Good governance plays a pivotal role in the progress and development of any

nation, and Bangladesh is no exception. As a developing country striving to

achieve sustainable growth and improve the quality of life for its citizens,
Bangladesh recognizes the significance of effective governance practices. Good
governance encompasses transparency, accountability, rule of law, and citizen
participation, which are essential for fostering socio-economic development,
ensuring political stability, and promoting social justice. In recent years,
Bangladesh has made commendable strides in enhancing its governance
mechanisms and institutional frameworks, aiming to establish a more inclusive,
responsive, and transparent system that benefits all its citizens.
Bangladesh lies in the northeastern part of South Asia. The country is bound by
India on the west and north, India and Burma on the east, and the Bay of Bengal
on the south. Although a new country. Bangladesh has a long rewarded history.
It was under British rule for nearly two centuries from 1757 to 1947. At the end
of British rule in August 1947, the subcontinent was partitioned into India and
Pakistan and the territory of present-day Bangladesh was known as East Pakistan.
It remained so till 1971. It appeared an the world map as an independent and
sovereign state on December 16, 1971, after a nine-month-long war of liberation
against Pakistan.
The First government after liberation was headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Bangladesh started off with a pirate monetary form of government. But in 1975
of August, a bloody military coup overthrew the Awami League government. In
November of the same year. a popular uprising brought General Ziaur Rahman
to Power. His rule was terminated by his assassination by a group of military
officers in 1981. new presidential elections were held, and justice abdus Sattar.In
early 1982, that is within burley four months of Sattar election Earshad the Army
Chief, ousted the elected government and seized power through a military
coup.The nine years of Earshad's Autocratic rule witnessed and unrelenting for
Restoration of democracy. This ultimately took the shape of a mass upsurge in
1990 spearheaded by Begum Khaleda Zia The Chairperson of BNP.
The Bangladesh constitution now ensures all fundamental and democratic rights,
including the right to vote and take part in the election, Freedom of speech press
individual liberty- religious belief. The system of governance is built in a unitary
from of government with clear separation of power among the three branches of
goverment namely the executives the legislative, the judiciary.
The Prime minister in now the head of government.On the other hand, the
President elected by the parliament. Is the constitutional head of the state. The
Prime minister presides our cabinet meeting. The cabinet is collectively
responsible to the parliament. The Jatiyo Sangad derives its Power the
constitution. It consist of 300 member elected from territorial Constituencies by
direct election. Thirty Reserved seat for women. Parliament has sit for every two
month and has a tenure of five year.
The lower courts are located at the district level. The magistrates deal with only
criminal case. The judge of both division are appointed by the president on the
advice of the prime minister and ministry of Law.
The constitution and the legal system guarantee equal rights for women to
participate in all wolfs of life. The are thirty seats reserved for women, in the
national parliament. Similarly, all local government bodies have seat reserved for
women. The spread of female education women are expected to be even more
active in the political and administrative life of the country in future.
Local self-government covers both urban and rural arcs and is constitutionally
guaranteed.
There are now two hers of rural local government:
i. Zilla Parishad
ii. Union Parishad.
The local government bodies perform certain specified development and civic
function. They are elected bodies with taxation powers.
The chapter begins by discussing the historical context of governance in
Bangladesh. It explains how the colonial legacy, the partition of India, and the
emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation have all influenced the
country's governance structures. It also highlights the role of military rule in
shaping governance in Bangladesh.
The colonial legacy left Bangladesh with an inherited system of governance that
was hierarchical and centralized. The British had created a bureaucracy that was
designed to serve the interests of the colonial masters rather than the people of
Bangladesh. The partition of India in 1947 led to the division of Bengal, which
had been the largest province of British India. East Bengal became a part of
Pakistan, which was dominated by the western wing. The new state was governed
by a constitution that provided for a federal system of government, but in practice,
power was concentrated in the hands of the West Pakistani elite.
The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation in 1971 was a turning
point in the country's history. The new state was founded on the principles of
democracy, human rights, and social justice. However, these ideals were soon
undermined by military rule. The first military coup took place in 1975, and since
then, the country has experienced several periods of military rule, interspersed
with brief periods of civilian government.
The next section of the chapter focuses on the challenges that Bangladesh has
faced in terms of governance. These challenges include corruption, weak
democratic institutions, a lack of accountability, and a culture of impunity. The
chapter argues that these challenges have contributed to the country's slow
economic growth and social development.
Corruption is a pervasive problem in Bangladesh. It is estimated that corruption
costs the country billions of dollars each year. Corruption is particularly prevalent
in the public sector, where officials are often underpaid and have limited
opportunities for promotion. This has led to a culture of bribery and kickbacks,
which undermines public trust in government.
Weak democratic institutions are another challenge that Bangladesh has faced.
The country has a parliamentary system of government, but in practice, power is
concentrated in the hands of the prime minister. The judiciary is often subject to
political pressure, and the media is heavily controlled by the government. This
has led to a lack of checks and balances on executive power.
