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A taxonomy of manipulative operations in
political discourse translation
A CDA approach
Ali Jalalian Daghigh, Mohammad Saleh Sanatifar and

Rokiah Awang
Universiti Sains Malayisa
Translation may not always be understood in the way the writer of the origi-
nal text intended it to be. This is particularly true in political discourse
translation in which the target text has to be re-contextualized and tailored
to suit the ideologies, values and socio-political needs of the target commu-
nity. In so doing, translators, more precisely trans-editors, consciously or
unconsciously appeal to certain operations, thus manipulate the source text.
Manipulation can be analyzed at a contextual and textual level. By adopting
a micro perspective (textual) and inspired by critical discourse analysis, this
study tends to propose a rather inclusive typology of such manipulative
operations in Persian translation of English opinion articles. Four global
manipulative strategies are identified that are linked to certain local tech-
niques.
Keywords: manipulation strategies, manipulation techniques, news

translation, Critical Discourse Analysis, ideology
1. Introduction
Political discourse is interpreted as a spoken or written act of communication

used in formal or non-formal political contexts that relates to, deals with, or
describes any political event, organization or actor (Bánhegyi 2014, 140). It con-
sists of several genres including treaties, speeches, parliamentary debates, edi-
torials or commentaries, press conferences, memoirs, news, opinion articles, or
interviews, etc. (Schäffner 1997).
Political discourse has international breadth and thus should be internation-
ally communicated. The way translated political discourse is used for political
purposes has complex social, ideological and textual implications, which can be
https://doi.org/10.1075/forum.17002.dag
FORUM 16:2, pp. 197–220. issn 1598-7647 | e‑issn 2451-909x © John Benjamins Publishing Company
198 Ali Jalalian Daghigh, Mohammad Saleh Sanatifar and Rokiah Awang
studied systematically within Translation Studies. In the last two decades, the field
of Translation Studies has produced numerous approaches for the description of
various features of news and political discourses (Valdeon 2015). An applied field
of study that has offered analytical tools for this purpose is Critical Discourse
Analysis (Schäffner 2010).
As a matter of fact, due to the interconnectedness between language and poli-
tics, the discourse of politicians is hardly ideologically-free (Chilton and Schäffner
2002). Thus, political discourses (translation) can be used to uncover and study
the ideology of the society to which they belong.
Drawing on van Dijk (1995b, 138), ideology in this study is understood as ‘sys-
tems that are at the core of the socio-political cognitions of groups which shape
their members’ opinions in an organized way toward different issues. Soft news
articles including opinion articles, as opposed to hard news articles, are believed
to be significantly loaded with ideology (Bell 1991; van Dijk 1995b). The ideolo-
gies encapsulated in discourse are designed to conform to the social and cul-
tural perspectives of the reader and their assumptions (Conboy 2013). As van Dijk
(1995a, 15) argues, opinion articles are ‘rather institutional than personal, shared
among several editors and other social groups they belong to’. That is, they are
consistent with the beliefs and values of the dominant socio-political framework
of the institutions themselves and the wider society to which they belong (Hodge
and Kress 1993).
When the discourse of a source text (ST) – shaped in its own socio-political
context with its commissions, ideologies, and values – is translated into a different
language with its ideologies and socio-political standards, it needs to be re-con-
textualized to suit the needs and expectations of the target society (Kang 2007;
Schäffner and Bassnett 2010). The re-contextualization process leads the translator
to employ certain manipulative operations (Schäffner 2003) that would serve the
socio-political context of the target text (TT).
The aim of the present study is to work out an inclusive typology of such
operations consisting of strategies and procedures that could help researchers
investigate the manipulations that translators perform to meet the socio-political
expectations of the target community.
2. Political discourse translation
Operation and manipulation are two basic concepts in journalistic/political trans-

lation which are used in the present research. As for the term ‘operation’, Bardaji
(2009, 161) uses it as a cover term which consists of some actual steps taken or
“choices made at the textual micro-level” to manipulate the ST, as well as some

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A taxonomy of manipulative operations in political discourse translation 199
“shifts of position at the macro-level.” In addition, the two terms ‘strategy’ and
‘technique’ as used in this research are adopted from Loupaki (2010). While the
former refers to the shift of position at the macro-level, the latter refers to the
choices made at the textual micro-level (p. 72).
Manipulation is a significant feature of journalistic/political translation. Gen-
erally, there are two views on manipulative operations. Some scholars consider
manipulative operations as tools by means of which linguistic and cultural bar-
riers are transcended and communication is facilitated (e.g., Samanieo 2001;
Schäffner 2005; Bassnett 2005; Valdeon 2006; Bielsa and Bassnett 2009). However,
in the socio-political context of translation, manipulation is preferably replaced
with political/ideological ‘manipulation,’1 because political translation implies a
degree of manipulation of the source text for a certain purpose, to bring the target
text in line with a model and a notion of correctness, and in so doing secure socio-
political acceptance. Therefore, some others have focused on manipulative oper-
ations as a filter through which a specific representation of ST is promoted (e.g.
Puurtinen 2003; Orengo 2005; Tsai 2005; Kuo and Nakamura 2005; Holland 2006;
Darwish 2006; Kang 2007; Valdeon 2007, 2008; Gumul 2010; Loupaki 2010). The
current study considers manipulative operations from the latter perspective.
Except for the study by Loupaki (2010), which seeks to identify manipulative
strategies (macro-level shifts) and a limited number of techniques of manipulation
(textual micro-level shifts) in news translation, i.e., literal translation, neutraliza-
tion, omission, addition and explicitation, other studies in the field of journalis-
tic/political translation have been carried out from a micro-level shift perspective,
focusing on techniques. Valdeon (2008) examined the three techniques of omis-
sion, addition, and permutation. Puurtinen (2003) and Gumul (2010) investigated
explicitation versus implicitation in translation as a marker of ideology. The stud-
ies conducted by Tsai (2005), Darwish (2006), and Holland (2006) on manipula-
tion techniques were limited to the analysis of lexical choices. A few other studies
discuss the techniques conducted by grammatical manipulations. In addition to
omission and lexical choices, Kou and Nakamura (2005), and Valdeon (2007)
identified passivization and nominalization. In addition, Kang (2007) reviewed
the techniques confirmed by previous studies, including omission and addition,
and introduced particularization, generalization, and shift of perspective. Despite
the current interest of the researchers in investigating various techniques, a typol-
ogy is required both to bring together (perhaps to expand) the previously inves-
tigated techniques and to link them to the strategies (macro-level shifts) that the
translators aim to adopt.
1. Manipulation is a term originally concerned with literary translation and was first used by
the scholars of the Manipulation School (for example, Hermans, Bassnett and Lefevere).

