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Venereal diseases, military and women in colonial

Fiji (1930s-1940s)

Mumtaz Alam & Nii-K Plange

To cite this article: Mumtaz Alam & Nii-K Plange (2023) Venereal diseases, military and
women in colonial Fiji (1930s-1940s), Cogent Arts & Humanities, 10:1, 2188783, DOI:
10.1080/23311983.2023.2188783

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Alam & Plange, Cogent Arts & Humanities (2023), 10: 2188783
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2188783

HISTORY | RESEARCH ARTICLE

Venereal diseases, military and women in
colonial Fiji (1930s-1940s)
Mumtaz Alam1* and Nii-K Plange1

Received: 09 October 2022

Abstract: This article explores the main features and the implications of the
Accepted: 03 March 2023 colonial medical policies and legislation regarding Venereal diseases (VD) during the
*Corresponding author: Mumtaz colonial period (the 1930s-40s) in Fiji. The British Parliament has intensively dis­
Alam Department of Social Sciences, cussed the VD, enacted various regulations, introduced prevention campaigns to
College of Humanities and Education,
Fiji National University, PO Box 5529, combat this deadly infectious disease, and rescued its military citizens. The current
Natabua Campus, Fiji
E-mail: mumtaz.alam@fnu.ac.fj
literature on the history of medicine in relation to the growth and implications of VD
in Fiji needs to be studied more. Therefore, the analysis investigated how imperial
Reviewing editor:
Samuel Adu-Gyamfi, History and VD, legislation in Fiji, and the loss of allied acts passed. The research represents the
Political Studies, Kwame Nkrumah
University of Science and
historical, ethnic, and cultural context of developing new markers of apparent
Technology College of Arts and predominance among Europeans, Indians, Natives, and others in the national
Social Science, GHANA
population. This study objectively re-examines the un-researched quantitative and
Additional information is available at
the end of the article
qualitative data available in the National Archives of Fiji and other repositories to
document the growth and evolution of VD and it's cures in colonial Fiji.

Subjects: Gender Studies - Soc Sci; Race & Ethnicity; History; Philosophy; Health & Society;
Public Health Policy and Practice

Keywords: Venereal diseases; medical practices; remedies; hospitals; colonial policies; and
parliamentary debates; military; Fiji

1. Introduction
In 1874, Fiji was called the British Colony of the Crown by the Deed of Cession, signed by the Fijian
chiefs. Indentured Labour from India was introduced to Fiji by the sugar cane industry in the late
19th century. From then on, Fiji became a multi-ethnic country with three major groups: Fijian
indigenous peoples, Europeans, and Indo-Fijians. Fiji started to create an army for the first time
during World War I. The Fiji Defense Force (FDF) was formed in 1914 to help defend the colonies

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Dr. Mumtaz Alam is an Assistant Professor in History at Fiji National University. His research interest
includes Climate Change and Health, Social and Cultural contexts of medicine, Interdisciplinary
Studies, Sustainability, Climate history, and medical history. His book, ‘ Health, Medicine, and
Encounter of Cultures in India’, published in 2022, He is a member of the American Historical
Association (AHA), the Indian History Congress, the Pacific History Association, and the Australian
and New Zealand Society of the History of Medicine (ANZSHM). Apart from academics, he is associated
with various organizational and administrative work. Dr. Alam is on the editorial board of a number of
Scopus index journals and regularly reviews other journals.
Prof. Nii-K Plange is a Social Scientist by profession. He is currently acting Dean and a Professor of
Interdisciplinary Studies and Research at the College of Humanities and Education at the Fiji National
University. He was formerly UNAIDS Country Director in Papua New Guinea and Senior Programme
Advisor in Geneva. His publications include “The Political Economy of the South Pacific” (et al. 1984),
James Cook University, The Science of Society: Exploring the links between Science, Ideology and
Theories of Development, Fiji Institute of Applied Studies (1996) and Generation in Transition: Pacific
Youth and the Crisis of change in the twenty-first century. Fiji Institute of Applied Studies (2000).

© 2023 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons
Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license.

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from German raiders.1 In World War II, Fiji still participated in the fight, but the struggle was less
serious than in other sections, and Fiji was scarcely impacted. This was different after World War
II. At the start of the Second World War in 1939, the FDF consisted of a headquarters, a signal
section, and just one territorial battalion. As well as contributing to the British war effort in Europe,
the colonial government tried to extend the land’s defenses. One-way fundraising was done to
support the buyouts of several planes for the British campaign.2 Fiji and its nearby island groups
were essential to the security of the Allied countries of Australia since they served as a critical
connection in the lines of contact and supply between Australia and the Americas. This immediate
challenge contributed to creating more intense defence and military powers in Fiji, first provided by
New Zealand and then by the United States. The position of Fiji has become less critical. Given the
subsequent removal of Fiji’s importance in the war, the Fiji War’s implications and its physical
effects will linger for several years after its end.3 Fiji had two major races, indigenous Fijians and
Indo-Fijians (brought in Fiji from 1879 till 1920, with 60,000 under the indenture system), and both
were administered by British colonial power.

The influence of European-centered business, ideas, organizations, and warfare had penetrated
every corner of the planet. Historians also studied VD awareness, examined social and health
reactions to venereal sicknesses, and surveyed the effects of government policy and medical care
on the general welfare and sexual actions of citizens of different social backgrounds.
Paleopathology would be a problem when explaining the roots of Syphilis because of the discovery
by Dr Jones. The human skeleton contains hints about the history of modern humans, and it can be
used as evidence.4 The history of medicine and technological inventions under the empire is
conceived more as “curiosity and disdain”.5 The history of medicine has recently grown enor­
mously throughout recent decades. The above works give us a general image of VD and their
historical, intellectual, and social facets in World- perspectives, but there are few works accessible
for the Pacific area and Fiji. This study on VD in respect to Fiji is groundbreaking research. The fact
that this is the first time anybody has researched Venereal diseases in respect to Fiji is a significant
milestone in the field of VD.