A lack of accountability is also a major challenge in Bangladesh. Government
officials are rarely held accountable for their actions, and there is a culture of
impunity that shields those in power from prosecution. This has led to a
breakdown of the rule of law and a lack of trust in government institutions.
The chapter then discusses the importance of good governance in addressing
these challenges. It argues that good governance is essential for promoting
economic growth, reducing poverty, and improving social welfare. The chapter
also highlights the role that civil society can play in promoting good governance,
as well as the importance of international support and cooperation.
Good governance is essential for promoting economic growth because it creates
an environment that is conducive to investment and entrepreneurship. When
government institutions are transparent and accountable, investors are more likely
to invest in the country. Good governance also promotes social welfare by
ensuring that public resources are used efficiently and effectively.
Downsizing the government in Bangladesh is a controversial topic, but there is
no way to avoid it. The main argument is that it will reduce government
expenditure, help deregulate and privatize the economy, cut through red tape and
boost market-led growth, and make up for temporary unemployment. It can also
be used to get rid of corrupt and inefficient officials and provide better
emoluments and career advancement prospects. Several methods are available for
downsizing the government, such as removal of approved posts, retrenchment of
temporary and casual functions, strict enforcement of retirement age, lower
retirement age, freeze or near-freeze on recruitment at entry level, golden
handshakes, and selected retrenchment of staff on the basis of efficiency and
financial integrity. The golden handshake is the least effective method of
retrenchment due to its financial commitment and tendency to take advantage of
better officials.
Selective retrenchment requires elaborate preparation, commitment, and the
ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. A less painful alternative to outright
retrenchment is to lower the voluntary and compulsory retirement age from 25 to
20 years service, then indirectly persuade undesirables to take of the latter
voluntary retirement age, and then compulsorily retire those who refuse to retire
voluntarily. Downsizing is an unscientific approach, as it leads to the loss of
desirable officials. To make the exercise successful, supporting measures must be
taken, such as job creation in the private sector, greater access to bank loans for
retrenched/retired officials, and articulation of groups who will benefit from the
downsizing exercise. The timing of the downsizing operation must be carefully
chosen, with the most hurtful ones taken up first and completed swiftly. No
outside imposition should be seen as an outside imposition.
The Senior Service Pool (SSP) was a fine concept, but it was never
operationalized according to the original plan. It led to bitterness and frustration
and was never a cohesive group of the best and brightest. To restore it, important
questions need to be addressed: at what minimum level should it be reconstituted,
and to which categories of people should it be open. The SSP should be open to
all in order to attract the best. There should be certain percentages reserved for
Secretariat officials and minimum qualifications and experience requirements for
different categories of people.
The practice of bringing in outsiders at the Joint Secretary level should be
gradually phased out to allay the fears of the younger generation. The selection
criteria for entrants to the Senior Service Pool (SSP) should be based on merit,
with a combination of ACR, viva voce and written examination. The Council
Committee on Promotion should be involved in a guidance and policy capacity,
but the actual work of recruitment should be done by the Superior Selection Board
(SSB). Post-recruitment measures should include orientation, training and
briefings by the political and administrative leadership. The proposals are not
going to be popular, but if implemented through a determined exercise of political
will, Bangladesh administration should be moving in the right direction.
The importance of training civil servants in Bangladesh is highlighted due to the
deteriorating quality of education in universities and the lack of training of
officers since independence. This has resulted in a decline in efficiency and
capability at all levels of the bureaucracy, which could lead to the most
incompetent bureaucracy in South Asia. To address this, a strong case is made
for revamping civil service training, which in conjunction with other reforms can
make a difference in the quality of civil servants. Training institutes should not
be made dumping grounds for undesirable government servants. Instead, only
committed and competent persons should be made trainers and heads of training
institutes.
Trainers should be given incentives, such as allowances, accelerated promotion,
preference in selection for foreign training, and a prize posting, after successful
completion of tenure as trainer. These incentives are a small price to pay
compared to the rich dividends they yield. The most important details are that two
types of training should be focused on: in-service training following recruitment
and training of trainers. In-service training should be extended to a year and
include practical inputs such as field trips, village studies, case work, and
assignments. Training should also include functional English and modern office
equipment, and reduce dependence on guest lecturers.
This will ensure quality, continuity and consistency in training. Foreign training
facilities must be fully utilised and best trainees must get preference. 500-1,000
young civil servants should be sent to the UK or other English-speaking Western
countries for a Master's or Post-Graduate Diploma in their respective fields.
During their training, mid-level and senior officers should be made to contribute
to governmental work of a consultancy nature. Ministries should indicate their
consultancy requirements to relevant training institutes well in advance. The
Bangladesh government has liberalised rules and regulations regarding foreign
training of government officers, seminars, conferences, workshops, and study
tours abroad. This policy has many benefits, such as enhancing exposure,
developing expertise, building confidence, and providing opportunities for
making useful international contacts. However, it needs to be continued to extract
the maximum benefit for the country. The most important details are that officers
from the appropriate level should be selected, officers of the appropriate age
should be chosen, officers of the appropriate calibre should be identified,
exceptions should be made where continuity needs to be maintained, and women
should be given some relaxation of age and qualifications.
