows or internal doors
and the floor will almost certainly be of compacted
mud. Thus far the home will have been largely
constructed on a reciprocal basis by the family and
friends and, for more specialist tasks, by
professional builders or maestros.
The next stage is crucial and converts a
temporary building to a permanent construction
through the addition of a reinforced concrete
roof. The skills required for this stage and
associated labour and material costs (cement,
steel reinforcement, tiles and electrical services)
mean that this is the most expensive single stage
in the development of the barriada casa noble.
Many homes reach a standstill before this stage is
completed but others reach this stage after 10-20
years of building and saving.
Once the concrete róof is added, the interior
of the dwelling is protected from sun, light, dust
and rare rainfall. The house is also more secure. At
this stage walls may be plastered, concrete floors
laid and tiled, interior doors fitted, and electric
fittings, glass windows and shutters added.
Following this, the family starts again at first-
floor level with the construction of a new round of
212 chosas. It is not unusual for three-storey houses to Figure 7: The Salazar home in Carmen de la Legua, 1965-2003.
be built and for sub-letting to take place. Photo: Bill Chambers.

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GEOGRAPHY
By 1982 the house had been built up to
a completed second floor with a brick-built 2005 ANNUAL
single room and a chosa on the incipient third CONFERENCE:
storey. At the back of the plot twelve single PRESIDENTIAL
rooms had been built which were let to
ADDRESS
students. The husband, Porfilio Salazar,
owned a micro (a minibus which he used as a
taxi), and the wife, Maria, owned a draper's
store employing three staff, including a man,
in the shopping parade adjacent to the
Geography © 2005
market. All three daughters were at, or had
completed, university.
By 2003, the three-storey house was one
of a street of complete and semi-completed
two and three-storey houses, with glass
windows, metal shutters, balconies and
corrugated roofs, served by electricity wires
and fronted by a pavement with vegetated
verges, a tarmac road, lamp posts, a street-
name sign and cars in the driveways. The front
entrance to what had previously been a
hallway had been changed into an integral
garage. One of the daughters, Iida, was living
in Buenos Aires.
Calle Jose Lopez Pazos, Carmen de

la Legua
One of the quieter side roads of Carmen de
la Legua was also observed over 40 years
Figure 8: Carmen de la Legua: Calle Jose Lopez Pazos,
(Figure 8). In 1965 the road was irregular and
1965-2003. Photo: Bill Chambers.
boulder-strewn. It was lined on each side by

brick houses in various stages of develop-
ment, ranging from a house with a peripheral In 2003 the road was clean, marked with
wail only to two with two complete storeys lines, and lined with trees and lampposts. The
with glass windows and wooden doors. Onpavements were intact and almost all the
the street were piles of boulders and stones buildings were completed to second floor or
ready for use in concrete-making. In front ofmore. Most of the buildings were shops
one house was a pile of roofing tiles ready forselling, for example, ironmongery or internet
the next concrete-roofing ceremony. In frontfacilities.
of another was a narrow pavement and at the
corner a standpipe where queues of women
and children waited their turn at the tap in the Comas
early morning and evening. Along the side of
Similarly, in Comas in 1966 the road outside
the road was a wooden pole carrying the
my home was unsurfaced. Attempts to level
tangled wires which constituted the
the surface and reduce dust were made by
electricity supply.
By 1982 the dirty litter-covered road had
regularly emptying washing-up water and
been surfaced with tarmac and all buildings associated rice grains onto the road and the
were fronted with pavements. The buildings subsequent passage of traffic. Opposite were
were of brick and most had been plastered five homes, all of one storey only, and all made
of materiales nobles. Four of the five had
and painted with hues of pale blue, pale green
and pink. One had a pile of building sand glass windows and wooden or metal doors,
outside on the street. Over half were of two while the other was blocked off with bricks.
213
storevs.
One had a small front garden.