2. Historiography
Webster’s New World Dictionary defines the term “Venereal Diseases” as diseases that are
transmitted only or chiefly by sexual intercourse with an infected individual, and there were two
types of diseases, i.e., Syphilis and Gonorrhea which are also known as Contagious diseases.

The history of diseases has also been reported that the most prevalent VD are Syphilis,
Gonorrhea, chancroid, and lymphogranuloma venereum have afflicted humans since the begin­
ning of time.6 It is not known which illnesses were the first to be transmitted sexually between
humans but looking at infections that occur in animals may provide some useful information. It is
likely that, as humans developed from lesser animals, the parasites that infect them also evolved
through time. Francis Bacon (1561–1626) says, “Man is of kin to the beasts with his body”.7 There’s
a chance that genital infections were first mentioned in ancient Chinese medical texts. In 1863,
a French naval officer named Captain Dabry published the results of his study of ancient Chinese
medical texts that dated back to 2500 B.C.8

In the fourteenth century, the French brought two terms utilized in infectious infections: “con­
tagion”, which means contacting/contact, and disease from des (lack of) ease (comfort).9

There can be no questioning the significance of VD historiography. The effective fight to revoke
the Contagious Disease Acts, 1864–86, even as they were announced extensively in many colonies,
was an authoritative apparatus of mobilization for Victorian feminism.10 The Contagious Diseases
Acts of 1864, 1866, 1868 and 1869 were introduced in England as legislation to control the spread
of VD among enlisted men in garrison towns and ports. Under the Acts, a woman could be
identified as a “common prostitute” by a special plainclothes policeman and subjected to

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fortnightly internal examination. The prostitute, if found suffering, was to be interned in a certified
lock hospital for a period not exceeding nine months.11

Parliament passed these laws unobtrusively, and the press alluded to them quickly, apparently
because the subject was not viewed as appropriate for public discussion. Gradually, notwithstand­
ing, English people became mindful of this enactment, and analysis came with mindfulness. By
1869, considerable opposition had emerged, 12 and therefore, two commissions were set up to ask
into the administration and operation of the Contagious Diseases Acts: A Royal Commission in
1870, and a Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1879. They previously heard the
declaration from eighty observers who met for forty-five days; they last heard a declaration
from seventy-one observers over three years who met for sixty-eight days. Likewise, parliamentary
discussions on the Contagious Diseases Acts occurred in 1870, 1873, 1875, 1876, 1883, and 1886.
By 1883 it had become evident that the Acts were so loathsome to numerous English people that
parliament erased the most controversial part of the laws, made a compulsory periodical medical
examination. The Acts were completely repealed in 1886.13 The significance of this opposing
combination of power and knowledge in influencing state negotiation was established by exploring
a specific arrangement of proceedings in nineteenth-century state formation.

This discriminatory act was intended to improve the welfare and well-being of the colonial
community in Natal Africa, India, Fiji, and other colonies. Under British settlement in Fiji (1874–
1970), the Ordinance on VD was enacted in 1881 and repealed in 1882 to allow for the prevention
and cure of contagious diseases.14 The Ordinance endeavoured to grant the police officers unrest­
ricted authority to arrest any woman or young lady accused of being a prostitute and to transfer
her to the nearest government hospital for review. After the test, the medical officer shall grant
a certificate. The act applies to the jurisdiction of the police, and the fine levied on citizens as
follows:

“ . . . any person interfere with any police officer in execution of his duties under this
ordinance he shall on summary conviction be imprisoned with or without hard labour for any
term not exceeding three months or shall be ordered to ordered to forfeit any sum not
exceeding ten pounds and in default of payment thereof be imprisoned for any term not
exceeding three months unless such fine shall be sooner paid.” 15

Sexual contact with a person suffering from VD was not permitted. If any person who has sexual
intercourse with any woman seeking treatment for VD is subject to penalties not exceeding five
pounds or imprisonment not exceeding two months.16 Public Health Ordinance 1911 of Fiji,
according to Section 54 VD was declared an infectious disease and was eventually revised by
the Public Health Ordinance 1933 under Section 25.17 The AHB Chief Medical Officer proposed that
a Native Legislation be placed into effect rendering the concealment of Venereal disease in Fiji
a rather severe infraction.18

Recently published articles on women and public health have shown the degree to which
historical and social perceptions influence medical theories and experiences shaped. Venereal
disease is not merely a medical, amoral, or legal problem, it is foremost a social problem.19
However, Michel Foucault has examined “public health” measures in the light of colonial power
as a means by which the state aimed to know and control its subjects.20 British Medicine sought to
settle or ameliorate those bodily conditions and ailments which imperial extension, as a norm, had
produced in the Worst spot: namely, the acquaintance of communicable diseases with discon­
nected communities: smallpox, tuberculosis, measles, daunting spoof, and that was just the
beginning. VD people were severe worries in all early settlements and were significant problems
from the eighteenth century until World War II. Unlike the current experiences with sexually
transmitted disorders, which are much more understandable, these ancient ailments were serious
challenges to the empire’s military.21

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3. I-taukei and Venereal diseases

Tona is the indigenous word for VD. The general thought is that these diseases do not originate in
Fiji. The Chief Medical Officer of Fiji suggested that locals should be allowed to declare some
transmittable diseases. (He also mentioned) banning of Native dances (Taralala), which signifi­
cantly increased sexual freedoms and led to the spread of disease, so [prohibit it]. Moreover, the
medical officer stated regarding his conversation with Native Medical Practitioners about the rising
cases of VD and recorded:

“ . . . I have been shocked at the promiscuity which prevails on some occasions. The ‘Taralala’
is a pernicious dance and has in my opinion been responsible to a great extent for the
spread of Gonorrhoea in Macuata.’ Intoxicating liquor also apparently so easy to obtain by
the natives in settlements where there are numbers of half-castes-this and the ‘Taralala’
combined-is another aid to the spread of the disease was introduced”22

The study concerning VD in Fiji, confirmed by the district medical officer between 1931 and 1932,
showed a rapid spread of Gonorrhea in Dreketi, where ‘women are notorious for their lack of
morals.23 However, the memorandum just sought to present women as “notoriety,” yet forgot to
explain women’s subjectivity and their patriarchal and social circumstances. Their sexual inter­
course is the product of socioeconomic conditions. Karl Marx referred to the challenging situation
encountered by working-class women. As a part of the proletariat, they have little to offer except
their labour, and where there is not enough productive labour, women have been compelled to sell
their bodies to survive.24 The study cites the rise in Fijians cases and mentions two Europeans and
two Chinese infected with severe Gonorrhea by the District Medical Officer. Both had contracted
the disease in Dreketi.25 Based on inquiries and statistics, some districts like Ba, Nadroga, Navua,
Taveuni, and Lautoka reflect that the disease was extremely scary.26 The information given
suggests that the occurrence of VD did not grow and that, except for Bua and Macuata, the sum
of VD was minimal. Looking at Dreketi, records from the travelling medical officer, Labasa dis­
agreed, but there seemed no reason for concern. In Macuata and Bua, there were two primary
origins from which the disease spread; Labasa itself and the vessels that visited.27 The Diseases
were always found to be rare among rural Fijians.28 It is evident from the annual report for 1932
on the district of Macuata that the disease’s incident was more significant in the vicinity of the
towns where coastal boats call, which shows that it was extremely cared for by the crews of these
vessels.29 Two hundred Fijian evacuated from Suva in 1943, and only 11 of the known characters
were medically examined. And nine were found infected.30 Some girls were also found infected
under 13 years.31

There were credible statistics accessible in the National Archive of Fiji, as well as annual medical
reports that documented instances of venereal diseases VD between 1936 and 1943, indicating
Fiji’s issue. Before the war, it was not a serious one. But for a small and constant number of cases
in one of the main Indo-Fijian population centres, Labasa. Syphilis was practically unknown, and
Fijian were not regarded as susceptible because of their almost universal yaws infection or
diathesis. Gonorrhoea was a frequent disease in the populated centres, more common among
Indians than in Fijians. However, it is acclaimed that it was probably increasing among Indian due
to their gradual emancipation from communal ties and freer movement in the colony.32 A matter
of considerable concern was that many young Fijian girls had been taken away from their villages
to locations where large congregations of soldiers had taken place and had been coerced into sex
by a pledge of swift and straightforward money.33 The Defense (Evacuation of Natives) regulations
were passed in March 1942. Since the implementation of the legislation and by the end of 1943,
nearly 450 evacuations ordered had been served. Several of the girls had returned to their villages
after examination and treatment.34 By 1942, the number of deployed troops had raised the threat
to native Fijians since many of them had been taken into families from their villages to the towns
in numbers previously undreamt. In the cities, women were exposed to the lure of high income
from soldiers who found themselves in a land where, until their presence, prostitution was
relatively nonexistent.35 The risk was highest in the case of Gonorrhea, as Syphilis was a rare

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disease among Fijians. Perhaps they develop some immunity from the prevalence of yaws. If
Gonorrhea had spread back to the village from the military zones, it was challenging to control it.36
VD was not terrible for Fiji. Before the War, it was not that serious. Syphilis was not identified, and
Fijians were not considered vulnerable due to their persistent yaws infection. Gonorrhoea was
a severe disease among the Indians in Fiji rather than among the Fijians. Many poor and margin­
alized inhabitants had been moved to towns and cities, mostly from their villages. Women have
been subjected to the appeal of high profits from troops. The remarkable shift in behaviour
towards venereal disease was largely attributed to the main reasons. One of them is the shift in
the social structure of the country. The middle classes had risen to the fore because of urbaniza­
tion. They have become more and more the general way of living and no longer, as in earlier days,
the high society.

4. Indentured labourers and Venereal diseases

The Contagious Disease Ordinance of 1882 made it known that there was a provision for
a certificate of clearance of venereal disease by an immigration inspector or any local hospital.
When they suffer from the disease, they are transferred to the nearest hospital and paid from
public funds. According to the terms of the Ordinance, any indentured worker who is sent to
a hospital ‘doesn’t even have the opportunity to obtain any compensation or payment from his
employer for the period he is in hospital. 37The immigrant’s wage deduction was rendered during
their internment in a hospital for VD treatment.38 The medical officer’s duty was to inspect the
immigrants at the time of arrival in the colony.39 Among the Indian population of Macuata, there
were increases in cases of Gonorrhea. 40The Levuka district report also testifies that chronic
gonorrhoea was common among the Indian people, and the effects of Syphilis were observed in
two adult Indians.41 Since the early days of the immigration of Indians under the indentured
system, when rather a large proportion of the plantation labourers were infected, VD had not been
a severe problem in Fiji until the arrival of troops from overseas in 1941.42 Immigrants were tested
and inspected upon arrival in the colony.

