Housing and Society

ISSN: 0888-2746 (Print) 2376-0923 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rhas20

“This is what I call home”: reflections of public

housing residents awaiting relocation

Kimberly Skobba, Kristi-Warren Scott & Shaquita Young

To cite this article: Kimberly Skobba, Kristi-Warren Scott & Shaquita Young (2015) “This is what
I call home”: reflections of public housing residents awaiting relocation, Housing and Society,
42:1, 69-84, DOI: 10.1080/08882746.2015.1020711

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08882746.2015.1020711

Published online: 13 Mar 2015.

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 Housing and Society, 2015
Vol. 42, No. 1, 69–84, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08882746.2015.1020711

“This is what I call home”: reflections of public housing residents

awaiting relocation
Kimberly Skobba*, Kristi-Warren Scott and Shaquita Young

Department of Financial Planning, Housing and Consumer Economics at the University of Georgia,
Athens, GA, USA
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(Received 17 April 2014; accepted 24 October 2014)

Public housing communities often provide residents the opportunity to build a network
of support and strong social ties, something that is disrupted when residents are
relocated as a result of HOPE VI and similar redevelopment efforts. While the outcome
of these relocation efforts is a frequent source of inquiry, little is known about the ways
in which residents view the relocation and redevelopment process prior to their
displacement. This qualitative study fills a gap in the literature by examining the
experiences of 33 residents, ages 11–58, who were living in a 125-unit public housing
community slated for demolition and redevelopment. The study explored the ques-
tions: (1) What are public housing residents’ experiences living in their public housing
community before relocation? and (2) How do their experiences shape how they feel
about leaving the community and their plans for relocation? Study findings suggested
that long-term residents, both adults and children, struggled with feelings of loss of
home and community as well as uncertainty over the future. Residents with shorter-
term tenancy tended to view the redevelopment as needed and the opportunity to
relocate with a voucher as an opportunity to improve their housing.
Keywords: public housing; forced relocation; community attachment

Introduction
The demolition and redevelopment of public housing has been a predominant approach to
decrease concentrations of poverty and provide better opportunities for low-income
households. Poverty deconcentration is typically accomplished by demolishing existing
public housing and replacing it with mixed-income housing developments (Oakley, Ward,
Reid, & Ruel, 2011). Many of the sites that are redeveloped transform formerly poor
neighborhoods by building properties that serve a broader range of income groups and use
a traditional neighborhood design (Hanlon, 2010). HOPE VI and the Choice
Neighborhoods programs, two mechanisms for funding the demolition and redevelopment
of public housing, are promoted by the US Department of Housing and Urban
Development (HUD) as programs that not only change the physical landscape but also
provide resident benefits of increased self-sufficiency and empowerment as well as
improved educational outcomes and intergenerational mobility for children. Though the
original intent of HOPE VI was to replace the public housing with the most dire physical
and social conditions, typically large scale high rise buildings, the program and other
redevelopment efforts modeled after HOPE VI resulted in the demolition of public
housing that was low-rise, low-density and safe (Gibson, 2007; Goetz, 2013a). As a

*Corresponding author. Email: kskobba@uga.edu

© 2015 Housing Education and Research Association

 70 K. Skobba et al.

result, the forced relocation of residents living in public housing is a scene replayed over
and over in communities across the United States. Forced relocation of public housing
residents is viewed as necessary to disperse concentrations of poverty and bring about
neighborhood and social changes, all with the intent of bringing out positive change for
residents and communities. However, these changes are not without consequences.
Despite public housing’s negative image, residents often describe these places as rich
social communities that provide the support needed to manage day-to-day life with limited
resources (Manzo, Kleit, & Couch, 2008). Relocated residents often experience a disrup-
tion of this social support fostered through location-based relationships (Clampet-
Lundquist, 2010). Many families living in public housing are long-term residents who
have developed bonds and social ties with each other; disruption created by forced moves
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leaves some feeling more vulnerable in their new neighborhoods (Clampet-Lundquist,

2010; Manzo et al., 2008). While relocation is often promoted as temporary, the majority
of public housing residents do not return. Mixed income developments typically allocate
about 20% of their availability to low income homes; only one out of every five
individuals relocated return after redevelopment (Oakley et al., 2011).
Since 1994, 100,000 units of public housing have been demolished through the HOPE
VI program (Goetz, 2013a). The depletion of the nation’s public housing stock is ongoing,
with an estimated 10,000 public housing units lost each year through demolition and
redevelopment or from sales through the demolition disposition process (National Low
Income Housing Coalition, 2011). The demolition of public housing results in the forced
relocation of families and the loss of home and community for the residents who once
lived there. While the outcome of these relocation efforts is a frequent source of inquiry,
little is known about the ways in which residents view the relocation and redevelopment
process prior to their displacement and the research that does exist lacks an in-depth,
contextual understanding of these experiences (Goetz, 2013b) This research fills a gap in
the body of literature on public housing relocations by using a phenomenological research
approach to examine the questions: What are public housing residents’ experiences living
in their public housing community before relocation? How do their experiences shape
how they feel about leaving the community and their plans for relocation? The purpose of
this paper is to explore the perceptions of public housing residents awaiting relocation as
part of a HOPE VI-type public housing redevelopment project in order to gain insight on
the effect that relocation has on residents and identify ways to manage or ameliorate the
disruption created during redevelopment.