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3. Framework and method
3.1 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)
Translation Studies has shown interest in investigating manipulation in political

discourse translation through different frameworks. These studies, in contrast to
linguistic approaches to translation, have been conducted by considering contex-
tual factors. Besides CDA, there are two other methods, the conceptual model of
Hatim and Mason (1990) and the re-narrative theoretical model of Baker (2006).
Both models consider several contextual factors and are strong in terms of the-
oretical background. Nevertheless, despite their merits, they are restricted by an
inclusive account of manipulation manifestations due to the lack of linguistic tools
offered by their frameworks for textual analysis (Bánhegyi 2013).
More specifically, the linguistic features used for textual analysis by Hatim and
Mason’s framework are limited to lexical choice, cohesion, and transitivity. These
are shared among CDA scholars and are notably found in Fairclough’s (1995)
model. Likewise, Baker’s (2006) tools of analysis are limited to four types of fram-
ing, i.e. temporal and spatial framing, selective appropriation of textual material,
labeling, and repositioning of participants.
As this study seeks to identify an inclusive typology of manipulation mani-
festations, employing a critical discourse analysis is justifiable. However, to avoid
the restrictions accompanying the analytical tools provided by a single notion of
CDA, this study makes use of the linguistic tools of different CDA frameworks,
while adhering theoretically to van Dijk’s framework of CDA (1998, 2005). Van
Dijk identifies three levels of analysis: social, cognitive and textual. The context of
discourse falls on the social level of analysis.
At the cognitive level, lies ideology. Van Dijk narrows the concept of ideology
from a set of ideas and beliefs by a group of people to a set of positive and negative
opinions by a group of (powerful) people in society towards those whom they
polarize as in-groups (US) and out-groups (THEM). Put simply, ideology as part
of cognition manifests in the form of two major strategies of ‘positive-self rep-
resentation’ and ‘negative-other representation’. These are conceptualized by van
Dijk as an ‘ideological square’, in which the desired and undesired features of US
and THEM are emphasized and/or de-emphasized. In other words, the positive-
self representation is achieved by emphasizing the desired and de-emphasizing the
undesired features of US, while the negative-other representation is achieved by
emphasizing the undesired and de-emphasizing the desired features of THEM. In
addition, van Dijk (1998) identifies 24 discourse structures to fulfill the two major
strategies.

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Finally, at the textual level, there are the formal structures that (de)emphasize
the polarized groups’ representations (Figure 1).
Figure 1. The researchers’ illustration of van Dijk’s (1998) model
This study aims to investigate the textual representation of ST in translation

(TT) and the techniques employed by translators. For this purpose, van
Dijk’s (1998, 2005) discursive structures, including euphemisms, lexicalization,
generalization/particularization, implication/explication, and vagueness will be
employed. In addition, other structures provided by Fowler (1991), and Fair-
clough (1995, 2001), including lexical choice, passivization/activization, nomi-
nalization, and modality choice will be included. It is important to note that
these structures originally serve in the context of monolingual discourse, and
as such, they may lack the crucial techniques necessary for cross-cultural con-
texts (in our case translation). Therefore, the research identifies and describes
the missing techniques. Finally, the techniques are linked to the strategies and
elaborated through various examples and discussion.
3.2 Corpus
The genre selected for this study is opinion articles. This political genre is selected
as it is concerned with discourses that have explicit (or implicit) ideological impli-
cations. The corpus of the study consists of thirty-one opinion articles and their
corresponding Persian translations believed to be discussing the Iranian nuclear
program. These opinion articles were published in Reuters, The Washington Post,
The Guardian, The New York Times, Al-Jazeera, Los Angeles Times, The Telegraph,
Foreign Policy, Haaretz, The National Interest, The Christian Science Monitor, Pro-
ject Syndicate, The Diplomat, Inter Press Service, Bloomberg View, Policy.Mic, Exec-
utive Magazine, and The Atlantic. The Persian translations were published in
Diplomacy-e-Irani (Iranian Diplomacy). The period of publication for the above

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articles s from April 1, 2013, until June 30, 2013. This period is preferred because
the researchers believe that conflicts and tensions between the Iranian govern-
ment and the Western powers over Iran’s nuclear activities had reached their high-
est level at that time. In fact, more and more ideologically-loaded articles were
being published.
Iranian Diplomacy is a website whose aim is to inform Iranian readers in and
out of the country about the most important national, regional and international
events and to provide analysis of them. The site is a place for the exchange of
ideas for those who seek to learn about the international relations between coun-
tries from an Iranian point of view. Iranian Diplomacy works within the ideo-
logical framework and the media policies of the target community to promote
the Iranian-Islamic basis of its national interests. Iranian Diplomacy attempts to
identify more precisely the relationships between countries, foreign policy tactics
and strategies, as well as to provide an understanding of international challenges
which can lead to the discovery of strategies to handle them (translated from
Diplomacy-e Irani website).2
3.3 Iran’s media policies
In the introduction of the nine-chapter law, which was promulgated in 1981, the
major policies and principles stress the role of the media in achieving the ideolog-
ical goals of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Based on “Act 175” of the constitution3
“[…] in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the freedom of speech and publication of
thoughts must be in accordance with Islamic principles as well as the interests of
the country.”
The eight-chapter media law4 predefines the limitations for the media. Chap-
ter 4 states the policies for publicizing ideas and beliefs. This chapter bans cases
that noticeably:
1. promote ideas that hurt the Islamic Republic of Iran;
2. insult the officials of the country, specifically the Supreme Leader; and
3. violate policies, such as political, social, economic, and cultural policies of the
Islamic Republic of Iran.
Chapter 2 states the mission of the media. Among the cases described in this chap-
ter are those that:
2. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/staticContent/33.html
3. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Iran_1989.pdf. Retrieved on 23rd June, 2014.
4. http://www.zums.ac.ir/files/law/user_folders/matbooat.pdf. Retrieved from on 2nd Septem-
ber, 2014.