The Government Servants (Conduct) Rules, 1979, the Government Servants
(Discipline and Appeal) Rules, 1985, the Public Servants (Dismissal on
Conviction) Ordinance, 1985, the Government Servants (Special Provisions)
Ordinance, the Public Employees Discipline (Punctual Attendance) Ordinance,
1982, and the Administrative Tribunal Rules, 1982 are all relevant to the
regulation of conduct and discipline among civil servants in Bangladesh. The
BSR is an amalgam of the East Pakistan Service Rules, the Fundamental Rules
and the Civil Servants' Regulations. The Discipline and Appeal Rules delineate
various administrative offences and their punishments. The Special Provisions
and Punctual Attendance Ordinances provide the government with summary
powers to take action against unauthorized absence and trade union picketing.
The Administrative Tribunals Rules spell out the working of the Administrative
Tribunal dealing with appeals against various government actions.
Public servants' conduct and discipline should be improved and made more
effective to maintain high moral and ethical standards. There should be an
automatic process to review existing administrative rules/regulations after every
five years, with a sub-committee set up by the Secretaries Committee. After the
improvements have been accepted, the six sets of rules, BSR provisions and
pertinent administrative circulars should be amalgamated to produce a single
legal document. The government should be able to delete, amend and add to
existing provisions in the light of objective conditions and democratic norms and
values. Examples include allowing gifts from foreigners of value up to Taka 500
and preventing members of a government servant's family from engaging in
business activities in their area of jurisdiction.
There should be an automatic process to review existing administrative
rules/regulations after every five years, with a sub-committee set up by the
Secretaries' Committee doing the main spadework. The government should
amalgamate the six sets of rules, BSR provisions and pertinent administrative
circulars on public servants' conduct and discipline into a single language for
wide distribution among officials. Additionally, the government should be able
to delete, amend and add to existing provisions in the light of objective conditions
and democratic norms and values, such as allowing acceptance of gifts from
foreigners of value up to Taka 500 and preventing members of a government
servants family from engaging in business activities in their area of jurisdiction.
Class IV employees, also known as Members of the Lower Subordinate Services
(MLSS), are engaged in security services, cleaning/janitorial services, inter-
office despatch services, specialized services, and general office services. They
are entitled to A-type rent-free accommodation, liveries, washing allowance,
overtime, pension, leave, and other benefits. There are over one million
government employees in Bangladesh, with 35% of them being Class IV
employees. This was due to a general expansion of the government and a massive
increase in population, poverty, and rural-urban migration. Class IV employees
in Bangladesh have a number of problems that are being ignored by the
government.
These include unhealthy trade unionism, lack of supervision, immoral activities
on office premises, petty thefts, and graffiti on the outside office walls.
Additionally, many of these employees are being employed for personal and
domestic work of bosses, engaging in corrupt practices, and lacking opportunities
for advancement. The government should address these issues and come up with
a cogent policy commensurate with good governance and a productive economy.
The main problem of personnel management in Bangladesh is that postings and
transfers are too frequent, leading to dislocation of the family, disruption of
children's education, higher transfer allowances, loss of official work, and
demoralization of the officers. Additionally, penal postings are often used,
leading to the punishment of the local people rather than the official. Furthermore,
there is a lack of professionalism in the manner in which postings and transfers
are handled by the personnel wings, leading to reversals of decisions, many
important posts remain unfilled for a long time, and frustration abounds. The most
important details are that the authority for recruitment, postings and transfers
should be decentralized, at least a ten-year moratorium should be placed on
further nationalization of educational institutions, the practice of penal posting
should be discontinued, each Minister, Department/Office should officially
identify the postings, the highest political leadership should convince MPs and
other important leaders to refrain from interfering with the normal work of the
government machinery, and the personnel wings dealing with postings and
transfers need to be professionalised through training, supervision and guidance.
Computerization of personnel records could be of great use if retrieval of
information is made easy and policy makers are ready to use such information.
The importance of promotion in a bureaucratic organization is obvious, but it has
been neglected due to pressure from different interest groups. The existing criteria
for promotion is seniority-cum-merit, but written examinations are not popular
among civil servants with poor intellectual capability. Trade union pressure
tactics, lobbying in higher quarters, pseudonymous squibs in the popular press
and character assassination of those who seek sanity and order have been used to
extract promotion. Promotion is difficult to implement due to gradation lists being
in a mess, and there are many anomalies in the rules governing promotion. The
Civil Service Rules of 1981 recognize four authorities for deciding promotion
cases, and the Defence Service Officers (Appointment and Fixation of Seniority
in Civil Posts) Rules 1983 provide for the placement of Defence Service officers
in the civil bureaucracy.
