In the early years of Pakistan’s formation, the wounds

inflicted by the bloodstained Partition were fresh. Women activists were focused on
welfare issues, such as the rehabilitation of refugees, because that kind of work had social
respectability within the traditional cultural milieu.
– from the pre-Partition times. Many of
the demands for social and legal reforms on these issues were acceptable even within the
bounds of religion.

1960’S
– from the pre-Partition times. Many of
the demands for social and legal reforms on these issues were acceptable even within the
bounds of religion.
Arbitrary divorce, womens right to child custody, family laws passed by Ayub khan and
clerics clamoring\
Under Fatima Jinnah stewardship championing women right to education and
participation in work. However she alone fought the dictatorship ands clerics pressure
Fatwas by clerics and leverage given to Islamic parties and clerics to oust the opponent
party led by a female head

1980’S
women’s rights struggle that arose in the 1980s,
spearheaded by Women’s Action Forum (WAF) in the urban areas and Sindhiani Tehreek
in rural Sindh, were significant for their overtly political stance.

As both these movements were formed in the context of a hypernationalist absolute

dictatorship that relied on a
particular version of religion for legitimacy, they consistently challenged both the
military rule and the incursion of religion in politics.
Democratic , inclusive government ,and to feudalism
They challenged patriarchal power in every
domain — political, religious and legal.
Prevent hudood ordinances…Hudood Ordinances, had to be resisted at the public level
by fighting legal cases,
speaking up and protesting on the street.
The conversations on the body, sexuality and the
freedom to express oneself in one’s own way did not become a part of the official public
agenda of WAF.

WAF was reluctant to take too radical a stand on the body,

sexuality and the family as many of its members were religious, conservative and deeply
embedded in traditional family systems.
The new wave of feminism includes people from all classes, genders, religions,
cultures and sects without any discrimination or prejudice. The young feminists are
diverse, yet inclusive, multiple yet one.

They say what women have known for centuries but have not been able to voice.

They have broken the silences imposed by various patriarchies in the name of religion,
tradition and culture. They have torn down so many false barriers including the four walls
of morality built to stifle their selves and curb their expression.

The backlash has been swift, fierce and expected. Patriarchy began to shake in its boots
and masculine anxiety reached a peak as women hit it where it hurt. The self-appointed
guardians of morality, who in the past never touched the of violence and inequality, have
been quick to condemn the marching women in their television chatter shows, puny little
newspaper columns and silly tweets. The blowback from little people is not new for
feminists.

This class structure is deeply rooted in patriarchy but I realized that, no matter
where a woman is born, she does not exist in a society as a free human being.

It also focuses on the right to self-determination of transgender and non-binary people.

The contemporary feminist movement of Pakistan is very inclusive and speaks against
both patriarchy and capitalism.
A5. The present feminist movement in Pakistan is not ignoring other contradictions such
as the class conflict, casteism, religious extremism and racial differences.
Feminists under the Zia regime were
fighting a battle against the man himself but the contemporary feminist movement is
fighting against the mindset that he has left behind. This mindset is now more intense and
extreme than what feminists faced then.

A2. Feminist activism was a very ‘niche’ thing in the 1980s, pursued by committed
individuals. It was not the common talking point than it is today. In its own way, it was
also a lot more dangerous back then. The focus back then was on challenging misogynist
laws and legislation whereas the current wave of feminism is challenging [other] forms of
misogyny

Zia’s era was more challenging. Parts of Hudood Ordinances that pertain to
rape and adultery and the impact these had on female rape victims forced feminists of
the time to step up and protest for their rights.

There was a time when we had WAF which encouraged feminist activists of a whole
generation. On the contrary, in contemporary times, one can see movements in
Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi which have a bit of elitist notions of freedom and equality

The sufferings of being a feminist, especially in Balochistan, are still beyond [the pale of
the current movement]. There is a need to expose different facets of oppression which
women of different classes and oppressed nationalities face on daily basis. Still, I see an
umbrella of sisterhood as the only way out.

Women’s freedom is often considered as being against the teachings of Islam as well as
against many cultural norms. This is especially so when one is fighting against strict
patriarchal norms in a tribal society. The mullahs, the deciders of the fate of women and
the self-proclaimed guardians of Islam, have lynched women in order to save Islam.

Listen to working-class women. We are complicit in their oppression. Give

them their rights, their minimum wage, their sick leave, their maternity leave. And speak
up when someone abuses their servants.