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1. promote the goals stated in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran;
2. disclose the hostile nature and position of Western governments, including
their hegemonistic policies and the economic and military polarizations that
contribute to these policies; and
3. promote the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, not only for the nation,
but also, the entire world.
Some of these policies have been formed mainly based on the relationship of Iran
with foreign countries after the 1979 revolution in Iran (Mearsheimer and Walt
2006). Among the conflicts between Iran and the West, the nuclear program of
Iran has been the major point of contention for decades.5
4. Results and discussion
In this section, the strategies are discussed as determined by various techniques.

As the techniques are numerous, for efficiency purposes, the examples selected
reflect the variety of techniques being used. To clarify the tables, ST refers to the
source text, TT refers to the target text, and the number preceding it indicates the
number of the articles (target texts) in the order they appear in the final reference
list; G stands for the gloss, and BT refers to the back translation of the target text.
Strategy 1. Blocking the undesired in TT
The first global strategy used by translators is to block the undesired representa-
tion of ST, in which there is a conflict of interest and ideology. This strategy is
5. The conflict over the Iran’s nuclear program dates back to 2003, when the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) first reported that Iran had not declared sensitive uranium
enrichment. The agency believes that enrichment can be used to produce uranium for reactor
fuel or (at higher enrichment levels) for weapons, while Iran claims that its nuclear program
is peaceful, and is useful for the operation of a civilian nuclear power plant. After the agency’s
public allegations of Iran’s undeclared nuclear activities, the IAEA launched a spot investigation,
which found no evidence of links to a nuclear weapons program. The IAEA asked Iran to stop
the program anyway, but the Iranian side was adamant that it was their “legal” right to have
access to this new-age technology. The IAEA reported the non-compliance to the UN Security
Council in 2006, and the Council imposed sanctions on Iran. In 2009, the United States and
the European Union proposed negotiations to tackle the issue and appointed the P 5+1. The Ira-
nians agreed. Despite their initial proposals, the group consistently called for the cessation of
Iran’s nuclear-related activities. The Iranian side and the P5+1 signed an interim agreement in
2013, which was finalized in November 2014 (taken from Siegel and Barforoush 2013).

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achieved by employing several techniques, including omission, change of perspec-

tive, neutralization, creating ambiguity, creating populism, and euphemism.
(1) ST Could Iran cross the line even before it decided to produce weapon-grade
fissile material? Western officials allege that Iran conducted
conventional explosives testing relevant to a warhead at the military
base of Parchin […] (Joshi 2013, Paragraph 12).
TT ‫آیا این به معنی توسعه برنامه های تسلیحات هسته ای خواهد بود؟‬
(8, Paragraph 7)
G [will have would this mean development of program weapon nuclear]
BT Does it mean nuclear weapon development program?
In Example (1), the Iranian nuclear program is depicted negatively in ST. The
writer states the negative assumption of Western politicians: “Western offi-
cials…Parchin.” However, as a comparison of ST and TT shows, the section is
omitted in TT. In other words, a negative representation of Iran’s nuclear program
is blocked from TT.
(2) ST We know that the Foreign Office is concerned about the threat of a
hostile regime putting students on British University courses that would
give them the knowledge to build weapons of mass destruction […]
(Holehouse 2013, Paragraph 1).
TT ‫وزنامه تلگراف در مقاله ای با اشاره به تحصیل دانشجویان ایرانی در این رشته های حساس در‬
‫دانشگاه های انگلیس این ادعا را مطرح می کند که وزارت خارجه در مورد تهدید ناشی از تحصیل‬
‫دانشجویان برخی کشور ها در رشته های خاص نگران است چرا که این روند به آنها امکان می دهد‬
‫به دانش ساخت تسلیحات کشتار جمعی دست یابند‬.
(1, Paragraph 1)
G [newspaper Telegraph in an article referring to study of students Iranian
in these fields specific at universities of England this claim makes that
ministry of foreign affairs about threat posed by study of students of some
countries in fields specific is concerned since this procedure to them
possibility give to knowledge of building weapons destruction mass]
BT In an article, Telegraph newspaper […] claims that the ministry of foreign
affairs is concerned about the threat posed by students from some countries
enrolled in specific fields, since this procedure gives them the possibility to
access the knowledge of building weapons of mass destruction.
Example (2) comes from a news article in which the author expresses his concern
over the decision by British universities to allow students from Iran and Iraq to be
enrolled in certain fields, such as Physics, through which they can obtain nuclear
knowledge. As observed in ST, the common knowledge of the readers is taken
for granted; “we know” is used in ST as a tool to represent a group as a “hostile
regime” negatively. In fact, the writer is presupposing that the readers are aware of

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the hostile regime, which may not be true at all. However, the comparison of ST
and TT shows that this negative representation is depicted differently in TT. First,
“we know” is translated into ‫[ روزنامه تلگراف این ادعا را مطرح می کند روزنامه تلگراف‬Telegraph
newspapers claims], thereby decreasing the truth of the assumption by changing
the perspective. Second, “a hostile regime” is translated into ‫[ برخی کشور ها‬some
countries]. Therefore, not only is a lexicalized expression neutralized but (by gen-
eralizing the term to “some countries”) an ambiguous expression is formed, which
alleviates the negative depiction. Moreover, by omitting the details of the unde-
sired depiction of the nuclear knowledge, an attempt to hide the details of the
negative consequences of this knowledge is observed. Therefore, the undesired
representation is blocked from entering TT.
(3) ST The P5+1 must demonstrate the same type of steadfastness that
guardians of the Islamic Republic have shown. The best means of
disarming Iran is to insist on a simple and basic redline […] (Takeyh
2013).
TT ‫ برای مذاکره با ایران باید همان میزان پایمردی را از خود نشان دهد که ایرانی ها در این‬5+1 ‫گروه‬
‫ بهترین راه برای متوقف کردن برنامه های هسته ای ایران تعیین‬.‫سالها در مواجهه با غرب خرج کردند‬
‫یک خط قرمز مشخص است‬.
(11, Paragraph 7)
G [group5+1 to negotiate with Iran should same fortitude demonstrate that
Iranians in these years in facing West spent have the best way to stop
programs’ nuclear Iran determine a line red clear]
BT The group 5+1 to negotiate with Iran should demonstrate the same fortitude
that Iranians within these years have spent in facing the West. The best way
to stop Iran’s nuclear program is to determine a red line.
In this example, the expressions “guardians of the Islamic Republic” and “disarm-
ing Iran” indicate the negative opinion of the ST writer toward Iran and its nuclear
program. The comparison of ST and TT shows some differences in terms of ideo-
logical manipulation. First, “guardians of the Islamic Republic” is translated to ‫ها‬
‫[ ایرانی‬Iranians]. In fact, by categorizing a particular group who favors the Islamic
Republic (the political regime), the writer is referring to a minority that supports
the nuclear program. However, this reference is generalized to the whole Iranian
community (populism). Thus, a TT reader may interpret that a large population
favors the program. Second, though the word “steadfastness” is a positive term,
the writer has used it to represent the minority group negatively. The replace-
ment of this word by ‫[ پایمردی‬fortitude], which is a more positive word than that in
ST, indicates the attempt to depict Iran’s program positively through euphemism.
Finally, another instance of euphemism is observed in the translation of “disarm-
ing Iran” into ‫[ متوقف کردن برنامه های هسته ای ایران‬to stop Iran’s nuclear program]. This