5. Effect of war
Fiji also took a role in the war and was deeply influenced by the global conflict. Fiji was explicitly
targeted by Japanese aggression between 1942 and 1943 and was subsequently used as
a forward base for US troops. Initially, a military force was set up to protect the government but
ultimately operated overseas in the Solomon Islands. The landscape has been changed by devel­
oping defensive structures, hospitals, airfields, and other commercial assets. These physical
improvements to the nation mark a transition in the Fijian community and culture.43

Army policy regarding VD during World War II was carried out exclusively with the implementa­
tion of three methods, i.e., prevention, diagnosis and treatment, and observation.44 From the early
dawn of military movements and drills, sexual cleanliness and behaviour have proven to be a big
problem for the World Army, and WW2 ended up doing the same. Soldiers on service overseas
were always desolate, had the ability to save, had pinned to go home, or looked for a female
companion.45 The evidence evinces believe that there was an increase in VD cases during the war’s
periods worldwide. The historian Lucy Bland used the portmanteau “militarization” to characterize
the mechanism of turning the problem of VD during the 1980s.46 Before the war, the risks of
venereal infections were already starting to be understood and were eventually met courageously.
Indeed, it was time, and even war is less harmful to mankind than VD. A venereal disease is bound
to propagate not only among soldiers but also among civilians.47 Similarly, venereal diseases have
increased enormously in Fiji due to war conditions.48 Governor-General Philip Euen Mitchell
recorded in 1944 that the war contributed to an appreciable rise in the prevalence of the disease
owing to the involvement of large numbers of overseas troops; the pool of diseases expanded
considerably, while the drift of the populace from rural to urban areas and some breakup of tribal
and family influencers as a consequence of war conditions increased licensing and sexual
promiscuity.49

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Figure 1. US military venereal

prophylactic unit.

For more details, see: https://

www.med-dept.com/articles/
venereal-disease-and-
treatment-during-ww2/

The issue first triggered concern with the arrival of New Zealand soldiers in the latter half of
1940; it intensified with the advent of civilian aerodrome-built units, possibly because they were
not subject to the same disciplines and routine medical examination as military staff, and it
escalated shortly after the U.S. forces replaced the New Zealanders in June 1942.50 By 1942, the
number of soldiers stationed in the colonies had grown significantly, and the possible risk from the
VD had risen proportionately. The risk was highest in the case of native Fijians, many of whom had
been taken in families from their villages to cities. In the suburbs, women were exposed to the lure
of high income from soldiers who encountered themselves in a place where, until the present,
prostitution was virtually unknown.51 Marx about describes capital that disrupts the culture, but
eventually, money becomes a community. He clarified money’s central and complex role in the
general movement of commodity development and trade that underpins capitalism.52

Soon after the consultation was conducted in April 1941 regarding prophylactic and early care
centres for the men by the military, medical and the police authority, these were quickly developed
in internment camps and Suva. The United States continues to be supported by governments
overseas. The Health Department has been able to track down possible infection through the latest
sex reports framework.53 The U.S. military’s solution to sex is to promote sexual abstinence for
men and contraceptive usage for women. Government training films urged soldiers, “Don’t forget
—put it on before you put it in.”54 To improve the sexual hygiene of its troops, the U.S. Army
produced several documents and equipment that carried messages about sex hygiene and VD (see
Figure 1). The U.S. Government produced several pamphlets issued to troops educating them about
the importance of good sexual health.55

As far as the Fiji Defense force is concerned, the medical officer in command of the Colonial War
Memorial Hospital announced that forty-one cases have been detected and sent for care at the
hospital since the beginning of 1942. However, the twenty-one were representatives of the Fiji
Defense Force, which indicates a phenomenal rise in these incidents’ general amount and a very
dangerous increase in the Fiji Defense Forces.56 The Special Venereal Hospital was built and
maintained for use by the New Zealand Troops, and similar steps were taken by the American

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authorities to cope with local American personnel. The Fiji Defense Forces were treated with
different classes and without special facilities.57

Medical assistance has been set up mainly for all military personnel. On 24 September 1943, the
main Naval Canteen was expanded to appeal to naval staff and other merchant seamen.
Moreover, the Club Hotel has been turned over to the U.S. Red Cross which has transformed it
into a massive welfare hostel.58 There were accommodation and discipline issues in colonial war
hospitals because of military Troops. The servicemen directed the people and behaved in a manner
that could contribute to punitive measures. The patients left the hospital in the night without
permission and returned in the early morning, and no disciplinary action was taken against such
Fiji Military Force personnel. There were 97 incidents reported by military officials in 1943 from the
visiting troops.59

6. Prophylactic measures: pamphlet, posters and film

Colonial authorities in Fiji were to avoid VD or perhaps even eradicate it by directives or segrega­
tion. For these reasons, they use leaflets and ads in various languages to contain the spread of
diseases in the community.60 The 1935 Annual Report recommended providing publicity to the
vulnerabilities of VD in the periodical paper “Na Mata” and encouraging citizens to be assistants by
giving the names and addresses of the individuals afflicted to the district officers.61

Various pamphlets and posters have been planned, printed in English, Fijian and Hindi, and
circulated and displayed by the Health, Educational and Administrative Authorities at appropriate
locations. Courtesy of the United States Army Medical Officer, a video on VD and preventative steps
has been made available and presented to chosen Fijian and Indian viewers. Medical practitioners
have been reminded that the Public Health Ordinance provisions enable venereal conditions to be
alerted, and pharmacists have been warned of the risks of unfair treatment.62

The protection laws covering the warning and compulsory management of VD have been revised
and aligned with the United Kingdom norm. The forms provided in the Emergency VD Statute of
the United Kingdom have been adopted for local use. Copies of the Security Rules (amendment)
have been adopted. In Fiji, the warning was only mandatory before a suspect could be expected to
undergo treatment. Regulations have been explicitly yet diplomatically applied, and following their
introduction, it has been necessary to discipline the right offenders for failing to participate in the
enquiry. Both of them were convicted.63 In complete coordination with the military, decisive steps
have been taken by the civil health officials. Included in these measures:

(a) A reasonably close system for notifying regular sex contacts and requiring all venereal
suspects to report themselves regularly for examination.
(b) The provision of clinics at hospitals and elsewhere where advice and treatment are con­
fidentially available.
(c) The opening of a special venereal disease hospital where female cases are treated along
modern lines. The male cases constituted chiefly a military problem; hut here too extra
accommodation was made available.
(d) The appointment of welfare nurses at the two principal military centers to follow up cases
and bring them forward to one of the treatment centers.64

Intense pressure was placed on the government to create brothels in the early stages to render
contamination with the VD a criminal offence. Despite early criticism, such measures have made
strides. Interesting to notice that the method of social medicine introduced for managing venereal
disease demonstrated adequate prevention outcomes for both trafficking and venereal disease.65 The
medical department of the Colony of Fiji advertised general awareness entitled “Plain facts about
Venereal Disease” (see Figure 2). The below snapshot is in English, which was also published in Hindi
and I-taukei to create awareness among the citizenry of Fiji. The spread of these diseases amongst the

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Figure 2. Advertisement to
control venereal diseases in Fiji.

Source: F48/103/1, National

Archive of Fiji, Suva.

young people of Fiji must be avoided at any cost. The cases of VD were increased enormously due to
war conditions, meant the transportation of diseases and increased military personals to the island
were the main cause of increase in cases. The following advertisement from the Medical Department is
worth taking because it shows how diverse and supportive the general mindset towards VD in Fiji was.

7. Venereal hospital: public or military need?

The need for Venereal hospitals was mentioned by many historians like Philippa Levine and others,

The Chief Medical Officer stated to the Colonial Secretary that there was a high prevalence of sexually
transmitted diseases in the region. It was impossible to detail a medical officer who would devote all his
time to anti-venereal operations. The question about the workers raised the tragic repercussions of the
colony’s low staff-to-patient ratio. However, welfare nurses have been hired, fitted with transport and
sent to the two fundamental centres, Suva and Lautoka. One of their chief duties has been to house the
United States “Sex Contacts Reports,” from which the U.S. government collects information.66
Arrangements for examining suspects were rendered at a clinic built for this reason at the Suva

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Health Office. Still, it was later deemed prudent to do so at the Women’s Hospital in Toorak, Suva, to not
“mark” the patients who attended. At Lautoka, the tests were carried out at the hospital.67

The question of hospital accommodation has been cumbersome. It became apparent that the
number of beds for these cases at the Colonial War Memorial Hospital was insufficient to meet the
demand. After various buildings and sites had been examined, a building adjacent to the hospital was
acquired and converted to accommodate 40 patients. Meanwhile, the United States Military authorities
had provided a prefabricated array hut erected on the hospital grounds. This additional accommoda­
tion made it possible in June 1943 to release a ward of 26 beds for VD, which had been in continuous
use ever since. As most of the male cases have been Military personnel who have received treatment in
Military hospitals, most of the extra beds provided have been devoted to female patients.68

The Governor-General also suggested another measure to control VD cases as:

“The question of emergency powers to control prostitution and of the establishment of licensed
brothels has been considered, but for the present, I do not think it advisable to proposed with
measures of this nature which are calculated to arouse great controversy and the most
strenuous opposition from the Missions.”69

The joint Defense Committee proposed to rent the Forester house, and D.M.S. discussed the matter
with Colonel McKillop, and he agreed with the proposal. The proposal was submitted for approval
of the place to rent for the duration of the war, and a separate proposal to establish a VD hospital
was also sent.70 There was also a proposal for a separate hospital for female and military
convalescents. Nakulau was handed over as a convalescents camp, and Makuluva is to be used
as a V.D. camp which was earlier used as a quarantine station.71 The security of the Islands was
raised by the U S army surgeon who investigated the position for the recommendation to convert
the quarantine centre to a Venereal hospital. He also recommended against the Nukulau. The bad
could have been better building was very bad and, in his opinion, poorly arranged for use as
a hospital. However, he suggested using it as an isolation centre in case of an outbreak of
infectious diseases.72 Captain Charles B. Brack mentioned the conversion of Makuluva into

Figure 3. Sketch of proposed

venereal hospital-Suva.

Source: F48/103/3, National

Archive of Fiji, Suva

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Table 1. Number of Venereal cases in Fiji

Year 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1945 1946 1947 1948

Frequency of 15 89 120 352 340 347 235 218 316 408 446 - - 421 326
cases

Source: Annual Medical Reports, Fiji, National Archives of Fiji, Suva

Table 2. Distribution of venereal cases by sex

Year 1940 1941 1942 1943(Suva only)
Male 194 280 341 165
Female 24 36 67 47

a hospital for women suffering from VD. He also mentions the help of the American and New
Zealand navy to cooperate in launch services which needed to be better. This hospital’s main
purpose was to cater to the needs of the colony’s military.73

The Principal Secretary visited for a short period in 1942 and commented that the house was
acquired under the Defense Regulations 1939 by the Fiji Defense force’s commandant, and funds
were provided under a different head. There was no need to establish a VD hospital for the Fiji
Defense Force (see Figure 3). He also mentioned that the urgency and necessity to open the
hospital was exaggerated. If the rented house is no longer required for the purpose for which it
was acquired, we cannot continue to charge the rent to war expenditure.74 In 1943 Secretary of
State approved the expenditure of £8,552 on venereal measures to be charged to war
expenditure.75

8. Findings and records

The data (see Table 1) was collected and compiled from various Annual Medical reports available
at the National archives of Fiji. In 1947, 421 (294 Gonorrhea and 127 syphilis) cases were
included.76 The series of Annual colonial reports was re-introduced for 1946 after its suspension
in 1940. In 1948, 326 cases (218 Gonorrhea and 108 syphilis) were lower than in 1947.77 There was
a peak in the cases of Syphilis and Gonorrhoea between 1935 and 1938 and a decrease in the year
1940, but it started to increase from 1941 to 1946 (see Figure 4). This was not fantastic, but it must
be taken as a sign that rapid urbanization and refinement will bring Fiji down from its elevated
location.