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
Matos Mar (1966, pp. 23-5) has provided
GEOGRAPHY
By 1982 there had been considerable
estimated costs for the various types of housing. A
2005 ANNUAL
progress. Although the road remained
shelter of cardboard and flattened metal would
CONFERENCE:
unsurfaced there was a narrow cost
pavement.
approximately 100 soles; an esteras chosa
Two of the five homes now had second floors.
PRESIDENTIAL would cost 200-800 soles; an adobe walled home
One had a pile of roofing tiles ready for with a reed roof would cost 2000-8000 soles, and a
ADDRESS
construction and three had some form of
house with brick walls and a reed roof would cost
vegetation in front of the building.
10,000-13,000. A comparison in soles per m2 shows
In 2003 the view from my front door was
that such a house with cement floors would cost
of six houses all built with materiales nobles,
50 soles while a commercially constructed home
four with two storeys and balconies, one with
Geography © 2005
an integral garage. The street had pavementswould cost 1000 soles per m2.
and five houses had small front gardens or // Utilities
verge plots with trees. The road was
consolidated and had manhole covers and Utilities also change progressively through time.
Most fundamental is water. Initially most chosas
electricity pylons.
have a water drum outside. This is filled by water
tankers which deliver on a regular basis. The next
Unpublished research carried out between 1965
and 2003 by Pattison (1967) and Pattissonstage
and in the progressive development is the
installation of stand pipes at street corners. Most
Chambers illustrates some of this progressive
of these have limited access, quite often only at
development and consolidation. In El Ermitaño
sunrise
the progress can be illustrated by examining the and sunset. The final stage is reached
when piped or mains water is installed. The
percentage of homes with concrete roofs. This
increased from 1% in August 1965 to 2% inprivatisation July of utility companies in the 1990s led
1967, 32% in June 1974, 57% in 1982 and 95% to ain
marked improvement in public and private
August 2003. In 1982 19% had a second-floor electricity,
roof water and sewerage. Now
of concrete and 2.4% a third-floor roof of concrete. approximately 60% of houses in the barriadas of
An analysis of housing development on one block Lima have electricity, 30% have water and 18% a
of 49 plots alongside the main road to Lima in 1965 sewerage system (Golda-Pongratz, 2004).
and 1982 (Figure 9) showed the speed of develop- With regard to energy, in the early stages
ment. In 1965 27 plots were still at the chosa stage. most lighting is provided by candles and kerosene
By 1982 this had decreased to one plot. During the lamps. This may be followed by the establishment
same period the number of homes with concrete of car-motor generators on blocks, which provide
roofs had increased from two to 33. enough electricity for four or five neighbouring
Unpublished research by Chambers on 30 homes. Alternatively it is not uncommon for
blocks and 695 plots in Carmen de la Legua in squatter settlers to tap clandestinely into
1982, thirty years after its foundation in 1952, electricity wires and overhead pylons. Finally
is summarised in Table 10, showing the stages mains electricity will be provided.
reached.
Table 10 Hi The Plaza

Progressive development in The plaza forms the main focus for
Carmen de la Legua, 1982 community life in many communities of
Spanish origin. In Carmen de la Legua the
development of the plaza indicates
progressive development. In 1965 the main
square was a dusty rectangle in the layout of
the barriada left for recreation and leisure. It
was surrounded by homes at various stages of
development although none were at more
than a single-storey and temporary roof stage.
On the northern, river, side was a Roman
Catholic church and its secondary school with
a concrete playground area used for
volleyball. The dusty rectangle was used for
the Sunday football league where the author
214
played for FC Sacachispa.

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
GEOGRAPHY
2005 ANNUAL
CONFERENCE:
PRESIDENTIAL
ADDRESS
Geography © 2005
Figure 9: El Ermitaño: House

building stages, Zone E, Block J,
1965-1982.
By 1982 the football pitch had been storey town hall built of materiales nobles.
replaced by paving and tiles and the plaza was To the north the school and church remained.
crossed by diagonal footpaths. A large-scale By 2003 the plaza had been developed to
tree-planting programme had taken place provide open, tended gardens with flower
with semi-mature eucalyptus trees providing beds, trees and stepped, concrete, assembly
shelter for those who wanted to sit on one of areas. It had communal spaces and was
the numerous benches. Pride of place was advertising cultural events, community dances
given to a small statue of President Belaunde, and an address by the alcalde. The plaza was
who had carried out good works in the surrounded by modern futuristic street
215
barriada. To the south of the plaza was a two architecture, including an iron fence, and had

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
GEOGRAPHY
ornamental lighting and flagpoles. a Inlarge
the three-storey town hall, shops, cafe
2005 ANNUAL
restaurants and internet cafes. The school,
middle of the plaza the statue to President
CONFERENCE: Belaunde remained. The plaza was the now called Colegio Parroquial Santa Ange
focal
PRESIDENTIAL Nero, had expanded to a fine three storeys
part of the community with a parade grand-
ADDRESS adjacent
stand built into the edge. It was surrounded by to the parish church of Santa Ange
Avenida Las Jasmines
Geography © 2005
Bar Home Home Home Home '
i 'ÕT
Home Home ' -2
Home Home i 2
CO
Home Electrical goods: cookers ' ^

General store Home/Bar* i
Home Home '
Home Home "S i

Home Home o ¡
Home Motorcycle repairs > i
w Home Domestic ^ ! E
■S
S
-g Home Metalworker £ ' g_

CO
;? Home Home o co
5
Home Mattresses/Cafe* w ' ?
Home Wood building materials co i
General store/Medical centre* Home J- '

Home Metal goods i
Home Shoes/Medical centre* ¡

Tailor Furniture/Beauty salon* i
Unmû Restaurant/Electrical goods: '

Unmû Home
General store Snack bar ■
Home Medical centre (
Home Bar '
Home Bar * Subdivided plot

Figure 10: El Ermita
216 Pasaje Los Geranios
Land use in Zone E,
August 1982.