The government can fill in certain posts through appointments on a contract basis,
allowing lateral entry. The most important details are that the authorities for
promotion should be redesignated on a more rational basis, with the SSB dealing
with only higher promotions, while Departmental Committees headed by relevant
Secretaries should be responsible for lower-level promotions. The Council
Committee on Promotion should devote itself to policy-making and monitoring
of implementation, and the SSB and Departmental Committees should be made
to appear before the Council Committee once in every three months to explain
their conduct. Finally, there should be one tier eliminated to reduce the delay in
effecting promotion. The Minister's Committee should be involved in
promotions, as it is the only way out in a divided bureaucracy.
The criteria for promotion should be merit-cum-seniority rather than seniority-
cum-merit, and the minimum years of service before a person may be considered
for promotion should be determined. Merit tests should consist of assessment of
ACRS, written examination, and viva voce, with the objectives of evaluation of
job-related knowledge, efficiency, and financial and moral integrity.
The Government Order (1985) established a quota system for job recruitment,
with a merit quota of 45 per cent for gazetted posts and 55 per cent for district
quotas. Special quotas were added for freedom fighters, women, and tribal
people, while 10 per cent were reserved for Ansars and VDP. The context has
changed since then, and an objective review is needed. The most important details
in this text are that there are no more freedom fighters of eligible age, that the 15
per cent quota for women is inadequate, that the district quota has lost its old
meaning, and that there can be no justification for any quota for Ansars and VDPs
in a country where even entry into these or VDPs is prohibited. The most
important details are that there is no substitute for democracy in political life, and
that merit-based recruitment is the best system for recruiting personnel.
Amendments to existing quota rules should be made, such as no district and
freedom fighters' quota, 65 percent of jobs at all levels should be filled through
merit-based recruitment, the women's quota should be raised from 15% to 30%,
and the 5% quota for the tribal people should continue with positive
discrimination for the most deprived tribes. Finally, the arrangement should be
reviewed after five years to do away with all quotas.
The Annual Confidential Report (ACR) in Bangladesh has lost much of its
effectiveness due to three problems: inordinate delay in sending it, subordinates
engaging in "tadbir" to expedite the writing of ACR, and the system of
countersignature by a higher officer being discontinued. Additionally, the annual
medical examination should be delinked from the ACR, as it has unnecessarily
delayed the writing of the ACR. These problems have caused delays, leakage of
confidentiality, and "misplacement" of ACRS. The annual medical examination
should go on independently without being tagged to the ACR. It should be clear
that only a certain percentage of officers and staff should be graded as
"outstanding".
There should be only one reporting officer for one officer, and the first fortnight
of the year should be designated as the time for writing ACRS. Delay in report
writing should be punished. The present system of informing officers that their
ACRS have not been completed should be discontinued. Confidentiality of ACRS
has been thrown to the wind and "tadbir" intensified, leading to a decrease in the
quality of ACRS. This has resulted in bogus ACRS becoming the only yardstick
to assess officers during promotion.
This approach can only stifle the flowering of merit, efficiency and integrity in
government service. The government should reduce the length of the ACR form
to two pages and introduce four grades, namely A (outstanding), B (good), C
(average) and D (poor). There should be boxes for recommending permanent
withholding of promotion, demotion, compulsory retirement, etc., and the
Secretaries should not be exempted from assessment through ACRS. This will
strengthen the Cabinet Secretary's position as a coordinator of the Secretaries.
The tradition of giving awards to civil servants in South Asia has been
discontinued in Bangladesh since independence. However, there are now awards
for military personnel, policemen, outstanding personalities, individual
industries, and exporting houses. There is no demand for reinstituting awards for
civil servants in Bangladesh, but something should be done to reward the
outstanding ones through non-material incentives. This would give an honest,
hardworking and conscientious civil servant some social recognition and pressure
peer groups to emulate the conscientious and shun the disreputable. The most
important details are that traditional values are being turned upside down in our
society, and that no one is bothered about rewarding good bureaucrats.
It is important for a good government to constantly give out correct and positive
signals to various segments of the society to set desirable trends in motion. The
government should limit the number of awards per year, have a single type of
award, and not mix up the Ekushe or Shadhinata Padak with it. A small officials'
committee should be entrusted with selecting the awardees, and only Secretaries
and Heads of Departments should be asked to nominate them. The awards should
be accorded a high prestige through publicity and distribution in a
public function.
The retirement age among government servants in Bangladesh is controversial,
with one opinion that it should be raised to 58 without any LPR. This is because
the official is being paid a salary during LPR, and there is an acute shortage of
experienced officers at the highest levels. However, there are two arguments
against raising the normal retirement age. Bangladesh has a large population of
young persons and a high rate of educated unemployment, so if their elders do
not retire, they will have a hard time on the job market. Merit-based selective
lateral entry may be used to address the shortage of qualified officers at the top
levels, but it has several problems.