Demolition and displacement

The Housing Opportunities for People Everywhere (HOPE VI) program was initiated after
the release of the National Commission on Severely Distressed Public Housing’s report
that identified the negative physical and social conditions within the nation’s most
distressed public housing developments (Turbov & Piper, 2005). The report estimated
that of the more than one million public-housing units in the country, 86,000 of them were
severely distressed (Goetz, 2013a). Despite the Commission’s intent to address the
conditions through rehabilitation, HOPE VI and similar redevelopment efforts have
focused on the demolition of public housing (Goetz, 2013a). The demolition and redeve-
lopment of public housing into mixed-income communities is an endeavor that is both
highly regarded by public officials, policy-makers and housing professionals and pro-
moted with a great sense of optimism despite a body of research that points to varied
outcomes among the tenants displaced through these programs (Hanlon, 2010). The
 Housing and Society 71

forced displacement of public housing residents, who have limited access to the redeve-
loped communities and who often convey mixed feelings about leaving communities in
which they have developed friendships and networks of mutual support, is viewed as a
necessary tradeoff (Goetz, 2013a).

Living in and relocating from public housing

Several studies provide insight into the attitudes and perceptions of public housing
residents prior to moving. Though redevelopment plans often project newer, better
housing, many residents, given the choice, would choose to stay in their existing com-
munity (Gibson, 2007; Goetz, 2013b). In one study of residents prior to relocation, the
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majority were unhappy about having to move from their community, citing that the
benefits of living in the community (before redevelopment) outweighed the need to
relocate (Manzo et al., 2008). Residents in this study expressed concerns and anxiety
about disruption of their housing and financial stability and the ability to find a new place.
Post-relocation interviews with residents of a HOPE VI project in a small, northern city in
Minnesota elicited similar findings (Goetz, 2013b). In their survey of residents prior to
relocation, Ruel, Oakley, Ward, Alston, and Reid (2013) found that seniors living in
public housing that was part of a HOPE VI redevelopment expressed a desire to stay in
the community and have the units renovated, while residents in family housing preferred
to move out of the community and saw relocation as an opportunity. Studying forced
relocation from social housing in the Netherlands, Kleinhans (2003) found wide variation
in attitudes about moving and that residents age 55 and older had the greatest difficulty
adapting to the news of the pending move. In a study of former public housing residents,
location, friends and amenities were cited as the attributes about their former public
housing communities that were missed the most (Lucio & Barrett, 2010). Previous
research on relocation suggests that not all residents are dissatisfied about forced reloca-
tions. In Lucio and Barrett’s study, 18% indicated that they missed nothing about their
former community. About one-quarter of the residents in the study by Manzo et al. (2008)
viewed the move as a positive change and the receipt of tenant-based assistance as an
opportunity.

Community attachment and social ties

Family, friends and partners often provide support, forming a private safety net for low-
income households (Edin & Lein, 1997; Dominguez & Watkins, 2003; Kalil & Ryan,
2010). In the absence of adequate income, support networks become an important way for
low-income families to meet basic needs. With public housing residents, these support
networks often occur within the context of a physical place and the social relationships
that exist within that place. Fried (2000) describes the way in which neighbors in a low-
income community come to serve as extended family members, stating, “The in-group,
the neighboring area of people and places, comes to symbolize an expanded sense of
home and family, a condensation of the deep-lying affective ties of the ‘ascribed’ kinship
relationship” (p. 197). Public housing residents in the study by Manzo et al. (2008)
described feeling like part of a united community and over one-third described receiving
some form of mutual assistance from neighbors. Collective efficacy and social support has
been associated with community attachment among public housing residents prior to
relocation (Tester, Ruel, Anderson, Reitzes, & Oakley, 2011).
 72 K. Skobba et al.