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euphemism not only filters an undesired representation of Iran, but also, may por-
tray the West negatively through the change in perspective because a target reader
may interpret this as stopping a program that a nation has a right to pursue. Over-
all, in the above discussed three cases, the translator’s attempts to block the unde-
sired representation in TT are evident.
Strategy 2. Demoting undesired representations of ST in TT
The second strategy used by translators is to demote the representations of ST,

which are inappropriate in terms of ideology. This strategy, as a macro-notion,
is achieved through the use of several techniques, including omission, nominal-
ization, passivization, implicitation, mitigation, particularization, and change of
modality.
(4) ST Under Ahmadinejad, whose holocaust denial and aggressive
proclamations made him an inflammatory figure on the world stage,
the country has become increasingly isolated and harsh international
sanctions have taken their toll (Heelay 2013, Paragraph 6).
TT ‫در زمان ریاست جمهوری محمود احمدی نژاد کشور با تنگنای سیاسی و اقتصادی از جانب غرب مواجه‬
‫شد‬
‫شد‬.
(2, Paragraph 4)
G [in period of presidential Mahmoud Ahmadinejad country with
constrains political and economic from West faced]
BT During the presidential period of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the country
faced political and economic constraints from the West.
In this example, the ST writer refers to the problems created by Ahmadinejad’s

policies, the former Iranian president, for the country and the Iranian people.
President Ahmadinejad’s policies are portrayed as a cause “…whose holocaust
…stage” that has victimized the country and the people of Iran, leading to the
situation where “the country has become…toll”, by creating problems for them.
Two major techniques are employed. First, the negative description of Ahmadine-
jad is omitted in TT. Second, the problems explained in ST, “the country…toll”,
are translated into ‫[ تنگنای سیاسی و اقتصادی‬political and economic constraints]. “Con-
straints” is an ambiguous expression that hides the details of victimization. In
other words, an undesired representation of Iranian policies is mitigated in TT.

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(5) ST […] that is what Rowhani campaigned for-and Khamenei who

disqualified other candidates, allowed him to win (McManus 2013,
Paragraph 4).
TT ‫این می تواند هدف روحانی باشد که در مقابل رد صالحیت علی اکبر هاشمی رفسنجانی به انتخابات‬
‫را یافت و پیروز میدان شد‬
(9, Paragraph 2)
G [this can purpose Rowhani’s be who by disqualification of Ali Akbar
Hashemi to election a way found and victorious of battle he became]
BT This can be Rowhani’s purpose, who by Ali Akbar Hashemi’s
disqualification found a way to the election and won it.
In this article, the writer comments on Rowhani’s probable role, as the current
president of Iran, in the country’s nuclear program and in future negotiations. In
this part of the text, the writer depicts and relates Rowhani’s victory to the dis-
qualification of other candidates by Ayatollah Khamenei, the supreme leader of
Iran. In fact, the writer argues that other candidates have been marginalized by the
Supreme Leader, who has the power to disqualify candidates. However, two main
techniques are employed to demote the undesired representation. First, TT is pas-
sivized, thereby eliminating the role of Ayatollah Khamenei. Second, “other candi-
dates” is translated into ‫[ علی اکبر هاشمی رفسنجانی‬Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani] who
is one of the candidates. In fact, more candidates were disqualified. Therefore, by
particularizing some other candidates to one person, the depth of the undesired
representation of the presidential election system is demoted in TT.
(6) ST […] after nearly a decade of stalled negotiations, the world has become
numb to Iranian intransigence […] (Hadley, Lieberman and Steinberg
2013, Paragraph 1).
TT ‫شاید پس از یک دهه مذاکره بی ثمر جهان از سیاستهای غیر قابل تغییر ایرانیان خسته شده باشد‬.
(3, Paragraph 2)
G [maybe after a decade negotiation unfruitful world from policies
[unchangeable Iranians tired has got]
BT after nearly a decade of unfruitful negotiation, the world has got tired of the
Iranians unchangeable policies
In this example, the use of the word “numb” in ST indicates the strength of the
negative opinion of the writers toward the burden created by the Iranian govern-
ment’s nuclear policy. In addition, the words “stalled” and “intransigence”, which
carry negative connotations, are used to depict Iranian policy. However, translat-
ing “numb” into ‫[ خسته‬tired], “stalled” into ‫[ بی ثمر‬unfruitful] and “intransigence”
into ‫[ غیر قابل تغییر‬unchangeable] indicates an attempt to mitigate the negative load-
ing of the ST lexical choices. Therefore, in this example, the undesired representa-
tion of the Iranian nuclear program is demoted.