The venereal ratio in the Fijian and Indian race groups (Figure 4) has significance for those
interested in the debatable questions. Annual reports and other sources mention the increase
in VD cases in Fiji during the war. However, the available data suggests that the cases among
the Indian race during the war period declined, whereas they increased among other races.
The war effect on the increase of VD cases was on Fijian and European races only (see
Figure 4).

An official enquiry in Fiji at the end of the nineteenth century, inspired by concerns at the murder
rate amongst indentured labourers, concluded that sexual jealousy was the key.78 This leads to
polyandry due to the shortage of women compared to men among indentured labourers. Contrary
to the above statement, when we see the data of the war period, the males were more prone to
diseases than females (see Table 2). However, the colonial government adopted various measures
to combat VD, but cases rose in the military from 1940 to 1942 (see table 3)

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Figure 4. Distribution of Distribuon of Venereal Cases By Race in Fiji

Venereal cases by race in Fiji
(1933-1943)
(1933–1943).
300

250

200

150

100

50

0
1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943

European Fijian Indians Others

Table 3. Distribution of venereal cases by occupation

Occupation etc. 1940 1941 1942
Non-Military cases (Male) 130 205 152
Non-Military cases - 37 67
(Female)
Fiji Defense Forces Troops 6 24 37
New Zealand Troops 8 50 123
United States Troops - - 1
Civil Construction Units - - -
Visiting Seamen - - 4

Source: F48/103/1, Governor-General (Philip Euen Mitchell)) Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, (Enclosure No. 1).

In the general interests of the public, the public health ordinance 1935 mentioned that no
person suffering from active VD should be permitted to engage in such occupations as
a laundryman, tailors, or domestic servant until a certificate signed by the local medical officer
of health or other qualified practitioners can be given of freedom from infection.79

The annual report of 1936 mentioned that many Fijian obtained native treatment rather than
European treatment. The Fijian races were free from VD a few years ago, but this contagious
disease was spread.80 The reason for spreading was the influx of military persons in Fiji and the
shifting of people from rural to urban areas.

British medicine was expected to treat many medicinal problems and illnesses that had developed
owing to the British Empire’s colonial extension. These diseases were found in places that a human
could not migrate to easily: smallpox, tuberculosis, measles, whooping cough, and then the sky is the
limit from there. VD was a serious issue among all settlements and remained a medical issue from the
seventeenth to the twentieth century (Globally). The size of the issue and the interminable idea of
Syphilis and Gonorrhea made these ailments genuine dangers for the military foundations of the
Empire.81

9. Conclusion
Evidently, the VD in Fiji was spread under the colonial hegemony and spread through the importa­
tion and exploration process of the new world. The treatment of venereal disease and the
execution of policies are examples of “military medicine,” which represents, in its whole, colonial

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hegemony together with the emblems of the dominance of Western biopower in the colonies. In
light of venereal disease instances in Fiji, the period of time during which they increased and were
treated was during times of conflict and colonial dominance. World war II heavily impacted Fiji
socially, economically, and culturally. The socio-cultural impact of war is seen more in Fijian
communities rather than Indo-Fijian. The Indo-Fijian communities were experiencing a high num­
ber of cases due to indenture setup and “sexual jealously” before World War II, but during the war
conditions, it declined. Amongst other races, it was increased due to modernization, militarization,
and easy way to earn money to increase their standard of living. Migration from rural to urban
areas by leaving their cultural communities for “green pastures”, was also one of the reasons for to
increase in VD cases in Fiji. Social developments in the country and globally, along with changes in
mindset, have contributed to the evolution of VD. The material for this analysis is scanty and
widely scattered. It is impossible to correctly measure the magnitude of VD distribution across
various time periods. This research provides a glance to other researchers for further studies.