Forced moves and community dispossession

Leaving one’s home and community is a stressful experience, especially when a move is
brought on through forced relocation. Several factors influence how forced moves will be
perceived by residents, including the meaning of home to the individual, resident satisfac-
tion and the extent to which residents understand the purpose of and agree with the reason
for relocation (Kleinhans, 2003). Studying the displacement of a poor immigrant com-
munity in Boston, MA, Fried (2000) identified the loss of social relationships from forced
residential relocation as the strongest factor in explaining a post-relocation sense of loss
and variations in how people adapted in their new community. Those who relocated near
friends and family adjusted more easily than those who were geographically isolated.
Fullilove (2001) uses the concept of “root shock” to describe the traumatic stress reaction
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that occurs when people experience community destruction and dislocation. Fullilove
(2001), exploring the consequences of urban renewal for African-Americans, links root
shock to short-term consequences of psychological trauma and loss of social organization
and longer-term consequences that stem from the social paralysis that stems from dis-
possession. Originally developed in Fullilove’s study of urban renewal, the concept of
root shock has been applied in a variety of circumstances, including HOPE VI redevelop-
ment, in which low-income communities are displaced in the name of progress (Fullilove,
2001, 2011; McAllister, Thomas, Wilson, & Green, 2009).

Method
The study examined the experiences of residents of a 125-unit public housing community,
which will be referred to as Broadview Place to protect the residents’ identities, located in
a small city in the south-eastern United States. We selected this community because of the
timing of the redevelopment and its proximity to the local university, which made it
feasible to interview residents in the months preceding relocation. Additionally, the
housing authority staff had expressed an interest in learning about the experiences of
their residents both prior to and after relocation as this was the first of several potential
demolition and redevelopment projects.
This research study was one of several efforts to gather input from residents during the
planning and implementation of the redevelopment process. When the housing authority
began planning for the redevelopment of the community in 2010, it considered several
options ranging from renovation of the existing units, phased redevelopment and complete
demolition and redevelopment. During this stage in the planning effort, the housing
authority conducted meetings and interviews with the residents; 70% of those interviewed
during this planning phase opted for complete demolition and redevelopment. In 2011,
two community meetings were held with Broadview Place residents to generate design
ideas for the redeveloped community.
This study began just prior to the relocation process, which started in March 2013 and
continued into June 2013. While waiting for the rebuilding of a newly designed
Broadview Place, residents were relocated to other public housing communities or to
private market rental housing with a Housing Choice Voucher. Broadview Place was
demolished in late July 2013. The new Broadview Place design includes one-for-one
replacement of the public housing units, meaning that all residents had the potential
opportunity to return to the new community. However, there was no guarantee that
residents would be allowed to return. The new community was a partnership between
the housing authority and a private affordable housing developer. All returning residents
 Housing and Society 73

would need to meet a stricter screening criteria put in place by the private company, which
is managing the new Broadview Place.

Community description
Built in 1967, Broadview Place consisted of 125 units, most of which were in duplex and
four-plex buildings, and a community center. According to the 2012 HUD Picture of
Subsidized Households, the average annual household income within Broadview Place
was $8835.00; 42% of the households earned less than $5000.00. Less than one-half
(39%) of the households had wage income as their primary source of income (US
Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2012). The majority of households
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(61%) received major sources of income other than wages, Temporary Assistance for
Needy Families (TANF), General Assistance or Public Assistance. About three-quarters of
the heads of households were between the ages of 25 and 49 years; 18% were aged 51 or
older. Nearly all of the residents living in the public housing community were Black. The
average duration of residency was 6.8 years.

Sample description
The children and adults in this study were residents of the Broadview Place housing
community. Of the 33 participants, 10 were children ages 11–18 with an average age of
14.5 years. The remaining 23 participants ranged in ages of 26 to 58, with an average age
of 36. The age distribution of the adults interviewed included a larger portion of adults
over the age of 51 compared to the Broadview Place community as a whole, with 26% of
the adults in the sample over the age of 51 compared to 19% of the adults in the
community. The proportion of adults ages 25–50 was the same, with 74% of the adults
in the sample and the community between the ages 25–50. All of the participants
interviewed were Black, which is consistent with the community as a whole. Among
the 33 participants, 20 were female and three were male; six of the youth interviewed
were female; four were male. Data on gender was not available for the community. All of
the participants were residents of the housing community at the time of the interview,
though the time that each spent there as a resident varied drastically. The average number
of years was 10.3, with a range of duration as a resident from one year to 46 years. The
average duration of residence was longer than that of the residents of the community as a
whole. Characteristics of the sample are reported in Table 1.

Table 1. Participant demographics.

Variable n Mean Frequency Percent (%)

Age (years) 33 31.77

Youth (aged 11–18) 10 30.3
Adult 23 69.7
Adult aged 25–49 17 73.9
Adult aged 51 and older 6 19.0
Gender 33
Female 25 75.8
Male 8 24.2
Tenure in Broadview Place (years) 33 9.51
Note: means are reported for continuous variables; frequencies are reported for categorical variables.
 74 K. Skobba et al.