Merit-based selective lateral entry will bring in fresh blood from outside the
government, and as long as there is no politicisation, it will be easily acceptable
to other government servants. The voluntary retirement age needs to be brought
down to 20 years of service from the present 25 years in order to allow officers
to seek other professions while they are still young. The solution is not total
abolition of this provision, but ensuring that victimisation does not take place.
The compulsory retirement age needs to be brought down to 20 years of service
to get rid of undesirable officials. Adequate screening measures must be taken to
ensure no settling of personal scores or political victimisation while this is being
implemented.
The government should make a better use of retired officials by maintaining a
roster, circulating CVs to local consultancy firms, setting up a unit for counselling
and assisting retired officials, and advising nationalised banks to be liberal in
sanctioning investment loans. These measures could address operational
problems and address post-retirement problems.
If there was one blunder of Himalayan proportion in the post 91,administrative
changes;it was the outright abolition of the upazila system.The original idea of
making the thana the nerve centre of administration came from Akter Hamid
Khan during the Pakistan days in the form of thana training and development
centre. Ershad took it up and gave it a shape under pressure from the donor
community. However, while implementing the Upazila system, he ensured that
through "vote dacoity"and similar nafarious practices.In theory, it was genuine
decentralization,since the chairman of the Upazila Parishad was elected directly
by the adult population of the Upazila.
But in practice centralization of the worst kind emerged mainly because of the
vitiated elections to the UZP.The government unfortunately choose to abolish the
Upazila system lock,stock and barrel.It was like throwing the baby out
with the bath water.
The rules of business,1975.which lay down the procedures of government
business at the highest levels,have been revised from time to time,most recently
in December 1989.After the restoration of parliamentary democracy in the
country in 1991,the amendent rules of business were put into operation through a
circular with only one important change. In recent years,some of the
responsibility entrusted to the secretary have been challenged by segments of the
political leadership as well as of the bureaucracy. It is,therefore, extremely
important to discusse the realated issues at some length in orders to arrive at
objective and rational decisions on this rather sensitive matter.
The Secretariat instructions in current use are now almost two decades old.There
were,in fact,no secretariat instructions till August 1975.The Secretariat
instructions were issued in February 1976.Four years later,the secretariat
instructions were translated into Bengali.The existing secretariat instructions
consist of five chapters.The cover title and defination ;organization of the
secretariat and distribution of work;office procedure;disposal of business ;and
some special topics of common Interest. However, twenty years is a long time in
the evolution of a modern government.
Secretaries Committee, also known as the Shingara Committee, is a group of
high-ranking government officials in Bangladesh responsible for monitoring and
ensuring the smooth functioning of the civil service. The committee oversees the
appointment, transfer, and promotion of civil servants, and also advises the
government on matters related to personnel management. The committee is
chaired by the Cabinet Secretary and includes the heads of various ministries and
divisions. The committee meets regularly to discuss administrative issues and
make recommendations to the government. The committee has been criticized in
the past for its lack of transparency and alleged political bias in its decision-
making. However, it remains an important institution in the governance of
Bangladesh, playing a key role in shaping the country's bureaucracy.
Government should work collaboratively with the private sector to achieve
sustainable economic growth and development. The private sector should be
viewed as a partner in national development and the government should create a
conducive environment for private sector investment.
To achieve this, the government should establish and maintain a transparent,
predictable, and consistent regulatory environment that encourages private sector
investment. This includes simplifying regulatory procedures, reducing
bureaucratic red tape, and ensuring that regulations are fair and non-
discriminatory.
The government should also work to build the capacity of the private sector
through skills training, technical assistance, and access to financing. This can be
done through public-private partnerships, which can help to leverage private
sector resources and expertise to achieve development goals.
Overall, a collaborative and supportive relationship between the government and
the private sector is essential for promoting sustainable economic growth and
development in Bangladesh. By creating a conducive environment for private
sector investment, building private sector capacity, and promoting competition,
the government can help to unlock the full potential of the private sector and drive
economic progress.
The relationship between the government and Non-Governmental Organizations
(NGOs) is an important aspect of good governance in Bangladesh. The
government should adopt a collaborative approach towards NGOs and work with
them to achieve common goals.
The first step towards this is to create an enabling environment for NGOs to
operate. The government should ensure that NGOs are registered and regulated
in a transparent and accountable manner. This will help to prevent fraud and abuse
of funds, which can damage the reputation of NGOs and hinder their ability to
carry out their work effectively.
The government should also provide financial support to NGOs, particularly
those working in areas that are critical to the development of the country. This
support should be provided in a transparent and accountable manner, with clear
guidelines on how funds are to be used and how results will be measured.
Finally, the government should recognize the important role that NGOs play in
promoting good governance and development in the country. This can be done
through public recognition of the work of NGOs and the formation of
partnerships between the government and NGOs to achieve common goals.