Author details
Mumtaz Alam1
E-mail: mumtaz.alam@fnu.ac.fj
ORCID ID: http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0945-2447
Nii-K Plange1
ORCID ID: http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0865-2815
1
Department of Social Sciences, College of Humanities
and Education, Fiji National University, Lautoka, Fiji.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Citation information
Cite this article as: Venereal diseases, military and women
in colonial Fiji (1930s-1940s), Mumtaz Alam & Nii-K
Plange, Cogent Arts & Humanities (2023), 10: 2188783.
Notes
1. Ravuvu, Asesela. Fijians at war. South Pacific Social
Sciences Association, 1974.
2. Lowry, Robert, and Bob Lowry. Fortress Fiji: Holding
the Line in the Pacific War, 1939–45. Robert Lowry,
2006.
3. Young, Allison. “World War II Archaeology in Fiji:
Assessing the Material Record.” (2012).
4. Lockau, Laura. “A Question of Origins: Skeletal
Evidence in the History of Venereal Syphilis.”
Arcadia (2017). In 1876, Joseph Jones published
detailed descriptions of skeletal lesions in ancient
human remains from Tennessee that he regarded
as clear evidence of syphilis.
5. Alam, Mumtaz. Diseases and Medicine in 17th and
18th Century India. Interactions between Indian and
European System of Medicine. GRIN Verlag, 2018.
6. Oriel, J. David. The scars of Venus: a history of
venereology. Springer Science & Business Media,
2012.p.1.
7. Oriel, J. David. The scars of Venus: a history of
venereology. Springer Science & Business Media,
2012. pp.1–2.
8. Cf Oriel, J. David. The scars of Venus: a history of
venereology. Springer Science & Business Media,
2012.p.2. Lancereaux, Etienne. A treatise on syphi­
lis: Historical and practical. Vol. 1. New Sydenham
Society, 1868. Lancereaux a French syphilologist
did not quote his source or give an accurate date.
9. Maxine Whittaker, How infectious diseases have
shaped our culture, habits and language, The
conversation, July 13, 2017; Retrieved from http://
theconversation.com/how-infectious-diseases-
have-shaped-our-culture-habits-and-language
-75061.
10. For details see, Simon Szreter, “The prevalence of
syphilis in England and Wales on the eve of the
Great War: re-visiting the estimates of the Royal
Commission on Venereal Diseases 1913–1916.”
Social History of Medicine 27, no. 3 (2014): 508–
529. also see, J. R. Walkowitz, Prostitution and
Victorian Society: Women, Class and the State
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980);
P. McHugh, Prostitution and Victorian Social Reform
(London: Croom Helm, 1980); F. Mort, Dangerous
Sexualities: Medico-moral Politics in England since
1850 (London: Routledge, 1987); F. B Smith “The
Contagious Diseases Acts Reconsidered”, Social
History of Medicine, 2006, 3, 197–215; P. Baldwin,
Contagion and the State in Europe 1830–1930
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999),
Ch. 5; P. Bartley, Prostitution. Prevention and Reform
in England 1860–1914 (London: Routledge, 2000);
see for instance: P. Levine, Prostitution, Race and
Politics. Policing Venereal Disease in the British
Empire (London: Routledge, 2003); P. Howell,
Geographies of Regulation: Policing Prostitution in
Nineteenth Century Britain and the Empire
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009);
R. Davidson and L. A. Hall, eds., Sex, Sin and
Suffering. Venereal Disease and European Society
since 1870 (London: Routledge, 2001).
11. See for example, Judith Walkowitz, Prostitution and
Victorian Society: Women, Class and State, (CUP,
Cambridge, 1980), p. 2; See also Kokila Dang,
“Prostitutes, Patrons and the State: Nineteenth
Century Awadh”, Social Scientist, Vol. 21, Nos. 9–11,
September-November 1993, p. 173.; Mumtaz Alam
“Venereal Diseases, Prostitution and Lock Hospitals
in 19th Century Awadh (Oudh).” The International
Journal of History and Social Sciences 10.1 (2019);
https://doi.org/10.22555/jhss.v10i1.89 Lee,
Catherine. “Prostitution and Victorian Society
Revisited: The Contagious Diseases Acts in Kent.”
Women’s History Review 21, no. 2 (2012): 301–316.;
Levine, Philippa. “Venereal disease, prostitution,
and the politics of empire: The case of British
India.” Journal of the History of Sexuality 4, no. 4
(1994): 579–602; Hamilton, Margaret. “Opposition
to the contagious diseases acts, 1864–1886.”
Albion 10, no. 1 (1978): 14–27.; Smith, Francis
B. “The contagious diseases acts reconsidered.”
Social History of Medicine 3, no. 2 (1990): 197–215.
12. Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Commons),
vol. xix (1871). “Report of Royal Commission
Appointed to Inquire into the Administration and
Operation of the Contagious Diseases Acts,” p. 3.;