Research approach, data collection and analysis

The study uses a phenomenological approach to understand the experience of forced
relocation of low-income adults and middle and high-school aged children living in public
housing. Phenomenology is one strategy of inquiry within the qualitative research para-
digm that seeks to understand human experience from the perspective of those who are
living through the experience (Hultgren, 1989). Whereas quantitative research focuses on
the understanding of cause and effect relationships in the natural world, qualitative
research is designed to achieve a greater understanding of humans’ feelings, attitudes
and perceptions and how they relate to the world. Phenomenology aims to gain a deeper
understanding of everyday phenomenon by gaining insightful descriptions of everyday
experiences (van Manen, 2003). Phenomenology has been widely used in the fields of
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nursing and education, where it has been instrumental in enhancing policy and practice
(Wilson, 2014).
Phenomenology has its origins in the philosophical writings about the understanding
of human experience and consciousness of Heidegger, Husserl, Merleau-Pontey and
Sartre in the early part of the twentieth century (Marshall, 2008). While there are many
variations of, and adaptations to, phenomenological inquiry, two primary strands of
phenomenology have emerged: Husserl’s descriptive phenomenology and Heidegger’s
interpretive phenomenology (Sloan & Bowe, 2014). The two methods differ in the
researcher’s connection to the phenomena under inquiry. Husserl maintained that the
researcher could transcend the phenomena and take a broader view while Heidegger’s
approach is based on the fundamental belief that the researcher is unable to remain neutral
and detached from the phenomena and therefore must take steps to bracket his or her own
experiences (Sloan & Bowe, 2014). Over the past two decades, van Manen has adapted
and advanced Heidegger’s interpretive approach (Sloan and Bowe, 2014; van Manen,
2003). This research draws on van Manen’s approach to phenomenology.
Data for this study were collected using structured, in-depth interviews. Participants
were recruited through flyers with dates and times of each interview session. These flyers
were distributed within the community by housing authority staff and through word of
mouth within the community. While no monetary incentive was given, a pizza dinner was
provided to participants and their family members.
The data were collected during individual, face-to-face interviews conducted on three
different dates at a community building within the public housing development. The
interviews were conducted by 28 undergraduate students as a part of a service-learning
project within an affordable housing management course. The students worked in pairs,
with one student conducting the interview and the other serving as a note taker. The
interviews were conducted at tables that were arranged in a large room with an adequate
level of background noise to ensure privacy. Prior to conducting the interviews, students
met Institutional Review Board requirements by completing the Collaborative Institutional
Training Initiative course, which covers the historical development of human subjects
protections and regulatory and ethical issues in human subjects research. They also
received training on how to conduct interviews and took part in several practice
interviews.
The interviews were conducted in March and April of 2013, the beginning of the
majority of the relocations and about two months before all residents were relocated. The
housing community had 125 public housing units, approximately 80 were occupied at the
time the interviews took place (in the year before relocation, units were not rented after
tenants moved or were evicted). Overall, 33 interviews were completed with adults and
 Housing and Society 75

children aged 11–18 who were living in the public housing community. The residents
were from 20 different households. Each interview took approximately 30 minutes and
was recorded with participants’ consent. If the participant was under the age of 18,
parental consent was obtained along with minor assent. After the interviews were com-
pleted, students uploaded the digital recordings and worked in small groups to transcribe
and summarize the interviews they had conducted. The first author, who was the instructor
for the course, listened to the interviews and compared them to the transcripts and
interview notes to ensure a high level of data quality was maintained.
Van Manen (2003) describes three different approaches that can be used to uncover
thematic aspects of a phenomenon. These three approaches include: (1) a holistic
approach, in which the researcher uncovers fundamental meanings and themes by attend-
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ing to the text as a whole; (2) a selective approach, in which the researcher reads or listens
to the text several times to identify statements or phrases that are essential to the
phenomenon; and, (3) a detailed approach that includes a close examination of every
sentence to identify meanings. The researchers used a combination of the selective and
detailed approaches. The first author began with the holistic approach, reading through the
set of transcripts and listening to audio recordings of the interviews. Several broad themes
that captured the essence of living in and relocating from public housing were identified
through this process. After this, a detailed approach was employed by the first and third
author, which included a sentence by sentence review of the transcripts to uncover
experiences that varied from the broader themes that were not uncovered in the initial
phases of the analysis. In this stage, the authors worked independently, organizing text by
themes into a table format. The detailed approach allowed the researchers to capture
categorical responses that conveyed the essence of these themes. It is important to note
that some participants’ descriptions reflected the themes when the interview was taken as
a whole, yet they did not provide condense phrases of these experiences at a single point.
In these cases, the participant’s description would not be captured in the detailed analysis.
Next, the researchers then took part in a collaborative process, comparing thematic
descriptions for similar findings to uncover deeper insights and understandings (van
Manen, 2003). The writing process is integral to the phenomenological research process
as a whole, rather than the final stage of the research (van Manen, 2003). Therefore, the
first author began writing and working with the text to develop the phenomenological
description of the experience of living in and being forced to move from public housing.
The results of this work are described later.