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(7) ST It would have to agree to completely open all Iranian nuclear facilities to
regular inspections by the IAEA (which has thus far refused to do so)
[…] (Purzyck 2013, Paragraph 7).
TT ‫نخست ایران باید مجوز ورود بازرسان به تمامی سایت های هسته ای اش را بدهد‬.
(7, Paragraph 7)
G [first Iran would permission enter inspectors to all sites it’s nuclear give]
BT First Iran would give permission to the inspectors to enter all its nuclear
sites.
In this article, the writer proposes the steps that must be performed by Western
powers and the US to resolve the nuclear standoff. As demonstrated in ST, Iran
has thus far refused to allow IAEA inspectors to gain access to and inspect all its
nuclear facilities. By contrast, the inspection of nuclear facilities is made implicit
in TT. In fact, the degree of undesired representation of the program is demoted
by leaving it implicit.
(8) ST After all, the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran would most likely
exacerbate violent conflict and a nuclear arms race in the region (Fischer
2013, Paragraph 8).
TT ‫به بیان دیگر چشم انداز ایران مجهز به سالح هسته ای می تواند به در گیری ها در منطقه دامن زده‬
(13, Paragraph 7)
G [in other words, prospect of Iran equipped with arm nuclear can to
conflicts in region trigger]
BT In other words, the prospect of an Iran equipped with the nuclear arm can
trigger the conflicts in the region.
ST After all, the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran would most likely
exacerbate violent conflict and a nuclear arms race in the region (Fischer
2013, Paragraph 8).
In this example, the ST writer warns of the possible effects of an Iran with nuclear
arms. The writer negatively describes Iran’s nuclear program and expresses a high
probability of a negative outcome by using the modal “most likely” in ST. The
comparison between ST and TT shows that some manipulations are conducted
to decrease the loading of the negative depiction. First, by choosing the word ‫می‬
‫[ تواند‬can] and replacing it with the one in ST, “most likely”, the probability of an
undesired representation is mitigated. In addition, the phrase “violent conflict” is
alleviated through translating it into ‫[ در گیری ها‬conflicts], in which the omission
contributes to the mitigation. As a result, the undesired representation of ST is
demoted by manipulations in modality as well as by partial omission.
(9) ST […] the only reason the Iranians are willing to listen and are forced to
negotiate is that we have the pressure of sanction on them (Redd 2013,
Paragraph 20).

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TT ‫در حال حاضر تنها چیزی که ایران را پای میز مذاکره نگه داشته است فشار تحریم هاست‬
…‫هاست‬
(6, Paragraph 9)
G [in moment only thing that Iran to table negotiation kept has pressure of
sanctions is]
BT the only thing which has kept Iran to the negotiating table is the sanctions
‘pressure.
In this article, the ST writer concentrates on what the European Union thinks of
the Iranian government. According to ST, Iranians would not have been negotiat-
ing if the West had not sanctioned the country. In fact, the divergence of the West
and Iran appears in this example through polarization, “we have the pressure of
sanctions on them.” This shows that Iran is represented negatively, whereas the
West is represented positively by emphasizing the role of the West in keeping the
Iranians at the negotiating table through sanctions. However, as the comparison of
ST and TT shows, the undesired representation of Iran and the West are demoted
in TT through nominalization. In other words, the role of the West is demoted,
because it does not appear as the subject of the action by using the nominalized
expression of ‫[ فشار تحریم ها‬pressure of sanctions].
(10) ST …“we believe we have put forward a good, comprehensive, fair, and
balanced approach; a confidence building measure that we think is a
good start” (Peterson 2013, Paragraph 11 ).
TT ‫ می گوید بسته پیشنهادی خوبی را به ایران ارائه داده‬5+1 ‫گروه‬
(5, Paragraph 6)
G [group 5+1says package offered good to Iran given they have]
BT 5+1 group says they have offered a good package
In this example, the writer quotes what Ashton, a Western leader responsible for
negotiations, states on the proposal provided by the West. ST is an undesired rep-
resentation of the West and their proposal. The use of the word “we” in the three
cases shows the positive manner by which Ashton has polarized the Western pow-
ers. In comparing ST and TT, “we” is translated as “they”. As a result, an attempt to
change the perspective of the undesired representation is observed by stating that
1+5] ‫ می گوید‬5+1 ‫ گروه‬group says], rather than by expressing it from the perspective
of the West. More importantly, except for the word “good”, which is retained, the
other positive features of ST are omitted in TT. Accordingly, the undesired repre-
sentation of the West is demoted.
Strategy 3. Promoting the desired representations in TT
The third strategy used by translators is to promote the desired representations of

ST which are appropriate in terms of ideology in TT. This strategy, as a macro-

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notion, is achieved by using a number of techniques, including explicitation,

activization, change of modality, addition, and lexicalization.
(11) ST North Korea’s arsenal of nuclear weapons […] has nonetheless
emboldened it to challenge the United States and other nuclear armed
powers, which have responded with caution and – from North Korea’s
vantage point-some degree of respect (Herszenhorn and Gladstone 2013,
paragraph 2).
TT […]‫تسلیحات هسته ای کره شمالی در مقیاسی است که می تواند چالشی برای ایا لت متحده و‬
‫ اما در کمال تعجب پاسخ جهان به تهدید هسته ای‬.‫دیگر کشورهای مجهز به سالح هسته ای باشد‬
‫کره شمالی محتاطانه و از نظر مقامات پیونگ یانگ با سطحی از احترام همراه است‬
(12, paragraph 2)
G [arms nuclear Korea’s North in a scale is which can a challenge for the
United States and other countries equipped with arm nuclear be
however in great surprise respond the world to threats Korea’s North
cautiously and in view of authorities Pyongyang with degree of respect
accompanied is]
BT North Korea’s nuclear arms […] are on a scale which can be a challenge to
the USA and other countries equipped with nuclear arms. However, with
great surprise, the world response to toward the nuclear threats of North
Korea is cautious and in the view of Pyongyang, authorities are treated
with some degree of respect.
In the example above, the writer compares the already failed talks between the
West and North Korea over its nuclear program with the negotiations between
Iran and the West. According to the writer, the outcome of the failed talks did
not lead to any actions against North Korea, but it brought respect to their coun-
try. Similarly, Iran could follow the same behavior. While the entire article and
the example above, in particular, contribute to the undesired representation of
Iran and its nuclear program, the US and the Western powers are also described
negatively by stating their disregard of the threat that may exist through North
Korea’s nuclear program. As evident from the comparison of ST and TT, the words
‫[ اما‬however] and ‫[ در کمال تعجب‬surprisingly] are added to TT. The effect remains
implicit in ST. In fact, as far as the desired representation of the West is concerned,
an attempt is made to be explicit and to place emphasis on it in TT.
(12) ST Israel, widely assumed to be the Middle East’s only nuclear-armed state,
now sees Iran’s purportedly civil nuclear program as the most serious risk
(Dahl and Williams 2013, Paragraph 7).
TT ‫ اما همین کشور هسته ای با‬.‫بسیاری بر این گمانند که اسرائیل تنها کشور هسته ای خاورمیانه است‬
‫برنامه های هسته ای ایران مخالف است و آن را ریسک جدی برای خود می داند‬
(10, Paragraph 7)