In summary, the government should adopt a collaborative approach towards
NGOs in Bangladesh. This can be achieved through creating an enabling
environment for NGOs to operate, providing financial and technical support,
engaging in dialogue and consultation, and recognizing the important role of
NGOs in promoting good governance and development in the country.
The Planning Commission in Bangladesh is no longer necessary due to the
general consensus for liberalisation, free-play of market forces and a token public
sector. It has proved to be a bottleneck in processing both investment and
technical assistance projects, leading to delays and losing credibility with the
donor community. Competent officers in the Commission may not be allowed to
use their planning expertise. The government should formally abolish the
Planning Commission and the Planning Division, and strengthen the Planning
Cells in all Ministries. The Ministries should have more powers and be allowed
to process and approve all projects, except those requiring more than Tk 50
crores.
Inter-ministerial meetings should be held and the Ministries would negotiate with
donors through the ERD. The PM should act as the final arbiter in cases of
unresolved inter-ministerial differences. Large projects should be handled by a
small NEC Secretariat, and the remaining Economic Cadre officers should be
absorbed in IMED and the Statistics Division. Subsequent vacancies should be
filled in by existing officers with an adequate background in Economics,
Statistics, Sociology, Science, Agriculture, Engineering, Medicine, etc. These
suggestions should bring about dynamism in development project processing and
solve the personnel problem.
Monitoring and evaluation of public sector development activities in Bangladesh
are often done at donor's insistence and fail to reflect the country's real
requirements. To make these activities more effective, a number of suggestions
are needed, such as locating the Implementation, Monitoring and Evaluation
Division (IMED) in the PM's Office, putting an end to the plethora of monitoring
forms, and strengthening the planning capability of individual Ministries. The
time has come to review the MIS of all development agencies in Bangladesh to
standardize formats, emphasize quality, identify key concerns, and arrange for
computerization of data. IMED will take the lead, with the active involvement of
evaluation and monitoring units of different development organizations. Donors
will also be brought to the negotiation table during this exercise.
It is a difficult task, but given the "will" and knowledge-based handling, it can be
done. Revamping the Foreign Office is essential in Bangladesh, as it is needed to
promote trade, private foreign investment, technology transfer and the
channelization of aid into crucially important areas. However, the Foreign Office
is currently saddled with all kinds of problems, and is severely constrained in
performing its demanding role. These include the traditional use of Foreign
Office personnel for protocol work, the need to face and gain something out of
the complexity of the present-day interdependent world, the communication
revolution, rising international crime, violence and in-tolerance, and the
complexity of the present-day interdependent world. Foreign Office personnel
have traditionally been misused for protocol work, which has been exacerbated
by the autocratic rule.
The practical solution is to frame unambiguous detailed rules to minimize
protocol, have them approved by the PM and ensure strict compliance.
Additionally, the tendency to rub shoulders with important people and a valet
mentality should be curbed through implementing the new rules.
One of the main problems with the current Foreign Office is that it is too
centralized and bureaucratic, with decision-making power concentrated in the
hands of a few high-ranking officials. This makes it difficult for the Foreign
Office to respond quickly and effectively to changing global situations. The
authors suggest that the Foreign Office should be decentralized, with more
decision-making power given to individual embassies and consulates around the
world.
Another issue is that the Foreign Office is often seen as a political appointment,
with little attention given to the qualifications and expertise of the individuals
who are appointed to key positions. The authors argue that the Foreign Office
should be staffed by professional diplomats with the necessary skills and
experience to represent Bangladesh effectively on the world stage.
The authors also suggest that the Foreign Office should be more proactive in
promoting Bangladesh's interests abroad, rather than simply reacting to events as
they occur. This will require a greater emphasis on strategic planning and
analysis, as well as the development of new partnerships and alliances with other
countries and international organizations.
The chapter discusses the challenges faced by the police force in Bangladesh,
including corruption, inefficiency, and a low police-population ratio. The author
argues that instead of expanding the police force, consolidation, reorganization,
and improvements through better equipment, training, discipline, personnel
policies, and weeding out are the surest ways to improve the quality of service.
The article also highlights the need to uphold merit and integrity in promotions,
postings, transfers, and training, and to weed out corrupt and inefficient elements
at the district level. Additionally, involving the police force in public
development and welfare work is suggested as a way to improve police-citizen
relations and benefit both the community and the police force. The current
compartmentalized system of administration is seen as a hurdle to cross-service
cooperation, and the author calls for new directives to overcome this obstacle.
The article discusses the need for further reforms in tax administration in
Bangladesh to increase domestic resource mobilization. The author
acknowledges that some policy and administrative reforms have taken place in
the last few years but emphasizes the need for more attention to administrative
aspects of direct taxation and good governance. The article suggests some
remedial measures, including updating registers and forms to make them
computer compatible, ensuring accurate and reliable data, operationalizing the
Taxes Settlement Commission, fighting corruption and collusion between tax
officials and lawyers, providing adequate incentives for officials who perform
well, and focusing on training and motivation of officials at the field levels. The
author argues that these reforms are necessary to achieve the desired results and
increase the importance of direct taxation in the coming years.