Limitations
This research uses a phenomenological methodology based on a small sample of residents
from one public housing community. Phenomenological research is an interpretive pro-
cess. To minimize bias in this study, we have employed the technique of bracketing to set
aside subjective feelings, preferences, inclinations or expectations (van Manen, 2003). As
a qualitative strategy of inquiry, the intent was not to develop generalizable findings.
Instead, we hope that the meaning and experiences of the residents of Broadview Place
will be useful to researchers and policy-makers who shape policies and practices related to
public housing redevelopment and relocation efforts. While the findings of the study
reflect the lived experiences of the small group of residents who took part in the study, we
believe this research offers important information that may be used to ease the transition
process in future relocation efforts.
 76 K. Skobba et al.

Results
The findings from this study point to the varied experiences of those living in Broadview
Place public housing and a range of feelings about moving out of the community. The
participants in the study included many long-term residents who had formed close social
ties with neighbors and who felt secure and satisfied living in the community. These
positive descriptions of the community stand in contrast to the often-negative portrayal of
public housing communities as crime-ridden, isolated communities. However, not all
residents shared in this view of the community. A smaller portion of residents described
feeling isolated or the need to keep to themselves to avoid neighborhood drama and
scrutiny. The residents’ perceptions about living at Broadview Place have been summar-
ized based on common themes in Table 2.
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A close-knit community
For many of the residents interviewed, including both long-time members of the commu-
nity and those who had lived there for a relatively short time, Broadview Place was a
close-knit community filled with friends who were like family members. The descriptions
provided by residents were similar to Fried’s (2000) concept of ascribed kinship relation-
ships, in which people living in the neighborhood provide an expanded sense of home and
family.

. . . Well I’m an easygoing person and I can get along with anybody. And I love everybody in
my neighborhood. I got along with my neighbors . . . . They call me Mom and I’m the cook of
the neighborhood. (Margaret, age 53 year-old female, resident for 18 years)
Well, I met a very nice lady, who became the godmother to my children. . . . She been living
over here thirty years and anytime I need her or anything I need, she always there for me.
(Gina, age 36, resident for three years)
I can’t really remember moving here. I was born here. This is all I ever knew . . . . Everybody
I grew up with, I’m close friends. They’re my home boys. This is where I made all of my
friends. (Quinton, age 18, lifelong resident)
I stayed up there on the hill . . . our neighbors 1,2,3,4 apartments beside each other. We were
like family, took care of each other. (Janice, age 42, resident for 13 years)

Many residents described receiving support from their neighbors, often sharing
responsibilities with children and providing emotional support. The social support

Table 2. Thematic responses.

Themes Number of comments in this theme

Living in Broadview Place

Conflict/nosy neighbors 7
Feel safe/unsafe 11
Keep to myself 12
Neighbors like family 27
Feelings about moving
Uncertainty/anxiety 8
Starting over 9
Loss of community 13
 Housing and Society 77

described by many of the residents in the study has been echoed in previous research on
public housing residents (Kissane & Clampet-Lundquist, 2012).

If the kids got home before I did, somebody always watched them. And I never had to worry.
They kept an eye on them or if I was gone 10, 15 minutes, or pretty much if I was at work
somebody was always there to make sure that they were comfortable; they were alright, if
their father wasn’t there. (Jasmine, age 36, resident for 12 years)
I would say about 90 percent of the people who live here are good people and they depend on
people here. My neighbor right now, her mother is dying of cancer. She asked me to come
over and watch her kids for three weeks and ya know, my mother just died of cancer, so I
know how it is. You want to be with your mother those last few days. Someone helped me, so
I know what it’s like. I’m helping her out. (Sandra, age 58, resident for five years)
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Neighborhood drama, avoidance and isolation

Not all descriptions of the neighborhood were positive. Several residents, even those who
spoke positively about the social support provided in the neighborhood, described the
gossip, conflict and scrutiny that existed within the community. This was the case for
Janice, who had lived in the community for 13 years. Though she spoke fondly of the
family-like atmosphere of the community, she cited neighborhood drama as one of the
reasons she was happy that they were demolishing and redeveloping the neighborhood.

Difficult things about living here is people say things about you and they don’t even know
you. Ya know? You can be inside in the house and they still going to talk about you, saying
you did this and that and I don’t even know anything about it . . . . Sometimes people need to
stay in their own business. (Janice, age 42, resident for 13 years)

Kristine described nosy neighbors as being one of the difficult aspects of living in the
community.

My neighbor they nosy, they wanna know everything. They all up in people business. What
you doing? Where you going? . . . I like it here because, I mean I just meet new friends and
socialize with them and get to know them. (Kristine, age 26, resident for three years)

Some of the comments suggested that residents, particularly youth or adults with older
children, kept to themselves to avoid undesirable behavior in the neighborhood. The
phrase “stay to myself” was used repeatedly by residents, including both residents who
had described having close friendships with neighbors and those who had few friends in
the community. For Timothy, a relative newcomer, the lack of social ties in the community
resulted in almost complete isolation within the community.