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G [many assume that Israel only country nuclear in the Middle East is but
this country nuclear with programs of nuclear Iran in disagreement is and
that risk serious for itself consider]
BT Many assume that Israel is the only nuclear armed country in the Middle
East. However, this nuclear country disagrees with Iran’s nuclear program
and considers it as a serious risk for itself.
In this example, the writers criticize Israel by using the expression “widely
assumed.” In other words, they argue that a large number of individuals assume
that Israel not only has nuclear arms, but also, is the only country in the Middle
East to have nuclear arms. In the comparison between ST and TT, this representa-
tion is transferred to TT. Furthermore, “Israel, widely assumed” is translated into
‫[ بسیاری بر این گمانند که اسرائیل‬many assume that Israel], which highlights Israel’s nega-
tivity by changing a passive sentence to an active one in TT.
(13) ST And Obama’s decision last week to send small arms to the rebels in Syria
is hardly a step likely to make Iran feel better about Washington’s
regional objectives (M. Walt 2013, Paragraph 8).
TT ‫برای مثال تصمیم هفته گذشته اوباما به منظور ارسال سالح برای معترضان سوری قطعا بدبینی‬
‫بیشتری را در نگاه ایران نسبت به اهداف منطقه ای واشنگتن حاکم می کند‬
(4, Paragraph 7)
G [for example decision last week by Obama to send arms for rebels Syria
will definitely pessimism more dominate in view Iran’s toward objectives
of regional Washington dominant makes]
BT the last week decision by Obama to send arms to Syria rebels absolutely
dominates more pessimism in Iran’s view toward Washington’s regional
objectives.
In this article, the writer blames Obama for sending arms to Syria, not because
of the act of sending arms per se, but because of the challenge that this action
may bring between Iran and the US. The comparison between ST and TT shows
that this negative depiction is transferred into TT. However, the few ideological
manipulations that distinguish TT from ST should be noted. First, the existence
of the adjective “small” in the phrase “small arms” (ST) shows that the writer has
specified the type of arms that were sent. However, the omission of this adjective
from TT (generalization) may alter the interpretation of the reader on the action
by the West. The existence of the modals “hardly” and “likely” in “is hardly a step
likely” indicates the writer’s degree of certainty toward the obstacle that may be
brought by this issue. These two modals are replaced by ‫[ قطعا‬absolutely] in TT,
which expresses a higher degree of assurance toward the problem being caused by
Obama’s decision. Finally, the replacement of “to make Iran feel better” in ST, with
the lexicalized expression, “causes more pessimism in Iran’s view”, in TT, expresses

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a stronger sense of negativity toward Obama’s policy and to a probable deal over a
nuclear standoff. Thus, the undesired representation of Obama is transferred and
promoted in TT.
Strategy 4. Preserving the desired representations in TT
The fourth strategy used by translators is to preserve the desired representations

of ST that are appropriate in terms of ideology. This strategy is not fulfilled by
applying any specific techniques, rather the ST representations are rendered to TT
without any significant manipulations.
(14) ST Based on my personal experience, Rowhani is a polite and open
character (Fischer 2013, Paragraph 4).
TT ‫تجربه شخصی من نشان می دهد که روحانی مردی مودب و با شخصیتی باز است‬
(13, Paragraph 4)
G [experience personal my point out that Rowhani man a polite and
character open is
BT Based on my personal experience, Rowhani is a polite man with open
character.
The example above is obtained from an article written after the Iranian presiden-
tial election in 2013. The entire ST reflects the positive perspective of the writer
on the election of the new president of Iran, who could bring positive changes
to the nuclear stand-off between Iran and the Western countries. As shown in
ST, Rowhani, Iran’s newly-elected President, is described positively as being a
polite and open character. In the comparison of ST and TT, no manipulation
is observed. The two positive expressions are translated into ‫[ مودب‬polite] and ‫با‬
‫[ شخصیتی باز‬with the open character]. As a result, the desired representation of the
Iranian president is directly rendered into TT.
(15) ST […] and Obama has not shown himself to be especially bold or
courageous when it comes to foreign policy (M. Walt 2013, Paragraph 7 ).
TT ‫اوباما نیز به خودی خود نشان نداده که در سیاست خارجی فردی شجاع و قاطع است‬
(4, Paragraph 6)
G [Obama also by itself shown has not that in foreign policy he bold and
courageous is]
BT Obama himself has not shown that in foreign policy he is a courageous
and bold person.
In this example, Obama is depicted negatively in ST, as not being bold or coura-
geous, which indicates the news writer’s negative view of Obama’s foreign policy.
As the comparison of ST and TT reveals, the desired description of the US presi-

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dent is transferred to TT without any manipulation by translating the expressions

into ‫[ قاطع‬bold] and ‫[ شجاع‬courageous] and maintaining the negativity of the struc-
ture. Consequently, the desired representation is preserved in TT.
5. The typology and conclusion
Based on the analysis of the corpus, this study proposes a typology of manipula-
tive operations in journalistic/political translation as below:
Table 1. The typology proposed for manipulative strategies

Strategy 1: Blocking undesired representations Strategy 2: Demoting undesired representations
of ST in TT of ST in TT
Strategy 3: Promoting desired representations Strategy 4: Preserving desired representations of
of ST in TT ST in TT
The most obvious finding from the study is the significance of categorizing
the operations into strategies and techniques. With the exception of preserving
the desired representations of ST, the other strategies, namely, blocking, demoting,
and promoting are achieved by applying specific techniques as listed below:
Table 2. The typology proposed for manipulative operations
Strategy 1. Blocking undesired representations of ST in TT

Manipulation
techniques Explanations
Complete To completely remove an undesired representation of ST in TT
omission
Change of To represent an undesired representation of ST from a different perspective in
perspective TT so that the trace of the ST representation is removed
Neutralization To replace an undesired negative representation of ST with an item in TT which
nullifies the representation
Creating To nullify an undesired negative representation of ST with a vague expression in
ambiguity TT, by not providing the details of the ST representation in TT, which leads to
nullifying the representation.
Creating To minimize an undesired negative representation of ST by attributing the
populism interests of a person or a specific group (high ranking officials) to many
(people).
Euphemism To replace an undesired negative representation of ST with a positively-loaded
item in TT so as to censor the representation.