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
iv Shops GEOGRAPHY
Another element is the development of shops. Gardanias). On the main road 15 out of 23
Initially retail services are provided by markets, plots had business functions while on the 2005 ANNUAL
bars and stalls outside homes. Markets vary in size other side 19 of the 23 were homes only CONFERENCE:
but are regular and provide for basic needs. Lobo (Figure 10). PRESIDENTIAL
(1992, p.49) described a market in Ciudadela Not only do the number of shop and ADDRESS
Chalaça in the 1970s where there were between other service functions increase as the
290 and 310 vendors, and another in Dulanto with settlement develops but the functions also
36 vendors. Bars are ubiquitous and may be on change. During the early stages in El Ermitaño
stalls or in front rooms or on benches beneath (in the 1960s) livestock, general stores (with
very limited stock), bars, cafes and
parasols. Stalls may be as simple as a single table Geography © 2005
restaurants,
or trolley with individual bottles or crates of Inca hairdressers, dressmakers and
Cola, Siete Arriba (Seven Up) and beers such as public television cafes were common. Later
(1970s) services such as dentists, beauty
Cristal, alongside alfalfa, bread rolls and chewing
gum, and attended late into the night by young salons, shoe repairers, medical centres,
ferreterías, record shops, undertakers,
children. At the next stage artisans involved in the
bicycle sales and repair shops developed.
repair and creation of articles, stationers, bakers,
chemists, cafes, internet cafes and TV or videoThese were then (1980s) superceded by
shops develop. In the later stages shopping malls pharmacies, radio and TV shops, jewellers,
and leisure complexes with multi-million dollar electricians, electrical retailers, shoe shops
turnovers appear, with banks, chain stores, and boot-makers, glaziers, furniture shops,
restaurants, health clubs, night clubs and bespokedecorating shops, motorbike repairers, and
then (1987) by kitchen fitters, furniture
taxi ranks. The night life of Comas at Comas
Broadway now attracts a clientele from all overmanufacturers, tanners, bridal-gown shops,
Lima (Joseph, 2004). automobile parts, garages, confectioners,
printers and repairers of all sorts. The most
specialised services recorded in El Ermitaño
El Ermitaño included a plastic surgeon, an architect and a
Unpublished surveys of land use in the major veterinary surgeon.
shopping streets in El Ermitaño by Pattisson
(quoted in Turner 1967a), and Pattisson and
Chambers in 1965 (May, July, August), 1967, Mega Plaza (Figure 11)
1974, 1982 and 1987 indicate interesting In 2003 the author visited an amazing
changes. In May 1965, 11 plots out of 44 along shopping-centre development in north Lima.
Las Violetas (Zone E) had retail functions. Of It was located by the Pan American highway
these, six sold live animals such as pigs, adjacent to the Los Olivos, El Ermitaño and
chickens, turkeys and sheep. Three of the San Martin de Porres squatter settlements and
other plots sold general goods, and the others was called Mega Plaza. It was the equivalent to
were a hairdresser and a dressmaker. By 1974 shopping malls in any other part of the world,
there were 30 different premises and by 1987 modern, with numerous shopping, food and
Avenida Las Violetas was a vibrant shopping service units. There were over 100 boutique
street along the main road to lima supporting stores (Tapia, 2004). In the food hall were
35 units, 17 of which were subdivided into companies such as KFC, Burger King, Pizza
additional units providing a total of 52 Hut, Dunkin Donut, China Wok, Bembos and
different services. Along another major street Café-Café. There were also banks including
in El Ermitaño, Avenida Los Pinos, the number InterBank, Banco Continental and Banco de
of retail units increased from eight in May Credito, the Toddus hypermarket and Max, a
1965 to 16 in 1974 and 24 by 1982. Of the discount supermarket, as well as a multi-
latter, seven were subdivided into two screen Cineplex and a 10,000ft2 amusement
functions providing a total of 31 different centre for children. Dominating the centre
units. Another analysis of Block J in El was Gold's Gym, the largest in Peru. The
Ermitaño between Las Gardanias and Avenida complex was surrounded by extensive car
Las Violetas in 1982 showed a clear distinction parks and also formed a focus for an
between the main-road side of the block (Las integrated taxi and conectivo service to the
217
Violetas) and the residential side (Las neighbouring barriadas.