I don’t associate with the neighbors. I don’t do anything with the neighbors. I’m a loner. I
stay to myself and by myself . . . I mean, I mean, I speak to them as far as that, but I don’t go
over to nobody house and where they, you know, and sit and gossip and all that. (Timothy,
age 38, resident for 14 months)

Others described more strategic avoidance of trouble in the neighborhood. Tiffany,

who had lived in the community as a child, enjoyed cookouts and the family atmosphere
in the community. Yet she also talked about the desire to protect her children from getting
involved with the “wrong crowd”.
 78 K. Skobba et al.

My kids got along with you know other kids. It’s ok as long as you stay to yourself and don’t
get involved in none of the stuff they have going on out here . . . . You know you have some
kids who get involved with the wrong crowd. (Tiffany, age 36, resident for two years)

Melanie, a single mother with five children, described having a close friend who lived
next door to her apartment when she first moved into the community. Their kids became
very close as well. When Melanie moved to another building in the community, they
stayed friends but were no longer close. Though her children enjoy playing with their
friends in the neighborhood, Melanie described having little to do with her neighbors.

Actually, I try to stay to myself. You know, if I see them, it’s “hey, how you doing?” I try to
stay to myself and it’s you know, they do them and I do me. That’s just the type of person I
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am. I try to stay out of trouble. (Melanie, age 26, resident for six years)

Gabrielle, one of the teenagers who took part in an interview, describes a similar
change from having friends in the neighborhood to staying in her home.

It hasn’t been too great ya know what I mean? Because I really don’t get along with a lot of
people. I used to walk outside everyday now I just walk in the house shut the door and stay to
myself. (Gabrielle, age 16, resident for six years)

The comments from Melanie, Gabrielle and others reflect the multiplicity of potential
threats, including conflict with neighbors, trouble for children and the resulting trouble
these issues may create with the housing authority.

Feeling safe
While research on crime in public housing has been inconclusive, public housing com-
munities are generally thought of as crime-ridden places (Mottley & Perry, 2013). Despite
this perception, many of the residents interviewed described feeling safe in Broadview
Place.

Because I do I feel safe here. I really do. I feel safe out here, so I don’t know. It [moving]
kinda worries me, but then I be saying you can’t worry about stuff you have no control over.
(Lucille, age 55, resident for 46 years)
Well I like it because it feel safe in here. The rent is pretty reasonable, and like I said, I like it.
I ain’t got no problem with it in public housing. I grew up in [public housing], when I was
just coming up, and I felt safe when we were coming up. (Danny, age 54, resident for
seven years)

Several residents described a time in the past when the neighborhood felt less safe,
something that changed after working with the local police.

It’s safe now, back when I first moved here it wasn’t. So we came together with the police and
got things fixed. I feel safer in my house now. But when I first moved there I wouldn’t leave
them [her children] in my apartment. But now I let my children move around, and tell them
I’ll be back in 15 minutes. (Keisha, age 34, resident for five years)
About three or four years ago, it got evicted real bad by the fuzz because of the people that
were moving in and out. (Margaret, age 53, resident for 18 years)
 Housing and Society 79

Despite societal perceptions about safety and crime in public housing communities,
the Broadview Place residents appeared to feel quite safe. The positive feelings of safety
may be the result of an established trust and sense of community among Broadview Place
residents. Further, in the face of safety concerns, residents were proactive so as to
minimize crime and improve safety for them and their families.

Attitudes about leaving

Public housing residents facing displacement have varied responses to the move – from
anxiety to anticipation (Goetz, 2013a). The results of our analyses offered a similar range
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of attitudes towards moving. For some, leaving the community for redevelopment evoked
negative feelings that reflected a loss of home and community. Others expressed feelings
of ambivalence or uncertainty about the future. Finally, some residents expressed excite-
ment about the changes and plans for the future.

Loss of home and community

One of the themes to emerge from the interviews was loss of home and community. This
theme was mostly apparent among residents who were unhappy about leaving the public
housing community.

I really don’t want to move because I don’t know other places to go. I’ve been here just about
all my life. This is home! (Donna, age 45, resident for 15 years)
I didn’t like it at first because it is all I know. This is where I am from. If I wanted to come
back to my roots, I’d know that I grew up right here . . . . (Quinton, age 18, lifelong resident)
And then we also have fireworks on the 4th of July. We have like 300 people here . . . . Now
we have to prepare for this, you have to imagine this . . . and that’s basically what I think the
kids are going to miss. (Joyce, age 55, resident for 18 years)
I am worried about leaving everything behind. (Tiesha, age 16, resident for six years)

Many of the residents talked about the loss of their friends and neighbors, whom they
would no longer see after relocation.