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Alam & Plange, Cogent Arts & Humanities (2023), 10: 2188783
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Cf. Hamilton, Margaret. “Opposition to the conta­
gious diseases acts, 1864–1886.” Albion 10, no. 1
(1978): 14–27.; See also F. B. Smith, The Contagious
Diseases Acts Reconsidered, Social History of
Medicine, Volume 3, Issue 2, August 1990, Pages
197–215, https://doi.org/10.1093/shm/3.2.197.
13. Hamilton, Margaret. “Opposition to the contagious
diseases acts, 1864–1886.” Albion 10, no. 1 (1978):
14–27.; See also F B Smith, The Contagious
Diseases Acts Reconsidered, Social History of
Medicine, Volume 3, Issue 2, August 1990, Pages
197–215, https://doi.org/10.1093/shm/3.2.197.
14. An ordinance (enacted by the Governor of the colony
of Fiji with the advice and consent of legislative council
thereof) To make provision for the prevention and
Cure of Certain Contagious diseases, No XI, 1882,
Government of Fiji, National Archives of Fiji, p.35.
15. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, p.36.
16. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, p.37.
17. F48/103/1From Chief medical officer to the
Honorable the colonial secretary; dated 12th
August 1933. p.4.
18. F48/103/1From Chief medical officer to the
Honorable the colonial secretary; dated 12th
August 1933. p.4.
19. Fessler, A. “Advertisements on the Treatment of
Venereal Disease and the Social History of
Venereal Disease.” British Journal of Venereal
Diseases 25, no. 2 (1949): 84.
20. Pati, Biswamoy, and Mark Harrison, eds. The social
history of health and medicine in colonial India.
Routledge, 2008.p.1.
21. Philippa Levine, “Venereal Disease, Prostitution, and
the Politics of Empire: The Case of British India”,
Journal of the History of Sexuality, IV (1994), pp. ­
580–81. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4617154.
22. 4D.42/4, dated 12th August 1933, Memorandum
concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in
the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.3.
23. 4D.42/4, dated 12th August 1933, Memorandum
concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in
the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.1.
24. Engels, Friedrich, and Karl Marx. The Holy Family, Or
Critique of Critical Critique. Foreign Languages
Publishing House, 1956.p. 229; cf. Brown, Heather.
Marx on gender and the family: A critical study.
Vol. 39. Brill, 2012. p.37.
25. 4D.42/4, dated 12th August 1933, Memorandum
concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in
the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.1.
26. 4D.42/4, dated 12th August 1933, Memorandum
concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in
the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.4.
27. 4D.42/4, dated 12th August 1933, Memorandum
concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in
the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, pp.2–5.
28. 4D.42/4, dated 12th August 1933, Extract from District
Medical Officer Macuata’s reports for 1932. p.3.
29. 48/14/5, Extract from F.18/2- Annual Reports for
1932 on district of Macuata, p.2.
30. F48/103/1, Venereal disease requisition or treat­
ments, National Archive of Fiji, p.76.
31. F48/103/1, Venereal disease requisition or treat­
ments, National Archive of Fiji, p.82.
32. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.44.
33. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen
Mitchell)) Communication to Colonial Secretary,
No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive
of Fiji, p.4.
34. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell))
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.4.
35. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.42.
36. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.42.
37. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, pp.36–37.
38. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, pp.36–37.
39. An ordinance, No XI, 1882, Fiji, p.37.
40. 4D.42/4, dated 12th August 1933, Memorandum
concerning to the incident of venereal diseases in
the Colony, National Archives of Fiji, p.1.
41. F. No 48/14/5, Extract from Annual Report, 1932, of
District Medical Officer, Levuka.
42. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.42.
43. Young, Allison. “World War II Archaeology in Fiji:
Assessing the Material Record.” (2012).
44. Osmond, T. E. “Venereal Disease in Peace and War:
With Some Reminiscences of The Last Forty Years.”
British Journal of Venereal Diseases 25, no. 3 (1949):
101.
45. Venereal Disease and Treatment during WW2;
https://www.med-dept.com/articles/venereal-
disease-and-treatment-during-ww2/.
46. See for example, Bland, Lucy. “‘Cleansing the
Portals of Life’: The Venereal Disease Campaign in
the Early Twentieth Century.” Crises in the British
State 1930 (1880): 192–208; Cf., Kampf, Antje.
“Controlling male sexuality: combating venereal
disease in the New Zealand military during two
world wars.” Journal of the History of Sexuality 17,
no. 2 (2008): 235–258.
47. Ellis, Havelock. The Philosophy of Conflict: And Other
Essays in Wartime. Boston and New York, Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1919. https://archive.org/details/
philosophyconfl00elligoog.
48. F. No 48/14/5, dated 23/8/1933, National Archives
of Fiji, P.10.
49. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.44.
50. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.45.
51. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.42.
52. Marx, Capital Volume One, Penguin Classics edition,
p179.
53. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell))
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.45.
54. https://www.med-dept.com/articles/venereal-
disease-and-treatment-during-ww2/.
55. https://www.med-dept.com/articles/venereal-
disease-and-treatment-during-ww2/.
56. F48/103/2, MD 42/4, From director of Medical ser­
vices to the Colonial secretary, Dated 7th
May 1942..
57. F48/103/2, MD 42/4, From director of Medical ser­
vices to the Colonial secretary, Dated 7th May 1942..
58. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell))
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.4.
59. F48/103/1, Report of Senior health officer, 26th
February 1944. National Archive of Fiji. He also
mentioned about the 1943 cases returns from var­
ious districts. The total number of cases reported
was 262 excluding 97 visiting troops cases.
60. Alam, Mumtaz., White Man’s ‘Diseases ‘and White
Man’s “Cures”: Smallpox Vaccination in The Early
Period of “Empire” in Fiji, Proceeding of Indian
History Congress, Vol 77, 2017, pp.777–790. https://
www.jstor.org/stable/26552707
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Alam & Plange, Cogent Arts & Humanities (2023), 10: 2188783
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61. F48/103/1Extract from Annual reports 1935. p.10.
62. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen
Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary,
No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive
of Fiji, p.2.
63. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.2.
64. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.43.
65. F48/103/1, Venereal Disease (Draft) p.43.
66. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen
Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary,
No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive
of Fiji, p.3.
67. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.3.
68. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen
Mitchell) Communication to Colonial Secretary,
No.25, dated 29 February 1944, National Archive
of Fiji, p.3.
69. F48/103/1, Governor General (Philip Euen Mitchell)
Communication to Colonial Secretary, No.25, dated
29 February 1944, National Archive of Fiji, p.3.
70. F48/103/2: CFC48/3 Arrangement for treating with
venereal disease, National Archive of Fiji.
71. F48/103/3, Venereal Disease hospital establish­
ment of . . . on the Quarantine Island of Makuluva,
National Archive of Fiji.
72. F.A.48/50/1 Report by Charles B. Brack to Task Force
Surgeon, 19 October 1942. See attachment in File F48/
103/3.
73. M.D.42/4. Venereal Disease hospital- establishment
on Makuluva, Letter from Director of Medical Services
to The Honorable the Financial Secretary, National
Archive of Fiji. The reports mention about the salaries
and wages to established venereal hospital. The
capital expenditure involved was 750 pounds and
total recurrent expenditure was 2182 pounds.
74. F48/103/2 Principal secretary to director of medical
services; dated 16/10/1942..
75. F48/103/2 Telegram from The Secretary of State to
The Governor, Dated April 29th, 1943, National
Archive of Fiji.
76. Colonial Annual Reports 1947, Fiji, London, His
Majesty’s Stationary Office, and P.33.
77. Colonial Annual Reports 1947, Fiji, London, His
Majesty’s Stationary Office, and P.46.
78. See for details, Levine, Philippa. Gender and empire.
Oxford University Press, 2004.p.57.
79. F48/103/1Circular from Director of Medical
Services (A H B Pearce) to All District Medical
officer, Native Medical Practitioners, Indian
Medical practitioners and Medical Superintendent,
CWM hospital, Dated 7th September 1937. p.11..
80. F48/103/1Extract from Annual reports 1935. p.10..
81. See for example, Levine, Philippa. Gender and
empire. Oxford University Press, 2004.p.127.

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