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
Vicente Morales Duarez. By 2003 it had been
GEOGRAPHY
renamed Avenida Fawcett and was a tarmac dual
2005 ANNUAL carriageway with a central, carefully manicured,
CONFERENCE: vegetated reservation and chain-link fencing
PRESIDENTIAL along the side. Between the road and the river was
ADDRESS a footpath, an iron fence to separate the road from
the river-bank and a riverside walk with bushes
and small trees.
In Comas the contrast is even more dramatic.
In 1965 the main road to Lima, originally called
Geography © 2005 la pista para Canta, was located in the middle of
Figure 11: Mega Plaza. Photo: Bill Chambers. a strip of land some 80m wide. It was a tarmac road
with little traffic and used by motor bikes, private
bus companies and collectivos to race each other
Mega Plaza and an adjacent mall, from
Royal one group of potential customers to another.
Plaza, produced sales of $130 million On
in either
2003. side, set back some 30m, were mainly
The Economist (Anon, 2004) suggests threeshops and homes.
one-storey
possible explanations for the apparent
paradox of a luxurious, globalised, middle-
class shopping mall existing in the midst and
on the periphery of the poorest squatter
settlements. Firstly, it could be based on the
disposable income of the shoppers who made
their money as a product of the drug industry.
Secondly, it could be the product of the
informal economy which makes no formal
contribution to the fiscal system yet has
stimulated a new breed of "chicha1
entrepreneurs. Finally, it could be funded by
the US$1.3 billion dollars annually remitted
home from Peruvians living abroad (Tapia,
2004).
v Industry Figure 12: Avenida Tupac Amaru, 2003. Photo: Bill Chambers.
Industry also develops as the barriadas become
more incorporated into the mainstream city.
During the early stages repair shops are By 1982, the Avenida Tupac Amaru (built by
commonplace for motor cycles, tricycles, radios the army in the late 1960s) was a lit, tarmac, dual
and TVs. Also common at this stage are artisanal carriageway with a line of trees down its central
workshops producing, for example, iron window- reservation, and separated from the surrounding
frames and tricycle-frames (ferreterias), specialistbuildings by a low concrete wall and a service road
footwear and clothing. on either side. Almost all the buildings were of
brick and were commercial properties.
vi Transport By 2003 (Figure 12), the Avenida Tupac
With time transport systems also develop. AllAmaru was a major two-lane dual carriageway
roads commence as dust or boulder tracks. Here separated by a low concrete wall from the double-
track service roads on either side. It was
the dryness of the climate is beneficial. Later the
roads are compacted and levelled, often in an continually congested with the fleets of micros
attempt to attract better-class bus and micro which plied their route between the barriadas o
companies to the barrio. Next come surfaced the north cono and Lima. So busy was the road
roads with pavements and street lighting and that it was crossed by bridges at regular interval
finally dual carriageways in certain locations. The road cut a swathe through a continuous lin
In Carmen de la Legua, the main road runs of shops, markets, services, repair works, medica
adjacent to the Rio Rimac. In 1965 and 1982 it wasfacilities and workshops recognised by Josep
218 (2004) as one of Lima's new espacios público
little more than a strip of flattened boulder flood-
plain above the stinking river and called Avenida with commercial potential.

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
vii Employment income is derived from a range of activities, some
GEOGRAPHY
Employment of the urban poor in lima, as in many formal, others less formal. A typical worker will
other Latin-American cities, is normally charact- earn money from the wages of the job, overtime,
2005 ANNUAL
erised by two different but overlapping groups of fringe benefits, additional part-time jobs and
CONFERENCE:
activity variously called the upper and lower reciprocity (labour for goods or labour PRESIDENTIAL
for
labour). Most will exhibit a variety and flexible
circuits (Santos, 1979) or the formal and informal ADDRESS
sector. repertoire of jobs:
The formal sector is characterised by Qbeing
'Rarely does a family's income depend on only one
capital-intensive, using advanced technology and far more likely it consists of a combination of
source:
often having strong external links. Staff receive
strategies... residents are adept at earning money or
regular wages or salaries, are taxed and trading
pay labour in a variety of ways (Lobo, 1992, p.Geography
176). ©2005
insurance, and have some job security and access
Lobo described Julio and his wife Helsomina, who
to social security and pensions. Examples known
between 1969 and 1974 derived income, often
to the author include solicitors, company
directors, workers in assembly plants, shop simultaneously, from the following activities:
workers, wholesalers, army officers, policemen, working in a belt factory, home tailoring, selling
teachers, lorry and bus drivers. kerosene, metal recycling, selling vegetables at
Workers in the informal sector have a low, the market, wool balls, brick recycling, guinea
unreliable income and poor job security. The jobspigs, chickens, goats, ducks, sale oí chicha, beer,
are labour-intensive; they work long hours watching Ty use of typewriter, electrical repairs,
without social-security benefits and use simple use of refrigerator and a front of house store.
technology. Examples known to the writer include The Salazar family, with whom the author
scavengers, car cleaners, bootblacks, seam- lived in Carmen de la Legua between 1965-6,
stresses, domestic workers, ambulantes (people earned income from a variety of sources. Having
who walk about selling things such as chewing arrived in the barriada in I960 from Huancayo in
gum, lottery tickets, sweets, chocolate and the central Andes, they commenced construction
tobacco), street typists, tricycle-furniture sales- of their house and rented out rooms. Initially in
1965 one of their two rooms was rented to the
men, and can, glass and rubber recyclers.
In many ways the two circuits overlap and are author and his two fellow Voluntary Service
mutually dependent. Some drivers and shop Overseas workers. Subsequently, in 1982, the
workers are part of each sector: family had 12 small rooms all of which were let to
students; the husband, Porfilio, owned and drove
Q 'Wholesalers, for example, often distribute goods made
a minibus or micro which carried passengers
by upper-circuit manufacturers to lower-circuit petty
between the barriada and Lima city centre, while at
traders who sell from street or market stalls or from
the same time the wife, Maria, owned a textile store
small shops (Bromley and Bromley, 1982, p. 85).
and employed three assistants including one male.
Empirical surveys of the whole of lima by DESCO It is apparent that consolidation and
(Centro de Estudios y Promoción de Desarrollo) progression is one of the defining characteristics of
in the late 1960s (Gianella, 1970) noted that 48%barriadas. Over a period of 20 years it is possible
of pueblo jovene employees were obreros (waged for a chosa settlement to become a fully integrated
employees), 11% were empleados (salaried) and
suburb of the city. Turner described this in his 1967
28% were self-employed. In terms of occupationalmodel and Lobo (1992, p. 42) described Carmen
categories, 32% were artisans, 28% street traders,
de la Legua in the following terms:
13% involved in service trades, 13% daily-paid
Q 'By 1974 its transformation into an urban barrio was
workers and 8% office workers. In terms of sphere
almost complete - paved roads, uniform lotes, water and
of activity, 34% were involved in manufacturing, electrical services, urban-style houses constructed with
24% commerce, 22% services and 8% permanent materials, and a central plaza around which
construction. municipal buildings, a movie theatre and a church were
Burga and Delpech (1988, p. 74) reported on
all established.
the occupation of heads of families in Villa El