I hate it . . . You know I really do. I hate it, but there’s nothing I can do about it . . . This is, yea
this is what I call home, you know, Broadview Place. (Lucille, age 55, resident for 46 years)
I hate it. I don’t want to move. I’ve lived here for 18 years. My friends will be spread out.
(Joyce, age 55, resident for 18 years)
[I will miss] my friends. Always something to do here most of the time. I will miss my friends
and the people. (Quinton, age 18, lifelong resident)
[I’m worried about] losing my friends. (Andre, age 13, lifelong resident)

Fried (2000) describes the attachments that link people and places as valuable,
particularly in low-income communities in which kinship ties formed among neighbors
may serve “as a bulwark in the face of other losses” (p. 197). However, these strong
attachments may also serve as an obstacle to adaptation to relocation.
 80 K. Skobba et al.

Uncertainty and anxiety

Many residents expressed feelings of uncertainty or anxiety about being relocated. For
some, the worries were related to finding a new place and adjusting to a new neighbor-
hood. Others had more immediate concerns of finding an affordable place to live or being
left behind in a “ghost town” as one of the last residents to be relocated. These concerns
were expressed by residents who had a positive attitude about moving as well as those
who had a negative attitude.

Just my son, like how he is going to react to the new neighborhood, he is going to high
school, well just any neighborhood, I’m worrying about him continuing to get through.
(Janice, age 42, resident for 13 years)
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I’m just worried about, I hope we be in a good community. Meet new people and get to know
the neighbors. The bad part about is, I don’t know who they are, what they do. (Kristine, age
26, resident for three years)
I’m like, what are we going to be doing, how later on in the future what are you going to be
doing? Right now I’m just trying to work toward my goals. They are starting to get there. I’m
just kind of nervous about everything actually like now actually. I’m nervous . . . . It’s just
nervous. I’m nervous about everything. (Jordan, 13, resident for 12 years)

Some of the residents wanted to return to the new Broadview Place and were worried
that they would be unable to move back after the redevelopment. One resident expresses
her concern about the possibility of not being able to come back:

I’m worried about not getting a spot to come back. Yea, I’m worried about getting my spot
not to come back ‘cause I want to come back. (Tory, age 26, resident for two years)

Despite Tory’s concerns, her chance to return to the redeveloped community was
better than for displaced public housing residents across the country. Unlike most public
housing redevelopment efforts, Broadview Place includes a one-for-one replacement of
public housing units within the new mixed-income community. However, one-for-one
replacement does not guarantee that residents will be allowed to return to the new
community, which will be managed by a for-profit management company that has more
strict tenant selection criteria than the local housing authority.

Opportunity and starting over

Finally, a portion of the residents interviewed were very happy to be moving out of the
community or were excited to return to the new community and trusted that relocation
was a temporary situation. Those who were happy to be moving had all lived in the
community for six years or less.

We have to find our own place. I’m trying to find an area for my kids. So I have no problem
with moving, I’m actually ready to go . . . . I’m ecstatic! I’m not being transported to another
[public] housing, I want out of [public] housing. (Keisha, 34, resident for five years)

Gina described her excitement over getting her own place.

I’m waiting on a voucher. I wanna get a house in Section 8. . . Being away from all the
craziness. You know, be off by myself, get a house . . . have my own little peace. I kinda like
it because I’m hoping to move to something better. (Gina, 36, resident for three years)
 Housing and Society 81

Those who were happy about leaving Broadview Place saw the redevelopment as an
opportunity to move somewhere new with a voucher, while others planned to come back
to the redeveloped mixed-income community.

Discussion and conclusion

The demolition of public housing communities is viewed as serving the interests of both
broader society and the residents of these communities, a view shaped by the conven-
tional wisdom that public housing residents are desperate to escape the crime-ridden
neighborhoods in which they are trapped (Vale, 1997). This perception of public
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housing overlooks the majority of public housing communities in the United States
that provide safe, decent housing for low-income residents (Goetz, 2013a). It also stands
in contrast to the experiences of many residents who are satisfied living in public
housing. The residents of Broadview Place were no exception. Many of the residents
described Broadview Place as a close-knit community – living with neighbors who were
like family members. Residents also described enjoying community activities, many of
which focused on the children in the community, and others such as the 4th of July
celebrations that seemed to bring out the whole community. A smaller portion of
residents described living in a neighborhood that included drama, scrutiny, and isola-
tion, a perspective that aligns more closely with the public perception of public housing
communities.
The gains from a redeveloped apartment community with modern amenities and
improved neighborhood design were not perceived as more important than friends and
sense of community for a portion of the residents. Despite the intense focus by the
housing authority and developer on the transformation and new design of the community,
most of the residents interviewed described life in the community in terms of the
neighborhood social environment. The findings of this research highlight the importance
that these communities hold in the lives of their residents, particularly long-term residents,
and the place attachment that results from the social interaction within the community.
Manzo (2005) describes how experiences within a location affect one’s attachment to a
place:

The experiences which people find important and meaningful often lead to significant
bonds with the places in which these experiences occur – for better or worse. However it
is not merely that places are containers for these significant experiences. Complex relation-
ships to these places develop on their own merit as experience and place become inter-
twined. (p. 82)

Home is a source of constancy and ontological security, or the need for confidence,
continuity and trust (Hiscock, Kearns, Macintyre, & Ellaway, 2001). For many people,
displacement from a home is the undoing of security and stability. Displacement from
one’s home disrupts several psychological processes, including the attachment that is
formed between a person and a beloved place; a sense of familiarity and in-depth
knowledge of a community and one’s sense of self that is shaped by the place in which
one lives (Fullilove, 1996). Redevelopment of public housing into mixed income com-
munities often highlights the opportunity for residents and physical improvements to both
the housing and neighborhood. However, this focus on improvement overlooks the loss of
community experienced by many residents.
 82 K. Skobba et al.

Loss of community – prevention or adaptation?

The concern over loss of social support networks among the Broadview Place residents is
justified. Previous research on public housing relocations suggests that the social ties and
sense of community are not replicated in the new communities (Clampet-Lundquist, 2004;
Gibson, 2007). The findings from this research about the social support networks estab-
lished within public housing communities are consistent with this previous research.
These studies point to the need for a different approach to improving the conditions for
residents living in public housing. Goetz (2013a) argues for the consideration of alter-
natives, such as rehabilitation and replacement, rather than the “false choice” of status quo
versus demolition and dispersal. Alternative approaches to public housing improvement
may mitigate the loss of community and affordable units that occur with most redevelop-
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ment efforts while also addressing the need for improved housing and neighborhood
conditions for public housing residents.1
In the absence of public housing policy reform, a greater effort should be made
to recognize the importance that public housing communities hold in the lives of
their residents. The strong ties to neighbors were present among the majority of
residents, even those who were satisfied or neutral about leaving Broadview Place.
Older residents in this study appeared to have strong and negative reactions to the
loss of their home and community. The difficulties that older and long-term residents
face in leaving the community should be a consideration when planning a relocation
process. The loss of community, as Fullilove (2001) and others have documented, is
a stressful event that has consequences for mental and physical health. Relocating
older and longer-tenure residents along with residents in their support networks,
preferably within a nearby neighborhood, may reduce the stress of relocation.
Finally, providing residents with the opportunity to document the history of their
community may help residents mourn the loss of their home and move forward in their
new place (Fullilove, 1996). This research is somewhat unique among studies of public
housing relocation because it captured the experiences and perceptions of residents prior
to the demolition of the community. In doing so, the student researchers provided
residents with the opportunity to share and preserve their stories of life in the
Broadview Place, something that may have allowed residents to grieve the loss of their
home.
This study fills a gap in the literature by providing a more detailed understanding
of how the diverse experiences of life in public housing relate to attitudes about
relocating from the community. Unlike previous studies, this research offers an in-
depth exploration of the behaviors and attitudes of residents before their experiences
are tainted by their experiences after relocation. While long-term residents, both
adults and children, struggled with feelings of loss of home and community and
uncertainty over the future, residents with shorter-term tenancy tended to view the
redevelopment as needed and the opportunity to relocate with a voucher as an
opportunity to improve their housing. Previous research on displacement suggests
that this process has both short- and long-term psychological consequences.
Additionally, the social support networks formed among many of the neighbors in
Broadview Place are an asset to low-income communities. More research is needed to
understand how we can develop policies that provide opportunities for kinship ties
and mutual support and provide safe, healthy, affordable housing for individuals and
families with children.
 Housing and Society 83

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Note
1. For a more thorough discussion of this issue, see chapter 7 in Goetz (2013a).

Notes on contributors
Kim Skobba is an Assistant Professor in Housing and Consumer Economics at the University of
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Georgia. Her research interests include the housing pathways of low-income families and the use of
social capital in addressing housing and community development issues. She earned a PhD and MA,
both in Housing Studies, from the University of Minnesota’s College of Design.
Kristi Scott is a PhD candidate at the University of Georgia in the Department of Financial Planning,
Housing and Consumer Economics studying food access issues and associated health impacts. Kristi
has a Bachelor of Science in Agriculture degree and a Master of Business Administration degree and
has worked in food service supply chain and value added products. Kristi has also worked with the
Griffin (GA) Housing Authority on the Personal and Household Social Mobility program where
public housing residents receive financial coaching and are evaluated based on any personal or
social changes that have occurred after being coached.
Shaquita Young holds an MS in Financial Planning, Housing and Consumer Economics. Her area of
interest is in financial literacy counseling.

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