The trend towards nationalisation of educational institutions in Bangladesh has
been counterproductive since 1972. While this trend may have been
understandable in the early years of Bangladesh, it is no longer relevant.
Nationalisation turns teachers into permanent government servants, destroying
their motivation to provide quality education. Instead, they become focused on
securing private tuition or part-time work at the cost of their job, since a
government job becomes like a fixed deposit. Furthermore, since the job is now
transferable, teachers actively try to leave smaller towns and move to big cities,
ultimately harming those who previously received their services.
Nationalisation of educational institutions in Bangladesh is counterproductive for
several reasons. First, it demotivates teachers and leads them to focus on private
tuition instead of their job. Second, nationalisation results in recruiting private
teachers with poor academic qualifications, compromising the quality of
government teachers. Third, the nationalised colleges are often hotbeds of vulgar
student politics and centres of mass cheating. Fourth, the majority of colleges
selected for nationalisation do not have science or commerce sections, fueling the
process of educated unemployment. Fifth, nationalisation puts pressure on the
Education Ministry's personnel management capacity and exacerbates nepotism,
corruption, and anarchy in teacher recruitment, transfer, posting, and promotion.
Finally, nationalisation stifles local initiatives in the form of donations to
educational institutions by the local elite and local supervision of management.
The main initiative to cure the unhealthy nationalisation process in Bangladesh
should come from the political leaders, not the bureaucracy. The political masters
need to take the unpleasant task of convincing MPs of both ruling and opposition
parties of the futility of nationalisation and alternative ways of earning political
popularity. The Ministry of Education can organize round-table discussions or
workshops to address this issue. If the Ministry is hesitant to take action, citizens'
groups or the media should hold open dialogues. Additionally, mobilizing people
adversely affected by nationalisation is also a potential solution.
The trend towards nationalization of educational institutions in Bangladesh has
been counterproductive, leading to a decline in the quality of education.
Nationalization destroys the urge of private teachers to provide quality service,
demoralizes government teachers recruited through merit-based criteria, and
leads to a compromise in the quality of government teachers. Additionally,
nationalized colleges are not necessarily the best seats of learning, and most of
them do not have science or commerce sections, which fuels the production of
educated unemployed youths. Moreover, nationalization leads to the stifling of
local initiative and puts pressure on the. The rule of law is essential for both
democracy and a market-driven economy. Without it, there would be political
anarchy and unrestricted economic rivalry. In Bangladesh, there are two parts to
the rule of
law: legal reforms and improvements in the application of the law of the nation.
The Ministry of Law and Parliamentary Affairs should have nothing to do with
the property sale registration task, which should be moved to the property
Ministry. This approach would allow it time and energy to concentrate on its core
preoccupation, namely law and justice, and offer the Land Ministry entire
authority for coordinating all elements of land management, including land
registration.
Dee Writers were prompted by Sub-Registrars to make a hue and cry over this
problem, but this plan was nipped in the bud. The Law Ministry has a lack of
consistency and institutional memory, which can be remedied by making a High
Court Judge the Secretary for a term of at least three years. Additionally, the
Ministry of Law is offering legal opinion to other Ministries and government
entities, which is one of its major obligations. Manpower is in limited supply, and
officers should be exposed to the activities of other Ministries through short term
attachments and visits. Finally, Law Ministry personnel must be held responsible
for delays in rendering legal views and for erroneous legal opinions given. The
government has been able to grant some more space to the Supreme Court by
transferring the Defense Ministry from the former High Court facilities, but the
administration has failed to raise the number of High Court and Supreme Court
judges. This should be looked into on a priority basis, and necessary action should
be forthcoming. The most important details in this text are that the training of
judicial officers has always been inadequate, and that the Law Ministry has not
yet replied to the World Bank request for computerization of civil court
documents. Additionally, the present relationship between the Attorney-General's
office and the Law Ministry should be evaluated with a view to making the former
more effective and efficient. In this office, the perquisites and emoluments are
badly inadequate, the library is poorly supplied, the staff is insufficient, and the
Attorney General scarcely enjoys any operational authority. The government
should think several times before assigning someone there, but once he is in
position, the government in general and the Law Ministry should provide him
absolute support and not indulge in nit-picking
The two interrelated aspects of financial accountability in government are
maintenance and audit of accounts. Unfortunately, the manner in which
organizations responsible for these two functions are now operating leaves much
to be desired. The common ex-patience of citizens in the establishment of our
Accountant General or Chief Accounts Officers is one of inordinate delays,
harassment and petty objections. The rules and regulations are archaic, records
are in shambles and dependence on clerks is heavy. Corruption is not unique to
these offices, although the specific modus operandi of corruption differs from
department to department. To address these problems, a task force should be
formed to set quantifiable standards of performance in the accounts offices and
suggest specific changes in the existing accounts manuals. The office of the
Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) is notorious for its backlog and non-
performance. Audit parties are generally noted for being either highly fastidious
at one extreme, and for being highly "amenable" at the other. The audit generally
scrutinizes financial propriety only, and has no concern for performance, results
and output. If adequate measures were taken, it could also The most important
details in this text are the steps that should be taken to bring the office of the
Central Auditor General (CAG) into the limelight. These include bringing the
CAG's office directly under the Parliament, making it the Secretariat of the Public
Accounts Committee (PAC), carrying out revenue audit, scrutinizing economy,
efficiency and effectiveness against realistic organization specific standards,
publishing annual and special reports in time, auditing the expenditure of the
CAG's office by an independent body and on a regular basis, and spelt out internal
audits in all government organizations. The effectiveness of these reforms will
ultimately depend on the drive and initiative of their top leadership, so the
selection of capable persons should receive top priority from the government.