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Strategy 2. Demoting undesired representations of ST in TT

Manipulation
Partial omission To partially remove an undesired representation of ST in TT so that the degree
of representation is minimized.
Nominalization To lower the loading of an undesired representation of ST in TT by
nominalizing, by which the details of subject and object are removed.
Implicitation To lower an undesired negative/positive representation of ST in TT by
implying the meaning.
Change of To lower an undesired representation of ST in TT by replacing the probability/
modality obligation of an event/action by using a modal, which expresses a lower
possibility/probability.
Particularization To particularize an undesired negative representation of ST in TT as opposed
to the generality of a ST representation so as to lower the load of negativity.
Passivization To omit the subject of an undesired negative representation of ST in TT as
opposed to an active structure so as to remove the responsibility of the
actor(s).
Strategy 3. Promoting desired representation of ST in TT

Manipulation
Addition To add an item which intensifies a desired positive representation of ST in TT
Explicitation To make a desired positive/negative representation of TT more explicit as
opposed to that of ST.
Generalization To generalize desired positive/negative representations of ST in TT as opposed
to the specificity of the ST representation.
Chang of To intensify a desired positive/negative representation of ST in TT by replacing
modality the probability/obligation of something by using a modal which expresses a
higher possibility.
Activization To add a subject to a desired positive/negative representation of ST in TT to
intensify the representation.
Lexicalization To intensify a desired negative representation of ST by either replacing it with a
more negatively-loaded item or adding an extra negatively-loaded item.
As stated earlier, operations must be studied from the perspective of the pur-
pose for which they are employed, such as satisfying the socio-political expecta-
tions of the target society. Political news opinion articles are hardly ideologically
free. Therefore, news translators employ suchs operations to entextualize the
already ideologically-loaded discourse of ST in TT. As the analysis shows, the
manipulative operations at a macro (strategies) and micro (techniques) level are

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consciously or unconsciously employed by the translators to conform to the

socio-political expectations of the target media and community. The analysis
shows that the translators employ specific strategies to (1) block or (2) demote
what is ideologically undesired for the target system (US), and to (3) promote or
(4) preserve what is ideologically desired for the target system.
The observed macro-notion shifts (strategies) and the micro-notion shifts
(applied techniques) suggest a number of points. First, there is a mutual rela-
tionship between the strategies and the techniques which are applied. In fact, the
techniques, though much more varied than the strategies, have been applied to
manipulative acts to tailor a TT with the desired manipulation patterns. Second,
the strategy of maintaining the desired representations of ST also suggests that
when a representation is not in conflict with what the source article writers wish
for, translators prefer to render it in TT intact. Third, some of the manipulative
operations identified by van Dijk in monolingual contexts, such as implicitation
versus explicitation, vagueness (ambiguity), euphemism, generalization, and lexi-
calization, are found to be used in the bilingual context of translation. Finally, sev-
eral techniques confirm those previously found as responsive to the present study.
Overall, this typology not only brings together the operations found by previ-
ous studies, but also, (re)organizes them from a strategy-technique/macro-micro-
operation point of view. The findings of the study will allow translation
researchers to decide more confidently how representative a translation is, espe-
cially in the context of political discourse translation, to what extent it is manip-
ulated and whether it meets the target media and system’s commissions and
expectations. In addition, the findings will benefit translation trainers in courses
on political text translation in academia.
However, the findings of the study might be subject to restrictions which the
genre in question and the duration of data collection (3 months) have put on the
study. Other studies with different genres of political discourse translation and
longer periods of data collection might have an impact on the results. Further-
more, studies with other language pairs and cultures may serve to further develop
the proposed typology.
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M. Walt, Stephen. 2013. “Another Opportunity to Squander”. Foreign Policy, June 17.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/06/17/another_opportunity_to_squander
McManus, Doyle. 2013. “Chance for a New Approach on Iran”. Los Angeles Times, June 22.
http://articles.latimes.com/2013/jun/22/opinion/la-oe-mcmanus-column-nuclear-iran-
rowhani-20130623
Peterson, Scott. 2013. “Iran’s Chief Nuclear Negotiator: We’re Being Asked to Make All the
Sacrifices”. The Christian Science Monitor, May 16.
http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Middle-East/2013/0516/Iran-s-chief-nuclear-
negotiator-we-re-being-asked-to-make-all-the-sacrifices
Purzycki, Michael. 2013. “War with Iran: Full Diplomatic Relations Are the Best Option for the
U.S. and Iran”. Policy. Mic, June 7. https://mic.com/articles/45447/war-with-iran-full-
diplomatic-relations-are-the-best-option-for-the-u-s-and-iran#.5KL7jvX5S
Redd, Benjamin. 2013. “Moving towards an Iranian Deal: Hurdles to Lifting Sanctions are
Imposing, but the Biggest is Trust”. Executive Magazine, April 19. http://www.executive-
magazine.com/buzz/iran-america-sanctions-negotiations-trust