Salvador, 17 years after its formation. The
dominant form of employment was self-employed Government policies
(45%), followed by salaried (24%) and manual
work (17%).
Most inhabitants of the barriadas have a Since the beginnings of large-scale migration to 219
Lima, the government, police and ruling elite
variety of income sources. For the majority,

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
have adopted a number of approaches Moretorecently
the a phase involving remodelling
GEOGRAPHY
phenomenon. The consensus (Collier, 1976;
and relocation has been attempted (Lobo 1992;
2005 ANNUAL Escalante,
Lloyd, 1980) is that responses have been 2003). This has been unpopular with
lenient
CONFERENCE: and permissive: settlers. The problems of urban sprawl have led to
PRESIDENTIAL plans to increase urban density by programmes
□ 'In effect for the past three decades the Peruvian
ADDRESS involving vertical densifìcation (Golda-Pongratz,
government has tolerated land invasion and squatting
(Lloyd, 1980, p. 143). 2004, p.42). Burga and Depech (1988), working in
Villa El Salvador, identified a number of
In terms of overall strategy, Turner (1968)
approaches. One involved the horizontal sub-
considered security of tenure and assisted
divison of each plot. A second approach used
Geography © 2005 development to be crucial. Collier (1976)
vertical 'superpositioning' by building an
categorised approaches into either prevention or on the second floor. Riofrio
independent home
support for improvement, while Escalante (2003)
(1996) claimed that as many as 300,000 buildings
identified prevention, self-help and in
correction
the pueblos as
jóvenes (young towns) could be
the major approaches. extended to provide additional homes.
The initial response was to ignore the
Until the 1990s the above approaches were
building of barriadas and do nothing. This
dominant; was a growing consensus is now
however,
not successful since it did nothing to reduce
emerging the
with regard to an alternative scenario.
stream of migrants to the city. A laterEscalante
response was
(2003) has identified four trends (none
to eradicate the settlements by a combination of
entirely new). Firstly, informal land occupation
bulldozing and burning. Again this
has had little
reached areas increasingly inadequate for
impact since the settlers were simply displaced
urban use. Secondly, most recent invasions have
elsewhere. Collier (1976) analysed police occurred on steep and rocky slopes even further
approaches in the case of 84 settlements. Hefrom the city thus increasing construction costs
noted six responses. The two most commonand prolonging the sufferings of the settlers.
responses were at opposite ends of the spectrum.Thirdly, they are often extensions on the
In 38% of the cases the police did not appear at all,
periphery of existing older settlements, or infilling
yet on 26% of the occasions they appeared and spaces which were originally set aside for
evicted the invaders. In between these extremes,communal functions such as plazas or sports
he recognised four other types of response, eachpitches, but not yet developed. Finally these
of which occurred on approximately 10% of theextensions and infills are often built with
occasions: appearing but taking no action; improvised materials by the poorest people with
attempting to stop the arrival of additional little or no family or paisano support, and without
families; making token attempts to evict; and basic services or passable roads.
failing in a serious attempt to evict. Towards the On a similar theme, Riofrio (1996) noted that
end of this phase government policy became the 1950-1990 model could not continue for ever.
simply a matter of providing a plot of land for the Unoccupied land was scarce and therefore
poor (Riofrio, 1996). expensive. Suitable land was competed for by
A third phase started in 1961 when the Law of different groups. The stock of state land was
the Marginal Neighbourhoods was promulgated exhausted and the physical appropriateness of the
which legalised those settlements which already land being developed had declined. The young
existed, remodelled some of them and banned and the poor were unable to obtain land easily. As
new invasions. This had the opposite effect the amount of accessible, serviceable land became
because it gave encouragement to others to scarcer, population densities began to rise on
petition for legalisation of their squatting. Anotherestablished areas. While the more foresighted or
phase used prevention strategies by imposing affluent built at the side or on a second storey of
planning limitations and by attempting to provide the original plot, others were forced to share and
municipal housing. This again did little to stem the overcrowding and multiple occupancy increased.
demand. Also at this time the nature of the settlers was
changing with second-generation, educated
A later 'site and service' approach, which
attempted to combine the energies of the settlers Iimenans and recently-arrived refugees from the
with the expertise of the administration, involved Sendero Luminoso atrocities in the Andes
dominating. Neither group was equipped to
the provision of sites, services, credit and technical
220 assistance to allow for self-help improvement and repeat the pioneering settlement of their
incorporation of new and existing settlements. predecessors (Riofrio, 1996).