The Public Service Commission in the country has extended its service in
recruiting the civil servants.The only time that members of the public are made
aware of this organization is when its Chairman presents its annual report to the
President of the Re-public formally.
The PSC can take the initiative to hold a one-day structured workshop involving
some of the most relevant policy-makers to discuss the annual report and other
pressing issues faced by the PSC. Another problem-solving approach would be
to lobby functionaries who matter, but this will depend on the informal links that
the Chairman and members of the PSC will be able to develop with the
bureaucracy.It is simply the initiative of the PSC leadership which is now
needed.It is also high time for the government to reconsider the functions
presently being discharged by the PSC. Its main responsibility, of course, is to
conduct the public competitive examinations for recruiting officers for the
various services of the Republic. One need not be a public administration expert
to suggest that such a condition only leads to red tape, delay, poor quality of work,
scope for corruption and ultimately a bad name for the organization. So the PSC
would be to give up the advisory functions enumerated above and concentrate on
the recruitment of officers through the public competitive examinations.
In disciplinary cases, involvement of the PSC not only delays the process but
often complicates matters through lightening of the punishment suggested from
below. Now that administrative tribunals are in place, the more sensible approach
would be to further strengthen these rather than lengthen the trial process in
disciplinary cases through involvement of the PSC. In the matter of service and
recruitment rules, the PSC should be concerned with formulating general
guidelines and principles in the light of its experience and research, rather than
examine and vet these case by case.
The PSC at present consists of one chairman and eight members. If one looks at
their professional background, it will be seen that there is now a conspicuous bias
in favour of teachers. The intake is still heavily biased in favour of humanities
and social science graduates. I am not arguing that they should be in any way
excluded from entering these services. I am only advocating that the PSC, through
the syllabus of the BCS competitive examinations.
Finally, it is a matter of great shame that the PSC does not as yet have its own
office building, despite its long existence.This also does not speak well of the
ability of the PSC leadership. And towards that end, it should be adequately
equipped in every possible way.
The Deputy Commissioner of every zilla represent a tremendous role in
maintaining the administrative functions. administration has over the years
turned him into an institution, but of late his position has been under heavy attack
from certain quarters. The Deputy Commissioner's authority over law and order
and magis- tracy, revenue and land matters, development activities, election
administration, disaster management, protocol, etc.
The Deputy Commissioner should be replaced by an elected head of district
administration, and that it was the latter who should supervise and coordinate all
departments at that level, since the present arrangement smacked of
"colonialism". The problems with the latest argument are several. First, in a multi-
party democracy. Second, could a partisan head of the district administration
neutrally handle the more sensitive components of his responsibilities such as law
and order, election administration, etc. Third, at the present level of our political
development, would not such an administration become thoroughly politicized
on narrow party. Fourth, would not the sitting MP come in direct clash with such
an elected head of district administration. Fifth, Bangladesh financially afford
direct elections for head of the district administration at the present moment. The
Deputy Commissioners genuinely feel that the present generation of Deputy
Commissioners does not have maintain management capability to coordinate and
supervise them.On the other hand, the bright, honest and capable among the
specialists are likely to be guided by the second line of argument.All other officers
at the district level should be from the same service and of the same seniority as
at present. This would ensure minimum dislocation to the existing structure,
besides providing the proposed Deputy Commissioner with a clear edge over
other district level officers in terms of rank, pay, seniority and status. This, in
turn, would provide him with a natural authority to coordinate and supervise the
work of all district level officers.
The elected Thana Parishad should be revived, and leaving aside some retained
subjects of sensitive nature, all other government functions.
In conclusion, good governance is crucial for the long-term prosperity and
stability of Bangladesh. It requires a holistic approach that encompasses not only
efficient administrative practices but also transparent decision-making processes,
effective implementation of policies, and active citizen engagement. While
Bangladesh has made notable progress in various aspects of governance, there is
still work to be done to address challenges such as corruption, bureaucratic red
tape, and ensuring equitable access to public services. By continuing to prioritize
good governance and strengthening institutions, Bangladesh can foster an
environment conducive to sustainable development, social justice, and the overall
well-being of its people.