All rights reserved
Takeyh, Ray. 2013. “The Best Redline for a Nuclear Iran,”. The Washington Post, March 31.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-best-red-line-for-a-nuclear-
iran/2013/03/31/9e9397dc-933c-11e2-ba5b-550c7abf6384_story.html
Persian news opinion articles (target texts)
1. ‫( انگلیس آموزش می بینند؟" "دانشمندا ن هسته ای ایران در‬Are the Iranian Nuclear Scientists being
Trained in England?). 2013. Iranian Diplomacy, May 4. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/
1915559/‫بینند؟‬+‫می‬+‫آموزش‬+‫انگلیس‬+‫در‬+‫ایرای‬+‫ای‬+‫هسته‬+‫دانشمندان‬.html
2. ‫( جمهور نیست" "دیپلماسی متاثر از شخص رئیس‬Diplomacy is not Influenced by the Sole Decision
of President). 2013. Iranian Diplomacy, June 6. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/
1916894/‫نیست‬+‫جمهور‬+‫رئیس‬+‫شخص‬+‫از‬+‫متاثر‬+‫دیپلماسی‬.html
3. ‫( کنید" "فورا در مورد ایران تصمیم گیری‬Make a Decision about Iran Immediately). 2013. Iranian
Diplomacy. June 18. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1917343/
‫کنید‬+‫گیری‬+‫تصمیم‬+‫ایران‬+‫مورد‬+‫در‬+‫فورا‬.html
4. “ ‫( ” ایران و آمریکا این فرصت را هم از دست خواهند داد‬Iran and America will Squander this
Opportunity too) . 2013. Iranian Diplomacy, June 22. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/
1917517/‫داد‬+‫خواهند‬+‫دست‬+‫از‬+‫هم‬+‫را‬+‫فرصت‬+‫این‬+‫آمریکا‬+‫و‬+‫ایران‬.html
5. “ ‫ کیلومتری مذاکرات‬100 ‫( هسته ای ” جاده‬The 100 Kilometer Road of Nuclear Negotiations).
2013. Iranian Diplomacy, June 25. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1917659/
‫ای‬+‫هسته‬+‫مذاکرات‬+‫کیلومتری‬+100+‫جاده‬.html
6. “ ‫( ” مشکل اصلی ایران و غرب کجاست؟‬What is the Main Problem of Iran and the West?). 2013.
Iranian Diplomacy, April 27. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1915266/
‫کجاست‬+‫غرب‬+‫و‬+‫ایران‬+‫اصلی‬+‫مشکل‬.html
7. “ ‫( ” نوشدارویی به نام روابط دیپلماتیک کامل‬A Panacea with the Name of Full Diplomatic Rela-
tions) . 2013. Iranian Diplomacy. June 13 http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1917163
‫کامل‬+‫دیپلماتیک‬+‫روابط‬+‫نام‬+‫به‬+‫نوشدارویی‬/.html
8. “ ‫ خط قرمز وا‬7 ‫( ” شنگتن تل آویو عبورایران از‬Iran’s Crossing of Washington- Tel Aviv’s 7 Red-
lines) . 2013. Iranian Diplomacy, May 9. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1915788
‫آویو‬+‫تل‬+‫واشنگتن‬+‫قرمز‬+‫خط‬+7+‫از‬+‫ایران‬+‫عبور‬/.html
9. “ ‫( ” راه های پیش روی اوباما برای کمک به روحانی‬Possible Ways for Obama to Help Rowhani).
2013. Iranian Diplomacy, June 27. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1917739
‫روحانی‬+‫به‬+‫کمک‬+‫برای‬+‫اوباما‬+‫روی‬+‫پیش‬+‫های‬+‫راه‬/.html
10. “ ‫( ” راکتور اراک هدف حمله قرار میگیرد‬Arak Reactor is Targeted). 2013. Iranian Diplomacy, May
7. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1916939‫گیرد‬+‫می‬+‫قرار‬+‫حمله‬+‫هدف‬+‫اراک‬+‫راکتور‬/
.html
11. ‫( ” تعیین کنید“ تنها یک خط قرمز برای ایران‬Set only One Redline for Iran). 2013. Iranian Diplo-
macy, April 7. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1914495/
‫کنید‬+‫تعیین‬+‫ایران‬+‫برای‬+‫قرمز‬+‫خط‬+‫یک‬+‫تنها‬.html
12. “ ‫( ” تهران از پیونگ یانگ درس می گیرد‬Tehran Learns from Pion Yang). 2013. Iranian Diplo-
macy, April 8. http://www.irdiplomacy.ir/fa/page/1914612
‫گیرد‬+‫می‬+‫درس‬+‫یانگ‬+‫پیونگ‬+‫از‬+‫تهران‬/.html

All rights reserved
13. “ ‫( ” یوشیکا فیشر از فرصت ناشی از پیروزی روحانی می گوید‬Joschka Fischer Says of the Upcoming
Opportunity of Rowhani’s Victory). 2013. Iranian Diplomacy, June 29. http://www.ir
diplomacy.ir/fa/page/1917803‫می‬+‫روحانی‬+‫پیروزی‬+‫از‬+‫ناشی‬+‫فرصت‬+‫از‬+‫فیشر‬+‫یوشیکا‬
‫گوید‬/.html
Résumé
La traduction peut ne pas toujours être comprise de la manière dont l’auteur du texte original
l’a voulu. Ceci est particulièrement vrai dans la traduction de discours politique dans laquelle
le texte cible doit être recontextualisé et adapté aux idéologies, aux valeurs et aux besoins socio-
politiques de la communauté cible. Ce faisant, les traducteurs, plus précisément les trans-édi-
teurs, font consciemment ou inconsciemment appel à certaines opérations, manipulent ainsi le
texte source. La manipulation peut être analysée au niveau contextuel et textuel. En adoptant
une micro perspective (textuelle) et inspirée par l’analyse critique du discours, cette étude tend
à proposer une typologie plutôt inclusive de telles opérations manipulatrices dans la traduction
en persan des articles d’opinion anglais. Quatre stratégies de manipulation globales sont identi-
fiées et liées à certaines techniques locales.
Mots-clés: stratégies de manipulation, techniques de manipulation, traduction de

l'information, analyse du discours critique, idéologie
Address for correspondence
Ali Jalalian Daghigh

School of Humanities
Universiti Sains Malaysia
Penang
Malaysia
alee_jalalian@yahoo.com
Co-author information
Mohammad Saleh Sanatifar Rokiah Awang

School of Humanities School of Humanities
Universiti Sains Malaysia Universiti Sains Malaysia

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A taxonomy of manipulative operations in political discourse translation: A

Ali Jalalian Daghigh Saleh Sanatifar

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Ali Jalalian Daghigh, Mohammad Saleh Sanatifar and

Keywords: manipulation strategies, manipulation techniques, news

Political discourse is interpreted as a spoken or written act of communication

2. Political discourse translation

Operation and manipulation are two basic concepts in journalistic/political trans-

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

3. Framework and method

3.1 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

Translation Studies has shown interest in investigating manipulation in political

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

Figure 1. The researchers’ illustration of van Dijk’s (1998) model

This study aims to investigate the textual representation of ST in translation

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

3.3 Iran’s media policies

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

4. Results and discussion

In this section, the strategies are discussed as determined by various techniques.

Strategy 1. Blocking the undesired in TT

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

achieved by employing several techniques, including omission, change of perspec-

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

Strategy 2. Demoting undesired representations of ST in TT

The second strategy used by translators is to demote the representations of ST,

In this example, the ST writer refers to the problems created by Ahmadinejad’s

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

(5) ST […] that is what Rowhani campaigned for-and Khamenei who

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

Strategy 3. Promoting the desired representations in TT

The third strategy used by translators is to promote the desired representations of

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

notion, is achieved by using a number of techniques, including explicitation,

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

Strategy 4. Preserving the desired representations in TT

The fourth strategy used by translators is to preserve the desired representations

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

dent is transferred to TT without any manipulation by translating the expressions

5. The typology and conclusion

Table 1. The typology proposed for manipulative strategies

Table 2. The typology proposed for manipulative operations

Strategy 1. Blocking undesired representations of ST in TT

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

Strategy 2. Demoting undesired representations of ST in TT

Strategy 3. Promoting desired representation of ST in TT

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

consciously or unconsciously employed by the translators to conform to the

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company

© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company