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
Hope or despair? In general, Turner (1968) advocated a
GEOGRAPHY
combination of security of tenure and assisted
Problem or solution? development and the alignment of government 2005 ANNUAL
action with the priorities and forces of popularCONFERENCE:
settlement. He had no doubt that barriadas were PRESIDENTIAL
The title of this paper poses the two questions
'slums of hope' (although he would probablyADDRESS
above. Attitudes to Lima's squatter settlements are
challenge the use of the word 'slum'), and
split and often polarised between the negative certainly a solution not a problem. Riofrio (1996,
and the positive. Negative views are exemplified p. 5) tends to agree:
by Prebisch (1963), Lerner (1967) and Juppenlatz
Q 'Individual families gradually improved their homes,
(1970) while positive views are characteristic of
following similar designs to the houses of the middle Geography © 2005
Abrams (1966), Mangin (1967) and Turner class. Depending on their financial resources, they built
(1967a). The success of barriadas can be assessed quickly or slowly. They were free to build the kind of
at the level of the country, the city and at the home they wanted and the final housing solution was
individual family. often superior to what they would have received in a
Looking positively, at the national level the public housing project.
movement has provided housing for millions of
On the other hand, critics of the squatter-
people which neither the government nor private settlement movement believe that at a national
sector could have provided. For the country it is a
level the development of the urban squatter
solution to the problem of national poverty and
settlements has been at the cost of the flight of
spatial and social inequality. It is salutary to
young and ambitious people from the rural areas,
consider what might have happened in rural areas
further exacerbating the problems of already
of Peru had this safety valve not been available. It
deprived regions. They have also relieved the
has allowed an escape from rural deprivation.
government of its obligations to address the
At the city level, the barriada movement has
problems of regional inequality and land tenure.
provided millions of homes cheaply, allowing a
At the city level it is widely agreed that:
non-monetary input of energy and labour by the
Q'the problem with the barriadas was that the
settlers. It has allowed an early escape from inner-
uncoordinated self-help process was a highly inefficient
city slums. It has enhanced the value of real estate
way to develop a city: it was expensive, it was slow'
in Lima and stimulated the construction and
(Riofrio, 1996, p. 5).
service industries. On the other hand, as Riofrio
(1996) pointed out, this has been achievedThe
at aprocess of self-help produced a city of
cost to the structure and infrastructure of therelatively
city. low density. Urban sprawl ensued and as
a result the authorities were unable to provide
At the individual family level, Turner (1967a)
adequate
noted that the poor prefer large unfinished shacks services and infrastructure.
or houses (which they can subsequently improve) At the individual family level there is no
to small finished ones. In his well-known doubt that the settlers have to survive long years
'bridgeheader-consolidator' classification with he
incomplete housing. To be successful they
compared the differing housing priorities have
of to maintain health, motivation and income.
city
centre turgurio dwellers (bridgeheaders) The
andhome,
the whilst often unique in design, is
frequently poorly planned and designed and
peripheral squatter settlement inhabitants
materials
(consolidators) in terms of location, tenure and are sometimes of inferior quality. As
amenity. He attributed lowest priority in Escalante
both (2003, p. 16) says:
cases to the quality of amenity and shelter.
Q 'The processes are excessively long, generating a series
Turner also compared 'instant' (the of hardships in the families which register high infant
architecture of moulds) with 'progressive illness and death rates, domestic violence, etc. And the
development' (the architecture of systems). housing and neighbourhoods produced are generally of
Instant provision of high-quality housing and low quality. Housing construction deficiencies including
use of precarious materials in walls, floors and roofs are
neighbourhoods by the government and private
sector was based on the 'minimum modern characteristics corresponding to 14.2% of all homes
according to the 1993 census.
standard', where high structural and equipment
specification and completion of home and Lobo (1992) considered that for most of the
public utilities takes precedence over high space settlers the city provides hope, progress and
standards. It also involved a high initial change. The city is seen as muy adelantado (very
capitalisation and long-term credit with the
advanced) whilst the rural life is muy atrasado
221
associated risk due to health and income security.
(very backward):

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
0 'The highlands are remembered for the scarcity been
ofachieved
food, through the development of
GEOGRAPHY
kinship, paisano alliances and compadrazgo
illness without relief, severe climate, and tremendously
2005 ANNUAL hard and wearing work with very little compensation
relations, and control by the settlers of their own
CONFERENCE: (Lobo 1992, p. 65). migration, house construction and flexibility. All of
PRESIDENTIAL
On the other hand, urbanisation is seen as these had led to the great physical and social
ADDRESS successes which are the barriadas of Lima.
modernisation and mobility as evidenced by:
0 'A house in the city; appliances such as a television,
stove, and refrigerator; and stylish clothing
(Lobo 1992, p. 66).
The future
Geography © 2005
Writers such as Riofrio (1996), Romero (2003) and
Conclusion Joseph (2004) and organisations such as Business
Peru (Anon, 2003) are increasingly recognising
the positive and mainstream impacts that the
Despite popular opinion within Lima and abroad,
barriadas can have on solving Lima's problem of
and in contrast to many squatter settlements
urban sprawl and consequent inefficiency. In a
across Latin America, Asia, Africa and beyond, the
special supplement entitled La nueva Lima (The
barriadas of Lima are neither problems nor
new Lima) Business Peru describes the process by
without hope; on the contrary, they are solutions
which 'the periphery is converting itself to a city'
of hope. They have provided housing for millions
On a similar theme Joseph (2004, p. 2) notes that
of people which neither the government nor
the conos 'have converted themselves from
private sector could: millions of homes at
dormitory cities to satellite cities'.
affordable prices, employing the labour of the
A frenzy of activity, mentioned above when
inhabitants, their families and their paisanos.
Rather than living in inner-city slums they have describing the Mega Plaza shopping mall in the
northern cono, is also mentioned in the
put their resources (both financial and physical)
into developing their homes. They have enhanced Economist (Anon, 2004) and by Tapia (2004).
the value of real estate in Lima and stimulated the It is effectively bringing the geographically,
construction and service industries, most recently economically and socially peripheral squatter
in the northern and southern conos of Lima. settlements into the mainstream of Lima and
Lloyd (1980, p. 140) was unequivocal: Peru's economic life. No longer are they squatter
settlements or working-class suburbs; they are
0 'The barriadas, though seen by the administrator or
becoming the catalyst for the renaissance of Lima.
planner as a 'problem' are a 'solution' to the urban poor.
Riofrio (1996) and Romero (2003) recognise
He ascribed the success of the barriada that the conos of development are self sustaining
and viable economic concentrations as evidenced
movement to three factors: firstly, the availability
of inner city slums to absorb large numbers of growth of the Mega Plaza shopping mall at
by the
migrants; secondly, the level or undulating
the intersection of the former barriadas of
topography and mild dry climate, which provided
Comas, El Ermitaño and San Martin de Porres.
space and opportunity for housing; and thirdly,
Romero suggests that one approach for Lima's
the acquiescence of the government tofuture
the is to encourage development away
invasion and consolidation processes. from the traditional, triangular, city-centre form
Turner and Grenell (1972), reflecting on the
of Callao-Miraflores/San Isidro-Plaza de Armas,
success of the barriada movement, commented:
which he characterises positively as integrated,
concentrated
0 'when dwellers control the major decisions and are free and globalised but negatively as
to make use of their own contributions in the chaotic,
design, over-centralised and polluted. Here the
various
construction or management of their housing, both thisfunctions of Callao as the industrial and
process and the environment produced stimulate
commercial centre, Miraflores/San Isidro as the
individual and social well-being.
centre of finance and commerce, and the city
centre as the national centre for political and
From a totally different perspective the social
anthropologist Susan Lobo (1992) ascribed administrative
the functions, could be replaced by a
polycentric
success to the positive adaptation of the settlers metropolis with distinctive functional
centres. These would be based loosely upon the
who had built spiritual and material communities,
222 conos such as the Cono Norte (around Comas,
accomplished their goals, and viewed themselves
San had
and their futures positively. This, she believed, Martin de Porres, Independencia, Rimac and

54.253.8.229 on Thu, 04 Aug 2022 15:42:07 UTC
Los Olivos) based upon business, retailing and the References GEOGRAPHY
leisure sectors (where for example Gold's Gym is
claimed to be the biggest in Peru and where the 2005 ANNUAL
Boulevard Discotheque already attracts young Abrams, C. (1966) Housing in the Modern World. London: CONFERENCE:
Faber.
people from across the whole of Lima), and the PRESIDENTIAL
Alderson-Smith, G. (1975) The Social Basis of Peasant ADDRESS
Cono Sur (around Villa el Salvador) based upon Political Activity. D.Phil. Thesis, University of Sussex, UK.
primary activities such as livestock-rearing, cereals Anon (1991) Children in Peru. London: Peru Support Group.
cultivation, market gardening and mineral Anon (2003) 'La nueva Lima: La periferia se convirtió en
extraction as well as the city's famous furniture ciudad', Business Peru Informe Especial, Junio.
businesses and the Villa El Salvador Industrial Park www.businessperu.com.pe/2003Junio Accessed 24th
Tulv 2005.
Geography © 2005
(Romero, 2003). The slums are becoming chic and
Anon (2004) 'Go north Limeño: a middle class amongst the
the problems are the salvation for Lima! shanties', www.economist.com Accessed 24th July 2005.
colonio proleario: Mexican term for squatter

Glossary settlement
cono: term used by planners to refer to three emerging
zones of development to north, east and south of
adobe: clay bricks used for construction Lima
alcalde: mayor
empleado: salaried worker
altiplano: literally 'high plain'. Used to describe the
espacio publico: literally public space
high, cold, windswept plateau at approximately 3-
4000m between the esteras: sheet of matting used to make walls of chosas.
Made from tortora reeds
Western and Eastern Cordilleras in which Lake
Titicaca is located.
favela: Brazilian term for squatter settlement
avenida: avenue
ferretería: iron workshop which makes window
frames, tricycle frames
ambulante: literally walker; person who walks the
lote: plot of land
streets selling sweets, lottery tickets, etc
maestro: skilled builder (boss)
asentamiento humano: recent term for squatter
mancha india: Indian stain area in central southern
settlement
Andes dominated by Indian culture
barriada: common term for squatter settlement
mancha urbana: literally urban stain; urban footprint
barrio: Colombian term for squatter settlement
or extent
callampa: Chilean term for squatter settlement
manzana: block of homes
callejón: literally alleyway; form of city-centre poor
mar: sea: Pacific Ocean
housing based upon an alleyway with single
materiales nobles: literally noble materials; bricks,
rooms and a standpipe at one end
concrete and tiles construction
carretera: highway
micro: minibus used for transport between barriadas
campesino: country dweller
casa: house
and lima city centre
obrero: waged worker
casa noble: literally noble house; house made of brick
and concrete paisano: from same part of country
pista: road
Ceja de la Selva: literally eyebrow of the jungle;
pueblo joven: literally young town; term for squatter
eastern slopes of Andes overlooking the Amazon
settlement
jungle
rancho: Venezuelan term for squatter settlement
cerro: small hill, often steep-sided
rio: river
chicha: literally an Indian drink made from corn and
selva: tropical rain forest of Amazon Basin
drunk communally at parties. Term used to
Sendero Luminoso: Shining Path terrorist group of
describe people of Indian origin in squatter
1980s
settlements.
Sierras: mountains, Andes
chosa: a small rectangular hut made of sheets of
turgurio: slum
esteras matting. The first stage in the
urbanizacione clandestin: literally illegal urban-
development of a home in a squatter settlement
collectivo: a communal taxi
isation; term for squatter settlement
urbanizacione marginal: literally marginal
compadrazgo: godparent
urbanisation; term for squatter settlement
corralón: literally corral; a plot of land engulfed by
urbanizacione popular: literally popular
urban spread of Lima and now occupied by
urbanisation; term for a squatter settlement
squatter settlements
Costa: coast Atacama Desert
violencia: literally the violence; term used to refer to
223
Shining Path terrorist period

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Atlas Departmental del Peru (2003) Iima:Peisa. Matos Mar, J. (1966) Estudio de las Barriadas Limeñas.
GEOGRAPHY Bitran, R., Ma, C. and Ubilla, G. (2000) Geography, Health lima: Instituto des Estudios Peruanos.
Status, and Health Investments: an Analysis of Peru. Matos Mar, J. (1977) Las barriadas de Lima, 1957. Urna:
2005 ANNUAL Instituto de Estudios Peruanos.
Inter-American Development Bank. Research Network
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ADDRESS Development: Ageographical introduction. Cambridge: Olortegui,I. (2001) Informal settlers in Lima. Unpublished
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Burga, J. and Delpech C. (1988) Villa el Salvador: La Workshop, Coping with Informality and Illegality in
Ciudad y su Desarrollo: Realidad y Propuestas. lima: Human Settlements in Developing Cities. Leuven and
Brussels, May 2001.
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disorganisation', American Universities Field Staff
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Collier, D. (1976) Squatters and Oligarchs: Authoritarian
Pattisson, R. (1967) Urbanización Popular: Lima 1965.
Rule and Policy Change in Peru. Baltimore: Johns
Unpublished dissertation for Degree of Bachelor of
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Degg, M.R. and Chester, D.K. (2005) 'Seismic and volcanic
Plunkett, D. (1963) 'British volunteers in lima',
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Prebisch, R. (ed) (1963) Towards a Dynamic Policy for
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Dyer, DJ. (1975) People and Housing in Third World Cities. Metropolitana: Los Procesos y Retos de Desarrollo'.
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squatter problem of the developing world. Brisbane: Turner, J.F.C. (1967b) 'The squatter settlement: architecture
University of Queensland Press. that works', Architectural Design, 38, pp. 355-60.
Kent, R.B. (1993) 'Geographical dimensions of the Shining Turner, J.F.C. (1968) 'Housing priorities, settlement
Path insurgency in Peru', The Geographical Review, 83, patterns and urban development in modernising
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Lerner, D. (1967) 'Comparative analysis of processes of Planners, 34, pp. 354-63.
modernisation', in Miner, H. (ed) The City in Modern Turner, J., Turner, C. and Crooke, R (1963) 'Conclusions',
Africa. London: Pall Mall Press. Architectural Design, 33, 8, pp. 389-393.
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224 Professor Bill Chambers is Dean of Arts and Community at
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Liverpool Hope University, (e-mail: chambers@hope.ac.uk)
American, 217, 4, pp. 3-11.

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The Barriadas of Lima: Slums of Hope or Despair? Problems or Solutions?

Author(s): BILL CHAMBERS

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40574091

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were the product of migration from the Andes

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Figure 1: Peru: regions and places mentioned in text.

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Source: Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informatica (INEI).

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departments of Cajamarca and Amazonas, as by

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Source: Atlas Departmental del Peru (2003)

Table 5 killed (over half by the police and army) and

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Figure 5: lima: Location of squatter settlements.

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Source: INEI (1994).

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The timing is crucial to the success of the consolidation or positive adaptation

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Calle Jose Lopez Pazos, Carmen de

boulder-strewn. It was lined on each side by

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Table 10 Hi The Plaza

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Figure 9: El Ermitaño: House

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Avenida Las Jasmines

Bar Home Home Home Home '

Home Home ' -2

Home Electrical goods: cookers ' ^

Home Home '

Home Home "S i

-g Home Metalworker £ ' g_

Home Wood building materials co i

General store/Medical centre* Home J- '

Home Shoes/Medical centre* ¡

Unmû Restaurant/Electrical goods: '

General store Snack bar ■

Home Medical centre (

Home Bar '

Home Bar * Subdivided plot

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the occupation of heads of families in Villa El

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colonio proleario: Mexican term for squatter